Volume 5 Theology and Culture

Theology & Culture
The Academic Journal of the

Department of Theology and Culture
University College Logos
Theology & Culture

Volume 5, December 2022
ISSN: 2708-6755
Department of Theology and Culture

University College Logos
Publication information:
Theology & Culture is the Academic Journal of the Department of Theology &
Culture, Univeristy College Logos and is published online two times per year.
The Department is located at Saint Blaise, 5 minutes outside Durrës, Albania.
Volume 5, December 2022
ISSN: 2708-6755
Aims and Scope:

Theology & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal
dedicated to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology,
Study of Religion, Education, Literature and Social Sciences. The journal
publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements, book reviews
and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts and scholars
worldwide to exchange their latest researches and findings. Another goal of
the Journal will be the promotion of case studies that concern religion, history,
culture and society in Albania and the Balkans in general. The official language
of the Journal is English and only in special cases will be printed articles in
German, French or Italian.
Editorial Board Members:

1. Dr. Georgios Gaitanos, Lecturer of Religious Studies (Head of the
Department of Theology and Culture, University College Logos)
2. Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos, Lecturer of Liturgical Studies (Department of
Theology and Culture, University College Logos)
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com/2020/01/30/theology-culture/
Copyright© 2022 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College

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Contents
Acknowledgements 7
Thoma Çomëni
1. A social and ethical perspective on violence against women,
family and customary law in Albanian society 11
Thoma Shkira
2. The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory
(XV-XIX centuries) 27
Nikolaos Tsirevelos
3. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’.A code phrase exhorting to missionary
outreach introduced by Archbishop Anastasios of Albania 49
Georgios Gaitanos
4. The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period 71
Nikolaos Zarotiadis
5. Learning to love: Approaching the teaching of St. Cyprian
and St. Maximus the Confessor 95
Acknowledgements
T
his edition is the fifth volume of the Journal “Theology & Culture”
(ISSN: 2708-6755), which is the official academic Journal of the
Department of Theology & Culture, University College Logos. This
academic journal is published two times per year in print and online. Theolo-
gy & Culture is an international peer-reviewed open access journal dedicated
to publishing high-quality research articles in the field of Theology, Study of
Religion, Education, Literature, Social Sciences and Religious Tourism. All
research articles in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial
editor screening and anonymous refereeing by at least two anonymous refer-
ees. And also, our reviewers and editorial board members are from different
countries all over the world.
The journal publishes reviews, original papers, conference announcements,
book reviews and research reports trying to provide a platform for experts,
scholars and researchers that has started their career now to exchange their
latest researches and findings. Another goal of the Journal is be the promotion
of case studies that concern religion, history, culture and society in Albania
and the Balkans in general. The official language of the Journal is English and
only in special cases will be printed articles in German, French or Italian.
The journal will be indexed by Google scholar, DOAJ (Directory
of Open Journals) and is hosted to our Issuu page (https://issuu.com/
departamentiitheologjisedhekultures). Also, the journal has its own Academia
(https://independent.academia.edu/AcademicJournalTheologyCulture)
and Researchgate (https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Theology_Culture)
account and every article is accompanied by a Doi number.
For this fifth volume, we are publishing 5 articles that refer to Sociology
of Religion, History of the Othodox community of Albania in Ottoman
Empire, Orthodox Missionary, Study of Religion and Patrology. We would
like to thank our contributors for this second edition and especially As.
Lecturer Msc. Thoma Çomëni-“A social and ethical perspective on violence
against women, family and customary law in Albanian society”, Lecturer Dr.
Thoma Shkira-“The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-
XIX centuries)”, Adjunct Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Tsirevelos-“‘Liturgy after
the Liturgy’.A code phrase exhorting to missionary outreach introduced by
7
Acknowledgements
Archbishop Anastasios of Albania”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The

study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period” and Adjunct
Lecturer Dr. Nikolaos Zarotiadis- “Learning to love: Approaching the teaching
of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the Confessor”.
The Editorial Board
Dr. Georgios Gaitanos
Dr. Georgios Keselopoulos
8
1
A social and ethical perspective on violence
against women, family and customary law in
Albanian society
Thoma Çomëni
As. Lecturer of Christian Ethics, Department of Theology & Culture,
University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: thoma.comeni@kulogos.edu.al
Abstract
Violence against women, family and studies done in certain periods, after
customary law are three components the fall of communism in Albania. And
that are often found together within Al- these data are analyzed from a social and
banian society. Violence takes place in ethical point of view, to see and ascertain
the family, but its nourishment is often how customary law has influenced the
found in customary law. Even a stratifi- exercise of violence. And from the anal-
cation of customary law makes it pow- ysis of the facts, it is clear that the influ-
erful and its influence within family and ence is extraordinary, not only when the
social life. Sometimes visible and some- family functions as a patriarchal type,
times as a shadow, it affects the behavior but also when it is nuclear.
of family members and society, and es-
pecially in family violence in general and
divisive violence in particular.
Keywords:
parish, parish conscience, temple,
Violence against women is not a new
violence, women, family, customary law,
phenomenon, perhaps its lifespan is the
Albanian society, patriarchal family.
same as that of humanity. It has its ba-
sis in the perception that the man (mas- Citation:
culine gender) has towards the woman Çomëni T. A social and ethical
(feminine gender) or in the impotence perspective on violence against women,
of the masculine gender to face the fem- family and customary law in Albanian
inine gender. And precisely this invin- society. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 11-
cibility is strengthened or masked with 26.
customary power, which within it in- Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.17932.59523
cludes from simple relationships to eco-
nomic, intimate ones and the social role
of women in society.
This topic tries to analyze some constitu-
ent elements of violence against women,
which are based on various sociological
11
A social and ethical perspective on violence against women ©2022 Çomëni
Introduction
S
ocial phenomena are many, just as there are many events that accom-
pany human life. And one of these phenomena is violence, which is
expressed in different types and forms. One of these forms is domestic
violence, which is a complex phenomenon due to the variety in which it devel-
ops, the persons who become part of the phenomenon and the consequences
it creates. So, we have violence by parents against children, children against
parents, grandchildren, spouses against spouses, grandparents against grand-
children and grandchildren against grandparents (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.16).
We should not overlook the fact that the forms of domestic violence are
similar in different societies, as well as special and specific in different societ-
ies or social groups. Thus, this diversity made it even more difficult to analyze
the entire dimension of violence with one topic. Since violence is formed by
many components, appears in many forms and is presented with its specifics
in different societies and social groups, we will focus on violence against wom-
en in society in general and the Albanian society in particular. The purpose of
the topic is to present on the one hand the facts gathered from various studies
and on the other hand a social and theological analysis of the phenomenon.
Even violence against women does not appear only within the family, but
also outside it, but the index of its exercise is taken from the family. And when
we talk about the family, we are talking about a social institution that has its
origin and history connected with man and his existence. In its ideal form it is
founded on the love between two persons, male and female, and develops on
their marriage. The variety of characters of the people who create it, the differ-
ent types of functioning of local societies or the all-round effort to maintain it,
give it a variety of colors and experiences.
The family was and is at the center of the developments of social phenom-
ena. For the most part, the family is founded on marriage, but there are also
cases where the term family describes a group of individuals who have come
to use the word “family” to describe a group of people who have achieved a
significant degree of emotional life and involvement, even because they are
not related by family ties, marriage or adoption (Newman, 2002, p.11). From
what we have said so far, we understand that the family is not only the genetic
relationship of spouses and the education of children, nor is it a joint econom-
ic enterprise, but it includes the human being as a whole in all its manifesta-
tions and deeply affects his mental world (Kyriakidi, 1988, p.173).
12
After the Second World War we have big changes in the way family life
works. Problems appear which were unknown or unimportant for social life
or maybe they existed, but within a social context they were not considered
a problem. These processes of change and problems that appear from time to
time are also experienced by the family in Albanian society. So, today’s fam-
ily in Albania suffers from the problems that the whole world society suffers
from, one of which is violence, mainly against women.
1. Domestic violence within the social dimensions of
Albanian society
Α better analysis of the phenomenon of violence against women is the ref-

erence to the history of the family in Albanian society. This observation is
important because, although the family is not identified with violence, it is the
dance where violence is shaped and practiced consciously or unconsciously.
One of the main factors for the formation of violence is the prejudices within
the family environment. Violence in the family is no longer limited to violence
against women, but violence against women is a reason for the formation of
other forms of violence (Fischbach L. Ruth, 2007, p. 216). Violence is not only
about physical violence, but also about psychological, spiritual, sexual and fi-
nancial violence.
Today’s Albanian family presents some ways of its functioning. In some
cases there is the patriarchal family form and indeed in some cases it retains
an archaic form in family connections. Even in cases where it functions as a
nuclear family, pronounced elements of the patriarchal mentality are found.
In other words, the family functions as a nuclear family, but the formation
and exercise of violence comes from the influence created by the patriarchal
form of functioning. In these cases, the theory of the Cycle of Violence works,
where the family environment becomes the cause of violence (Wallace, 2007,
p. 286).
First of all, the patriarchal family was and is a unit of people who are re-
lated through the male line or are connected through marriage. That is, the
patriarchal family was basically a union of small families with consanguineous
connections and a male genealogy (paternal genealogy). The resistance of the
male line has not simply created a form of social functioning of the family, but
it has created spaces and has even created spaces for the power of the man, the
head of the family, over other people, which is also expressed with violence,
especially against their wives (Kilmartin, 2015, p. 16).
13
One of the deformed forms is the concept of honor. More than human life
itself is the weight of honor or rather the weight of shame. The woman must
maintain the moral purity of herself and the family to which she belongs.
Meanwhile, the man shows his honor with manliness and strength. It is pre-
cisely the difference in the concept of honor or shame that stems from its vi-
olation that causes the creation of violence. In this way, honor from a charac-
teristic of human virtue turns into a tormentor of human society, especially of
women (generally the female gender of human beings) who are forced to bear
its weight (Gassin, 2015, p.166). Thus, any deviation from honor becomes a
reason for the appearance and development of violence. The masculinist con-
cept, as a dominant concept, becomes decisive in the role of women within
Albanian society. It not only defines the behavior of the female gender, but
also creates a sense of guilt and shame in the female gender.
In a study that was done in 2000 among girls and women from 14 to 25
years old, it was confirmed that the prejudices men have about women and
women among themselves (Dervishi, 2001 p. 48-49). Thus, the concept of
honor develops consciously and unconsciously in Albanian society. Not a few
times masculinity has even become more refined and consequently its influ-
ence is refined (Tushi, 2016, p.27-28). It is precisely this refined behavior that
causes the level of violence against women in Albanian society to remain at
high levels. And in reality, violence against women remains at high levels1,
despite the fact that at first glance it does not seem so.
The concept of defining social roles is related to the concept of honor. The
definition of social roles has a consequence on the family and marital rela-
tionship between the male and female members of the general family and the
family in particular. If this situation needs to be changed, the concept of social
roles should be changed, which should not be defined based on the narrow
concept of sexuality, but on a broader one. And when we talk about a broader
concept, it is first related to the perception of the opposite sex by men towards
women and women towards men. It must be accepted that man and woman
have the same nature, that is, human nature.
If they were to look at it from the biblical point of view, we would say that
man, man and woman, were created according to the image of God. It is a fact
that the Holy Scripture proves to us (Gen. 1:27). And the fact offered by the
1 In a study on the state of violence in Albania, 52.9% of women (18-72 years old)
questioned in the survey have experienced one of the forms of violence sometimes or many
times (National population-based survey for 2018 – Violence against girls and women in Al-
bania, Tirana 2019, accessed by www.undp.org. at 25.10.2022).
14
Holy Scripture so that it is not difficult to understand the Christian theology

offers the example and the explanation on the relationship of the three persons
of the Holy Trinity. In the explanation, the relationship between the three per-
sons of the Holy Trinity becomes clear, distinguishing between essence and
attributes. Precisely the clear non-distinction of the essence from the attri-
butes of the three persons of the Holy Trinity resulted in the creation of a
non-free and conscientious subordination of the persons to each other, which
disturbed and disturbs the balance of God’s existence. This wrong perception
turned into a wrong interpretation of the relationship between man and wom-
an as an icon of God (Adamtziloglou, 1997, p. 31-37). Just as the creation of
the man before the woman was interpreted incorrectly, which was interpreted
as a change in the nature of the spouses, and not as a change in the social
relations of the spouses. Added to this attitude is the fact that the functional
structure of society for many centuries had influenced the functioning of the
family as well. In this way, the social, moral, canonical, customary, economic
relations of the people of the society were often developed on the wrong per-
ception of the man-woman or male-female ratio.
To bring about a change in the role of relations between the two human sex-
es there was an effort and the communist system in Albania. The communist
president had the initiative for the legal recognition of the rights of women,
for their education, their participation in the social, economic, educational,
administrative life of the Albanian society (Etnografia Shqiptare 15, 1987,
p.107). Despite this effort of the communist leadership, which basically had a
reaction against the religious faith, and as a result, it was against the patriar-
chal style of the family, it was not able to overcome and erase the prejudices of
the patriarchal family. The effort appeared to be making progress, but it later
turned out to be unsustainable. And what stands out is the fact that the preju-
dice against the female gender on the part of the male gender continues and is
even often expressed and violently (Dervishi, 2001, p. 48-49)2.
Perhaps the failure at this point occurs because equality is sought in the
ideological dimension. And perhaps it is the moment to emphasize that in or-
der to overcome this conflict between the two sexes, equality must be sought,
but their equality or equivalence, the same assessment, as it happens between
the two persons of the Holy Trinity - as expressed by Saint John Chrysostomos
(Ioannis Chrysostomos, PG 60, 214-215), of which preserves the common
nature, but does not invalidate the particularities. This attitude becomes even
2 A study done in 2000 on girls and women from 14-25 years conforms to the preju-
dice that men have about women.
15
more adequate in spouses, where marriage aims at the union of two people
who are required to love each other, to correctly evaluate their characteristics
and complement each other (Mantzaridis, 2015, p. 362-363).
What makes it even more difficult, in today’s times, to ascertain and even
more so to solve the problem of violence against women, in today’s times, is
the fact that the phenomenon most of the time takes place within the family
environment and is considered a private matter and not public or community.
This phenomenon continues to be treated by the majority of the population
as a private matter and it is a problem of the family and not of society3. Despite
the realization that the work done especially in recent years to sensitize the
public, the attitude towards violence has not changed much. The difficulty of
studying the phenomenon increases even more if we take into account that
the phenomenon occurs “behind closed doors”. Therefore, it is difficult to ob-
serve and study carefully, while there is a difference in the years from 2012 on-
wards. Only in 1998 about 5% of abused women in the family have taken the
opportunity to report violence against them, while in 2012 there is an increase
in reports according to the Statistics of Albania. Although there is an increase
in reports, the problem and the phenomenon are on a large scale4. The only
source information remains in most cases, the victim, who is in no way free
from prejudices and stereotypes that exist in society or in the Community
where she/he is a part. not only to be present, but also to take on disturbing di-
mensions. Violence against women, despite stricter penalties5, continues not
only to be present, but also to take on disturbing dimensions.
A complex social organization consists of various roles and responsibilities,
but the difference with other social groups is that the relationships between its
members are more friendly, more emotional and sensitive. We live in a time
when the family has lost the “love” that is expected to characterize it. This
is threatened not only by traditional factors, such as death, disease, various
disasters, poverty, etc., but also by “non-traditional” and abnormal behaviors
3 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2618/dhuna_ne_familje_ne_shqiperi_2013.pdf, fq.
9. 27.09.2021.
4 In fact, in a 2018 INSTAT study, one third of women (37%) have suffered domestic
violence. http://www.instat.gov.al/al/statistikat-n%C3%AB-shkolla/dhuna-ndaj-grave-dhe-
vajzave-n%C3%AB-shqip%C3%ABri/. Datë 27.09.2021.
5 Exercising psychological violence against family members, without causing bodi-
ly harm, is punishable by up to three years in prison. Threatening and murdering family
members is punishable by four years in prison. Intentional wounding of family members is
punishable by 5 years in prison. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania amended by
Law No. 20, year 2020. https://qbz.gov.al/eli/ligj/2020/04/16/35/8dabf5aa-6226-4ced-b9d0-
76b88493da7b
16
and conflicts, such as violence, alcoholism, drug use, and affection, sexual dis-
eases, etc. Thus, the family is a structure that includes a variety of relationships
and roles, and as such is vulnerable to violence that operates within it. Thus,
with the non-recognition of social and family roles and their rights, violence
against women and its elements will always be active. Violence is created by
the usurpation of freedom by the arbitrary use of freedom.
2. Violence against women, economic, social and
spiritual facts
Violence is a deprivation of economic, social and intellectual freedom.

Economic dependence is one of the big problems. Part-time employment or
unemployment of women is an important reason for their devaluation, for so-
cial conflict and violence towards them. Nevertheless, in Albanian society the
causes for violence in the family are broader, because the basis of economic
dependence and inequality of the two races in society is very strong, because
violence is considered an expression of the power and unlimited power of the
man, and because they come back to surface customs and habits which con-
tinue to keep this social distortion alive (Tushi, 2006, p. 452. Durham, 1991,
p. 467).
But the unemployment data shown by INSTAT (Statistics Institute of Al-
bania) with the analysis of the unemployment rate in years, although the dif-
ference in unemployment rates between men and women has decreased, the
labor market in Albania reflects inequality between men and women6. But an
INSTAT study in 2021 highlighted that gender inequality continues in even in
a study done years ago addressed to women on workplace preferences, they
require two essential elements, security for a long-term employment and eco-
nomic independence creating in the business of their (Dervishi, 2001 p. 22)7.
Along with these data is the difference in the percentage of wages between
men and women. There is also a difference of 6.3% in the difference in pay
between men and women in a study between 2015-20168. It is this trend that
6 Thus, during the years 2000-2006, the administrative unemployment data show that
this difference is on average 5%. Njerëzit dhe puna në Shqipëri – Krahu i punës, punësimi dhe
papunësia, INSTAT 2004, p. 35. www.instat.gov.al
7 To the question: “What is the preference for labor and professional employment?”,
there are few who want to work in the family or related business, more of them prefer: a) work
in the public sector 40.65%, b) in their own business 24.95%, c) in a foreign company 18.06%,
d) in their own business together with the man 12.08%, e) in an economic unit outside the
family economy 1.94%, f ) no answer 1.72 %.
8 Report of the Labor Market in Albania, Institute for Public Policy (IPPM) and Wel-
17
continues with almost the same quotas (6.6%) and in 20219. Women’s employ-
ment in the private agricultural sector is increasing, while the same is not true
of unemployment in the private agricultural sector. Our data is also confirmed
by a study conducted on the state of men and women in the Albanian society
in 200810. At least in the 2011 census, the ratio between men and women for
work employment is three to one, and women have the lowest wages11.
In order to better understand the economic relations between men and
women, one must first understand the factors that create it. The economic
relationship between men and women, as much as it tries to be contemporary,
it remains in the captivity of historical-social customs and customs. The very
concept of the functioning of the traditional-patriarchal family is that it exists
as a group of people related by blood or blood, who live together, cooperate
financially and share the responsibility of raising children together. This pa-
triarchal family had a common economy and the management of this family
economy was done by the head of the family, who in addition to financial
management had the right to manage every problem of the family as an ex-
pression of male power. In this patriarchal family, the man was a sharer of the
family property, which is not the case with the woman. She had no property
either in her family or in her husband’s family (Luarasi, 2001, p. 15. Kuri, 2011,
p. 211-212). In this social situation, women did not have the right to partici-
pate in public offices and functions.
In the Family Code of the Albanian Republic, the economic dependence of
men and women in the financial sphere of the family is legalized, while they
have fulfilled family obligations, free labor and professional employment, as
well as legal protection for people who have been subjected to violence (Kodi
i Familjes i Republikës së Shqipërisë, 2003, p. 24-25).
The Family Code is based on the Constitution of the Republic of Albania,
where in its second part, articles 49-59, are related to the principles of freedom
and basic human rights. The code underwent changes in 2015, where it im-
proves family relations. From 2006, law no. 9669 “Measures against domestic
violence, which underwent improvements in 2018 as well. In 2008, law No.
9970 “For gender equality” was voted and strategies are occasionally built on
this topic. The last strategy is in 2021. An attempt to combat domestic violence
fare and Civil Society Support Agency (AMSHC), accessed at September 2017, p.27 by www.
Ippm.al and www.Amshc.gov.al.
9 Women dhe Men in Albania 2021, INSTAT 2021, p.70. www.instat.gov.al.
10 Women and Men in Albania 2008, INSTAT 2009, p. 28-29. www.instat.gov.al.
11 http://www.instat.gov.al/media/2332/perspektiva_gjinore_n__shqip_ri.pdf. fq.69.
accessed at 27.09.2021.
18
is the resolution passed in the Albanian Parliament in 2010, which states the
state’s obligation to combat violence. In this great effort to combat violence,
various non-governmental organizations also offer help.
While the legal framework has provided a legal solution to violence and its
cases, I cannot stop or reduce its extent. In a study some time ago, the motive
that encouraged some women to do business was the desire for freedom, and
these constituted 58% of the respondents (Ramadani, 2015, pp. 204-221). Here
is a question, if there are women who have secured economic independence
and are victims of violence against them? Other factors of violence is alcohol,
which is not a vice, which is exclusively related to the economic situation, but
perhaps to the lack caused during the socialization process. And there is a
reason for this, since the problem of domestic violence is not exclusively an
economic problem, but a social, psychological and, above all, spiritual prob-
lem. And maybe violence against women in Albanian families can be found in
atavism. And when we say atavism, we mean the return of the phenomenon
after a period of hiding or rest, based on certain social factors.
The economic situation may not be a factor for the creation of violence
against women, but it may be the element for its duration. And this happens
because many women, even the majority of them who are subjected to vio-
lence, do not consider themselves economically powerful. Lack of economic
power is a reason for not accepting divorce. They are thinking about the long
process of intercession, what will happen to the children, economic survival
and how the society will see them. These are the reasons that do not condemn
violence and suffer from it.
Even if we refer to the range of violence against women, we will find a vari-
ety. It is the case where the girl is abused by her mother or an older sister. This
means that women who are abused may have suffered violence in their family
of origin. Violence has also been perpetrated against boys, perhaps less in per-
centage, due to customary law where girls (females) have fewer rights com-
pared to men (males). The right to decide on her engagement or marriage,
the engagement could be done from the cradle age and she could not change
it, often considering the engagement or marriage as an exchange, significant
with a financial amount, being justified by the preparation of dowry (Elezi,
2002, p.78). All the above phenomena occur while customary law emphasizes
equality between family members (Luarasi, 2001, p. 58.) Even the concept of
the care of the male of the house towards the female of the house, that is of the
brother towards the sister, using violence is still in the shadows. In this case,
19
violence is perceived as a means of protection and in front of it there should

