Leanne Simpson

● Indigenous nations had their own processes for making and maintaining peaceful diplomatic
relationships with other Indigenous nations prior to colonization, known as Gdoo-naaganinaa or
"treaty processes"
● These treaty processes were grounded in the worldviews, language, knowledge systems, and
political cultures of the nations involved
● Indigenous peoples understood these agreements in terms of relationship, and renewal processes
were crucial in maintaining these international agreements
● Treaties were viewed in terms of both rights and responsibilities and were seen as sacred, made in
the presence of the spiritual world and solemnized in ceremony
● Aboriginal nations in North America had their own well-established diplomatic processes and
continental treaty order
● Elaborate systems were adopted to record and maintain these treaties, using oral traditions,
ceremonies, protocols, customs, and laws
● Treaty relationships were seen as adoption ceremonies, where Indigenous nations welcomed
settlers as family and invited them to live by their laws
● Indigenous scholars argue for the renewal of the Canadian state's political relationship with
Aboriginal Peoples based on early treaties
● Mainstream Canadian understanding of Indigenous treaty-making traditions and political cultures
is poor and often based on racist stereotypes
● Indigenous conceptualizations of treaties and treaty relationships differ from Eurocanadian views
and are rooted in Indigenous traditions, beliefs, and worldviews
● Understanding and decolonizing the concept of "treaty" is important to appreciate the intentions
of the first agreements and explore Indigenous views in contemporary times
● The paper seeks to articulate Nishnaabeg cultural perspectives on relationships within their
territory, including the land, animal nations, and neighboring Indigenous nations and
confederacies
● Maintaining and nurturing relationships within the community and with other nations is
foundational for the Nishnaabeg
● Bimaadiziwin, or "living the good life," is the Nishnaabeg's way of living in balance with the
natural world, their families, and their nation
● Individual behavior is closely tied to the behavior of the collective in Nishnaabeg society
● The paper will discuss examples of treaty relationships with the nonhuman world and precolonial
international treaty relationships with the Dakota Nation and the Haudenosaunee Confederacy
● These perspectives are grounded in traditional Nishnaabeg knowledge and challenge mainstream
academic literature on treaties.

Pages 5 to 8
●
● Nishnaabeg culture values collective decision-making and individual autonomy
● Self-determination is about looking at oneself and one's family in a responsible way
● Good governance is built on relationships with family, clan, and the nonhuman world
● Traditional leadership values respect, honesty, wisdom, and love
● Children are respected and encouraged to follow their visions and fulfill responsibilities
 ● Clans have specific responsibilities in taking care of territories and governing
● Animal clans are self-determining nations with formal relationships and knowledge-sharing
● Treaty-making with animal nations is important for maintaining balance and accountability
● Respectful and responsible practices in hunting and fishing are essential for maintaining the treaty
relationship
● Treaties are about maintaining peace and healthy collective relationships
● Treaties are ongoing and dynamic relationships to be nurtured and respected
● Oral agreements require maintenance and understanding to ensure lasting peace.

Pages 8 to 12
●
● The Nishnaabeg Nation had diplomatic relations with other indigenous nations, as well as a guide
to relations with others that emphasized respect and reciprocity.
● When entering another territory, it was customary for individuals or groups to announce their
presence by building a fire.
● Omamwinini people would send out a delegation with white wampum to welcome visitors to
their territory, and a feast would be prepared and gifts exchanged.
● Treaties were formalized to promote peaceful diplomatic relations between nations.
● One precolonial Nishnaabeg treaty was called Gdoo-naaganinaa, meaning "Our Dish," and it was
made with the Haudenosaunee Confederacy.
● The treaty acknowledged the shared hunting territory and ecological connections between the
Nishnaabeg and Haudenosaunee.
● It represented harmony, interconnection, and the responsibility to take care of the shared territory.
● Nishnaabeg environmental ethics included taking only what was needed, sharing resources, and
not wasting any part of an animal.
● The Haudenosaunee referred to the treaty as the "Dish with One Spoon" and had similar
principles of sharing and responsibility.
● Both parties understood the treaty as a relationship with rights and responsibilities, and they had
to follow their cultural protocols to maintain peace.
● Gdoo-naaganinaa is a living treaty, and it provides insight into Nishnaabeg traditions governing
treaty making and their expectations in early interactions with settler governments.
● The Nishnaabeg expected respect for their government, sovereignty, and nationhood from
colonial governments.
● Gdoo-naaganinaa serves as a template for realizing separate jurisdictions within a shared territory
and decolonizing relationships with neighboring nations and colonial states.