not be opposition, but submission through obedience.
From what we said above, it becomes clear that the development of violence,
in addition to other factors, also has the problem of mixing with customary
law, which replaced legal law. This situation also affected the stratification of
the impacts of customary law, where violence in the family in general and
against women in particular is its expression (Abdiu, 2010, p.6). In this way,
society, with or without its own desire, contributed to the formation of per-
sons who perpetrate violence and persons who silently or consciously accept
the violence perpetrated against them.
These influences had even influenced the psychology of women’s position-
ing in the face of various forms of violence against them. In a study a few years
ago, the answers given by girls and women show the level of influence that
customary law and the stratified mentality play in the acceptance of violence.
They justify and accept the violence that the men of the family exert on them
(Dervishi, 2001 p. 59)12. Even if we refer to the study reports of recent years,
violence against women coexists with the feeling of blaming themselves. The
continuation of this mentality is not exclusively related to either the tradi-
tional form of family functioning or the modern form. Perhaps it is a form of
Stockholm syndrome, where both the traditional and the modern side con-
tribute to the functioning of this syndrome in this case. Or maybe it is a men-
tality, which is imposed by male impotence and is overcome by doing violence
to the person who is more powerful, maybe not physically, but in terms of
coping with things.
Following the concept of the justification of violence, we also go to another
point, to the point where the concept of submission exists and the positive
consequences of violence are seen in the consciousness of the people. And
in this case, it is girls or women who know violence against their gender. The
worst thing is when those who are the object of the crime have this mentality
and connection. These girls, who are also victims, say that their mothers have
been abused by their husbands equally and they never denied it. What is even
more painful, although these mothers wish for a better life for their daughters,
that they have given the message that “to men they must show obedience and
12 The presence of these effects in today’s Albanian society is shown by a study done
on the facts and consequences of violence 37% of girls and women think that their violence
helps prevent mistakes, 4.5% their violence has an impetus to creative actions, 27% violence
has no significant effect on family life, 27% think that violence has caused wounds in family
relationships and 3.15% did not give an answer.
20
endure “. In a study that has been done on this problem shows that 47% of
women have experienced bad experiences of violence in their early families
(Dervishi, 2001 p. 54-55). And especially in rural families, the father’s vio-
lence towards the mother and the mother’s violence towards her daughter are
common.
Violence against women and girls continues even after the fall of commu-
nism. Among the reasons, which we mentioned above, there are also three
other reasons.
First, the involvement of men in criminal activities such as various traf-
fics, white meat trafficking, which have increased the level of daily stress and
make women the object of men’s anger. Secondly, the involvement of men in
gambling as a result of unemployment, lack of other opportunities, vacuum
in their social and spiritual life, ultimately leads to increased tension in the
family and causes violence.
Thirdly, the increase in the number of people who have the idea of getting
rich quickly has affected the level of social stress, which indirectly causes do-
mestic violence (Prezantim i Informacionit Ekzistues mbi Dhunën në Familje
në Shqipëri, 2002, p. 12).
Violence has a human, social and economic cost. In Albania, with the ef-
fort made to detect violence, there are several records and publications about
the level of violence within the family, especially against women and girls,
although the publication does not happen regularly. The causes that affect
the occurrence of violence also affect the concept of non-publication of data.
Considering it as a private phenomenon within the family makes it difficult
to expose violence in public. Another factor is added to this factor, where the
man is considered the “king” of the house (Tushi, 2006, p. 72). So for now in
Albania it is difficult to calculate the true cost of the phenomenon, but from
the evidence that exists the cost is high. It is big because it has to do with the
direct cost, the cost of the people who suffer directly from the phenomenon,
but also the costs for the court, the police services, the treatment centers, the
social workers, etc. At the same time as the indirect cost, the cost related to
the people indirectly affected by the phenomenon, but also to the long-term
problems that the phenomenon leaves behind. The cost in different countries
is from 5%-14% of GNP (Haxhiymeri, 2006, p.66-67).
21
Conclusion
The family and violence within it are two phenomena that have different
natures and do not match each other, as the family tries to unite its members
while violence separates them. Violence in its own way tries to destroy the
functioning of the family, while the family, on the other hand, tries to destroy
violence. It becomes clear that the family is based on unity, which starts from
the marital one. The love between man and woman, the mutual trust in each
other and the mysterious acceptance of divine grace contribute to and aim at
this unity. It is divine grace that not only nourishes love, but also strengthens
faith in each other and in God.
The clash between family and violence also occurs in Albanian society,
which, bearing within itself the weight of history, different forms of function-
ing over the centuries, tries to survive. Violence against women starts and
ends within the family. It is the family in the delicate and weak moments of
its functioning that creates spaces for the entry and action of violence. Often-
times, clashes due to the concepts, mentality, interests of family members be-
come the reason for their differentiation and where one party exercises power
and violence over the other party. Perhaps if we look at certain components
of the marriage and divorce ratio, they reveal the level of violence within the
family. If there is a decrease in the number of new families and an increase in
the number of divorces, it is clear that the level of violence within the family
is high.
Often times, the Albanian family has accepted and accepts the influence of
customary law, which turns and becomes an influence on the life of the family
and even sometimes a source of violence, even contributing to the longevity
of violence and its many forms. Violence in Albanian families, especially that
against women, is due to the difficult orientation of family life. Taking cus-
tomary law, which in its genesis has made a discriminatory difference between
the male and female sexes, as the absolute authority, sometimes even replacing
the law of God, makes the family powerless in the face of the challenges of the
time.
Gender equality is the aspiration of every society, which offers great guar-
antees for avoiding gender violence. But a simple observation within the Alba-
nian society, the different interpretations on the form of equality create spaces
for its deformation. There are cases where gender equality is considered and in
cases where men’s rights are more valued than women’s. In this way, equality
22
from a blessed form for overcoming violence turns into a curse, which feeds
violence in the family and especially against women. Perhaps different societ-
ies should borrow biblical passages and examples to understand the meaning
of gender equality, where the word equality is replaced by the word equality.
The use of this word is an assessment made to both sexes, but at the same time
it is also an assessment of honor, which men or men often leave in the hands
of women and thus turns into a shame for women and girls.
Violence is not a violation of the law, but it is a distorted psychological, eco-
nomic, social, but above all spiritual behavior. Different attitudes on the mo-
rality of men and women or on the immorality of men or women, which start-
ed centuries ago, is a source of domestic violence. A relaxed attitude towards
the immorality of men and an always tougher attitude towards the immorality
of women or women is a dose of empowerment for domestic violence.
Violence is an economic as well as a social, psychological and spiritual cost.
Legal intervention may restrain it, but it does not heal that wound, which is
spiritual in nature. The masculinist concept of ruling the other gender or the
psychological insecurity to face the other gender on the part of men reveal
the true nature of domestic violence, the spiritual one. Spiritual fulfillment
remains the only solution for eliminating domestic violence. Overcoming
fear, shame, withdrawal of lust or dependence on social and family customs
is a spiritual struggle. When the family turns into a spiritual nursery, where
people dialogue on any topic, exchange their thoughts, seek and give forgive-
ness, it is able to heal the wounds of society. Otherwise, the family, as a cell
of society, turns into a victim of society. This is exactly what has happened in
recent centuries in Albania. Various experiments have been carried out on
the family, where the empire or the kingdom have imposed their social forms.
Even in the last centuries we have some forms of functioning accompanied
by the influence of the Turkish occupation, after the Turkish occupation, the
communist rule and finally the post-communist period. All these, with the
influence they exerted on the family, made its functioning difficult, and even
created distortions in its functioning, which is identified with the level of vio-
lence. So, if we have to fight violence, we will have to focus on the family, and
to do this, we must deeply disrupt its positive forms, which violence imposed
by habit, interest, dependence, insecurity will be dealt a blow strong.
Any family that justifies even a little bit of violence damages its body, as its
parts are damaged. The family should be seen as the apostle Paul saw it, the
center of physical and spiritual balance, as the body of Christ, where the parts
23
recognize and respect each other’s values. Justifying violence is like living a
body with the virus, with the evil inside it.
These show that the family is in confusion, so it is absolutely necessary for
the family to define its principles. Its values must be consistent with the process
of living and stimulate cooperation. Despite the positive side of laws in society,
their practical and regulative nature, family problems cannot be solved if we
do not see the family as a place of spiritual meeting of the debaters.
24
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Forge Press.
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Domestik Violence (Nicky Ali Jackson – Editor), New York, Routlegle.
26
2
The Orthodox Community in the Albanian
Territory (XV-XIX centuries)
Thoma Shkira
Lecturer of the History of the Church of Albania,
Department of Theology & Culture,
University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: thomashkira@yahoo.com
Abstract
This article informs readers about Alba- Keywords:
nia’s Orthodox Community between the Orthodox Community in Albania,
XV and XIX centuries. The relationship
Ecumenical Patriarchate, Ottoman
between the Ecumenical Patriarchate
and the Ottoman State following the
State, Crypto Christianity,
Fall of Constantinople in 1453, as well as Islamization, Culture.
the circumstances under which the Or- Citation:
thodox social community operated as a Shkira T. The Orthodox Community
component of the Millet and, in partic- in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX
ular, the Orthodox community in Alba- centuries). Theology & Culture. 2022;
nia, will be discussed. 5: 27-46.
An overview of the state of the Alba- Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.14577.15204
nian Orthodox community in relation
to the Ottoman State, within the histor-
ical context, and the various phenome-
na of crypto-Christianity, Islamization,
and Uniatism, as well as changes in the
church’s spiritual dependence up to the
radical redistribution of the Orthodox
community’s religious structure among
Albanians, are provided for each centu-
ry.
The Orthodox community’s religious
and cultural contributions to education,
translations, and its members’ patriotic
engagement during the National Renais-
sance in Albania are also addressed.
27
The Orthodox Community in the Albanian Territory (XV-XIX centuries) ©2022 Shkira
Introduction
T
he fall of Constantinople in 1453 marked the most important event
for the entire population of the Christian community of the Balkans.
The very foundations of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the headquar-
ters of the ecclesiastical institution and the entire Orthodox community were
shaken (Castelan, 1996 p. 94; Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 4-5).
However, Sultan Mehmet II established the Ottoman power as a follower
of the Byzantine power with the conquest of Constantinople and the appro-
priation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the spiritual and governing core of
Orthodoxy (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 20).
The new circumstances compelled the Patriarchate and the Ottoman Em-
pire to establish cooperative relations within the framework of the Millet Sys-
tem compiled by Sultan Mehmet II himself, without affecting the spiritual and
governing dimensions that were at the service of the Empire for the welfare of
the citizens and the non-infringement of the territories under their control.
The Islamic state did not see a distinction between politics and religion;
rather, they believed that if Christianity had to be acknowledged as an inde-
pendent faith, its believers would need to organize themselves into their own
political union and establish an empire within an empire. Because Rum Millet
was already a part of the Orthodox Church, it continued to function as both
a religious and political entity, and the entire church hierarchy served as a
mechanism for cosmic rule (Ware, 1997, p. 89).
The Millet system, which was based on the religious allegiance, was de-
signed to control and persuade the subjects to uphold the religious supremacy
while also abiding by the new Empire’s laws. Sultan Mehmet II’s approach
was advantageous to and in the best interests of the State. Since the majority
of the inhabitants of the lands under his control were Orthodox, the Sultan
was interested in preserving the institution of the Patriarchate. The New Em-
peror now permitted the usual functioning of the Patriarchate, giving it ec-
clesiastical and governmental privileges through a specific decree, unlike the
powers of the Ecclesiastical Right of the Patriarch in the Byzantine Empire
(Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-50).
28
1. The Orthodox community in The Ottoman Empire
Sultan Mehmet II became the defender of all Orthodox Christians as a re-

sult of his ruling strategy, which also included integrating the empire’s Ortho-
dox into the Millet system. He called and installed the Patriarch of Istanbul,
Genadh Skolar, a prolific writer and influential theological figure for his time,
on the advice of some Greeks from Asia Minor who worked for him. He also
appointed him to the co-government of the Orthodox Millet, which depended
on him spiritually, giving the Orthodox people special privileges that no other
people in the empire enjoyed. This system and this approach to the Orthodox
satisfied his political interests.
The Orthodox were under his authority, and the patriarch Genadh Skolari,
who had claimed that he had displayed anti-Latin sentiment, would be less
inclined to turn to the Roman Catholics for assistance (Ware, 1997, p. 88).
The special decree ensured that the Patriarch would retain the privileges
he had in the Byzantine Empire. This Sultan Mehmet II proclamation granted
Christians the freedom to practice their religion freely in one of the churches,
which later served as the Patriarchal seat, and permitted them to keep their re-
ligious texts and icons at home (Castelan, 1996, p. 94)1. In addition to the ad-
ministrative rights of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and spiritual services, the de-
cree acknowledged and granted jurisdiction to the ecclesiastical court, which
dealt with the adjudication of criminal and civil problems of the Orthodox
community inside it and with the Ottoman State. The Patriarchate took on
the role of mediating disputes and conflicts for the entire Orthodox Christian
population throughout the Empire.
The Gate granted the Patriarch a wide range of rights and privileges; as a
result, he was appropriately referred to as the Ethnark, or Primate, not just of
the church but also of the entire nation because he also had secular authority.
Since all ethnic groups were referred to as Rums at the time, including Alba-
nians, Bulgarians, Serbs, and Slavs, the Patriarch’s authority encompassed the
entire Eastern Orthodox Christian flock in addition to the Greeks. In relation
to the High Gate, the Patriarch served as the Orthodox community’s advocate
and protector (Παπαρρηγόπουλου, 1993, p. 49-53).
In fact, the entire Orthodox community was known as Rum and was a part
of one of the four “religious ethnicity” communities that included Jews and
1 It is about the Church of Pamakarist which became the cathedral of the Patriarch
until 1586, the year in which it became the Fetie mosque.
29
Armenians, with the exception of the supreme leader, The Sultan or Padishah,
who had his own religious leader. As a separate community, Rum also served
as a “state within a state” as part of the social and religious structure of the
Ottoman Empire. We can say that Millet leader of the Orthodox, the Ecumen-
ical Patriarch, was regarded as the second leader after the Sultan, not just for
the Orthodox but for the entire state, where he was accountable to him alone,
because the majority of Ottoman inhabitants were Rums (Castelan, 1996, p.
125-127).
At the same time, the network of metropolitans, bishoprics, and monaster-
ies that made up Orthodoxy’s complete leadership hierarchy formed the ideal
organism for the supervision of the Rums. However, the Ecumenical Patriarch
in the High Gate also stood in for the other Patriarchates (of Alexandria, An-
tioch, and Jerusalem), as well as the concurrent Archbishoprics of Ohrid and
Peja, i.e., all of Rum subdued (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 63-64).
Assuring the proper operation of the network and the existence of the ec-
clesiastical institution was one of the Patriarch’s ecclesiastical privileges within
the organization and the Community of the Orthodox Church. With the Sul-
tan’s orders publication called “berates”, the patriarch had the highest level of
control over the metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops of each nation, and
he had the authority to nominate, promote, and remove them. He oversaw
the churches’ monasteries, parishes, and property as well. To observe vari-
ous issues, he dispatched exarchs to the eparchies. In terms of the clergy, he
had the power to judge them criminally and made all ecclesiastical decisions
alongside the patriarchal synod.
The Ecumenical Patriarch enjoyed a wide range of political rights. Since
the Patriarchate was first intended to be a separate ecclesiastical state, the Pa-
triarch initially communicated with the High Gate through the Foreign Min-
ister. The Patriarch had complete control over education in addition to the
authority to tax both clergy and laity to fund the needs of the Church. He also
had authority over the entire Orthodox Community’s family and agrarian law
concerns (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 66).
The social structure of the Ottoman Empire was characterized by two poles,
one social and the other religious.
The first included: a) non-taxed: military and rich and b) taxed: peasants
and farmers.
The subjects of the population known as raja zimmi were Rum Millet,
30
the lay members of the Christian community in the Ottoman Empire (to be
distinguished from the Muslim raja). These belonged to the class of the raja
(Raiyye - Sinifi), which was subservient to the other layer of Asqari, which
contained the entire military (Asqeri Sinifi) and ruling class appointed by the
Sultan. They were joined by the Muslims, who were known as raja Muslim. In
the Ottoman Empire, these are the two main social classes. The Raja layer, a
subordinate class that paid taxes, monetary taxes, and production obligations
to the empire, bore the entire weight of the state bureaucratic system and all of
the expenses of the Ottoman hierarchy (Rizaj, 1982, p. 357).
By implementing this system for the Orthodox Millet, the Ottoman state
aimed to benefit financially and be “liberated from the internal organization
of this community” (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 15-16).
The Patriarch did, however, have the privilege of putting himself in direct
contact with foreign authorities and asking the police to assist in carrying out
his choices. The latter granted Orthodoxy a political influence that was partic-
ularly significant. While the metropolitans served as minor ethnarchs at the
edges of their eparchies as the political representatives of the Patriarch, they
were exempt from all taxation. In addition, they also had judicial authority
over every local government (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 67).
Denied of their religious leaders’ privileges, as a result, the Christians be-
came not only spiritually and politically lost but also confused and exposed
to the pressures and challenges of their environment on a material and moral
level. “Eastern Christianity” became more and more firmly established as a
continuation of the Orthodox Roman Empire with the political organization
of the church (Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 69).
However, the condition of Orthodox Church members, whose rights from
the Ottoman era were somewhat retained, remained incredibly challenging.
Initially, contrary to what was supposedly the case prior to the fall of Constan-
tinople, the Decree of Sultan Mehmet II offered the Church and its members
great privileges. These privileges were upheld during his reign, but the Chris-
tians were greatly disappointed by how the later sultans used their power and
maintained the privileges of the aforementioned decree, which not only had
its articles favoring Christians reduced but was also improperly upheld until
its partial and complete disobedience (Stavrianos, 2008, p. 149-150).
Additionally, Sultan Mehmet II granted the first patriarch, Genadh Skolar,
a monetary gift, but he also required money from his successors, just as he did
31
from politicians and government employees. Every patriarch was compelled

to contribute with money when they gave the “gift”, which was an amount of
income required to hold the post (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 8). This circum-
stance drew individuals from among the Orthodox clergy who desired to hold
the office of Patriarch in exchange for payment.
The change of patriarchs due to receiving money from the sultans became
a phenomenon. Before much time passed2, it was decided that the annual tax
of two thousand gold coins was required in addition to the amount of gift
money that each Patriarch was obliged to provide (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p.
9). The Ecumenical Patriarchate’s annual tax payment to the Sultan increased
by a third as a result of the repeated depositions and exiles of the Patriarchs
by the Sultans.
The son of Sultan Mehmet II, Bayazit II (1481–1512), twice deposed Pa-
triarch Nifon II (1486-1489 and 1497-1498), once to usurp the Patriarchate’s
money and once after learning that a freshly constructed structure was serving
as a church during a period when Christians were not allowed to build new
churches or restore existing ones, leading him to fire the Patriarch. During the
reign of this sultan, the new patriarch’s annual fee was raised by 1,000 coins,
just as it had been with Patriarch Joachim, who came to the throne and donat-
ed another 500 coins (in 1498–1502 and 1504) after Niphon was overthrown
(Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 11).
Due to the rising tax burden and gifts requested, the patriarchs “felt a tre-
mendous fear.” The Patriarchs traveled or sent delegates to collect taxes and
other unsolicited demands from the high clergy of metropolitans and bish-
oprics, just as the latter had done with the lower clergy and the latter with the
laity of the Orthodox Community (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12).
The Arber Orthodox Community, which in this century was ecclesiastically
dependent on the Archbishopric of Ohrid, undoubtedly felt the consequences
of the war as well. The effects of the Ottoman War were felt by the Christian
community of Arber as well as by the broader Balkan people in the fifteenth
century. The pastoral statuses of this community and the ecclesiastical and
cultural influences of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Archbishoprics of
Ohrid and Peja changed over time as a result of these events and the new po-
litical conditions that emerged in the Balkans in the 15th century.
The resistance of the Arber people, led by Gjergj Kastriot Skenderbeu, be-
2 During the Patriarchate of Patriarch Dionis, who ascended the throne twice (1466-
1471, 1489-1499).
32
came a symbol of freedom and hope for other nations who were threatened by
the Ottoman conquest, and at certain points they partially supported this re-
sistance to the invaders. As a result, our country was hit harder by the invaders
than any other nation (Castelan, 1996, p. 98; Stavrianos, 2008 p. 64; Mantran,
2004, 96-97).
The activities of the Ottoman conqueror’s wars against the army and the
country’s entire population were used to put an end to the Arber resistance.
Radical democratic changes and a decline in population occurred in tandem
with these initiatives. This occurred because, during the conflicts, the con-
queror killed some of the locals who resisted in defending the towns, while
the rest fled the region or migrated there to its depths, and still more perished
from famine and disease.
Because of the human emptiness that spread across the community in the
parishes devastated by the war, the destruction of the economy and civic life
consequently paralyzed the spiritual life of the Christian community through-
out our country for a long time.
The state of the Ecumenical Patriarchate Institution, the forced relocation
of its headquarters from one monastery to another, and the threat to the Patri-
archs’ and its administration’s life illustrate the status of the Orthodox Com-
munity’s exploitation in Constantinople throughout the 16th century. How-
ever, after paying taxes, citizens of the Capital were at peace. Nevertheless, in
other church nations, such as the Patriarchate of Alexandria, the churches of
the Empire and their Christian populations outside of the Capital faced more
challenging circumstances (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 189-190).
Sultan Mehmet II’s supporters imitated him in this century by recognizing
the privileges of Christians through berets, but on the other hand, they exert-
ed pressure on the Ecumenical Patriarch and all Christians (Παπαδοπούλου,
1949, p. 11).
2. The Orthodox community in Albanian territory
during the Ottoman Empire
The architectural and spiritual cultural heritage of the Christian popula-

tion in the cities, in what is now the Albanian territory, was severely damaged
until the 16th century. Numerous cult-related structures were demolished or
converted into mosques, destroying or alienating priceless works of art and
architecture. It took nearly a century for the cities to recover to the state they
33
were in prior the occupation by the Ottoman Empire, due to the catastrophic
effects of that occupation.
Within a century, the overall number of communities nearly doubled, while
the population more than doubled. This rise in population and communities
is evidence of the general regeneration around the end of the 16th century.
At the end of this century, religious diversity among Albanians began to
take shape as the process of Ottomanization by the Ottoman Empire gradually
assimilated and islamized a portion of the Albanian nobility, as in the case of
the Christian Timariots. This process occurred over the course of no more
than two generations (Duka, 2009, p. 43).
While the widespread adoption of the Islamic faith by other social classes
of Albanians can be observed in some civic centers as early as the end of the
15th century, for others it took until the 16th century. These groups includ-
ed those who had only recently converted to Islam and were integrated into
the economic life of Albanian cities, gaining the status of the “citizen” (Duka,
2009, p. 44-45).
The pace of Islamization among Albanians accelerated in the second part
of the 16th century , as a result of the Empire’s taxing system constantly bur-
dening all the rajas of every religion and somewhat equating the lower socio-
economic classes, which sped up the Islamization process. The Muslim popu-
lation only reached 10% of the total population in the last two decades of this
time period (Thëngjilli, 2002, p. 20-33; Μεταλληνός, 1998, p. 61).
At the beginning of the 16th century, Sultan Bayazit carried out massacres
during the invasions of the Peloponnese, Epirus and Albania3.
Sultan Selim I (1512–1520), who succeeded Sultan Bayazit, gave the monks
of Sinai and Jerusalem the advantages of religious freedom and the mainte-
nance of their monasteries and Holy Places. But he imposed extra taxes on the
Christians (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 12-13; Qiriazi, 2000, p. 86).
In the 17th century the Empire was in crisis. High government officials
3 Sultan Bayazit during the fall of Methon (1500), at that time occupied by the Franks,
ordered that all residents Males over 12 years of age to go to the sword and build two tow-
ers with their severed heads. Women and children were crippled. Due to the losses of the
Turkish Peloponnesian army, the Sultan ordered similar mutilations and slaughters in Epirus
and Albania, while 10 Christian temples were seized in Constantinople. Only at the end of
Bayezid’s reign did the persecution of Christians cease.’’ See: Χρυσοστόμου Παπαδοπούλου,
«Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του
ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ», Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας
της Ελλάδος (A΄), Ev Αθήναις 1949, p. 12.
34
were corrupted, as were local officials.