Pages 12 to 14
●
● The Haudenosaunee Confederacy is an inclusive form that represents shared ecology and territory
in southern Ontario.
● The Final Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples provides a more complete
discussion on this topic.
● Harold Johnson discusses the intersection of families, territory, and treaties in his book "Two
Families: Treaties and Government".
 ● Nishnaabeg refers to Ojibwe, Odawa, Potawatomi, Mississauga, Saulteaux, and Om.miwinini
peoples. They formed confederacies throughout history.
● Treaty federalism is a concept in Canada that relates to this topic.
● The concept of Indigenous nationhood is explained in Eddie Benton Banai's book "The Mishomis
Book".
● The imagery of Indigenous culture in Canadian society is discussed in Daniel Frances' book "The
Imaginary Indian".
● Indigenous research methodologies are explored in various sources including Lester-lrabinna
Rigney, Linda Tuhiwai Smith, and Kiera Lander.
● The perspectives shared in this paper are based on the author's interpretation of Nishnaabeg
knowledge and is in accordance with Nishnaabeg protocols.
● The spiritual ecology of Indawendiwin is discussed by Paula Sherman.
● Trish Monture-Angus explores First Nations independence in her book "Journeying Forward".
● The Seven Grandfather teachings are important in Nishnaabeg culture.
● Leanne Simpson discusses the decolonization of pregnancy and birthing ceremonies in
Indigenous culture.
● The clan system and its historical context are examined in a report prepared for the Ipperwash
Inquiry by Darlene Johnson.
● Mnjikanming is a location in Nishnaabeg territory that holds significance in relation to fish
migrations.
● The story of Creation and the teachings of the Anishinaabe are discussed in John Borrows' book
"Recovering Canada".
● The role of Nishnaabeg women is mentioned in relation to this story.
● Judy DaSilva, a traditional knowledge holder and environmental activist, shares her perspective
on this topic.
● The treaty between the Nishnaabeg Nation and the Haudenosaunee Confederacy is called
"Gdoo-naaganinaa" by the Nishnaabeg.
● The Haudenosaunee Confederacy consists of five member nations and several dependent nations.
● Kidonaganina, a historical treaty, is discussed in detail in various sources.
● Traditional ecological knowledge plays a significant role in Nishnaabeg culture, and the dish
wampum belt symbolizes this knowledge.
● The paper aims to discuss Nishnaabeg precolonial treaty-making processes in detail.

Pages 14 to 15

● The text discusses the treaty from a Haudenosaunee perspective.

● It references Barbara Gray's article "The Effects of the Fur Trade on Peace: A Haudenosaunee
Woman's Perspective" in Aboriginal People and the Fur Trade.
● It also mentions J.A. Gibson's work "Concerning the League: The Iroquois League Tradition as
Dictated in Onondaga" and A.C. Parker's "Parker on the Iroquois: Iroquois Uses of Maize and
Other Food Plants: The Code of Handsome Lake, the Seneca Prophet: The Constitution of the
Five Nations."
● Gray's article does not provide page numbers.
 ● For a comprehensive discussion of Haudenosaunee land ethics, see Susan Hill's work "The Clay
We Are Made of: An Examination of Haudenosaunee Land Tenure on the Grand River Territory"
and "Traveling Down the River of Life."
● Banai's book "Mishomis Book" is also referenced.