There were mixed marriages between Christians, primarily Christian
daughters of the dominated peoples, who married Muslim spouses, as a re-
sult of systematic islamization methods used in this century. Although the
former were not coerced into becoming Muslims, their offspring were raised
in an Islamist environment. Even though these marriages were forbidden by
the Patriarchs in accordance with the Christian tradition, they were still com-
mon. Additionally, the Christian who had relationships with Muslims or was
thought to have such relationships was subject to execution if he did not con-
vert to Islam (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).
Through the implementation of military commands for the assembly of chil-
dren into the military, systematic encouragement to abandon the faith first ap-
peared during the reigns of Ahmet I (1603–1617) and Murat IV (1623–1640),
which considerably accelerated the process of Islamization of the population
in Epirus. In the Albanian regions, Islamization of the inhabitants started to
take place specifically in this century (Παπαδοπούλου, 1949, p. 196).
Initially in many situations, it was only the family householder subject of
the conversion to Islam after fulfilling the budgetary obligations to the Turkish
government. The process of converting every member of the family to Islam
would therefore take several generations to complete, starting from a formal
conversion to the practice of the new faith.
This conversion was carried out faster in Central Albania, while in North-
ern and Southern Albania, the process of crypto-Christianization continued
for longer. During this time, the Albanian people’s cultural foundation in-
creasingly incorporated earlier Christian customs (Pelushi, 2003, p. 75).
These practices, which were based on the medieval tradition of the vener-
ation of saints in our country’s Christian community during the Byzantine
era, played a significant role in the development of interreligious harmony
among the people even during the Ottoman era. The veneration of Christian
saints is documented in historical documents and the rich material and spir-
itual heritage of the Albanian people. These forms of veneration coexist with
the modern phenomena of Islamization and crypto-Christianity, overcoming
historical and political intolerance even though the religious landscape and
social conditions underwent significant change.
Therefore, the unique experience of a people who had to endure “fire and
water” shaped the “achieved” coexistence via the veneration of saints, which
35
continues to be a value and contribution of the Albanian society today, where

diversity and multicultural stratification are prominent, as well as the reli-
gious coexistence and multi-faith harmony.
Their worship among the Albanian people is also demonstrated by all vari-
ous ways in which they are honored as a component of the non-material spir-
itual wealth, in addition to the spiritual and material prosperity. As is well
known, the satisfaction of people’ spiritual needs of Arber throughout every
stage of their lives were directly related to the Christian customs and the areas
around Christian temples.
Therefore, their tolerance and religious coexistence were further protected
by the spirit of unity and coexistence embodied in the cult of saints in their
traditional beliefs and by the influence of later psycho-social and ethno psy-
chological factors, which were seen in various phenomena, such as Islamiza-
tion and crypto-Christianity, and which were able to successfully overcome
the tide of historical and political intolerance (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 119-124). Al-
banians today foster tolerance and love coexistence with one another within
a context of religious pluralism, to the point where their unique experience
is worthy of promotion as a people who perfected the model of interreligious
coexistence.
The Archdiocese of Ohrid provided pastoral care and had a significant cul-
tural impact on the Orthodox Christian community that it had under its au-
thority in the south of the country as a result of the above phenomena. Due
to the impact of this archdiocese, some residential areas, including Voskopoja
and Korça, experienced economic growth in the 18th century, which was ac-
companied by advancements in the fields of education and culture4.
The Orthodox community made the greatest contributions to the cultural and
4 “A printing house was built in Voskopoja which continued to print books until this
city was destroyed in 1769. The library of the monastery of Saint Peter of Vithkuqi has been
rich with books printed in the above-mentioned typography, with Greek manuscripts of Al-
banian writers of this area, such as Kavaliot, Kostandin Cepi and others. There are data to
believe that this movement in the field of education and culture had the support of the Pa-
triarchate of Ohrid. Since the 16th century, we find its prelates at the head of insurrectionary
movements to overturn Turkish slavery, making efforts for political connection with the out-
side world. Some of these prelates were local, interested in church, cultural and educational
constructions. Although the official language of the Patriarchate was Greek, they did not hin-
der the languages of the country. Tradition says that they were careful to print books in these
languages, therefore in the schools of Korça, Voskopojë, Vithkuq and elsewhere, the teachers,
didactic needs, in some cases used the Albanian language to teach the students Greek, which
at that time for almost all the Orthodox peoples of the Balkans it has been the language of cul-
ture...’’ See: Petraq Pepo, Materiale Dokumentare për Shqipërinë Juglindore të Shekullit XVIII-
Fillimi i Shekullit XX (Kodiku i Korçës dhe i Selasforit), vëll. I, Tiranë, 1981, fq. 9-10.
36
social advancement of the nation throughout the Ottoman era, both in pres-
ent-day Albanian territory and beyond. Orthodox clergy in the nation, as well
as emigrant clergy, made significant financial contributions towards commu-
nity life. Orthodox clergy and laic benefactors contributed to the success of
the schools established by the Church and helped to create a level of educated
people in the medieval Albanian cities5.
However, during the 18th century, the Islamization of the Albanian popula-
tion intensified, especially after the wars of Russia and The Gate (Giakoumis,
2010, p. 75).
This Patriarchate was unable to halt the processes that resulted from the
muslimization of a part of the population, particularly the collection of bribes
by the rich and the privileged (Qiriazi, 2000, p. 105-106). Amid this tense sit-
uation of the feudal anarchy at the expense of the Orthodox community, the
influence of political factors made possible the suppression of this Patriarch-
ate in 1767 (Pepo, 1981, p. 9-10).
The deteriorating relations between Istanbul and Russia, which during the
18th century claimed to be the protector of the Orthodox populations of the
Balkans, were one of the major political factors that eventually led to the Sul-
tan and the Ecumenical Patriarchate suppressing the autonomous ecclesias-
tical structures of the Patriarchates of Peja (1766) and Ohrid (1767) (Duka,
2009, p. 67; Duka, 2012, p. 18-21).
However, the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul, as the highest ecclesias-
tical center, continued to oversee the social, ecclesiastical and educational life
of the Orthodox community throughout the Ottoman Empire (Beduli, 2016,
p. 13).
The education system of Greek schools, which primarily consisted of pri-
mary schools where Greek language writing and singing was taught, as well
as catechism training for Orthodox Christians were provided, as well as sec-
ondary schools, though in a smaller number than the first, where sciences
were typically taught, was responsible for the cultural growth of the Orthodox
community in this century. Several significant religious and educational fig-
5 Joasaf Gondu (1660-1745) or otherwise called Joasaf Korçari from Voskopoja. In
1709, he was bishop of Korça.And in the years 1718-1745 he was the patriarch of Ohrid. He
gave importance to the development of education and culture in his eparchy, which in Alba-
nia included Durrës, Berat, Vlora and Korça, perhaps also Dibra, in other words, the majority
of Albanian Orthodox. Dhimitër Shuteriqi, Through the Literary Centuries, Tirana 1960, p.
84; See also: Μαρτινιανός, Ιωακείμ , Συμβολαί εις την ιστορίαν της Μοσχοπόλεως : Η ιερά
μονή του Τιμίου Προδρόμου κατά τον εν αυτή κώδικα 1630-1875, Αρχαίος Εκδοτικός Οίκος
Δημήτριου Δημητράκου, Α. Ε. Αθήναι, 1939, σελ . 61-65.
37
ures, like Nektar Terpo, the abbot of Ardenica Monastery in Fier, Bishop of
Drinopoja Sofianoi, Kozmai of Etolia, etc., made a significant contribution to
ecclesiastical education and generally to the development of Orthodox con-
sciousness (Skëndi, 2000, p. 23).
3. The situation on 19th and the beginning of 20th century
Because the Tanzimat reforms were misapplied and had detrimental conse-
quences on the Albanian population, the economic, social, political, and cul-
tural persecution by the Ottoman Empire worsened in our nation during the
19th century6. In these circumstances, the national consciousness was being
formed among the Albanians, which preceded the uprisings of the 30s, which
positively influenced the growth of the process of national consciousness, re-
birth and freedom (Pollo, 1990, p. 12-13).
Political and cultural factors on both the internal and external levels either
slowed down or expedited this process. The cultivation of religious division
among Albanians, who belonged to three separate religious communities, was
one of the key causes impeding this process. The religious split of Albanians
into three faiths (Muslim, Orthodox, and Catholic) as well as the High Gate’s
and the neighboring monarchies’ repeated efforts to create a religious schism
should be mentioned in addition to the nation’s general underdevelopment. In
the meantime, this process was exacerbated by the deterioration of the con-
dition of the majority of the population, the need for self-defense against ex-
ternal aggression to the danger of the country becoming fragmented (Pollo,
1990, p. 14).
The fact that the majority of people were illiterate throughout the Renais-
sance era was another challenge. The High Gate prohibited the books of the
Renaissance authors, which were exclusively published overseas, and they
either did not reach Albanian territory or entered with great difficulty. This
contribution came from the organized emigrant Albanian communities in the
host nations, whose members helped the nation achieve its independence in
6 “Even that point of Gjylname’s decree that provided for the equality of citizens re-
gardless of their religion remained on paper. The Turkish or non-Turkish feudal ruling class
did not want to relinquish a condition that secured it a privileged position vis-à-vis the
Christian mass. The legal inequality of the Christian population was expressed, among other
things, in the payment of a special tax for all males over 12 years old. Although in the new
codes the death penalty was removed for those who denied Islam, breaking away from the of-
ficial religion continued to be severely punished.’’ See: Aleks Buda dhe bashkautorët, Historia
e Shqipërisë, Universiteti Shtetëror i Tiranës, Instituti i Historisë dhe i Gjuhësisë, Tiranë, 1965,
vëll. II, p. 48.
38
a variety of ways. The religious division was a huge obstacle and persisted
until the very end, and yet once more stood out the cooperation of the Or-
thodox Albanians with the Muslims, who affirmed their nation on the basis
of the historical-ethnic, linguistic, and territorial community, surpassing the
incitement of the Albanians’ enemies for political-religious division, which,
depending on their faith, considered them Turks, Greeks, and Latin (Pollo,
1990, p. 26).
The request from the renaissance patriots abroad envisioned the autonomy
of the Albanian territories, where in addition to provincial and state autono-
my, cultural autonomy was also included. This meant allowing the teaching of
the Albanian language in Ottoman schools (until that moment from the High
Gate), the spread of education in the mother tongue, using it in religious ser-
vices, allowing the freedom of all religions and forbidding their interference
in state affairs, the use of the Latin alphabet for the Albanian language, etc.
(Pollo, 1990, p. 48).
The majority of the Albanians’ national activity at this period was con-
ducted abroad, where Albanian communities had already been founded. Nu-
merous well-known figures from the National Renaissance, including Naum
Veqilharxhi, Konstandin Kristoforidhi, the Frashëri Brothers, Nikola Naço,
Thimi Mitko, Ismail Qemali, and Father Theofan, Noli and others were prom-
inent in some of the main Albanian communities that had bases in Istanbul,
Romania, Egypt, and the United States, as well as numerous funders of these
communities, including the philanthropists Anastas Lakçe, Jovan Banga, Van-
gjel Zhapa, etc., who supported not only the financial needs of the Orthodox
communities both inside and outside of the nation out of a sense of duty to
their religion, but also many of the costs associated with their national activity
(Pollo, 2003, p. 120-128; Hoxha, 2011, p. 18-33).
Therefore, in line with the Orthodox Church tradition of our nation that
was encountered over the prior centuries, Albanians of the Orthodox commu-
nity, both inside and outside of the country, increased their efforts to translate
and publish liturgical texts in the Albanian language in the 19th and early
20th centuries (Shuteriqi, p. 23-24; 835; Beduli, 2006, p. 43-47; Pelushi, 2000,
p. 9-18).
The Albanians beautifully fostered supra-religious nationalism during the
National Renaissance period. They worked together, being exceptional in their
tolerance and interreligious harmony, to resolve the political and religious ten-
sions and conflicts of the day. Despite the fact that they could not commune
39
as members of a single religious group, they coexisted and worked together as

members of a society of the same ethnicity without discrimination.
One of the challenges facing the Orthodox Community was dealing with
the propagandist practices of foreign policies that were carried out both inside
and outside of its institution, particularly with their commencement and in-
tensification in the final three decades of the 19th century and after.
This foreign propaganda, which served the interests of foreign countries at
the expense of the country, had caused spiritual rifts in the unity of the Ortho-
dox Church community7.
At a time when Albania’s existence was in danger and a vast number of
Albanians were working tirelessly to restore the Nation and secure its inde-
pendence before declaring independence for the Albanian State, senior cler-
ical members of this community or even other lay members served foreign
interests through propaganda.
On the other side, important shifts in the map of ecclesiastical jurisdictions
occurred with the emergence of nationalist governments in the Balkans as
they sought their ecclesiastical autocephaly from the Ecumenical Patriarchate
of Istanbul8.
7 For foreign propaganda in our country, see: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες
προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και
Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων,
Ιωάννινα, 1978
8 Their request to have an autocephalous church was initially not accepted by the Ec-
umenical Patriarchate. This led to years of spiritual schism between the Mother Church, the
Ecumenical Patriarchate and the daughter Churches of each respective self-proclaimed auto-
cephalous state. Then the Patriarchate, through the corresponding patriarchal tomos, recog-
nized the autocephaly of the churches of the countries in the Balkans. The governments of the
new Balkan States, within the framework of the political situation and nationalism applied
for the purpose of their state formation, became promoters of the request addressed to the
Ecumenical Patriarchate to gain the autocephaly of their churches. Finally, it was observed
that the Autocephalies of the Churches were not only in danger of secularization, taking into
account the historical spiritual separations and cracks, but resulted in the submission of the
spiritual power to the governmental power. These cases of overlapping political factors to the
detriment of spiritual services caused the Ecumenical Patriarchate, through the Synod held
in Constantinople in 1872, to condemn philetism, that is, nationalism as a sick condition that
was often confused with patriotism or when for political purposes and state, trust was mis-
used or considered secondary. If religion played a unifying role for the nations of countries
such as Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia where the Orthodox made up the majority of the population,
the Albanian case where the religious affiliation of the Albanians was abused, created diffi-
culties that would consume a lot of energy especially among the Orthodox community in the
country. . Within this spiritual experience that took place within the framework of the state
formation of each Balkan country, it happened that nationalisms could deviate the prefer-
ences of the Orthodox, as happened in Bulgaria where a good part of the people supported
40
Due to political and economic pressure placed on the hidden Christians,

who were forced to declare Muslim names for themselves in order to waive a
high tax payment in exchange for the requirement to serve in the military, the
Shpataraks, from Shpat in Elbasani region in our country attempted to accept
Uniatism, spiritual dependence under the Pope of Rome, in order to be under
the spiritual and political protection of the Vatican. Following the current at-
tention in this issue from numerous nations, including Russia, Austria, Italy,
and the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Shpataraks continued to remain part of
the Orthodox Christian Community (Graceni, 1987, p. 153-154; Pollo, 1992,
p. 27).
Uniatism undermined the country’s Orthodox community’s spiritual cohe-
sion and developed into a political-ecclesiastical problem, which required a
lot of hard work from the Orthodox Church Institution over the course of the
following century to repair the harm.
Having better economic and political conditions than the Albanians in
their homeland during the 19th century and at the start of the 20th century,
the Diaspora of Albanians in Romania, Egypt, Bulgaria, etc. supported the
Albanian national movement, making contributions primarily to culture and
education. The majority of them were Orthodox Albanians who supported
the national cause while also demanding for the spiritual rights that their ec-
clesiastical community was entitled to in defense of its distinctive features,
including their language and blood.
In terms of Albanian national culture and education, the “Drita” society of
the Albanians of Bucharest was perhaps the first to advocate for an Albanian
church in the country.
On October 1, 1903, this association from Bucharest sent a request to the
Great Powers requesting the opening of Albanian schools. Three of the four
points they requested in it were: 1) Official recognition of the Albanian nation
with the registration of Albanians regardless of religion in the acts of civil sta-
tus; 2) Albanian school and church; 3) Amnesty for all exiled Albanians and
political convicts, victims of foreign intrigues found guilty only for demand-
ing the free expression of national culture (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika & Bupsi,
1987, p. 145-147).
unitism as an anti-government force against politics that was not in the interest of the people
and the Bulgarian state. See: Ελευθερία Νικολαΐδου, Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική
κίνηση στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του 79ου και
τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978.
41
The Albanians of this society were very religiously connected to the old
church of Saint George in Bucharest (Hoxha & Nuro & Nika, Bupsi, 1987, p.
319). Later, in 1909, the priest Father Harallamb Çalamani granted them spe-
cial permission to hold mass in Albanian, and from that point on, this church
was known as the church of the Albanians.
The Society’s newspaper “Lidhja Orthodokse,” which was published in
Korça in 1909 under the leadership of Mihal Gramenos, carried out exten-
sive patriotic propaganda among the clergy and the population in addition to
the efforts of the community members to read the gospel and partially cele-
brate the mass in Albanian. It also addressed the issue of the mother tongue
in the church and in the school and having a purely Albanian administration.
(Beduli, 1992, p. 16).
In the Albanian Diaspora of America and at the same time in the communi-
ty of Orthodox Albanians, the date March 8th, 1908, marks the fulfillment of
a century-old need among Albanians, the first mass performed entirely in the
Albanian language. This need, unfulfilled until this date, was realized by the
protagonist of this church community, Father Theofan Noli, who, according to
the desire of the community and with the consent of the Synod of the Russian
Church, became a priest and performed this holy celebration on the same day.
Also, the mass in Albanian of Father Noli, celebrated on March 22, at Phoenix
Hall Boston Mass, for the celebration of the Triumph of the Orthodox faith,
on the Sunday of Orthodoxy, was shown as a day of victory and joy for the Al-
banians of America, since in the afternoon of that day, the Cathedral of Saint
George was founded and the first church elders of this ecclesiastical-orthodox
community were elected. Following this, the cleric Theofan Noli visited all Al-
banians in America and spoke to them about their ecclesiastical and national
rights, and in the following years he visited Albania and all the Albanian Dia-
sporas in the Balkans (Duka, 1992, p. 36-37; Beduli, 1992, p. 17-18).
“... The fundamental biblical-ecclesiastical translations of