Cary Miller

Pages 1 to 4

● The article discusses the political use of received gifts in Anishinaabeg communities between
1820 and 1832.
● The author emphasizes that gift giving has complex relationships to power in all cultures.
● The meaning of gifts in Indian-European gift exchanges lies in the differing sociopolitical
structures that define the meaning of gifts and the notions of power and responsibility held by
both parties.
● For northeastern tribes like the Anishinaabeg, who were immersed in relationships of mutual
reliance among kin and with manitous (spirits), the acceptance and rejection of gifts had different
significance compared to societies like the United States that stressed social and economic
independence.
● By accepting gifts, recipients acquiesced to the political messages and obligations that
accompanied them, while rejection of gifts demonstrated dissatisfaction and the need to
renegotiate agreements.
● The author examines historical encounters between the Anishinaabeg and the United States to
demonstrate the multivalent interpretation of diplomatic gifts among Anishinaabeg people.
● Marcel Mauss's work on gift exchange is referenced, acknowledging that gifts often have a social
as well as an economic context and are used to create and perpetuate social and political ties.
● Pierre Bourdieu's concept of exchange in "pre-capitalist" societies is discussed, where exchange
always has a value to the communities involved and includes symbolic as well as material value.
● Jonathan Parry's concept of economic relations becoming differentiated from other types of social
relationships with the creation of the market is also presented.
● The author clarifies the distinction between pre-market and market exchange, highlighting that
market exchange involves commodities, while gift exchange in pre-capitalist societies establishes
relationships between the partners engaged in the exchange.
● The harsh environment in which the Anishinaabeg lived, with varying growing seasons and the
threat of starvation, meant that survival relied on assistance from other families and manitous.
● Anishinaabeg individuals approached human beings and manitous with requests for pity or
blessings, seeking specific powers to survive.
● Reciprocity and respect were key in gift exchange, and individuals had to fulfill promises and
conditions attached to gifts from manitous.
● Repayment was based on need and not necessarily equivalent, with the social obligation to assist
being more important than equalizing assistance given.
● Anishinaabeg gift exchange functioned like an insurance policy, sharing food to balance the
unevenness of production with the constant needs of the community.
 ● Gifts and respect exchanged with neighboring communities or manitous created fictive kinship
ties, with the manitou addressed as grandmother or grandfather and clan kin welcomed and given
hospitality.
● Marriages were arranged to extend the web of relatives with whom exchanges would be
conducted, and all social interaction among the Anishinaabeg was conditioned by kinship.

Pages 4 to 7
●
● Anishinaabeg bands relied on kinship ties and gift exchange to maintain relationships and mutual
reliance with the world around them.
● Need and expression of need had a different significance in Anishinaabeg culture compared to
individualistic societies.
● Anishinaabeg approached Europeans in the same way they approached their tribal neighbors,
requesting food, clothing, or other items that emphasized mutual reliance.
● An independent stance indicated no need for an alliance and potential for hostile relations.
● Anishinaabeg used the same gifts, ceremonies, and words when engaging in reciprocal relations
with Europeans as they did with neighbors, plants, animals, and spirit beings in their natural
world.
● Reciprocity was essential for the system to function, and the goal was to expand social relations.
● Anishinaabeg eagerly established reciprocal relations with French and English fur traders to
obtain rare goods and extend their network of support in times of need.
● Certain obligations were imposed on Anishinaabeg in return for accepting materials that made
hunting more efficient.
● Severe hunger or the presence of a third party could supersede reciprocal obligations.
● Gift exchange was also significant in diplomatic associations, conveying messages and validating
them.
● Accepting gifts meant accepting the ideas, commitments, or political agreements that
accompanied them.
● Rejection of gifts indicated a refusal to accept the obligation inherent in the messages.
● Anishinaabeg leaders expressed political views and intentions through their treatment of gifts.
● Gifts confirmed treaties and symbolized the agreements they represented.
● Anishinaabeg chiefs correlated political agreements to the gifts that accompanied them.
● Anishinaabeg maintained relations with the United States and Great Britain, whose
representatives resided in small military forts or trading posts.
● The boundaries between non-Indian powers were uncertain after the American Revolution, and
Jay's Treaty allowed British traders to operate on American soil.
● The exact boundary between the United States and British territories was unknown, creating
ambiguity.
● Zebulon Pike's expedition in 1806 drew attention to the presence of British traders on the
southern shore of Lake Superior in violation of Jay's Treaty.
● Congress passed a law in 1816 prohibiting foreigners from engaging in US-Indian trade without
special exemption.
● The War of 1812 resolved some boundary issues but left interpretation of the boundary between
the Great Lakes open.
 ● The war ended overt competition between the British and the United States in the fur trade south
of the Great Lakes.
● The Anishinaabeg relied on subsistence patterns and continued relations with both British and
American traders.

Pages 7 to 10

● In the early 19th century, bands in the region maintained connections with both England and the
United States, ignoring international boundaries.
● The English continued to supply rum to the region after the United States banned it from trade.
● In 1819, an incident occurred where Ho-Chunk at Green Bay fired upon a U.S. fort, leading to
concerns about British influence in the Western Great Lakes.
● Secretary of War Calhoun realized the need for more accurate information concerning British
influence in the northwest.
● Lewis Cass, governor of Michigan Territory, proposed an exploratory tour through the region to
address this issue.
● Calhoun directed Cass to pursue several goals, including discouraging the northern tribes from
accepting British gifts and trading only with American traders.
● Cass was also tasked with determining the extent of British trade, the location and size of
northern Indian population centers, and assessing their feelings toward the United States.
● If the Indian nations proved indifferent or hostile, the government would need to know their
military strength.
● To demonstrate a military presence, a strategy was put together for the defense of the northern
frontier, consisting of a line of small forts at various locations.
● Forts were already in place in Chicago, Mackinac, and Detroit, and construction began at St.
Peter's in 1820.
● Cass was also asked to obtain title to a small fort-sized parcel of land at Sault Ste. Marie and
research French title at Green Bay and Prairie du Chien.
● Henry Rowe Schoolcraft was appointed as the official geologist for the exploratory tour.
● The Sault Ste. Marie Anishinaabeg received gifts from the British and traded at a Canadian post,
which led to the belief that they possessed a large amount of British goods.
● Governor Cass called a council with the leaders of the Sault Ste. Marie band, who appeared in
British attire and gifts.
● Cass explained that the United States claimed the land based on the Treaty of Greenville, but the
chiefs refused to recognize this transfer of jurisdiction.
● The younger chiefs attempted to dissuade the Americans from setting a permanent military
presence, citing concerns about a burial ground, fish availability, and conflicts with American
personnel.
● Governor Cass refused to withdraw his demand for a land cession and did not offer additional
compensation.
● Cass's insensitivity to Anishinaabeg concerns and unwillingness to be generous influenced the
negotiations.
Pages 10 to 13

● The Anishinaabeg community rejected the gifts and proposals of the American delegation, seeing
it as coercion rather than exchange among friends.
● Upon returning to camp, Sassaba hoisted a British flag to indicate an existing agreement with the
British that the Anishinaabeg refused to violate.
● Governor Cass interpreted the hoisting of the British flag as an act of defiance and a challenge to
American territorial rights.
● Governor Cass ordered the company to arms and trampled the British flag, which the
Anishinaabeg perceived as a defilement of their treaty with the British and a declaration of war.
● The Anishinaabeg sent their women and children to the Canadian side of the channel in canoes
and prepared to defend their village, while the Americans fortified their camp.
● The Anishinaabeg community at Sault Ste. Marie had only 76 warriors, while Cass had brought
22 soldiers from Fort Michilimackinac, increasing his apparent military strength to 66 men.
● The metis Johnston family intervened and Ozhaguscodaywayquay, John Johnston Sr.'s
Anishinaabeg wife, intercepted George Johnston and instructed him to send for the elder chiefs to
prevent ruin for the tribe.
● The chiefs assembled at Johnston's office and George reminded them that hostilities between the
United States and Great Britain had ceased and that the two nations were now living as friends.
● Ozhaguscodaywayquay urged the chiefs to restrain the young men, and Chief Shingwaukouse
was appointed to convince Sassaba to stand down.
● Sassaba initially resisted, but eventually, the war party disbanded and the chiefs agreed to a 16
square mile cession, reserving the right to camp on the cession while fishing in the channel.
● The chiefs accepted Cass's gifts of tobacco plugs and smoked the pipe of peace with him and his
delegation, signaling their acceptance of an American presence in the area.
● Governor Cass failed to understand the significance of political gifts to the Anishinaabeg people
and could have avoided conflict by paying closer attention to diplomatic cues.
● The Anishinaabeg's display of the British flag indicated their existing alliance with the British and
their resistance to an American military presence, while the inadequate gifts from Cass showed a
lack of sincerity and devaluation of the Anishinaabeg as potential allies.
● The intervention of the Johnstons prevented a more violent resolution and highlighted the
importance of understanding the language of Anishinaabeg diplomacy through gifts.
● American misunderstandings of gift exchange jeopardized future negotiations with the
Anishinaabeg, as they believed Indians expected gifts as bribes or to do as they were told, while
the Anishinaabeg saw gifts as complex symbols and linguistic cues of alliance systems.
● The intrusion of European definitions of exchange shifted the dynamics of this language, but the
Native people continued to understand it.