Kristoforidi and Noli, then until today, had a wide impact and
use in the Albanian-Orthodox community, constituted the most
worthy contribution and anthem for the creation of the Church
of the Albanian compatriots, and even more so when these were
carried out by only two people, but extremely dedicated to solving
the national and ecclesiastical issue of all Albanians...” (Shkira,
2022, p. 17).
42
Finally, the efforts for the autocephaly of the Church Institution of the Or-
thodox communities in Albania were finalized with the receipt of the Patriar-
chal and Synodical Tomos on the blessing of the Autocephaly of the Orthodox
Church in Albania, on April 12, 1937 (Anastasi, 2013, p. 97-102).
43
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Thëngjilli Petrika. (2002) “Shqiptarët midis Lindjes dhe Perëndimit 1506-
1839” Fusha Fetare I, Shtypur nga Maluka shpk, Tiranë.
Μαρτινιανός Ιωακείμ. (1939) Συμβολαί εις την ιστορίαν της Μοσχοπόλεως: Η
ιερά μονή του Τιμίου Προδρόμου κατά τον εν αυτή κώδικα 1630-1875, Αρχαίος
Εκδοτικός Οίκος Δημήτριου Δημητράκου, Α. Ε. Αθήναι.
Μεταλληνός Γεώργιος. (1998) Τουρκοκρατία, Οι Έλληνες στην Οθωμανική
Αυτοκρατορία, Ακρίτας, Αθήνα.
Νικολαΐδου Ελευθερία. (1978) Ξένες προπαγάνδες και εθνική αλβανική κίνηση
στις Μητροπωλιτικές Επαρχίες Δυρραχίου και Βελεγράδων κατά τά τέλη του
79ου και τις αρχές του 20ου αιώνα. Πανεπιστήμιο Ιωαννίνων, Ιωάννινα, 1978
Παπαδοπούλου Χρυσοστόμου. (1949) “Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της
Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ”,
Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας
της Ελλάδος (A΄), p. 4-17.
Παπαρρηγόπουλου Κωνσταντίνου. (1993) Ιστορία του Ελληνικού Έθνους,
Αθήνα, Κάκτος.
Χρυσοστόμου Παπαδοπούλου. (1949) “Η Εξωτερική Κατάστασις της
Εκκλησίας Κωνσταντινουπόλεως από της Αλώσεως μέχρι του ΙΗ ΑΙΩΝΩΣ”,
Περιοδικό ΘΕΟΛΟΓΙΑ - Τριμηνιαία Έκδοση της Ιεράς Συνόδου της Εκκλησίας
της Ελλάδος (Β΄), Ev Αθήναις, p.189-203.
46
3
‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’.
A code phrase exhorting to missionary
outreach introduced by Archbishop
Anastasios of Albania
Nikolaos Tsirevelos
Adjunct Lecturer of Christian Education and Homiletics, Department of
Theology & Culture, University College Logos, Tirana
Adjunct Lecturer at the University of Thessaly
Adjunct Lecturer at the University of Western Macedonia
Corespondence:
e-mail: ntsirevelos@hotmail.com
Abstract
‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ refers to the astasios Yannoulatos in the 1960s and
Eucharistic experience that moves afterwards. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ is
Christians, when they leave the church an exhortation to missionary outreach
at the conclusion of the Divine Liturgy, which originated with Archbishop An-
to share the gift they received so that this astasios and which, coupled with Christ’s
world may be transformed into the King- resurrectional command to teach all na-
dom of God. First used by Anastasios tions, shaped his missionary witness and
Yannoulatos, then Bishop of Androussa ecclesiastical diaconate.
and now Archbishop of Tirana, Durres Keywords:
and All Albania, at Etchmiadzin (Arme- Archbishop Anastasios, Liturgy,
nia) in 1975. The expression ‘liturgy after
Homiletics, Orthodox mission.
the Liturgy’ has since been adopted by
many theologians to signify the Church’s Citation:
multifaceted mission and witness of ser- Tsirevelos N. ‘Liturgy after the
vice in the world. With this succinct and Liturgy’. A code phrase exhorting to
felicitous phrase, its originator called the missionary outreach introduced by
faithful to a perpetually Eucharistic atti- Archbishop Anastasios of Albania.
tude in their daily life, which expresses Theology & Culture. 2022; 5: 49-69.
the passion and struggle for the transfor- Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.12899.43046
mation of the world into the Church of
Christ. Our study presents the theologi-
cal roots distilled into this now familiar
phrase, as found in the writings of An-
49
‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ ©2022 Tsirevelos
Introduction
A
catchphrase frequently employed in recent decades in theological
literature, oral discussions and on other occasions is the mission-
ary exhortation to ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’. This code phrase be-
gan to spread through the ecumenical movement in the middle of the 1970s,
especially in World Mission circles. First used by the present Archbishop of
Albania Anastasios, it was adopted by other Orthodox theologians to empha-
sise the immediacy of the relationship between liturgical life and Christian
mission and the carrying of the Gospel to the nations. Its meaning was also
associated with the diaconal ministry of the Church in the community as an
extension and continuation of the participation of the faithful in the sacra-
ment of Holy Communion.
First and foremost, the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ is a clear and simple
declaration that the Holy Eucharist lies at the heart of Christian life. Chris-
tians draw strength and inspiration from sharing in the mystery of Holy Com-
munion, so that they may afterwards selflessly bear witness to the presence of
Christ in the world and at the same time face up to evil in any form1.
“Liturgy after the Liturgy” is an easily-remembered exhortation to mission-
ary outreach, which encapsulates the Christian’s obligation to step out of the
temple and go into the world to share with those near and far the gifts received
from partaking in the Holy Eucharist. The message was encoded by Anasta-
sios Yannoulatos in the 1970s at a conference of the World Council of Church-
es and was later used by other theologians in the context of the ecumenical
movement2. More recently it appeared in the Message and the Encyclical of
1 The scriptural roots of the concept of “liturgy after the Liturgy” may be traced in, for
example, the passages Jn 13:1-17, Lk. 22:24-30, Mt. 28:19, Acts 2:42-47 and 4:32-37. In the pa-
tristic literature one might cite: Letter to Diognetus, PG 5, 713B(88). Ignatius, To the Ephesians,
PG 5, 656A. St John Chrysostom, Homily 25 on Matthew, PG 57, 331C. Maximus Confessor,
Mystagogy, PG 91, 668D-669B. Nikolaos Kabasilas, Commentary on the Divine Liturgy, 21, PG
150, 456D.
2 Indicatively: Schmemann, A. (1979). “The Missionary Imperative,” Church, World,
Mission: Reflections on Orthodoxy and the West. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary
Press, 215. Gill, D. (1983), Gathered for Life: Official Report of the WCC 6th Assembly, Gene-
va: WCC Publ., 35. Oleksa, M.(1983). “Overwhelmed by Joy”, International Review of Mis-
sion, 72, 415-20. Anchimiuk, J. (1983). “Ministry of the Eucharistic Liturgy and the Min-
istry of the Liturgy after the Liturgy”, in G. Tsetsis (ed.), Orthodox Thought, Geneva: WCC
Publ., 31. Βασιλειάδης, Π. (1989). Ορθόδοξη Χριστιανική Μαρτυρία, Κατερίνη: Τέρτιος, 65-
76. Scott, E. (1991), Nairobi to Vancouver, Geneva: WCC, 93. Kinnamon, M. (1991), Signs
of the Spirit: Official Report of the WCC 7th Assembly, Geneva: WCC Publ., 119. Blyth, M.
(1992). “Liturgy after the Liturgy: An ecumenical Perspective”, The Ecumenical Review, Vol.
50
the Holy and Great Council of the Orthodox Church in Crete (2016), texts of
pan-Orthodox acceptance and universal in scope. The editor of the Message,
it is worth noting, was Archbishop Anastasios; the positions on mission ex-
pressed in the Encyclical are also his. In contemporary missionary literature
especially the phrase is commonly attributed to the Romanian priest Fr Ion
Bria3, who was an associate of Anastasios Yannoulatos on the WCC Com-
mission on World Mission and thoroughly acquainted with his theological
opinions and written texts and who by the mid 1970s had appropriated this
eloquent phrase and was using it sedulously in his published work as his own4.
This present study aims to trace the origins of the phrase ‘liturgy after the
Liturgy’ and how it spread to other writers. It will also study the Archbishop’s
earlier writings in an attempt to present his theological thinking on the basis
for witness to the Gospel in the world. From the late 1950s theological justi-
fication of apostolic mission formed the natural substrate from which sprang
this cadenced, expressively elegant and theologically pithy exhortation, which
also stamped Anastasios Yannoulatos’ entire diaconate within the Church.
44, no 1, 73-79. Keshishian, A. (1992). Orthodox Perpsectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum

Lynx, 22-30. Bria, I. & Bobrinskoy, B. (1993). “Prière du coeur et eucharistie”, in Ioan I.
Ica (ed.), Person and Communion: Homage to Fr Dumitru Staniloae, Sibiu, 631. Clapsis, E.
(2004). “The Eucharist as Missionary Event in a Suffering World,” Orthodoxy in Conversation:
Orthodox Ecumenical Engagements. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 192-193.
Βασιλειάδης, Π. (2005). Lex orandi, Θεσσαλονίκη: Ίνδικτος, 22-28. Τσομπανίδης, Σ. (2009).
Μετά-Λειτουργία. Η Ορθόδοξη συμμετοχή στην κοινή χριστιανική μαρτυρία για δικαιοσύνη,
ειρήνη και ακεραιότητα της δημιουργίας, Θεσσαλονίκη: Π. Πουρνάρας, 422. According to
Prof. Sonea, ‘The concept had an important impact on the development of some import-
ant missionary documents, such as: Martyria-Mission. The Witness of the Orthodox Church-
es Today (WCC, Geneva 1980), Go Forth in Peace. Orthodox Perspectives in Mission (WCC,
Geneva 1982 and 1986), and a few chapters under the section about the Eucharist of the
BEM ecumenical document. WCC 10th Assembly from Busan, 2013, adopted the missionary
document Together Towards Life, in which “liturgy after the Liturgy” becomes the Orthodox
contribution to the way mission is understood at an ecumenical level’, Sonea, C. (2020), “The
‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ and Deep Solidarity. The Orthodox Understanding of Christian Wit-
ness and its Implications for Human Society”, Mission Studies 37, 452-477.
3 Indicatively: Grdzelidze, T. (2011), “Ecumenism, Orthodoxy and Education”, in J. A.
McGuckin (ed.), The Encyclopedia of Eastern Orthodoxy Christianity, New York: A John Wiley
& Sons, Ltd., Publication, 211.
4 The first written reference occurs in Bria, I. (1978), “The liturgy after the Liturgy”,
International Review of Mission, Vol. 67, no 265, 86. Cf. Bria, I. (1986), Go Forth in Peace: Or-
thodox Perspectives on Mission. Geneva: WCC, 3. Bria, I. (1996), The Liturgy after the Liturgy.
Mission and Witness from an Orthodox Perspective, Geneva: WCC Publ.. Bria, I. (2002), “My
pilgrimage in Mission”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 26, Iss. 2, 74-77.
51
1. First formulation of the exhortation to ‘Liturgy after

the Liturgy’
The phrase was first heard in 1975 at a conference of the World Council
of Churches at Etchmiadzin (Armenia) on “Confessing Christ through the
Liturgical Life of the Church” when, as Secretary of the CWE Desk for Ortho-
dox Studies and Relations, the then Bishop of Androussa Anastasios Yannou-
latos quoted a passage from a sermon he had delivered on the Second Sunday
in Lent in 1963, feast day of St Gregory Palamas, in Athens, to the members of
the Christian Union of Scientists. Reiterating the necessity for the Eucharistic
and liturgical experience to be carried over into everyday life, he said that:
“This event (of the Divine Liturgy) must not be lost as an

instantaneous emotion, but the Liturgy must be extended into
daily life. And all of life must be transfigured into a liturgy. Our
office, our altar, our factory or our home becomes our temple;
our work becomes our liturgy, where our soul and body will be
offered as ‘a living sacrifice, holy, and acceptable to God (Rom.
12:1)” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 94-95).
At the close of the Etchmiadzin Conference, Bishop Anastasios used these

words from an earlier sermon of his to stress the importance of the Divine
Liturgy, and especially the dynamic potential of the liturgical experience in
everyday life, codifying his exhortation in the phrase ‘liturgy after Liturgy’. He
said:
“The Liturgy must to be continued in the personal, everyday

situations. Each of the faithful is called upon to continue a personal
‘liturgy’ on the secret altar of one’s own heart, to realize a living
proclamation of the good news ‘for the sake of the whole world’.
Without this continuation the Liturgy remains incomplete. Since
in the Eucharistic event we are incorporated into Him who came
to serve the world and to be sacrificed for it, we have to express
in concrete diaconia, in community life, our new being in Christ,
the Servant of all. The sacrifice of the Eucharist must be extended
in personal sacrifices for the people in need, for the brothers for
whom Christ died. (…), and efforts aimed at liberating human
52
persons from all demonic structures of injustice, exploitation,

agony, loneliness, and at creating a real communion of persons in
love” (Υannoulatos, 2010, p. 95-96).
In this passage Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos essentially stresses the dy-

namic potential of the sacrament of Holy Communion in every manifestation
of human life, while at the same time linking the present with the anticipation
of the Kingdom of God. The battle and constant struggle of Christian believers
to transform this world into a new one (Rev. 21:5b) has Eucharistic roots. In
this theological idea, present and last things (eschata) meet in the Christian’s
Eucharistic approach to life and witness to the Gospel in the community.
In a subsequent portion of this address Bishop Anastasios set out the basic
lines upon which various theologians would later elaborate the dimensions of
this ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’5. Concretely, he emphasised that:
“This personal everyday attitude becomes ‘liturgical’ in the sense

that: (a) it draws power from the participation in the Sacrament
of the Holy Eucharist through which we receive the grace of
the liberating and unifying Holy Spirit. (b) It constitutes the
best preparation for a new, more conscientious and existential
participation in the Eucharist. (c) It is a living expression –in terms
clear to everyboby- of real transformation of men and women in
Christ” (Υannoulatos, 2010: p. 96).
Fragments of this address, which Anastasios Yannoulatos delivered at Etch-

miadzin, were published by the Romanian theologian and protopresbyter Fr
Ion Bria6, who succeeded him at the WCC. Over the next several years Fr
5 For the elaboration of the code phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ by various theo-
logians, omitting however any acknowledgment of Archbishop Anastasios as its originator,
see Edwards, G. (2018 May 21-25), “Orthodox Christian Witness to the Third Millennium:
Improving the mission document”, Presented at the Eighth International Conference of Or-
thodox Theology, hosted by the Faculty of Theology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki,
Thessaloniki, Greece. Retrieved from http://www.orthodoxconference.theosch.auth.gr/kei-
mena_final/33_Edwards_Gregory.pdf
6 See also the relevant statement by Athanasios Papathanasiou, who says that “The
formula ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ was first articulated by Anastasios Yannoulatos in 1975 in
Etchmiadzin, Armenia, and since then, along with the valuable contribution of Ion Bria, has
become an established phrase that is used often in the IRM”, in Papathanasiou, A. (2013),
“Tradition as impulse for renewal and witness: Introducing Orthodox missiology in the IRM”,
Vassileiades, P. (ed.), Orthodox Perpectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum Books International,
p.164. See also Koukoura, D. (2014), “Evangelism in ‘Christian’ Societies, An Orthodox hom-
53
Bria frequently used the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ at various ecumen-
ical meetings, in addresses and discussions, in an article in the widely read
International Review of Mission (Bria, 1978, p. 86-90), and more specifically
in a book published under that title by the World Council of Churches (Bria,
1996). After having deliberately concealed the authorship of this emblematic
code phrase, the Romanian cleric was compelled to restore the truth, in the
following terms: “One comment which in fact summarizes the original de-
bate was sent by Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos, professor of the University of
Athens, which follows in revised form” (Bria, 1978, p. 86), after which he cites
Archbishop Anastasios’ text.
More specifically, in his book The Liturgy after the Liturgy Fr. Ion Bria (1996,
p. 20) writes7:
“This was further developed at a consultation in Etchmiadzin,
iletic approach”. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/37815940/Evangelism_in_Chris-
tian_Societies. Cf also Koukoura, D. (2018) “Rievangelizzione: una procedura miletica comp-
lessa”. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/37819346/RIEVANGELIZZAZIONE_pdf.
Metropolitan Geevarghese Mor Coorilos, for his part, states that the phrase ‘liturgy after the
Liturgy’ was popularised by Fr Ion Bria, without mentioning Archbishop Anastasios as its
originator. “Mission as liturgy before Liturgy and as contestation”, P. Vassileiades (ed.), Or-
thodox Perpectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum Books International,175. Cf also the words
of Ngige Njoroge, K. J. (2013) in “Incarnation as a mode of Orthodox mission: International
Orthodox mission – Imposing culture and inculturation”, P. Vassileiades (ed.), Orthodox Per-
pectives on Mission, Regnum Books International, 249: ‘This is why, according to Archbishop
Anastasios, and later Fr Bria, the “liturgy after the liturgy” starts with Eucharistic worship’.
Professor Sonea, too, recognises that the phrase originated with Archbishop Anastasios and
became known through the works of other theologians, such as Ι. Bria. See Sonea, C. (2020),
“The ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ and Deep Solidarity. The Orthodox Understanding of Chris-
tian Witness and its Implications for Human Society”, Mission Studies 37, p. 458. Fr V. Mosoiu
expresses himself in similar terms, noting that ‘The phrase “liturgy after the Liturgy” appears
in the vocabulary of the Ecumenical Council of Churches in the early 1970s, being linked to
the name of the current archbishop of Albania, Anastasios Yannoulatos. At the World Mis-
sionary Conference on Salvation today (Bangkok, 1972), he insisted on the sense of tradition
and the dual movement in which the Church trains its faithful by worship: the public assem-
bly for the Eucharistic Liturgy and other rites, namely the sending to the Christian testimony.
The concept was resumed and deepened on other occasions by Orthodox theologians, the
most important moments being remembered by Father Bria’ (p. 157). He then goes on to
point out that the theologians who use the phrase ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’ fail to make any
distinction between the theological positions of Archbishop Anastasios and those of Fr Ion
Bria: ‘Interestingly, almost all of these authors refer to the expression without distinguishing
between the ideas of Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos and those of Professor Ion Bria - yet
another proof of the similarity of the vision and ideas of the two great Orthodox missionary
theologians’ (p. 160). Mosoiu, V. (2019).“‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ as the missionary-ecu-
menical reference point of father Ion Bria’s thinking. A Critical Perspective”, Revista Teologica,
Issue 1, 149-166.
7 I cite the entire passage, so that Bria’s reference to Archbishop Anastasios of Albania
may be perfectly clear.
54
Armenia, in 1975, on ‘Confessing Christ through the Liturgical

of the Church Today’. Its report noted that the Eucharistic liturgy
has implications not only for the being and identity of the church
but also for its mission in the world [The Orthodox text follows
at this point] (...) Out of this idea of the extension of the liturgical
celebration to life of the faithful in the world came the concept of
the ‘liturgy after the liturgy’. The dynamics of the liturgy go beyond
the boundaries of the Eucharistic assembly to serve the community
at large. The Eucharistic liturgy is not escape into an inner realm
of prayer, a pious turning away from social realities, rather it calls
and sends the faithful to celebrate ‘the sacrament of the brother’
outside the temple in the public market place, where the cries of
the poor and marginalized are heard. Anastasios Yannoulatos,
then a professor at the University of Athens, underscored the
necessary link between taking part ‘in the great event of liberation
from sin and of communion with Christ’ and making evident ‘this
transfiguration of our little being into a member of Christ’ in daily
life: ‘Each of the faithful is called upon to continue a personal
‘liturgy’ on the secret altar of his own heart, to realize a living
proclamation of the good news ‘for the sake of the whole world’.
Without this continuation the liturgy remains incomplete… The
sacrifice of the Eucharist must be extended in personal sacrifices
for the people in need, the brothers for whom Christ died… The
continuation of liturgy in life means a continuous liberation from
the powers of the evil that are working inside us, a continual
reorientation and openness to insights and efforts aimed at
liberating human persons from all demonic structures of injustice,
exploitation, agony, loneliness, and at creating a real communion
of persons in love’. Anastasios describes this everyday personal
attitude as ‘liturgical’ because (1) it is energized by participation
in the Eucharist, (2) it constitutes the best preparation for a more
conscious participation in the Eucharist, (3) it is a clear and living
expression of real transformation of men and women in Christ”
(Bria, 1996, p. 20).
The next part of our study asks whether Archbishop Anastasios’ now well-
known code phrase was an inspiration of the moment at the Etchmiadzin con-
ference or a crystallisation of previous theological thinking.
55
2. The exhortation to ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in earlier

works by Archbishop Anastasios
The germ of the phrase may be found in a sermon on “The Thrill of the
Preconsecrated” delivered in 1961 during the evening Liturgy of the Precon-
secrated (14.3.1961) in the University Church of Panagia Kapnikarea, in Ath-
ens8. The congregation and those who subsequently read the published ser-
mon knew little about mission work (Yannoulatos, 1962, p. 4-5). Indeed, the
revival of the Orthodox duty to bear witness to the nations was just then being
rekindled. As contemporary Church History and related missionary research
make clear, the contribution of Archbishop Anastasios was decisive in this
regard (Papathanasiou, 2009, p. 372; Tsirevelos, 2014, p. 43).
In this work the then lay theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos notes that the
spiritual life is not entirely without practical interest in the world and the sal-
vation of all mankind. This interest stems from the foretaste of the Kingdom
of God in the sacrament of Holy Communion. In no case, however, can this
participation be an individual matter: rather, it must be a constant struggle
for the proclamation of the Kingdom of God to the whole world. Specifically:
“Without the labour and effort of endeavouring to extend the

Kingdom of God, the kingdom of love, to all the world, that is,
without an awareness of mission, it is doubtful whether the
Kingdom of God will reach every corner of our personal interior
world. It is doubtful whether there can be a profound internal
rebirth of our Church” (Yannoulatos, 1962, p. 5).
Consequently, participation in the Holy Eucharist means a transformation

of our very self and a struggle for witness to God’s new world on the local and
global level.
The exhortation to “liturgy after the Liturgy” and the linking of the experi-
ence of worship with worldwide apostolic mission are expressed more clear-
ly in the article “Orthodox Mission and the Holy Eucharist” (Yannoulatos,
1964), a passage from his English-language address to the WCC Commission
8 In this article Archbishop Anastasios emphasises the connection between the Litur-
gy of the Preconsecrated and the prayers of the catechumens, which are spoken aloud, and
the apostolic duty of the Church. For an extensive analysis of the specific theological work see
Tsirevelos, N. (2015) Θεολογική θεμελίωση της Ορθόδοξης μαρτυρίας. Σπουδή στο έργο του
Αρχιεπισκόπου Αλβανίας Αναστασίου, Thessaloniki: Ostracon Publishing, p. 101-108.
56
for World Mission and Evangelism held in Mexico in 1963. The then deacon
Anastasios Yannoulatos wrote:
“Christ is not a prophet or a theory. He is life, the life. The

transmission of this life is not realized so much by words or
thoughts. It reaches its fulfilment in Holy Communion. Every part
of our being, our human being, that is body and soul, must be holy.
It is for this reason that we receive His blood and His body, so that
everything within us may be transformed and we may become
‘partakers of the divine nature’ (2 Peter 1:4)” (Yannoulatos, 1964,
p. 58).
This passage reveals the fullness of the life the believer receives with the
sacrament of the Holy Eucharist and its significance for the Orthodox Church.
Archimandrite Anastasios Yannoulatos went on to analyse the relation be-
tween Holy Communion and world mission, tracing two main axes. The first
concerns the strengthening of the Christian through participation in the sac-
rament of Holy Communion and the concomitant awareness of his duty to
bear witness to the world.
“It is highly doubtful whether we can truly participate and really

live the Divine Liturgy if we do not realise within our innermost
soul that the Sacrifice of Our Lord and His Redemptory Work
– mystically re-enacted every time the sacrament of the Holy
Eucharist is performed – was accomplished for the exclusive
benefit of a few millions of people but for all mankind. It is even
questionable whether we have the right to take part in the Feast
of Love, if we are simply uninterested in the fact that so many
unknown brothers of ours are born, live and die without the
Truth” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 58).
The second axis stresses that there can be no missionary outreach without
essential communion with Christ himself. “Let us contemplate the profound
relationship of unity and love between the Son and the Father, so that we may
understand what kind of “communion” is required between sender and em-
issary” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59). This communion, as he goes on to say, is
achieved through participation in the Holy Eucharist. The Holy Eucharist lies
57
at the heart of church life; it was the primary means for the witness and the
service of the Lord’s disciples and remains so for His followers in every age
(Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59).
This text, which was published in 1964, ends with a summary description
of “liturgy after the Liturgy”.
“In every Divine Liturgy every one of us should ‘offer’ his/her

whole self and his/her entire work – what he/she is, what he/
she has, what he/she does – to Christ (…) he/she should seek to
receive his/her Lord in ‘Holy Communion’ so that his very being
becomes liberated from the narrow bonds of his own egoism.
Only then, with a sincere and manifest love for all mankind, will
he be able to embrace the life of Divine Love, the blissful life of the
Holy Trinity” (Yannoulatos, 1964, p. 59).
3. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in later texts by

Archbishop Anastasios
In a 1978 essay on “Rediscovering the Orthodox missionary ethos”9 Arch-

bishop Anastasios (2010, p. 117-134) dwells particularly on the experiential
nature of the Divine Liturgy. The lived experience of worship is the start-
ing-point for the establishment, in freedom, of substantive relations with God
and one’s fellow-man. This freedom means openness to every otherness and
working for harmonious co-existence among people, regardless of national,
racial, sexual, religious, social or cultural particularities. In this way the Eu-
charist becomes a way of life and is expressed in real love for all creation. In
Archbishop Anastasios’ words:
“The faithful by experiencing in the Liturgy: communion with

God. (…) [The faithful] broaden the horizons of their thoughts and
interests, and acquire inner strength enabling them to prolong the
experience of te Liturgy into life. That is, to work for the essential
promotion of brotherhood in the world, the bridging of the
separated, and the elimination of all forms of cultural, linguistic
9 First published as Yannoulatos, A. (1978), “A la redécouverte de l’éthos missionaire

de l’Eglise Orthodoxe”, Aspects de l’ Orthodoxie, Strasbourg, pp 78-96, with details of the ini-
tial delivery and publication of the work.
58
or political barriers. There is another kind of liturgy (λειτουργία

means the work of people); the ‘liturgy after the Divine Liturgy’
that each believer ought to carry on after the celebration of the
Liturgy in Church. The Divine Liturgy is continued with each
one as celebrant before the mystical stone altar of reality, of daily
obligations. Thus the Liturgy becomes life and the whole of life is
elevated as Divine Liturgy” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 131).
Moreover, the experiential Eucharistic attitude to life is expressed in the

selfless offering of services, by individual Christians and by the Church as a
body, to all people. In this context the liturgical experience extends into min-
istry and outreach, the service actively provided by Christ’s disciples in the
social arena. This position clearly illustrates the anthropological orientation
of Christian teaching, an orientation articulated by Archbishop Anastasios in
his paper on “Worship, Service, Martyria” Yannoulatos, 1983, p. 635-639) and
which includes the battle waged by Christians for the protection of human
rights and the salvation of every individual person.
“The participation, therefore, in any kind of dynamic movement

to liberate human life from the domination of every demonic
power, oppression and unjust construct is the direct result of the
liturgical experience, the direct expression of the experience of
salvation” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 151).
In this paper he demonstrates the close connection between ministry (dia-

konia) and witness that is rooted in the Eucharistic experience and constitutes
the safety valve preventing witness and service from degenerating into prose-
lytism or bribery.
“Worship”, Archbishop Anastasios says, “submits to a continuous ‘biolog-
ical purification’ of the various wastes of human egoism offering constantly
the needed pure water to cleanse the diverse personal and combined energies.
This purification and sanctification contributes to the renewal of human life
and the life of world” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 153-154). In the life of the Church
there is, consequently, no place for self-interest; rather, the Church itself is
the Mystic Body of Christ which serves as a loving community and a willing
sacrifice for the good of the world (Florofsky, 1989, p. 180; Nissiotes, 1986, p.
207; Matsoukas, 1997, p. 287).
59
The liturgical life of the Church steers the Christian onto an ecumenical
course. Thus oriented, he seeks to strive by practical means for the unity of all.
In an essay on “The Global Vision of Proclaiming the Gospel” Archbishop An-
astasios stresses that: “The Liturgy, by freeing us from absorption in the prob-
lems of our small selves, expands our horizons and helps us live existentially
the universality of salvation in Christ” (Yannoulatos, 1997, p. 401-417). At
the same time, he also links the concept of “liturgy after the Liturgy” with the
liturgical renaissance that is taking place in many local Orthodox Churches.
The Christian’s interest in the whole world is thus an extension of his liturgical
experience and interest in the Christians’ experiential bond with worship. In
this connection Archbishop Anastasios also reveals his urgent anxiety that
these theological positions be made known to the members of the Church that
they draw inspiration from them and apply them in practice in their lives. He
therefore stresses that the light of our Eucharistic gatherings must burn even
more brightly and continue more unfailingly in our everyday life after the Lit-
urgy, so that Orthodox witness and outreach may develop into a liturgy after
the Liturgy (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 243). Such an endeavour essentially leads
to ecclesiastical action and a life inspired by the Paraclete (Holy Spirit) and
weaves a vision of universality that Christians are called upon to serve.
Indeed, Archbishop Anastasios points out that in the face of the constantly
changing world, the continuity of the Liturgy in the community leads witness
into new circumstances, with new ways and means and new environments
(Αυδίκος, 2016, σ. 83). This is obviously a reference to the possibilities offered
by the new technologies and digital cultures that are continually emerging
(Κούκουρα, 2019, σ. 17). Now, all Christians can engage in a “liturgy after the
Liturgy”, using digital channels of communication to encode Christ’s message
in new ways. The Archbishop notes that “These communication codes must
not be regarded as enigmas or menaces but as a new language in which to con-
vey the ancient messages of the Gospel” (Yannoulatos, 2010, p. 295). “Liturgy
after the Liturgy” thus expresses the Eucharistic ethos that, across the ages and
through a diversity of channels, has passed on the torch of the living presence
of Christ.
Moreover, in the Divine Liturgy the whole life of Christ is represented and
relived. This experience culminates in the sacrament of Holy Communion,
when the faithful receive strength to carry the fruit of the Holy Spirit (Gal.
5:22) into the community. In this way they continue the work of Christ as true
apostles, seeking to “reconcile the entire human race with God” (Yannoulatos,
60
2003, p. 34). In this process the people, lay men and women10, have an obliga-
tion to offer with their lives the certainty of the Resurrection.
The dynamics of liturgy after the Liturgy also extend into culture. “Through
the power of the Gospel, culture realizes all human potential and thus be-
comes the process through which the entire world is transformed” (Yannou-
latos, 2003, p. 96). In later texts Archbishop Anastasios linked the transfor-
mation of the individual through experience of the Liturgy with the struggles
to establish peace, with the ministry of reconciliation11 (Yannoulatos, 20-17b,
p. 86 & 181; Yannoulatos, 2021, p. 47 & 113), and with the protection of the
natural environment, which is an extension of the liturgical experience (Yan-
noulatos, 2021, p. 53-70).
4. Catch-phrases in the writings of Archbishop
Anastasios
In all his writings, from the very beginning, Archbishop Anastasios Yan-
noulatos has frequently made use of brief, pithy, easily-remembered phrases
that crystallize his Biblical theology and its application to missionary work.
One such example is the succinct “A non-missionary Church is a Church
without a mission”12, which was adopted as the motto of the periodical Poreft-
hentes and the Inter-Orthodox Missionary Centre of the same name, both of
which were founded by the then lay theologian Anastasios Yannoulatos, with
the object of demonstrating the importance of bringing the good news of the
Gospel to all nations (Yannoulatos, 1961b, p. 35-38).
10 Archbishop Anastasios has highlighted the importance of the laity in the life of the
Church and society from his very first writings. Entirely indicatively, Yannoulatos, A. (1961),
“The Missionary Activity of the Churches of the East in Central and Eastern Asia”, Poreft-
hentes, No. 10, p. 30. Yannoulatos, A. (1968). “Initial Thoughts toward an Orthodox Foreign
Mission”, Porefthentes, No. 38-39, p. 20. The crowning point came with the institution of lay
participation, for men and women, in the administrative organs of the Autocephalous Ortho-
dox Church of Albania. For more on this topic see Yannoulatos, A. (2017). The Restoration of
the Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Albania (1991-2016), Tirana, p. 31
11 This, moreover, is precisely what Archbishop Anastasios practiced as Patriarchal Ex-
arch in Albania and later as Archbishop of Tirana and All Albania. On this matter see Tsirev-
elos, N. (2021 Spring). “Orthodox Witness or Colonialism? The Church of Albania in Modern
times”, The Wheel, No. 25, pp 34-41.
12 The phrase was also used as the motto of an exhibition organised by the Inter-Or-
thodox Centre “Porefthentes”. See the article by Roumeliotis, S. (1966). “Orthodox Mission
Exhibit”, Porefthentes, No. 30-31, p. 32. Cf also the references to the Centre’s organised and
systematic work in C. Maczewski, C. (2002). Η κίνηση της Ζωής στην Ελλάδα. Συμβολή στο
πρόβλημα της Ανατολικής παραδόσεως της Ανατολικής Εκκλησίας, (μτφρ. Μεταλληνός Γ.),
Αθήνα: Αρμός, p. 139.
61
Similarly memorable short sentences abound in the teaching manuals that

Deacon Anastasios Yannoulatos (as he was then) wrote for youth catechism
classes. These texts were written in 1960-63. They were published in 1978
and re-issued in 1981 and 2014 (2014. 2014b). In many of these texts, which
are elaborated lesson plans, the final part, focusing on the application of the
lessons to the adolescents’ everyday lives, is often structured around snap-
py catch-lines, devised to imprint the core idea of the lesson on their minds
and lives (Tsirevelos, 2020: 9-32). The repetition of short pithy phrases is also
a device frequently used for rhetorical effect in the Archbishop’s Christmas
(Γιαννουλάτος, 2006) and Easter (Γιαννουλάτος, 2007) messages and sermons
(Γιαννουλάτος, 2016).
This tactic of selecting and repeating certain phrases is, moreover, apparent
throughout all the Archbishop’s oral and written work. By way of example one
might cite repetitions that he has used in texts, interviews and statements,
such as:
“Every crime committed in the name of religion is a crime against

religion itself. Every form of violence perpetrated in the name of
religion is, in every sense, a violation of religion itself. No war
can be holy. Only peace is holy” (Yannoulatos, 2016, p. 146-147;
Yannoulatos, 2021, p. 114)13.
“No one has the right to use the oil of religion to fuel the flames
of conflict. Religion is a divine gift, given to quieten hearts,
heal wounds and bring people and nations closer together”
(Γιαννουλάτος, 2018).
“The Christian Church promises to offer what it has and what it

is (…) to direct [mankind] towards a higher level: the universal
Community of Love” (Yannoulatos, 2003, p. 48).
“To the uneasiness created by the virus of insecurity Christ offers

the effectual antidote” (Yannoulatos, 2018).
“Love is the antidote to the egocentrism, national, racial, religious,

13 These catch phrases and ideas were accepted and repeated almost verbatim in the fi-
nal “Message” and in the “Encyclical” of the Holy and Great Council of the Orthodox Church
in Crete, June 2016, which can be found in their entirety at https://www.holycouncil.org/.
62
which poisons the peaceful co-existence of men and peoples”.

(Yannoulatos, 2022).
The success of these phrases, it should be pointed out in passing, may be

judged by the way they have been adopted by numerous clerics and theolo-
gians, often without ascription of their authorship.
These phrases, formulas and statements essentially express the text’s chief
position and have educational ramifications14. In the Archbishop’s work they
assume a general validity, offering possibilities for further development of its
various aspects. In other words, they encapsulate the main topic while their
repetition seeks to instil the lesson in a concise, comprehensible and instruc-
tive manner. Plainly, the exhortation to ‘liturgy after the Liturgy’, a code phrase
first heard in Armenia in 1975, was for many decades thereafter widely used
by numerous theologians, who adopted it from the title of the book published
by Fr Ion Bria.
Conclusions
“Liturgy after the Liturgy” refers to the Eucharistic experience of Chris-

tian who, upon leaving the church after Divine Service, is moved to share the
gift they have received so that this world may become the Kingdom of God.
This approach to life presupposes sacrifice, inspired by the example of Jesus
washing the disciples’ feet before the Last Supper (Jn 13:1-17) and as such is a
perpetuation of Christ’s self-sacrificial offering to the world by His disciples,
men and women, down the ages.
The exhortation to “liturgy after the Liturgy” was originally formulated by
the then Bishop of Androussa and present Archbishop of Tirana, Durres and
All Albania Anastasios (Yannoulatos) at Etchmiadzin in 1975. Since then it
has been used by many theologians to express the Church’s manifold mission
and witness of ministry and service to the world. With these few felicitous
words its author, Archbishop Anastasios Yannoulatos, issued a clear, concise
and memorable call to a perpetually Eucharistic approach to everyday life,
which expresses the passion and the struggle for the transformation of this
world into the Church of Christ.
14 For the theory of the educational, pedagogical and didactic significance of the “Great
Idea” see Κουκουνάρας Λιάγκης, Μ. (2020). Τι θρησκευτικά χρειάζεται σήμερα η εκπαίδευση;
(What religious studies does education need today?), Αθήνα: Gutenberg, σ. 117.
63
In our study we present the theological foundations encapsulated in this

familiar phrase, as these are found more analytically in the works of Arch-
bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos from the 1960s to the present. “Liturgy after
the Liturgy” is an original exhortation to outreach formulated by Archbishop
Anastasios, which together with Christ’s resurrection commandment to ‘Go
ye therefore, and teach all nations’ (Mt. 28:19) defined his missionary witness
and ecclesiastical service ministry. Moreover, the Archbishop often expresses
himself in easily understood concise general statements which are afterwards
frequently taken up and repeated without acknowledgement of their source.
64
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69
4
The study of religion in a Greek
Encyclopedia of interwar period
Georgios Gaitanos
Head of the Department of Theology & Culture, Lecturer of Religious
Studies, University College Logos, Tirana
Corespondence:
e-mail: george.gaitanos@kulogos.edu.al
Abstract
The Great Hellenic Encyclopaedia rior” religion, because it is “genuine”
(Megali Elliniki Egiklopedia) consti- and does not follow false sources, as
tutes an enormous and particularly the other religions or the other ad-
ambitious work for its era (1925- orations do. The Revelation of God
1935), as it seeks to assemble the in the world is the element that dis-
whole scientific and human knowl- tinguishes and gives a precedence
edge in 24 volumes and to present concerning the other religions. At
it with tangible and comprehensi- the same time, the combination of
ble way in its readers. The people in Hellenism and Christianity in the
charge for the edition of the Ency- Encyclopaedia recommends a com-
clopaedia, who emanate either from bination of culture and progress.
the academic, political and military
section, they wish to promote a work
that will constitute a tool and a use- Keywords:
ful handbook for each Greek family, Study of Religion, comparison,
but also for anyone that wishes to taxonomy, Christianity, Greek
advance his/her studies in a supe- Orthodox Church, Ancient Greece.
rior level. The study of religion in Citation:
Gaitanos G. The study of religion in
the Great Hellenic Encyclopaedia is
a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar
faced as means of segregation and
period. Theology & Culture. 2022; 5:
classification between the people 71-92.
and the various groups in all over the Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.19610.31681
world. The Christianity is the “supe-
71
The study of religion in a Greek Encyclopedia of interwar period ©2022 Gaitanos
Introduction
I
n the article I will seek to develop an example from the Greek area in
terms of the methodology of the classification and study of religion.
Essentially, the example concerns the question of the classification of
religions through a Greek encyclopedia of the interwar period, the Great Hel-
lenic Encyclopedia (hereafter GHE).
1. General presentation of GHE
The GHE was a truly enormous and particularly ambitious project for its
time (1926-1934), as it sought to collect within its 23 volumes1, all scientif-
ic and generally human knowledge and to present it in a scientifically tested
but also in a tangible and understandable way to its readers and users. Those
responsible for compiling the Encyclopedia, who came either from the uni-
versity or from the political and military fields, wanted to create a work that
would be a tool and a useful manual for every Greek, a supply for every Greek
home, but also a help for anyone aiming to advance his studies at a higher and
higher level.
It is characteristic that the MEE does not start from the first volume with an
introduction, with which it will address its readers, in order to inform them
about the aims, objectives, “beliefs” and the reason that led to the writing and
creation of such a large project. The only thing quoted is a dedication in cap-
ital letters: “DEDICATED TO THE HELLENIC NATION”. In essence, what
is stated is that the effort of the “most important people of Hellenic society”
constituted an offer to the Greek people. It should be noted that the era was
difficult and that the political, economic and educational situation in Greece
presented many problems. From this point of view, the dedication to the Greek
nation can be seen as a message of unity, as the specific period is character-
ized by political strife, national division, but at the same time a tendency to
ideologically rally Hellenism and respect for the state and laws (Kremmydas,
1990: 248; Petru, 1992: 171). The edition of the GHE is more specifically in-
cluded in the context of the ideological gathering: its language is simple and
understandable and is addressed to scholars and scientists but also to those
who do not have the necessary educational background, so that it has access
and readability to all the strata of the population.
1 The 24th volume is the volume “Hellas” (volume 10) and includes entries that con-
cern exclusively Greece and Greek culture.
72
2. Historic and social context
The study of religion is therefore a fundamentally challenging subject, as

the first thought that crosses the mind is related to situations involving a tran-
scendent dimension, the inner world of man, and perhaps a good fortune after
death. After all, this is the point of view and the position cited by the entry
“religion” in the GHE. The same challenge must have been felt by the editors
of the individual entries on “religion”, and in fact with particular intensity,
since the publication was addressed to a readership that naturally (and due to
the specificity of the Greek language) came from a society where the orthodox
doctrine was dominant, often in a forceful way. For example, we can note the
events that shocked the younger Greek society in the first quarter of the 20th
century: the Evangelicals2 and the calendar change3.
The GHE was therefore drawn up in a difficult and particularly unstable pe-
riod for Greece. It is the period after the Balkan wars and World War I, after the
Asia Minor devastation and the forced exchange of populations, and after the
curtain falls on the politics of the Great Idea (Skopetea, 2002: 9-35; Dimaras,
1985: 405-418; Kremmydas, 1990: 216-217; Petru, 1992: 178-182). During this
period, significant upheavals and changes took place in Greek society. For ex-
ample, the urban population increased and the opposition between city/rural
and metropolitan or urban/rural intensified, between the People (Nation) and
the “people” of the lower strata (Kyriakidu-Nestoros, 1986: 148-185, 1993: 53-
58, 62-63; Svoronos, 1983: 85-91) of the cities and the rural region. The inten-
sified industrial development caused instabilities in the Greek economy (such
as unemployment, low wages, but also the devaluation of the drachma), while
agricultural development remained stagnant (Karadimu-Gerolymbu, 2002:
59-105; Chatziiosif, 2002a: 9-57). More generally, however, a spirit of reform
prevailed in education, in the economy, in state-citizen relations. Trend that
was related to Western thought, at a time when Europe was dominated by
positivism, the passion for new discoveries, technological development and
2 The bloody events that took place on November 8, 1901 and which were caused
by the translation of the Gospel into the New Greek Language are called Evangelicals. This
translation was made by Alexander Pallis and started to be published in the Athens newspa-
per “Acropolis”. Pallis’s translation was disapproved by the Ecumenical Patriarchate, the Holy
Synod of the Church and the Theological School of the University of Athens. See, Kremmydas
(1990: 216). Petru (1992: 143-144). Konstantinou (2009: 14-15).
3 This is the Gregorian calendar named after Pope Gregory XIII, which replaced the
Julian calendar in 1582. In Greece, the Gregorian calendar was valid from March 1923 and
was accepted by the Church of Greece a year later, i.e. in 1924. See, Kyriakidu-Nestoros (1982:
12-13).
73
industrial development, especially in transport but also in the heavy war in-
dustry (Picon, 1958: 9-45).
This trend also spread to Greek society, except that the lack of social and
political balance did not allow substantial changes at least in the field of educa-
tion, even though some important steps were taken, such as e.g. the establish-
ment of the elementary school, but also the establishment of the modern Uni-
versity of Thessaloniki (1926). For example, in the field of education teachers
had little support from the state and were not particularly prepared to teach.
It is typical that even a high school graduate could teach at the elementary
school (Kogulis, 1997: 47-50). Possibly, therefore, the GHE was designed not
only as a repository of knowledge, but also as an aid to teachers and students.
In the political field things were no better, as dictatorship alternated with
democracy. At the level of national ideology, the consolidation of Hellenism
was sought, a trend that was complemented by the shift to (Greek) national
and popular roots (Chatziiosif, 2002b: 37-123), especially in the field of Art
and literature (e.g. Generation of ‘30) (Vitti, 1995: 280-332; Dimaras, 1972:
269-309), but also especially in the field of folklore. The same tendency, at least
in Folklore, was discernible abroad (Thoresen, 1975; Vermeulen & Roldan,
1995). Romanticism, which had begun at the beginning of the 19th centu-
ry, dominated the first quarter of the 20th century. The romantic project was
combined with the quests of positivism for freedom and progress for all the
people, who united in one nation, would be sovereign, and would resist any
establishment4, even in the power of the Church5.
3. Presentation of the entries about religion
The first impression from the effort of the authors of the entries on the sub-
ject of “religion” is that they sought to more accurately present the Orthodox
faith and shape the identity of the Orthodox Greek, who, however, also had a
glorious ancient Greek past. Of course, the authors of the encyclopedia meth-
odologically followed the scientific trends that had been shaped by Victorian
anthropology in the classification and evolution of religion, but mainly by the
phenomenology of religion. The reference and presentation of these and var-
ious other trends in the study of the subject of “religion” were reflected in the
articles of the GHE, as its compilation coincided with the first steps and the
4 It is a form that contains elements from rationalism, the Enlightenment, but also
from Romanticism, as they were formed in Europe. See Kyriakidu-Nestoros (1986: 36-47).
5 Regarding the word of the Church in Greece and the power it acquired at the politi-
cal level, see Petru (1992: 141-190).
74
formation of the academic way of studying religion in the international arena.