Pages 13 to 16

● The text discusses the meaning of gifts, specifically those exchanged in political contexts, within
existing cultural frameworks.
● It mentions that misunderstandings over agreements occurred because of differing perceptions of
the meaning of gifts.
● The inability of American officials negotiating at Sault Ste. Marie to understand the meaning of
gifts to Anishinaabeg people had a significant impact.
● Two officials from the 1820 expedition, Governor Cass and Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, participated
in subsequent negotiations.
● Governor Cass was subsequently elevated to the secretary of war, while Schoolcraft became an
Indian agent at Sault Ste. Marie and studied Native peoples in depth.
● After the Cass expedition, the United States held a treaty council at Prairie du Chien in 1825 with
tribes from Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan.
● The purpose of the council was to formalize loyalty to the United States, and the tribes were
asked to recognize its jurisdiction.
● American medals were exchanged for British ones, and the treaty was presented as a means to
end intertribal warfare and facilitate white settlement of the region.
● In practice, the treaty allowed the U.S. government to negotiate with tribes individually for their
lands, supporting the Indian removal movement.
● The chiefs of the Native nations set boundaries between their territories, mediated by the treaty
agents.
● However, not all important Anishinaabeg chiefs attended the council, so an additional treaty
council was called at Fond du Lac the following year.
● The purpose was to ask all Anishinaabeg leaders to recognize the American government, agree to
peace with the Sioux, and ratify the boundary established at Prairie du Chien.
● The peace between the Sioux and Anishinaabeg lasted for two years, but when the United States
shifted the Anishinaabeg of northern Minnesota to agent Schoolcraft at Sault Ste. Marie, conflicts
arose.
● The Anishinaabeg believed that the United States had failed to fulfill its peace-keeping
responsibilities.
● Schoolcraft asked the Anishinaabeg chiefs to remain at peace with the Sioux until he visited them
the following summer.
● Americans were a largely unobtrusive presence in Anishinaabeg territories at the time, with the
majority being Anishinaabeg or Odawa, mixed Indian and European descent, and Americans
involved in the fur trade.
● Anishinaabeg leaders to the west of Lake Superior desired positive interactions with the new
American government.
● Conflicts with the British agent in the early 19th century had prevented some Minnesota leaders
from joining the British cause in the War of 1812.
● British warnings about U.S. expansionism had proven false so far, and the treaties with the United
States in the 1820s had not specified land cessions.
● The Anishinaabeg valued the alliance with the Americans for the promise of aid to the injured
party and to deflect Americans from aiding their Sioux enemies.
● Schoolcraft did not understand why blame was important to Anishinaabeg communities and was
focused on establishing peace between the Anishinaabeg and Eastern Sioux.
 ● He sought to convince Anishinaabeg chiefs to send messages to the Sioux indicating their desire
for peace, but he was unaware of the tribes' demands for the U.S. to fulfill their peace-keeping
obligations.
● Schoolcraft ended his tour in 1831 at Rice Lake, where a war party had gathered for a raid against
the Sioux.
● He offered peace medals and gifts to the war chief Neenaba, but Neenaba hesitated to accept them
as it would signify agreeing to remain at peace.
● Instead, Neenaba recounted Sioux atrocities and hesitated to accept the gifts, as his prestige as a
war leader was more important to him.
● The text highlights the significance of gifts in treaty-making and the complexities of cultural
understanding in political contexts.