So it was natural that the authors of the entries were influenced by the pio-
neers of a science that was about 50 to 70 years old.
The attempt to identify and analyze the methodology and theory for the
encyclopedic approach to the subject of “religion”, in Greece in the second
quarter of the 20th century, is not limited to simply examining the relevant en-
cyclopedic entry “religion”, but also proceeds to (co)-examination of all those
entries, which either refer to specific religions or reveal systematic religious
activity or state the religious phenomenon and historically organized religi-
osity (i.e. based on a specific and formulated doctrine). For this reason, the
research focused on the entries that refer to or deal with the Great or World
religions. The entries, both as a whole included in the “body” of the GHE and
as texts in themselves, following a rule, reveal more general attitudes and ten-
dencies, theories, ideological conceptions, but also ideologies and obsessions
and stereotypes, i.e. they indicate the general climate of this era.
The main concern of the authors was to study the most important religions,
to state and even more to explain for the general public the main characteris-
tics of Orthodoxy, always in relation to other confessions of faith. Also, they
seem to be interested in some general characteristics that are considered to
define all religions. Consequently, the “religious encyclopedia” that seems to
be taking shape in the context of GHE spoke generally about religion, about
the methodology of its study, about the Great or World religions, about Or-
thodoxy, other confessions of faith and sects, that is, it developed a doctrinal
history, and discerned what is worth studying as religion.
In particular, the entries referring to the other major religions, apart from
Christianity, appeared with a relatively satisfactory density and quantity, if it is
taken into account that the GHE seems to have aimed at forming an Orthodox
Greek identity. Regardless of the way of approach and analysis, the frequency
of the entries as such indicates interest and curiosity in getting to know the
“other” and especially in the religion of others. This is shown by the predomi-
nance of the entries on Judaism, although perhaps the abundance is due to the
fact that the entries, of course, related to Judaism, from the point of view of
Christianity refer to the Old Testament and are therefore common to Christi-
anity as a whole. However, the entries about Buddhism are also extensive and
numerous, since the feature of the religion that is particularly emphasized is
“liberation”, a feature that apparently is found in Buddhism (Luvaris, 1926a:
600–602). The characteristic of liberation seems to be a criterion for the clas-
75
sification of Islam, as it cannot be classified among the liberating religions. It is

implied that it is an “inferior” religion, since as stated in the entry “Islam” (Lu-
varis, 1926d: 218–219), this particular religion is “far from reaching the height
of liberating religions”. However, a lack of information is observed in relation
to the religions of the Far East in general, which appear with only 10 entries.
The next category concerns the presentation of the various confessions of
Christianity, i.e. Orthodoxy, the Western doctrines, but also the various sects,
as characterized, that developed before and after the schism of the Church. It
is found that the entries related to the Orthodox Church and referring to its
faith, doctrine, ethics, rules, organization and theology, dominated the GHE
numerically. The officials of the GHE undertook the task of projecting and
popularizing the characteristics of the Orthodox faith, since there was no pre-
vious scientifically valid, but encyclopedic, record that could clarify concepts
and any questions of the Orthodox to whom the GHE was predominantly
addressed. The presentation of the other denominations, Catholicism and
Protestantism, was natural from this point of view, to be limited to the presen-
tation of the historical conditions that led to the separation of the Churches,
but also to the formal recording of the differences in matters of doctrine and
church life. In relation to ecclesiastical matters in particular, the historical and
doctrinal sources are listed, as objectively as possible, but in the epilogue of
each relevant entry it is apparent or stated that the Orthodox Greek Church
has always and as a rule been correct in its actions. A typical example is the
entry about Catholicism, at the end of which it is stated that the Orthodox
Church has no responsibility for the schism, and indeed cannot understand
the reasons why it was caused (Luvaris, 1926e: 464–465). The encyclopedic
description of the doctrines does not show fanaticism or hostility or even ag-
gression, but certainly the dominance of entries about Orthodoxy, and also
the constant hint that the Orthodox faith follows the right course and that it
does not make any mistake at any historical moment, give the feeling of a prej-
udice, which extends to the entries relating to heresies, that is to say, all devi-
ations and deviations of groups which deviated according to the authors from
the right faith and life, the recording and classification of which is extensive.
Perhaps this is also the point at which the GHE achieved its goal in matters of
theology: the theologian-writers succeeded in formulating a systematic clas-
sification of heresies, effectively forming a “Doctrinal Encyclopedia” running
through the volumes of the GHE.
Equally important is the presentation of the religions of antiquity, in Greece,
76
but also in the world of the Near and Middle East. There is a predominance of
entries related to ancient Greece, but also a special interest in Egypt and Mes-
opotamia. More generally, of course, the study of ancient Greece contributed
to the completion of the Greek identity and the justification of the great origin
of the modern Greeks from the Ancient Greeks. In particular, emphasis was
placed on entries, such as “marriage”, “death”, “funeral”, “origin”, which relate
to religious customs and traditions and it was underlined that they have been
preserved from Greek antiquity until the period when the entries were writ-
ten. On the other hand, the importance attributed to the ancient civilizations
of the East was explained by all kinds of relations, economic and cultural, that
developed between Greece and the East, with religious influences and osmo-
sis dominating. Little mention was also made of the religions and culture of
pre-Columbian America, with its entry on “indigenous religions” (Dendias,
1926: 220-222) of America to present a brief report on the religiosity of the
Aztecs, Mayans, Incas, etc.
This numerical overview of entries on the topic “religion” is complemented
by our statistical recording of the frequency of entries concerning the various
religions (Figure 1). The specific statistical analysis confirms the aforemen-
tioned findings, since it shows that 52% of the entries related to religions (in-
cludes approximately 70% of all entries) are covered by entries that directly
refer to Greek religiosity and the religious identity of Greeks (Orthodoxy, an-
cient Greece, and folk Greek religiosity - traditions). More generally, 46% of
these entries refer to Christianity in its various versions and about 27% to the
other major religions.
Figure 1: Total Statistical Presentation of the entries about religions
77
The percentages of the statistical data confirm the effort of those in charge
of the GHE to shape a Greek identity, certainly ethnocentric or Christian-cen-
tric, but nevertheless scientifically documented. Christianity is proposed as an
ideal religious system, as the most important religion, the one with the great-
est interest. The presentation of Eastern and African religions and cultures
was complementary and generally moved within the context of cosmopolitan-
ism, exoticism, and the curious mood that characterized the interwar period.
It is characteristic of the frequent presence of short ethnological entries that
refer to small or “simple” societies (“tribes” are called) of Africa and Asia, and
in which reference is made to religious beliefs, beliefs or customs, such as e.g.
“Ainu or Aino”, “Vanyambezoi”, “Arapachi”, etc. Curiosity and the need to offer
information about people and societies that were far away and characterized
as exotic is a given for an encyclopedia aimed at a general audience.
4. Methodology of the study of religion
However, beyond the numerical and statistical analysis of the entries, we

should also point out the methodological tendency of their authors and the
ideological approach to the subject of “religion”. According to current defi-
nitions, religion is the specific in form and content belief in a god or gods or
more generally in supernatural powers and the corresponding performance
of worship. Usually the term refers to individual religions, such as Christian-
ity, Islam, paganism, mysticism, animism, Buddhism, etc. This second, plural
number use of the term, led to the formation of the term religion as an an-
alytical category used to classify people and groups of people according to
their beliefs or according to their worship behavior, i.e. according to all those
which, in their opinion, are related to the religious phenomenon. This tenden-
cy seems to dominate the entry strategy of the GHE, where theologian-writers
used the category “religion” as a means of classification, but also as a tool for
drawing boundaries and constructing identities.
The way in which religion was studied and presented in the GHE is clearly
stated in the analogical “definition” given in the entry of atheism (Pedusis,
1926: 15–16): “But religion is not a simple human invention to deceive the na-
ive, but something deeper, engraved in the muscles of the human soul ...”. At the
same time, in the section on religion, it is emphasized that the essence of reli-
gion should be sought, which is found in the emotion and soul of man. In fact,
Luvaris (Luvaris 1926c), the author of the relevant entry, seems to come to the
conclusion that the most important element to be studied is man’s impulse
78
towards redemption, an impulse resulting from the evolution of religious

consciousness from the lower to higher religions and even those that refer to
God and lead to the departure from earthly life to heaven. In this approach
a pattern of religion is formed, which shocks man mentally and emotionally,
because they refer to some omnipotent divine figure, which can appear to the
believer and lead him to redemption. Essentially, what interested the theo-
logian-writers of the Encyclopedia is to underline the evolution of religious
consciousness as the essence of religion.
At this point, it is useful to make a reference to the dominant views of the
Encyclopedia on the science that should study religion, but also on the meth-
odology that should be followed. According to them, the science of religion
(Religionswissenschaft), which is regarded as the pre-eminent special science
of the study of religion, includes the history of religions, the psychology of
religion and the philosophy of religion. However, the study of religion is not
an independent field, since it is considered a branch of the general science of
theology. It should be noted that in the relevant entry (Luvaris, 1926c: 714-
721), theology is presented as the science of the Christian religion, and the
purpose of which is to promote faith in Christianity, while it is then stated
that theology is the science of religion, because it investigates the religious
phenomenon. That is, theology has a narrow meaning at the same time, when
it studies Christianity, and a broader one, when it studies other religions.
Despite the resulting complexity and ambiguity, Luvaris (Luvaris 1926c)
does not seem to have been particularly troubled. Specifically, when referring
to the four methods for the study of religion, the historical6, the psycholog-
ical7,the genetic8 and the critical9, he judged them to be incomplete, and se-
lected as the only correct method that which studies the feeling and essence
of religion, that which applauds the development of religious consciousness to
its highest point, the Christian faith10.
6 The historical method is rejected, because historical events alone cannot help in dis-
covering the essence of religion.
7 The psychological method is rejected, because there is a danger that the preoccupa-
tion with morbid and eccentric manifestations will hide the scientific truth and of course the
truth of religion.
8 The genetic method (the religious experience is the subjective impression that the
divine creates in us) is rejected, because it does not examine the evolution of religious con-
sciousness.
9 The critical method (religion comes from human consciousness) is rejected because
it does not take into account the need to study religion as a system of knowledge.
10 See the entry heresies, Balanos (1926: 819–820), in which Christianity is considered
as “high spiritual phenomenon”.
79
At the same time, God was also considered a necessary element of religion,
as it was considered to be an experience-revelation, an emotion, a matter of
the heart, and in no case was a product of logic, of the mind (Luvaris, 1926b:
528–529). Of course, this view was very close to the methodology followed by
the Fathers of the Church. That is, the Fathers practiced charismatic Theology,
as they based their words on the experiences they had lived and not on the
products of logic that was characteristic of Western scholastic theology (Mat-
sukas, 2000: 132-143).
Other necessary characteristics for something to be classified as a religion
were the development of some theological teaching, the existence of some
“Holy” Scripture, Theophany - the revelation of the divine to man in histo-
ry, and in general that certain manifestations of religiosity be observed, such
as worship, the sacrifice etc. (Luvaris, 1926c: 714–721). Of course, if anyone
looks for a definition of religion in the Encyclopedia, there is no reason for
that, as religion was considered something, if not impossible, at least extreme-
ly difficult to define. According to Louvaris, who records religion, there is no
established definition11.
The theologian-writers of the GHE therefore followed to the letter the ten-
dencies of the phenomenologists of religion, so that it follows that only theol-
ogy, or to be more precise the phenomenology of religion, constitutes the ideal
approach to the study of religion. After all, from the way in which the entries
were defined, it becomes clear that the religion or the type of religion that is
used as a model for the study of the religious phenomenon in general and of
each religion in particular, is Christianity. A fact that is not surprising, if one
takes into account that eight of the thirteen scientific units of the entry writers
of the subject “religion” structurally belonged to theological science: Theolo-
gy, Biblical Archaeology, Biblical History, Interpretation, Catechism, Liturgy,
Patrology, Symbolic Theology - Dogmatic12.
Certainly, the postulate that theology was the standard (and only) science
for the study of religion did not reveal the standard and appropriate way to
study the religious phenomenon (Martin, 2007: 333-345). Words and phrases
encountered in various entries, such as “feeling”, “essence”, “heart”, “religious
development”, “lower - higher religion”, “primitives”, “savages”, show that the
GHE theologian-writers they were influenced not only by the followers of the
11 “Religion is a phenomenon, the definition of which we do not have until now...” in
the entry “Religion”. See, Luvaris (1926c: 714).
12 The remaining five were Folklore, Astrology, Ethnology, Religion, Phenomenology –
Philosophy of religion.
80
Phenomenology of Religion, but also by the evolutionists - anthropologists

who argued that the evolution of culture/society depends on the evolution
of religion. This is a natural consequence, since these scholars were the mas-
ters of thought of their time. The essence of religion remained the subject of
their research. Specific historical data and sociological parameters were by-
passed, resulting in a hypothetical and generalized “historical diagram” that
confirmed a priori the evolutionary theory of the stages of civilization and
the classification of civilizations into wild or barbarous and primitive, and the
higher civilization that was the European.
The approach was strongly influenced by the phenomenology of religion,
by which all (or most) Western theologians had been influenced. Apparently,
the German version of the phenomenology of religion, which was dominant
at the time, was preferred in the GHE. Theologian-writers were influenced by
the analysis of Nathan Söderblom, Rudolf Otto and Gerardus van der Leeuw.
It is characteristic that they were not only presented as the appropriate stan-
dards for the study of religion, but also applied literally whenever a religion
was discussed, the characteristics of which were compared with similar ones
of other religions, so as to fit into the general phenomenological model of
religion.
In addition to this analytical model, the authors of the GHE were also in-
fluenced by the evolutionary model of Victorian Anthropology, which they
indirectly overturned, since they considered that the Revelation of the divine
exists from the beginning and that all other religions or cults are centered on
myths or the belief in magic, and that their followers had chosen false cults
and not the true faith, that is, the Christian faith.
It is characteristic, for example, that only in 116 of the 1528 entries of the
GHE that referred to or were related to the subject “religion”, general analyti-
cal terms appear. Furthermore, an a-historical tendency in the argumentation
dominated by theological-type explanations coming mostly from the field of
Christian theology is clear. Thus, while a general explanatory scheme was pre-
sented for the way human and therefore universal concepts are formed, how-
ever, precisely because the native meaning of certain concepts is not sought,
such as e.g. “religion”, “god”, in each individual society, it seems as if these
concepts are universal. This basically Christian-centric and Euro-centric ten-
dency dominated the approaches of the theological writers of the GHE and
accompanied the parallel tendency for the discovery of the “primitive reli-
gion”, Ur-Religion or even the primary expression of the religious conscious-
81
ness of Man13. The relevant diagram listed in the entry “religion” of the GHE
is typical (Figure 2).
Figure 2: Evolution of Religion-Source: Luvaris (1926c: 719).
Thus, the examination of religions was done using terms and concepts relat-
ed to Christianity or the evolutionary system of classification, while their spe-
cial cases and teachings are compared and related to Christianity14. It is typical
that in the entry on mystery religions (sic) (Luvaris, 1926g: 893–898) of the
Hellenistic era (e.g. Isis, Mithras, etc.), according to the opinion of the editors
of the GHE, Resurrection was presented as their main characteristic, while of
course the concept of Resurrection does not exist in this type of worship. This
view was in line with the positions of the “Religionsgeschichtliche Schule”
and influenced by J. Frazer’s work, The Golden Bough, which was dominant
at this time (Smith, 1987: 521-526). The reference to the Resurrection was
made to show that these cults had been influenced by Christianity. Another
example could be considered the entry of Confucianism, where in the texts
13 About the Eurocentric way of thinking, see Rudolph (1994: 131-139).

14 Of course, the use of a legitimate vocabulary, i.e. a vocabulary free from ethnocen-
tric definitions and stereotypes, for the study of cultures, religions or more generally of dif-
ferent religious or other concepts, practices and behaviors, has particularly concerned reli-
gious research, but also scholars of Anthropology and Sociology of Religion. See Smart (1994:
901-903). Sung – Hae (1994: 897-899). Wiebe (1994: 905-912). Skuteri-Didaskalu (1997: 11-
51). Evans – Pritchard (1977). Gellner (1970: 18-49). Morris (1987). Lessa & Vogt (1965).
Durkheim & Mauss (2001). Mauss & Hubert (1990). Papageorgiu (2005).
82
of Confucianism15 the requirements and principles set by the god Heaven are
mentioned. They could also be characterized as divine reasons. However, in
this entry the principles of the god Heaven are referred to as divine Logos, and
the word Logos is capitalized (Luvaris, 1926f: 794–795), something that refers
to the divine Word of Christianity16. Thus, the reader who does not know can
be led to misleading associations, as the authors resorted to familiar terms,
which, however, distorted the object they undertook to present and did not
proportionally give meaning to the different way of life and perception of
non-Western societies.
In particular, the GHE presented an analytical historical path of each re-
ligion, but in a way that did not reveal the evolution or the appearance of
new characteristics in the individual religions. Essentially, these writers were
interested in religious ideas and the use of history was related to the simple
reporting of the most important events in the course of each religion. Essen-
tially, the historical context served as an auxiliary tool to increase the length
of the entry rather than a scientific one. Of course, this situation complements
our above finding that the theoretical training of the authors of the entries
reveals a faithful adherence to the rules of the phenomenology of religion,
which introduces a purely a-historical and non-sociological approach to reli-
gion (Eliade, 2002).
Overall, in terms of the scientific process that must be followed for the cor-
rect study of a religious phenomenon, a necessary condition is the “partic-
ipation of the researcher’s soul in the phenomenon under investigation”. A
view which was deemed necessary to be filed as a position under the heading
“Christianity,” evidently because its author17 is a theologian with orthodox
training, education, but also religious faith. That is, it is a literal statement
rather than a metaphor, showing the dedication of a writer-scholar to his
work. However, what is happening with other religions? This “soul” statement
of what proper research should be, reminiscent of the views of Gerardus van
der Leeuw18, seems to apply only to Christianity, since what is mentioned in
other religions has no essential connection with them or is listed only to be
15 About Confucianism, see Ziakas (2006: 505-509).

16 The same problem is also found regarding the understanding of the concept of Tao
(=way) of Taoism. See Ziakas (2006: 513).
17 Luvaris (1926h: 713–718). On the importance of “religious psychology” or “psychol-
ogy of religion” according to N. Louvari, see Bezgos (2011: 199-207).
18 See Waardenburg (1987: 493-495). McCutcheon (2007: 151-152). Allen (2005: 193).
Sharpe (2008: 406-414). Kippenberg (2002). For the overall thinking of the Dutch religious
researcher as presented in his work, see Leeuw (1977).
83
compared with concepts and symbols of Christianity. For example, how is it

possible to examine the theology of Buddhism, when in Buddhism there is no
concept of God? Does this bypass the statement for proper investigation? The
appearance of the statement in the entry for Christianity does not seem to be
accidental, since of course its presence in the entries for the other religions
would be oxymorous.
In general, the way in which the subject of “religion” was approached re-
sembles, in keeping with the analogies, the classification system carried out
in Biology, i.e. hierarchical categorizations that include a plant or animal in
a genus or a species. According to the example of J. Z. Smith (1982) on how
to classify the walnut and its inclusion in a species and genus, it is found that
there are two types of classification, the monothetic and the polythetic (Smith,
1982: 2-4, 2004: 315). The first accepts only one defining feature for the clas-
sification of species, while the second accepts more features on the basis of
which similarities, differences and deviations from the norm are evaluated.
Therefore, we can conclude that the way of classifying religions adopted in
the encyclopedias was monothetic, since it was based on a-priori abstract cat-
egories. So a system of evaluating religions was created with a positive and a
negative pole. The positive pole was always directed at “us” and the negative at
“others”, with the consequence that each individual religion was approached
with qualitative criteria, i.e. as to whether it is “true” or “false”, whether it is
“natural” or “product of revelation”, whether it is “local” or “global”. Of course,
the goal of the monothetic approach is uniqueness, the definitive, the absolute.
This kind of search for the essence of religion led to the definition of individ-
ual religions by postulates or even slogans.
5. The ideological background of the authors of the
entries
The reference to specific names of collaborators and editors of the ency-

clopedias makes the ideology and mentality that permeates them easier to
understand. So the committee that had undertaken the compilation of the
GHE’s content was composed of V. Dousmanis (Deputy General - Chairman
of the committee), Th. Vellianitis (Former Minister - Vice-chairman of the
committee), the Professors of the National University Ad. Adamantiou, G.
Athanasiadis, Ar. Kouzis, D. Balano, and A. Vamvetsos (Lawyer). Of the above
contributors, the one we are interested in regarding the topic “religion” is D.
Balanos, who seems to have been responsible for the performance and dis-
84
tribution of the topics and categories of the entries, as will be seen from the
data he was considered to be the one with the most experience to handle the
“religion” issue.
In particular, the authors who dominated the entry of the concepts of re-
ligion and theology were all the professors of the National University. It is
about Pan. I. Bratsiotis, Professor of Biblical History, N. I. Louvari, Professor
of the Introduction and Interpretation of the New Testament, K. I. Diovouni-
otis, Professor of the History of Doctrines and Symbolism and D. S. Balano,
Professor of Patrology and Interpretation of the Fathers.
As can be understood, the academic and scientific specialization of the
professors usually prevents engaging or deepening in an objective way in the
research of religion in general, and especially of “other” religions but also the
treatment of their believers. For example, the professor of the New Testament
dealt with general theology, the two professors of Dogmatics formulated the
general categories for religion studying them only in the light of orthodox
theology, while Pan. I. Bratsiotis of the Old Testament certainly dealt with the
study of biblical sources, but always in the light of orthodox theology, without
taking into account the theological approaches of either other denominations
or Judaism. But in order to be able to understand whether they were qualified
to treat concisely, as an encyclopedic entry required, and scientifically, as the
authority of the GHE demanded, a subject such as religion and its sub-sub-
jects, we must examine the cycle of their studies, i.e. what they had been
taught, their publications and academic work, and the bibliography they used.
The above acquires particular importance if we take into account the Min-
utes of the Rectors of the University of Athens from 1886-1933, as the courses
taught at the Theological School were the Old Testament, the New Testament
(on which more emphasis was placed), Church History (the scientific and sys-
tematic exposition of the history of the Christian Church, i.e. its foundation,
spread and development from all points of view), Apologetics (a course dealing
with the defense, justification and vindication of all the truths of Christianity)
– History of Doctrines (systematic examination of the historical development
of doctrines), Dogmatics, Liturgical (a course that deals with the theory of
divine worship and, in general, any service and ministry performed by the
Church), Homiletics (the teaching of the way of preaching in the Church for
the training of the faithful in the Christian faith and in the Christian life)19
and Christian Archaeology. In the early 1890s, the courses of Ethics and Pa-
19 However, the term that best meets the purpose of the course is ecclesiastical rhetoric.
85
trology were added, while at the end of the same decade the course of Pastoral
Studies (the examination of the means by which the Church teachers, cares
for the needs of her flock) was introduced, which accompanied Homiletics. In
the mid-1910s, the Catechism course (a course that sets forth the pedagogical
tools to be used for the Christian education of youth) was added, while an
equal approach to the teaching of the Old and New Testaments was attempted.
In none of the aforementioned courses does it seem that the study of religion
was systematically taught. For the first time in the academic year 1906-07, a
course entitled “On Religion” was included in the program of the Theological
School of Athens, the teaching of which was undertaken by the professor of
Dogmatics, D. Balanos. D. Balanos, who in addition to being the editor of the
main entries, was a member of the Editorial Committee of the GHE, taught
the specific course for only a few years, since at some point (around 1910), ap-
parently it was abolished and until the period 1920-28 when the articles of the
GHE are compiled and published, the specific course or any equivalent does
not appear in the curriculum of the Theological School.
Based on the above, we can assume that Balanos20 and Dyovouniotis21 had
not heard any systematic course on religion or religious studies, at least in
Greece, and the later Louvaris and Bratsiotis had possibly attended some
courses on religion from professor D. Balanos. That is, 2 of the 4 most import-
ant theologians-editors of the Encyclopedia as students in Greece were taught
the study of religion by someone who exclusively studied theology and dogma
in Greece and abroad. Furthermore, Balanus’ specialty was not the study of
religion, but Patrology.
Therefore, D. Balanos was de facto considered responsible for the assign-
ment of the writing of the articles as an expert on the subject of religion, since
he had taught a relevant course. In addition, as a member of the university
community, he had a clear and intimate view of the studies and the abilities
of his colleagues, so that he was able to choose which category of issues each
could deal with. Together with K. Diovouniotis, they took over most of the
entries that concerned doctrinal issues or referred to the issue of sects. To N.
20 D. Balanos (born 1878) studied theology in Athens and in Germany. In 1905 he
became assistant professor of Patrology at the Theological School of the University of Athens,
where in 1923 he was elected professor at the chair of Patrology. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Δ.
Μπαλάνος. Ελευθερουδάκης 9, 578).
21 K. Diovouniotis (born 1872) studied Theology at the University of Athens and Phi-
losophy at the University of Leipzig. In 1903 he became a lecturer at the Theological School of
the University of Athens, where in 1920 he was elected full professor of the chair of Dogmat-
ics. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Κ. Δυοβουνιώτης. Ελευθερουδάκης 4, 799).
86
Louvari22 he assigned the analysis of the great religions, as well as those related
to the New Testament, while to Pan. Bratsioti23 all subjects related to the Old
Testament and the Holy Bible.
The academic training of the theologians-writers of the GHE was not only
the result of their studies in Greece, but - and above all - of their further edu-
cation abroad, and more specifically in Germany, which at that time was the
ideal place not only for Biblical Studies, but also for Philosophy and Phenome-
nology. In the German universities where the Phenomenology of Religion was
systematically developed, it was unlikely that the editors of the Encyclopedia
who studied there had not taken some relevant courses. After all, the positions
of the great phenomenologists appear in some of the most central entries,
such as “religion”, “redemption”, “Buddhism”, “purification”, etc. However, it is
characteristic that an explicit reference to the “Phenomenology of Religion” as
an ideal approach to the study of religion is absent.
A more general conclusion is that there seems to be a relative weakness,
perhaps even indifference, in constructing an objective theological presenta-
tion. Weakness, which is intensified by the apologetic tendency prevailing in
the foundation of the arguments to which the writers of the entries appealed,
since the method of Apologetics was extolled under the pretense that it helps
to prove that Christianity is the true religion, armed with Revelation, and that
is why it excels over other religions (Papamichail, 1926: 193–194; Luvaris,
1926h: 713-718). In other words, the orthodox Christian view of the authors
determined their methodological or theoretical approach.
Conclusions
In conclusion, the publication of the GHE was certainly a pioneering in-