Pages 16 to 19

● Chief Neenaba initially declined the presents offered to him by the United States Indian agent,
Schoolcraft, as he was uncomfortable with the message Schoolcraft delivered and concerned that
other community members wanted war with the Sioux.
● The young men who had gathered protested vigorously, and Neenaba reluctantly took the gifts, as
it represented an increased status among his people and their approval of Schoolcraft's words.
● Neenaba, being a war chief, hesitated to enter into an agreement with the Sioux, as he considered
the possibility of them refusing and the direct threats his people faced from them.
● Neenaba met with Schoolcraft the next day, but he had not yet smoked the pipe with Schoolcraft
to confirm the agreement, indicating that he still had the liberty to modify the terms or reject it.
● Neenaba used the opportunity to present gifts and send a message of his own to Schoolcraft. He
met him with the flag Schoolcraft had given him draped over one arm and his war club held
perpendicular in the other, symbolizing his acceptance of an American alliance but not
repudiating war if circumstances demanded.
● Neenaba doubted the pledge of the United States to end the conflict and insisted on retaining the
right of his community to retaliate militarily in self-defense.
● Neenaba asked Schoolcraft to send the pipe he now offered to the president and requested that the
president use his power to prevent the Sioux from attacking Anishinaabeg communities.
● Aishkebugekosh, another influential chief, led a war party to avenge the death of his son at Sioux
hands, despite Schoolcraft's plea for peace.
● Aishkebugekosh prepared for the conference with Schoolcraft by desecrating the symbols of their
alliance, such as flags, peace medals, and wampum, splattering them with red paint to
communicate dissatisfaction with the current alliance and the need to renegotiate a more
acceptable agreement.
● Aishkebugekosh invited Schoolcraft and other officials to his home, where the interior was
decorated with flags, war clubs, spears, pipes, medals, and wampum, all spotted with red paint to
convey their dissatisfaction.
● During the formal council, Schoolcraft urged the Leech Lake Anishinaabeg to stop their wars
with the Sioux and focus on hunting, growing corn, and taking care of their women and children.
● Schoolcraft acknowledged their right to engage in a defensive war but warned against fighting
without cause, emphasizing the president's desire for peace between the Anishinaabeg and Sioux.
 ● Aishkebugekosh, feeling insulted by Schoolcraft's lack of acknowledgment of his personal loss
and cultural obligation to avenge his son, did not accept any of Schoolcraft's gifts. Subordinate
chiefs received them and distributed them among the people.
● Aishkebugekosh asked Schoolcraft's party to remain a few days to gauge the community's
response to the president's message, but Schoolcraft announced his intention to leave before
nightfall, which was seen as rude.
● Aishkebugekosh then delivered an impromptu speech rebuking Schoolcraft for his lack of respect,
reminding him of his duty to listen to the Indians, and highlighting the broken promises of
protection made in past treaties.
● Aishkebugekosh emphasized that the Anishinaabeg had experienced yearly attacks from the
Sioux and had lost many people, with little intervention from the United States. As a result, they
had to take matters into their own hands to punish the Sioux.

Pages 19 to 23

● The recipient of a gift in Anishinaabeg culture showed respect for the giver by the manner in
which they accepted and treated the gift.
● Medals and flags received from the United States representatives served as tokens of rank and
records of agreements.
● The display of these items expressed respect and honor for the other party to the agreement.
● The Leech Lake Band defiled the gifts by painting them with red paint, symbolizing the United
States' failure to fulfill its obligations and the responsibility for the deaths of its members.
● Aishkebugekosh, the leader of the Leech Lake Band, sought to negotiate a new agreement with
the United States by asking them to wash off the paint from the medals.
● Aishkebugekosh demanded compensation for the deaths of his people and the offer of assistance
for the future.
● He threatened to seek help from the British if the United States refused to fulfill its duty to assist
his people.
● The speech was enthusiastically received by the warriors in the audience, indicating their support
for Aishkebugekosh's demands.
● A gathering of nearly a thousand Anishinaabeg, double the usual population of Leech Lake,
showed the intention of demanding compliance or renegotiation of treaty terms.
● The large number of Anishinaabeg and the militancy of the warriors may have intimidated
Schoolcraft, the Indian agent.
● Schoolcraft refused Aishkebugekosh's request to remain for an additional day, resulting in his
departure without smoking the pipe, a traditional indicator of concluded negotiations.
● Aishkebugekosh may have expected the absence of guides to force the agent and his party to
remain for further negotiations and to symbolize that the Anishinaabeg only provided guides to
friends.
● Anishinaabeg chiefs used gifts they received from foreign governments to represent the status of
their agreements and express their concerns about the United States' failure to protect their
communities.
● The Anishinaabeg expected the United States to stand by the promises made when the gifts were
presented, not just the agreements in the treaties.
 ● Defiling gifts symbolized violated agreements and demanded renegotiation.
● Anishinaabeg chiefs accepted or rejected gifts based on the value of the social ties they created
and expected representatives of the United States government to understand their obligation.
● The use of gifts as symbols in confrontations between tribal leaders and Indian agents
demonstrates the complexity of Anishinaabeg diplomacy and the ignorance of American envoys.
● Further examination of Native peoples' rejection of European gifts may provide insight into the
diplomatic use of gifts and the extent of community participation in creating chiefs by external
powers.

Pages 23 to 26

● The text includes various references to different sources, including introductions to books and
articles, as well as excerpts from narratives and journals.
● Mentor L. Williams provides introductions to the Narrative Journal of Travels, highlighting
important aspects of the expedition and the significance of the events.
● Philip P. Mason also introduces Schoolcraft's Expedition to Lake Itasca, emphasizing the
importance of the discovery of the source of the Mississippi River.
● David Lavender adds his own perspective on the American Fur Company and its role in the
exploration and development of the region.
● The text includes numerous references to locations and page numbers, indicating specific details
and information found within the sources.
● Charles C. Trowbridge and Schoolcraft describe the council with the chiefs, noting their attire, the
presence of British goods, and the absence of certain chiefs.
● Various excerpts from the Narrative Journal of Travels provide detailed descriptions of the events
and interactions during the expedition.
● Olive Patricia Dickason's book is referenced for additional historical information about Canada's
First Nations and their role in the founding of the region.
● Bruce M. White's article explores the significance of gift-giving in the Lake Superior Fur Trade,
shedding light on the cultural and social aspects of the practice.
● William Whipple Warren's History of the Ojibway People provides insight into the conflicts and
tensions between different Native groups in the region.
● Richard White's book, The Middle Ground, offers a broader perspective on the cultural and
political interactions between Europeans and Native peoples in the Great Lakes region.
● William Clark's journal entry from the Treaty of Prairie du Chien provides context for the
negotiations and agreements between various tribes and the United States.
● Additional excerpts and references provide further details about specific events and interactions
during the expedition and its aftermath.
● The text also refers to letters and speeches made by Anishinaabeg chiefs, highlighting their desire
for a closer agency and their frustrations with the distance and separation from their families.
● The significance of the gifts exchanged during negotiations and councils is emphasized, with
references to specific instances where gifts were given or promised.
● The cycle of retaliation and violence is discussed, including Sioux attacks and the consequences
of escalating tensions between different Native groups.
● Overall, the text provides a comprehensive overview of the sources and references related to the
events and interactions surrounding the expedition to the source of the Mississippi River in 1820.