tellectual-scientific cultural movement. A central question that arises when
studying the entries of encyclopedias on the subject of “religion” concerns
whether their authors were objective. Specifically, the way in which Ortho-
doxy was presented, as well as the ancient Greek past, as well as the emphasis
and length of the relevant entries show that the main purpose of the theolo-
22 N. Louvaris (b. 1887) studied at the Theological School of Athens and philosophy in
Germany (1910-14). In 1925 he was appointed professor at the University of Athens in the
chair of Introduction and Interpretation of the New Testament. See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Ν.
Λούβαρις. Ελευθερουδάκης 8, 799). Stathopulos (1981). Dardavesis (2011).
23 P. Bratsiotis (born 1889), a graduate of the Rizarios School, studied theology at the
University of Athens and at the Universities of Leipzig and Jena. In 1925 he was elected full
professor of the Theological School of the University of Athens in the chair of Biblical History.
See Eleftherudakis 1927 (Π. Μπρατσιώτης. Ελευθερουδάκης 9, 595).
87
gian-writers was to describe the Greek identity. This goal was pursued as sci-
entifically as possible, so as to avoid both religious fanaticism and ethnocen-
trism. This, not always successful, attempt was also accompanied by a more
general interest in getting to know “others”.
In any case, in some subjects poverty, ellipsis and one-sidedness can be
found both in the theoretical infrastructure of the authors and in the use
of their sources, as the authors were influenced by the perceptions of the
so-called “Religious-Historical School” that dominated the circles of Ger-
man-speaking researchers of the New Testament (Pachis, 2007: 448-449). In
relation to the classification and comparison of religions, the encyclopedic
method was followed, while religion was treated as a sui generis phenomenon,
i.e. as a product of divine revelation and not as a social phenomenon, which
takes shape within human history. This basically phenomenological approach
to religion and the consequent development of a Christian typology is mainly
due to the authors’ religious studies in Germany and their theological studies
in Greece. Thus, in the field of religion the GHE showed completeness in rela-
tion to Christian theology, but in relation to the presentation, description and
analysis of other religions and cultures, its weaknesses were inherent.
The GHE addressed all Greeks, conveying a message of unity that tran-
scended discrimination and divisions. The GHE was published at a time when
the world sought to know the different and the new, while everyone wanted to
progress and escape from ignorance and obscurantism.
Its editors knew that the purpose was “national”. Thus, scientific knowledge
was channeled into the individual entries, and the “recognized experts” re-
ferred to above provide their scientific and generally unquestionably special-
ized knowledge. Their own scientism institutionally confirmed the prestige of
the GHE, but also its ideological approach and in the long run served political
and social power pursuits. The study of the entries on “religion” confirmed
this working hypothesis in perhaps the most characteristic way.
88
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5
Learning to love: Approaching the teaching
of St. Cyprian and St. Maximus the
Confessor
Nikolaos Zarotiadis
Postdoctoral researcher in the Theological School of Aristotle University of
Thessaloniki
Postdoctoral researcher of the Medieval West in the School of History and
Archaeology of Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
Corespondence:
e-mail: nzarotiadis@yahoo.com
Abstract
The purpose of this article is to present Keywords:
the teaching of two great Fathers of the Love, neighbor, St. Cyprian, Saint
Church, Saint Cyprian and Saint Maxi-
Maximus the Confessor, Church,
mus the Confessor, on the virtue of love
prayer.
for the neighbor and to identify common
points in their writings. Cyprian and
Maximus point out clearly that within Citation:
true love for the neighbor, the love for Zarotiadis N. Learning to love:
Christ is more than present, because Approaching the teaching of St.
Christ Himself is the source of love. Cyprian and St. Maximus the
Confessor. Theology & Culture. 2022;
5: 95-111.
Doi: 10.13140/RG.2.2.36387.53281
95
Learning to love: Approaching St. Cyprian & St. Maximus the Confessor ©2022 Zarotiadis
Introductory Remarks
L
ove for neighbor is God’s greatest gift to man (Farrel, 1991, p.179).
When man truly loves God with all his heart, he then truly loves his
neighbour. The Lord says: “You shall love the Lord your God with all
your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind. This is the first and
greatest rule. The second rule, similar to the first one, is to have love for your
neighbor as for yourself ” (Mt.22:37-40). In the Old Testament we read: “Don’t
strive to become equal to the one who has done you wrong, or keep hard feel-
ings against the children of your people, but have love for your neighbor as for
yourself ” (Lev.19.18). In another passage of the Gospel, Jesus teaches: “Have
love for those who are against you, and make prayer for those who are cruel to
you; So that you may be the sons of your Father in heaven” (Mt.5:44-45), and
exhorts people to act lovingly to others using these words: “I give you a new
law: Have love for one another; even as I had love for you, so are you to have
love for one” (Jn.13:34).
Both Saint Cyprian and Saint Maximus the Confessor teach through their
writings the virtue of love that culminates and is epitomized in the person of
Jesus Christ. This paper attempts to analyze the great topic of love for neigh-
bor based on the teachings of both Saints and eventually identify common
points of reference.
1. The Bishop of Love
The era of the third post-Christian century was marked by all the typical
signs of social, political and economic decline (Moreschini, 2009, p. 290).
However, in Christian societies there was a prevailing belief that the only true
life worthy mentioning was the life lived as a Christian, a life filled with the
Spirit of God (Ioannidis, 2013, p. 12). Through God’s grace, Cyprian develops
a new perspective on life by referring to the virtue of loving one’s neighbor
(Zarotiadis, 2014, p. 28).
Cyprian’s word in all his works is full of love for his fellow man. He calls the
Church a “brotherhood”1 and urges the faithful to love one another, just as
Jesus Christ taught His disciples2. Brotherly love stems from the fact that we
are all creatures of the same God. We have the same Father and He commands
us to love one another. The Bishop of Carthage was merciful and showed great
1 Cyprian, Epistula 18.1.1: fraternitatis nostrae.
2 Cyprian, De zelo et livore 12.
96
compassion for the spiritual or physical problem of his fellowmen3. The great-
est benefit to our neighbor comes from our prayer4. Cyprian, according to
his Divine teaching, emphasises in a simple, but effective way the communal
character of prayer and the immense strength it possesses. His words act as
the driving force for the Christian to unify his prayer with the prayers of oth-
ers in the Christian society, in his attempt to give the prayer a single and com-
munal character at the same time. Its strength is presented through words,
such as “uno” or “unum”, which characterise the type of collective effort that
becomes one. In doing so, this common prayer has greater power5. At the
same time, in addition to prayer, the purpose of every Christian should be
to engage in acts of love. For example, in his treatise Ad Quirinum, Cyprian
urges the faithful to give bread to the hungry, clothe the needy and shelter the
homeless6. At that time, the people of Carthage were being afflicted and tested
by a deadly plague7. In the meantime, the pirates of Numidia kidnapped and
captured many Christians. Cyprian sent letters to the bishop of Numidia to
pay a ransom for the captives8.
In another treatise, De opere et eleemosynis, he shows how the faithful Chris-
tian can help his neighbor and serve the Word of the Lord correctly. The occa-
sion for writing this treatise was the devastating plague that struck Carthage in
252 AD. The Bishop of Carthage, in sympathy for his suffering fellow citizens,
preaches that alms and charity offer salvation and result in Lord’s mercy. Many
wealthy people, affected by the magnitude of the disaster, try desperately to
keep their riches, while a huge part of the population of Carthage starves and
lives in miserable conditions. Alms and love for one’s fellow man are presented
as the best avenue for the purifying of sins committed after baptism. It’s more
than evident that the title of the treatise cannot be accidental, since the saint
refers to “ἔλεος” (mercy) and “opera”, (the works), thus the charitable deeds
that the faithful Christian must perform in order to assist his fellow man. Cy-
prian exercises his pastoral “paraenesis” as he attempts to convince his flock of
the purifying power of love towards his fellow man. Specifically, already from
3 Cyprian, Epistula 17.1.1.
4 Cyprian, Epistula 60.5: … pro caritate mutua qua nobis invicem cohaeremus ut, …
ieiuniis vigiliis orationibus cum omni plebe non desideramus. … perseveret apud Dominum
nostra dilectio, pro fratribus et sororibus nostris apud misericordiam patris non cesset oratio.
5 Cyprian, De dominica oratione 8: publica est nobis et communis oratio, et quando
oramus, non pro uno sed pro populo toto rogamus, quia totus populos unum sumus.
6 Cyprian, Ad Quirinum 1.
7 Cyprian, De mortalitate 16.
8 Cyprian Epistula 62.2.2: de barbarorum manibus exuatur et redimatur numaria
quantitate.
97
the first chapters of his treatise, it becomes clear that the Saint’s teaching on
charity and love is developed not autonomously, but is rather integrated into
the Church’s soteriology (Studer, 1976, pp. 427-456). It derives from the Pas-
sion, Death and Resurrection of the Lord, who became flesh to subdue death
and redeem men from sins. The Bishop of Carthage points out that man’s sins
can be purified “medellis spiritalibus” (by spiritual remedies) such as almsgiv-
ing, charity, penance and fasting9. Alms and charity are gifts of the Lord that
must be returned to the Lord. According to the saint, man ought to follow the
word of Jesus Christ, as “eleemosynis et fide delicta purgantur”10. The saint in
his sermon uses the second person plural, adding a catechetical tone to his
discourse. In a simple, advisory style, he reveals practical advices that will lead
the faithful Christian to the saving way of the Lord (Zarotiadis, 2019, p. 101).
According to the Saint, acts of love, alms and charity shouldn’t be demon-
strated in front of people. The faithful shouldn’t proclaim charity the way hyp-
ocrites do in the synagogues (Mt.6:2). Good deeds should be received by all
people and not only by Christians. The Bishop of Carthage focuses on the re-
demptive power of love. The crucifixion and resurrection of the Lord brought
salvation to man. Nevertheless, man, due to his weakness, continues to sin
after the saving baptism. However, the merciful God cares for the salvation
of man’s soul and provides him with those means to achieve it. Thus, man
becomes able to purge his sins by fasting, prayer, repentance, but also by alms-
giving and acts of love for his neighbor11. The saint stresses that “eleemosynis
et fide delicta purgantur”12. Love of neighbor appeases and pleases God. Prayer
is most powerful when is accompanied by charity and love. In other words
true prayer embodies charity and love. The faithful should demonstrate love
for their fellow man, especially, at that difficult time for Carthage. Cyprian
emphasizes the divine prizes (divina praemia) that await the faithful in the
kingdom of God (regnum Dei). Christians should expect the reward for their
good deeds in heaven and not in earthly goods.
The Bishop of Carthage teaches his flock to give bread to the sick and to
house the poor homeless; to clothe the naked and not to refuse help to his
fellow man13. Then the glory of God surrounds man (Is.58:7-9). The Saint’s ex-
hortations to the virtues of love and charity do not stop here. Cyprian stresses
9 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 3.4.
11 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.
13 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 4.17-18: Frange esurienti panem tuum et egenos
sine tecto induc in domum suam. Si videris nudum, vesti et domesticos seminis tui non despicies.
98
that he who has not been merciful cannot be worthy of the Lord’s mercy14.
Merciful is he who thinks of the needy and the poor (Ps.40:2). The power
of forgiveness and repentance is clearly manifested in his treatise De lapsis,
where Cyprian presents and explains his position on the issue of the lapsed.
He argues that we ought to support sinners by demonstrating consolation and
love15. Cyprian refers to the word of Jesus that says explicitly that we should
leave the ninety-nine sheep in the wilderness to find the one that was lost16.
And when we find it, we ought to return it home with the rest, as this is how
joy is made in heaven for a sinner who repents rather than for ninety-nine
righteous people who have no need of repentance. In the same way, the Saint
is concerned for the souls of the lapsed, as the devil lurks with his ambushes.
Love is superior to faith and hope (1 Cor.13:13). It is the highest of all virtues;
it is the greatest gift that God bestows upon man. Even if a Christian distrib-
utes all his property in alms and gives his body to be burned, if he has no love,
there is no benefit to him.
2. The Biblica exempla of love
The Bishop of Carthage defines Christ himself as the main exemplar of love
for one’s neighbor. Christ was humbled so that we might be lifted up; He was
wounded so that we might be healed; He was enslaved so that we might be set
free; He endured death so that He might give us immortality17. The Lord in
His coming healed the wounds Adam bore and healed the ancient poison of
the serpent18. Christ is humble and full of love. He sees His disciples as broth-
ers and sisters and doesn’t hesitate to wash their feet by commanding them to
love one another19. The Saint, in order to be clearer and more explicit to his
flock, uses in his treatise several Biblica Exempla. In particular, he refers to
the prophet Daniel. Daniel was the one who lovingly urged King Nebuchad-
nezzar, when he was terrified by a terrible dream, to be merciful to the poor20.
15 Cyprian, Epistula 55.19.1.
16 Cyprian, Epistula 55.14 (Lk. 15:4).
17 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.7-10: Humiliavit se ut populum qui prius iacebat
erigeret, vulneratus est ut vulnera nostra curare, servivit ut ad libertatem servientes extraherat,
mori sustinuit ut inmortalitatem mortalibus exhiberet.
18 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 1.16-17: Nam cum Dominus adveniens sanasset illa
quae Adam portaverat vulnera et venena antiqua serpentis curasset.
19 Cyprian, De bono patientiae 6: Discipulis non ut servis dominica potestate praefuit
sed benignus et mitis fraternal eos caritate dilexit, dignatus etiam pedes apostolorum lavare, ut
dum circa servos talis est dominus, exemplo suo doceret qualis circa compares et aequales debeat
esse conservus (Jn. 13:1-30) ˙ Cyprian, De zelo et livore 12.
20 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 5.15 (Dan. 4:24).
99
Moreover, he presents Tabitha as another example of loving his fellow man21.

Tabitha is raised by the Apostle Peter in the name of Jesus Christ, as she had
provided help to the overwhelmed widows (Acts 7:40). Zacchaeus is present-
ed as another Biblicum Exemplum of love, who gives half of his property to the
poor and enjoys divine mercy (Lk.19:8). Furthermore, in his treatise De bono
patientiae, the Bishop preaches that we should forgive our neighbor, even if he
has harmed or hurt us, giving prominence to Stephen the First Martyr, who
was stoned to death and asked that his murderers be forgiven22. After all, he
himself teaches in his treatise Ad Demetrianum that we shouldn’t hate our
neighbor, nor seek revenge, but that we should respond to hatred with love23.
Christians must have confidence in the merciful God. Cyprian is absolute in
this position; first comes love for the Lord. As a shepherd of souls, he uses the
example of Job who suffered and endured so much for his love of the Lord.
In such manner parents must entrust their children and their possessions to
God24. He manifests that love for neighbor is the way to salvation. Cyprian re-
minds the flock of the example of the early Christians. They were imbued with
a spirit of love, sold their houses and possessions to support the poor25. He
advises us to seek peace and safety in the harbor of salvation, lifting our eyes
to heaven26. Man has no need for expensive houses and gold when the Holy
Spirit dwells in him. There is no need for him who feeds on heavenly food; his
house fears no disaster27.
3. Greed as the root of all evil
People, therefore, should not cling to earthly possessions, but take refuge in
heavenly treasures (caelestes thesauros)28. Love for one’s fellow man and what-
ever is done in the name of Christ, is a boundless and endless condition. Those
who want to get rich fall into the temptation of avidity, which is “radix omni-
um malorum”29, Cyprian exhorts the faithful not to have closed ears (praeclu-
22 Cyprian, De bono patientiae 16: Quod factum videmus in Stephano, qui cum a Iu-
daeis vi et lapidibus necaretur, non sibi vindictam sed interfectoribus veniam postulabat dicens:
Domine, ne statuas illis hoc peccatum (Acts 7.60).
23 Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum 25: Et quia odisse non licet nobis et sic Deo plus placemus,
dum nullam pro iniuria vicem reddimus (Mt 5.44).
26 Cyprian, Ad Donatum 14.
27 Cyprian, Ad Donatum 15.
28 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 7.6-7: Nec terrenis possesionibus incubemus sed
caelestes thesauros potius recondamus.
100
sae aures) and blind hearts (corda caecata) that do not hear and feel the pain
and need of their neighbor30. He preaches that money and greed are obstacles
to love, as many people become servants of money and exhibit indifference
towards their neighbor31. Anyone who has riches and becomes indifferent to
his brother in need cannot have God within him32. Alms and love of neighbor
redeem the soul and do not let it sink into darkness33. Besides, whatever we
give to the poor and needy we give to the Lord Himself, and the Lord is of-
fended when the poor and needy aren’t protected34. Cyprian closes his treatise
De opere et eleemosynis by urging us to give earthly garments to the Lord in
order to receive heavenly ones; to provide food and drink in this world, that
we may come to the same table with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob35.
In conclusion, Cyprian describes the Church as a brotherhood in which one
brother ought to love the other. This love must be based on the word of Jesus
(Dumont, 1959, pp. 23-33). This brotherly love prompts the faithful Christian
to pray for his neighbor. Prayers should concern all those in need, especial-
ly sinners, as brotherly love can lead to the right path for someone who has
lost the way to salvation. Christians must accept the faults of others with love
and patience, imitating the example of Christ. Prayer is strengthened when
accompanied by alms and charity, as prayer alone cannot please the Lord. In
this way, sins are purified and the way of salvation is opened. Christian love
has redemptive power. Whoever loves his fellow man loves the Lord himself.
The faithful Christian must wait for his reward in heaven; there, the reward is
incorruptible and eternal.
However, what is Maximus’ teaching on love? Without a doubt, love is
Christ himself (1 Jn. 4:8). St Maximus wrote his treatise The Four Centuries
on Charity pointing out the vital place of love in man’s effort to approach God
and unite with Him (Arabatzis, 2014, p.178). In this treatise the whole of
Christian life is summarized and contained (Sherwood, 1955, p. 91). For the
Saint, the incarnation of the Lord is the supreme manifestation of love for man
(Blowers, 2016, p. 257).

32 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 16.9-10.
34 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 23.46-48.
35 Cyprian, De opere et eleemosynis 24. 5-8: Demus Christo vestimenta terrena indu-
menta caelestia recepturi. Demus cibum et potum saecularum cum Abraham et Isaac et Iacob
ad convinium caeleste venture.
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4. Love of God
Saint Maximus defines love (ἀγάπη) as the good disposition of the soul
(ψυχή), which prefers above and beyond everything the participation and
knowledge of God (γνῶσις Θεοῦ)36. In particular, he gives the highest impor-
tance to the virtue of love, since without love; faith (πίστις) doesn’t accomplish
a complete work37. It is through love that true faith manifests itself. Love is
the source of all virtues (Törönen, 2007, p.169). Love in Christ leads to the
salvation of the soul and this is obtained through good works. Having a simple
faith alone isn’t enough when isn’t accompanied by the love for Christ38. The
Saint focuses on the redemptive power of love, as it elevates the man spiri-
tually and leads his soul to God away from passions39. For this reason love is
presented by Maximus as having wings (ἀγάπης πτερῶν)40.
Love for God is the first and foremost concern of the faithful Christian in
his daily spiritual struggle41. Love is the main criterion through which all the
actions of men are evaluated. Love for God and love for the world are not two
different loves (Balthasar, 1988, p. 340). Without doubt, choosing to love God
automatically implies despising earthly and worldly motives (Mt. 6:24). After
all, things material, earthly and corruptible are not compatible with God’s will.
This relationship and often man’s dependence on earthly things is an obstacle
to sincerely loving the Lord. Therefore, spiritual progress is impossible when
man thinks of earthly things and clings to them (Ioannidis, 2019, p. 85). The
saint emphasizes that love is genuine when the prayerful mind is free from
36 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.1: Ἀγάπη μέν ἐστιν, διάθεσις ψυχῆς
ἀγαθή, καθ᾿ ἥν οὐδέν τῶν ὄντων, τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ γνώσεως προτιμᾷ.
37 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.31: Ὥσπερ μνήμη πυρός οὐ θερμαίνει τό
σῶμα, οὕτω πίστις ἄνευ ἀγάπης, οὐκ ἐνεργεῖ εἰς τήν ψυχήν τόν τῆς γνώσεως φωτισμόν.
38 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate, 1.39: Καί σύ μή εἴπῃς, ὅτι Ἡ ψιλή πίστις
εἰς τόν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστόν δύναταί με σῶσαι. Ἀμήχανον γάρ τοῦτο, ἐάν μή καί τήν
ἀγάπην εἰς αὐτόν διά τῶν ἔργων κτήσῃ. Τό δέ ψιλῶς πιστεύειν· Καί τά δαιμόνια πιστεύουσι καί
φρίσσουσι.
39 Maximus’ teaching on the ascetic struggle against the passions is treated in detail in
Völker, W. (1965) Maximus Confessor als Meister des geistlichen Lebens, Wiesbaden, pp.174–
200.
40 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate, 2.26: Τῆς δέ θεολογικῆς χάριτος,
τοτηνικαῦτα καταξιοῦται, ὁπηνίκα τά προειρημένα πάντα διά τῶν τῆς ἀγάπης πτερῶν
διαπεράσας, καί ἐν Θεῷ γενόμενος, τόν περί αὐτοῦ λόγον διά τοῦ πνεύματος, ὡς ἀνθρωπίνῳ
νῷ δυνατόν, διασκοπήσει.
41 Papanikolaou refers to a “progress in the love of God”, see Papanikolaou, A. (2013)
“Learning How to Love: St. Maximus on Virtue” in Knowing the Purpose of Creation Through
the Resurrection: Proceedings of the Symposium on St. Maximus the Confessor, (ed.) Bishop
Maxim Vasiljević, Belgrade, p.242.
102
material goods and worldly concerns42. It is obvious, for the saint, that the
condition of exercising undistracted prayer is a definite indicator of true love
for the Lord.
The love of material goods and earthly pleasures can lead to the deception
of idolatry and self - love43. In fact, the Gospel passage “for, where your trea-
sure is, there your heart will also be” (Mt. 6:21) points out that the ability of
man to love is misdirected to earthly things instead of God. Consequently,
when we’re concerned about material possessions it’s an undeniable sign that
we’re focused on ourselves and not on God. At this point Maximus makes
clear that the love of God can’t coexist with the love of material goods. When
man loves God he’ll eventually do what is “pleasing” to God44. When, after
many efforts and persistent struggle, the love of God rises in the soul of man
through which passions are expelled, and then comes the contempt not only
of sensible things, but also of temporal life itself45. Then he enjoys “dispas-
sion” (ἀπάθεια), a condition of stillness and peace (Berthold, 2015, p. 401).
The soul becomes immovable to all evil46. The saint describes apatheia as a
reality in which a man remains unscathed by morbid conditions. Through the
knowledge of the divine teachings and the observance of the commandments
he attains the light of spiritual knowledge (φωτισμόν τῆς γνώσεως)47. In the
context of this state there is no possibility of social or racial discrimination,
since the person in apatheia sees Christ himself in every person. He, therefore,
who enters into the divine reality prefers the knowledge of God to that of His
creatures.
For St Maximus, the knowledge of God is intertwined with the concept of
love and full adherence to the divine will. When man is captivated by divine
42 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.1: Ὁ γνησίως τόν Θεόν ἀγαπῶν, οὗτος
καί ἀπερισπάστως πάντως προσεύχεται· καί ὁ ἀπερισπάστως πάντως προσευχόμενος, οὗτος
καί γνησίως τόν Θεόν ἀγαπᾷ. Οὐκ εὔχεται δέ ἀπερισπάστως, ὅ τινι ἐπιγείων ἔχων τόν νοῦν
προσηλωμένον· οὐκ ἄρα ἀγαπᾷ τόν Θεόν, ὅ τινι τῶν ἐπιγείων ἔχων τόν νοῦν δεδεμένον.
43 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate: 2.51: Ὅταν ἴδῃς τόν νοῦν σου τοῖς ὑλικοῖς
ἡδέως ἐνασχολούμενον, καί τοῖς τούτων νοήμασιν ἐμφιλοχωροῦντα, γίνωσκε σεαυτόν ταῦτα
μᾶλλον ἤ τόν Θεόν ἀγαπῶντα. Ὅπου γάρα ἐστιν ὁ θησαυρός σου, φησίν ὁ Κύριος, ἐκεῖ καί ἡ
καρδία ἔσται.
44 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.10: Ὅν τις ἀγαπᾷ, τοῦτον πάντως καί
σπεύδει θεραπεύειν. Εἰ οὖν τόν Θεόν τις ἀγαπᾷ, πάντως καί τά ἀρεστά αὐτῷ σπεύδει ποιεῖν·
45 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.50: Ἐάν τόν Θεόν γνησίως ἀγαπήσωμεν,
δι᾿ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγάπης τά πάθη ἀποβάλλομεν. Ἡ δέ εἰς αὐτόν ἀγάπη ἐστί, τό προτιμᾷν αὐτόν τοῦ
κόσμου, καί τήν ψυχήν τῆς σαρκός·
46 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.36: Ἀπάθειά ἐστιν εἰρηνική κατάστασις
ψυχῆς, καθ᾿ ἥν δυσκίνητος γίνεται ψυχή πρός κακίαν.
47 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.77.
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love, he enters the state of divine knowledge, experiencing God’s infinity. Love
for God is proved to be superior and sweeter than any pain and sorrow of this
world, as is demonstrated in the saints of our Church who suffered so much
for it48. Maximus emphasizes on those elements that come with the experience
of love for God: “He who loves God lives the angelic life on earth, fasting and
keeping vigils, praying and singing psalms and always thinking good of every
man”49.
God moved towards man through the incarnation of the Word, it is now left
for the man to move towards God in order to be united with Him (Θέωσις).
The Saint notes, “When in the intensity of its love for God the intellect goes
out of itself, then it has no sense of itself or of any created thing”50. Then it
feels pleasure not for the present goods, but for those that belong to God. Of
course, love of God presupposes love for neighbor.
5. Love for the neighbor
Love for the neighbor is placed among the most substantial things in a
man’s spiritual life. We do acknowledge from the writings of St Maximus that
the love for neighbour, is a spiritual state acquired with ascetical struggle and
true Christian life. Only by human abilities, it’s almost impossible for someone
to love all people selflessly and equally and according to the Saint this struggle
has many stages in order for anyone to achieve perfect love as spiritual perfec-
tion. Specifically, since love of the Lord is sincere and unwavering, so must be
love for neighbor. In defining perfect love, Maximus notes that it is universal
and directed to all people without exception51. For him who experiences per-
fect love (τέλεια ἀγάπη), there is no difference between his own or another’s,
or between Christian and unbeliever, slave and free, males and females52. In
this case the natural differences between human beings in the earthly life by
no means are they viewed and experienced as criteria of superiority and dis-
48 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.58: Ἡ εἰς Θεόν ἀγάπη, πάσης ἡδονῆς
παρερχομένης, καί παντός πόνου καί λύπης πείθει καταφρονεῖν τόν μέτοχον αὐτῆς. Καί
πειθέτωσάν σε οἱ ἅγιοι πάντες, τοσαῦτα πεπονθότες διά Χριστόν.
49 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.42: Ὁ ἀγαπῶν τόν Θεόν, ἀγγελικόν βίον
ἐπί γῆς ζῇ, νηστεύων καί ἀγρυπνῶν, ψάλλων καί προσευχόμενος, καί περί παντός ἀνθρώπους
ἀεί καλά λογιζόμενος.
51 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.95: Πάντα μέν ἄνθρωπον, ἐκ ψυχῆς
ἀγαπητέον·
52 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.30: Ὁ τέλειος ἐν ἀγάπῃ, καί εἰς ἄκρον
ἀπαθείας ἐλθών, οὐκ ἐπίσταται διαφοράν ἰδίου καί ἀλλοτρίου, ἤ ἰδίας καί ἀλλοτρίας, ἤ πιστοῦ
καί ἀπίστου, ἤ δούλου καί ἐλευθέρου, ἤ ὅλως ἄρσενος καί θηλείας·
104
crimination.
Maximus, as a well-known and influential monk, adds that for the one who
truly loves there is no inequality and imbalances in exercising love. Only then
he is able to enjoy perfect love53. This is what the Lord also defines by saying,
“Whose desire is that all men may have salvation and come to the knowledge
of what is true” (1 Tim. 2:4). Therefore, true love cannot be different from the
love of Christ, Who “through sun gives light to the evil and to the good, and he
sends rain on the upright man and on the sinner (Mt. 5:45)”. Those, moreover,
who do not sincerely love their neighbor cannot be called “friends of Christ”
but “friends of world”54. So for St Maximus man’s inability to love his neighbor
is directly associated with his addiction to earthly things and the worldly life.
For Maximus, perfect love isn’t limited to the duration of man’s earthly life,
but is always increasing and continues to be manifested in the Kingdom of
Heaven55. Maximus of course believes that love of God, as the first and great-
est commandment, precedes love of neighbor. In this way love for God means
that you definitely love your neighbour. However, the proof of love for God is
the proof of true love for neighbor56. Besides, the Lord Himself ordained that
love for neighbor should be like love for God (Mt. 22:36-39).
6. God is love
St Maximus links blessedness with love, as “blessed is he who can love all
men equally”57. Man must be freed from hatred and be led to loving the Lord
and his neighbor. “He who has no love has no knowledge of God, because God
is love” (1 Jn. 4:8). It’s obvious that for St Maximus love of God is an existen-
tial experience of the revealed God that gives to His creature His endless love
so that man may be captured by it and channel it to all humanity. Since God
is love and devil is hatred and deception, the spiritual struggle of any Chris-
53 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 2.10: Ἐάν τινάς μέν μισῇς, τινάς δέ οὐδέ
ἀγαπᾷς οὐδέ μισῇς· ἑτέρους δέ ἀγαπᾷς, ἀλλά συμμέτρως· ἄλλους δέ σφόδρα ἀγαπᾷς· ἐκ ταύτης
τῆς ἀνισότητος, γνῶθι ὅτι μακράν εἶ τῆς τελείας ἀγάπης, ἥτις ὑποτίθεται πάντα ἄνθρωπον ἐξ
ἴσου ἀγαπῆσαι.
55 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 3.100: ἡ δέ ἀγάπη, εἰς ἀπείρους αἰῶνας
τῷ ὑπεραπείρῳ ὑπερηνωμένη, καί ἀεί ὑπεραύξουσα διαμένει. Καί διά τοῦτο, Μείζων πάντων ἡ
ἀγάπη. Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, De anima et resurrectione PG 46.96B and John Climacus, Gra-
dus XXX. De vincula trium virtutum (Fidei nempe, spei et charititatis) PG 88.1157D.
56 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.23: Ὁ τόν Θεόν ἀγαπῶν, καί τόν πλησίον
πάντως ἀγαπᾷ. Basil of Caesarea claims that love for neighbour perfects the love for God, cf.
Sermo Asceticus PG 31.885B
57 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de charitate 1.17.
105
tian should center on love towards the neighbor. In loving Christ, we sacrifice
our personal will and apply His commandments; in loving our neighbor, we
sacrifice our selfishness. Therefore, loving Christ means imitating Him and
becoming “Theomimitos” (θεομίμητος).
7. The elements of love
Saint Maximus refers to the three elements that perfect love consists of.
These are alms, forbearance and patience. Christ, for example, was always
conferring blessings on people: He was long-suffering when they were un-
grateful and blasphemed Him, and when they beat Him and put Him to death.
He endured it, imputing no evil at all to anyone58. The combination of love,
continence, and alms expedite the purifying of the soul59. Love for neighbor is
considered essential for man, as it creates a wall of protection against all evil60.
Besides, if we have all the gifts of the Spirit but do not have love, we are no
further forward. Of course, envy (φθόνος) and resentment (μνησικακία) are
the greatest obstacles to developing perfect love. Man must forget evil and be-
come charitable, so that he can eliminate passions from his soul. Perfect love
dictates that we should benefit those who hate us61.
8. Reasons of love
Men love one another, commendably or reprehensibly, for the following

five reasons; either for the sake of God, as the virtuous man loves everyone
and as the man not yet virtuous loves the virtuous: either by nature, as parents
love their children and children their parents or because of self-esteem, as he
who is praised loves the man who praises him; or because of avarice, as with
one who loves a rich man for what he can get out of him; or because of self-in-
dulgence, as with the man who serves his belly and his genitals. The first of
these is commendable, the second is of an intermediate kind, and the rest are
dominated by passion62. In other words, the first one manifests Christian love,
as it is done for the sake of God, who is the source of love. The second one is
permissible, since it’s permissible for parents to love their children and vice
versa, although this love isn’t superior to the first one. Besides, Christ teach-
es “He who has more love for his father or mother than for me is not good
60 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.54 (1 Cor. 13.2).
106
enough for me; he who has more love for son or daughter than for me is not
good enough for me” (Mt. 10.37). The other three causes of love are rejected
by Maximus.
9. Love leads to the salvation of the soul
In conclusion, love for material goods keeps man away from salvation and
leads him to a constant agony of acquiring them in exchange for any material
or mental reward, even one that may lead to the loss of his soul. Man must
choose love over things. Moreover, love and self-control keep the intellect
(νοῦν) dispassionate in the face both of things and of the conceptual images
we form of them63. The intellect of a man who enjoys the love of God does not
fight against things or against conceptual images of them. It battles against the
passions which are linked with these images64. Αs Christ loved all men, good
and sinful, without distinction, so the faithful Christian must try not to lapse
from the purpose of love, which is God Himself65. For any Christian, the great
contribution of love to the spiritual struggle is that it helps him to despise ma-
terial goods and love the eternal ones. This contempt for material things frees
man from passions especially when his prayer is accompanied by continence,
patience, longsuffering and mercy. Ιn this manner, the intellect joined to God
through prayer and love becomes wise, good, compassionate and merciful;
in short, it includes within itself almost all the divine qualities. But when the
intellect withdraws from God and attaches itself to material things, either it
becomes self-indulgent like some domestic animal, or like a wild beast it fights
with men for the sake of these things. Conclusively, when man follows the
way of love and prayer, the way of the Lord or the way of salvation, he rejects
passions and experiences life in Christ. But if he moves away from love and
temperance, then passions, physical and mental, are revived, and the soul is
driven to sin.

107
Conclusions: The incarnation of Christ as the supreme

expression of love
We conclude that both teachings of Cyprian and Maximus on loving one’s

neighbor focus on the Lord’s commandment “Have love for your neighbor as
for yourself ” (Mt 22:37). For both Saints, the best example of love is Christ,
who became flesh to redeem man from death. The Lord suffered, endured and
showed love even to his persecutors. He preaches “Have love one for another;
even as I have had love for you, so are you to have love one for another” (Jn.
13:34). Without doubt, incarnation is the revelation of divine love and it offers
us the example of divine love. The imitation of the incarnational love of God
is ultimately what love is all about. Love for God presupposes sincere love for
our neighbor. The Saints point out explicitly that we’re unable to love God if
we do not love our neighbor. This kind of love, the true love, embodies within
it virtues such as humility, fortitude, charity and patience – all epitomized and
manifested by the Lord.
For both saints, Cyprian and Maximus, greed, hate, avarice and resentment
are obstacles to sincere and selfless love. The word of Cyprian and Maximus
are full of love for one’s fellow man. Cyprian, as a bishop of love, in simple
motivational and counseling speech, exhorts the faithful to soften their hearts
and embrace their fellow human beings suffering from pestilence, poverty and
the persecutors of Christianity66. Brotherly love, after all, stems from the fact
that we are all creatures of God himself. We have the same Father, and He
commands us to love one another. Maximus reveals the concept of perfect
love which presupposes knowledge of God. Perfect love redeems man from
the bondage of earthly life and leads him to union with God. The mind (νοῦς)
must be directed towards God. Then it rejects earthly things and experiences
God’s love67. If we want to know God and participate in Him, we have to heal
our sinful mind which has deviated from God and start directing it towards
Him. In other words, this means overcoming our passions that are the embod-
iment of sin. Let us not forget that our Lord loved us more than himself68. So,
Maximus teaches that love is the goal and the source of every good69.
The Saints focus on the universal character of Christian love. Cyprian ad-
vises the faithful to pray even for heretics, so that their thought may be en-
66 Cyprian, De mortalitate 7.
68 Maximus the Confessor, Ad Thallasium PG 90.725C.
69 Maximus the Confessor, Epistula ad Joannem cubicularium de caritate, PG 91.396B.
108
lightened and they may seek the path of love and not of hatred70. His word is
full of exhortations and advice to believers, heretics, virgins, idolaters, lapsed,
believers, etc. Envy and evil comes from the absence of love. It is love that
leads to concord and unity, elements more than necessary for the continui-
ty and unity of the Church (Hermelo, 1996, p. 228). The faithful, therefore,
must lovingly and patiently accept the faults of others imitating the example
of Christ (Marin, 1963, p. 73). Christian love has a redemptive power. Thus, it
must be based on the word and life of Christ, pure and selfless (Dumont, 1958,
p. 30). Likewise, Maximus focuses on the universal character of love. Indeed,
he teaches that we should love those who hate us, because they are instru-
ments of God’s providence and will lead us to Him. These obstacles will teach
us obedience, keep us humble, and help us to become detached from earthly
things.71 Both Saints adopt as an example of love the Protomartyr Stephen,
who prays in love and asks forgiveness for his murderers72. What St Maximus
describes in a rather deep and spiritual manner about acquiring perfect love
from God, using a philosophical terminology, is actually identified with St
Cyprian’s teaching of practical love that is demonstrated with love towards the
neighbour. Both saints speak of the same love that is firstly acquired from God
as gift, as He is the source of love, then is experienced within someone’s inner
self, and finally is manifested indiscriminately to every human being.
In conclusion, for both Saints, faith in the Lord alone isn’t enough, as de-
mons also believe in the power of God and are afraid73. An ideological faith
based only on intellectual motives is useless. Man must prove his love for the
Lord by works. The love offering must not only be material, but also spiritu-
al. Works of love are acts of charity, patience, almsgiving, and prayer for our
neighbor. Alms heal the soul, fasting softens desire, and prayer purifies the
mind74. In brief, he who possesses love possesses God Himself, for “God is
love”75.
70 Cyprian, Epistula 60.5.

72 Cyprian, De bono patientiae 16 & Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 1.37.
75 Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate 4.100 (1 Jn 4:8).
109
References
Primary Sources
Cyprian, Opera I, Ad Quirinium, Ad Fortunatum, De lapsis, De ecclesiae
catholicae unitate, (eds.) Weber, R. & Bévenot, M., 1972 [CCSL 3].
Cyprian, Opera II, Ad Donatum, De mortalitate, Ad Demetrianum, De opera et
eleemosynis, De zelo et livore, De dominica oratione, De bono patientiae, (eds.)
Simonetti, M. & Moreschini, C., 1976 [CCSL 3A].
Cyprian, Epistulae, (ed.) Diercks, G.F., 1994 [CCSL 3B].
Cyprian, Epistulae, (ed.) Diercks, G.F., 1996 [CCSL 3C].
Maximus the Confessor, Capita de caritate PG. 90.959-1052.
Secondary Sources
Arabatzis, Chr. (2014) Issues of Ecclesiastical Literature and Patristic
Hermeneutics, [in Greek], Thessaloniki.
Balthasar, H., U. (1988) The Universe according to Maximus the Confessor, San
Francisco.
Berthold, G. (2015) “Christian Life and Praxis” in The Oxford Handbook of
Maximus the Confessor, (eds) Allen P. & Bronwen, N., Oxford, pp: 397-413.
Blowers, P.M. (2016) Maximus the Confessor. Jesus Christ and the Transfiguration
of the World, Oxford.
Dumont, Ch. (1958) “Lectio Divina: La lecture de la Parôle de Dieu d’après
saint Cyprien,” Bible et Vie Chrétienne 22: 23-33.
Farrel, R. (1991) Saint Cyprian’s Ideas on “Love thy Neighbour”, Navara.
Hermelo, M.R. (1966) Transigencia y Unidad en San Cipriano in Dialogo
Ecuménico, Salamanca.
Ioannidis, F. (2013) Cyprian of Carthage, De lapsis [in Greek], Thessaloniki.
Ioannidis, G. (2019) Human Nature and Will: Study on Saint Maximus the
Confessor and Symeon the new Theologian, [in Greek] Dissertation at Aristotle
University, Thessaloniki.
Marin, A.,R. (1963) Teología de la caridad, Madrid.
Moreschini, Cl. (2009) Scrittori Cristiani dell’ Africa Romana, Cipriano
vescovo di Cartagine, Roma.
110
Papanikolaou, A. (2013) “Learning How to Love: St. Maximus on Virtue”

in Knowing the Purpose of Creation Through the Resurrection: Proceedings of
the Symposium on St. Maximus the Confessor, (ed.) Bishop Maxim Vasiljević,
Belgrade.
Sherwood, P. (1955) St. Maximus the Confessor: The Ascetic Life, The Four
Centuries on Charity New York.
Studer, B. (1976) “Die Soteriologie Cyprians von Carthago”, Augustinianum
16: 427-456.
Törönen, M. (2007) Union and Distinction in the Thought of St Maximus the
Confessor, Oxford.
Völker, W. (1965) Maximus Confessor als Meister des geistlichen Lebens,
Wiesbaden.
Zarotiadis, N. (2014) Cyprian of Carthage, On Works and Alms, On the Unity
of the Church, On the Dress of Virgins [in Greek], Thessaloniki.
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111

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Theology & Culture

The Academic Journal of the

Theology & Culture

Department of Theology and Culture

Aims and Scope:

Editorial Board Members:

Copyright© 2022 by the Department of Theology & Culture, Univeristy College

Archbishop Anastasios of Albania”, Lecturer Dr. Georgios Gaitanos-“The

Α better analysis of the phenomenon of violence against women is the ref-

Holy Scripture so that it is not difficult to understand the Christian theology

Violence is a deprivation of economic, social and intellectual freedom.

violence is perceived as a means of protection and in front of it there should

Abdiu Nuri, (2010), Mbi Historinë e Mendimit Psikologjik Shqiptar deri më

Prezantim i Informacionit Ekzistues mbi Dhunën në Familje në Shqipëri (2000),

1. The Orthodox community in The Ottoman Empire

Sultan Mehmet II became the defender of all Orthodox Christians as a re-

from politicians and government employees. Every patriarch was compelled

The architectural and spiritual cultural heritage of the Christian popula-

were corrupted, as were local officials.

continues to be a value and contribution of the Albanian society today, where

as members of a single religious group, they coexisted and worked together as

Due to political and economic pressure placed on the hidden Christians,

“... The fundamental biblical-ecclesiastical translations of

Anastasi (Janullatos). Kryepiskopi i Tiranës, Durrësit dhe i gjithë Shqipërisë,

T. Hoxha, K. Nuro, A. Nika, A Bupsi ( grup autorësh). (1987), Shoqëritë

44, no 1, 73-79. Keshishian, A. (1992). Orthodox Perpsectives on Mission, Oxford: Regnum

1. First formulation of the exhortation to ‘Liturgy after

“This event (of the Divine Liturgy) must not be lost as an

At the close of the Etchmiadzin Conference, Bishop Anastasios used these

“The Liturgy must to be continued in the personal, everyday

persons from all demonic structures of injustice, exploitation,

In this passage Bishop Anastasios Yannoulatos essentially stresses the dy-

“This personal everyday attitude becomes ‘liturgical’ in the sense

Fragments of this address, which Anastasios Yannoulatos delivered at Etch-

Armenia, in 1975, on ‘Confessing Christ through the Liturgical

2. The exhortation to ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in earlier

“Without the labour and effort of endeavouring to extend the

Consequently, participation in the Holy Eucharist means a transformation

“Christ is not a prophet or a theory. He is life, the life. The

“It is highly doubtful whether we can truly participate and really

“In every Divine Liturgy every one of us should ‘offer’ his/her

3. ‘Liturgy after the Liturgy’ in later texts by

In a 1978 essay on “Rediscovering the Orthodox missionary ethos”9 Arch-

“The faithful by experiencing in the Liturgy: communion with

9 First published as Yannoulatos, A. (1978), “A la redécouverte de l’éthos missionaire

or political barriers. There is another kind of liturgy (λειτουργία

Moreover, the experiential Eucharistic attitude to life is expressed in the

“The participation, therefore, in any kind of dynamic movement

In this paper he demonstrates the close connection between ministry (dia-

Similarly memorable short sentences abound in the teaching manuals that

“Every crime committed in the name of religion is a crime against

“The Christian Church promises to offer what it has and what it

“To the uneasiness created by the virus of insecurity Christ offers

“Love is the antidote to the egocentrism, national, racial, religious,

which poisons the peaceful co-existence of men and peoples”.

The success of these phrases, it should be pointed out in passing, may be

“Liturgy after the Liturgy” refers to the Eucharistic experience of Chris-