Legon Journal of Sociology Vol. 2 No.

I 25

TRADITIONAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CHIEFTAINCY

SUCCESSION DISPUTES IN NORTHERN GHANA
N. J. K. Brukum*

Abstract

This paper examines the nature ofunwriffen constitutions among the traditional states of
Northern Ghana and the changes that have occurred in them over time. It seeks tojind out
whether with the onset of colonial rule and the introduction of wriffen traditional
constitutions succession disputes have abated or not, and if not, why. The study was
conducted between January and April 200} using an open-ended questionnaire to elicit
information from respondents. However, on some occasions, the interview method was
used wh?n respondents were not forthcoming with answers to question.s posed. The paper
concludes that in spite ofthe numerous chie./iaincy succession disputes in Northern Ghana,
the powers and prestige associated with the institution of chieftaincy has not been
impaired.

Introduction
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)

festive occasIOns like Damba and

The past two decades have witnessed a
spate of succession disputes in
Northern Ghana. Indeed, since 1980
there have been twenty-six succession
disputes which have resulted in intra-
ethnic conflicts with devastating results
(Brukum 2000/2001). Before the
advent of colonial rule, most traditional
areas in Northern Ghana had unwritten
traditional constitutions which guided
succession to skins. The unwritten
constitutions were kept iii the memory
of the drummers who recited them on
Bungu. This paper attempts to examine
the nature of the unwritten
constitutions and changes that have
occurred in them over time. It further
seeks to find out whetner with the onset
of colonial rule and die introduction of
written traditional constitutions,
succession disputes have abated or not,
and ifnot, why.
The traditional areas covered in
this study are Mamprugu, Dagbon~
Gonja, Nanun, Nchumuru and Nawuri.
They stretch from Bole in the west to

*Dr. N. J. K. Brukum is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of History, University ofGhana, Legon.
This paper was first read at a National Conference on Chieftaincy and Development held at the
School of Administration, University of Ghana, Legon, between 17'" - 20'" January 2001. I am
grateful to the Chieftaincy and Modernity Project ofNUFU for giving me the grant to undertake the
study. I am also grateful to my able assistants: Messrs Sule, M.D. for Dagbon, Issifu Amadu for
Mamprugu, JacobAbudu for Gonja and Sam Ntewusu for Nanun.
 ]6 N. .J. K. Br/lk/ll/l Traditional Constitutions and Chidlaincy Disputes in Northern Ghana
Vendi in the east and from the Northern
Region,Hrong Ahafo boundary to the
south. The Northern Region/Upper
East/U pper West boundaries form the
northern limit of the areas covered.
Geographically, all the areas studied
fall within the savanna belt. The study
was conducted between January and
Apri I 200 I using an open-ended
questionnaire to elicit information from
respondents. However, on some
occasions, I resorted to the interview
method when respondents were not
forthcoming with anS\\'ers to my
Questions.
Brief History
The detailed history of the major
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
traditional states in Northern Ghana has
been well documented by several
authors and would, therefore, not be
fully recounted here. I Suffice, howcver,
to state that Mamprugu, Dagbon and
~anun belong to the Molc-Dagbani
group oflanguages and have a common
ancestry tracing itself back to a single
ancestor, Tohaze, along with his son
(Kpogonumbo) and grandson (Na
Gbewa). Kpogonumbo is bclicn:d to
have entered the area referred to today
as Northern Ghana as an immigrant
from the northeast (presumably
Hausaland), after which his
descendants adopted the language of
'Somc orthesc authoh indude Talllakloc ( 1931 ), I':yrc-Smith ( 1(33), Rattray ( 1(32) and Staniland
( 19751.
'1IO\\C\cr, sc~' LUIllSdL'1l ( 1971 land Brukull1 ( 19791. S~'~' also rvlho\\ura (200-l I.
the authochtonc population speaking a
Mole-Dagbani dialect. The initial
contact is represented in the traditions
by the marriage of Kpogonumbo to the
daughter of the local earth priest
(Tindana). It is said that the newcomer
sparked a pblitical revolution by
murdering his father-in-law, the
Tindana, and imposing himself on the
people (Tamakloe 1931 ).
After this initial founding act, the
line of the paramount chieftaincy
passed to Kpogonumbo's son, Na
Gbewa, and then to Na Gbewa's son,
Zirili. According to Mole-Dagbani
traditions, the subsequent history of the
kingdoms is one of consolidation in
their new environment and an eventual
split in the family after Zirili's death,
which led to the foundation of
Mamprugu by Tohogu, Dagbon by
Sitobu and Nanun by Ngmantambu
(Tamakloe 193 I).
Gonja, by contrast, is said to have
been t(lunded ;by Ndewura Jakpa and
his band ofwatriors from Mande. After
conquering from Bole in the west to
San sane Mango in the east, Ndewura
Jakpa is said to have settled at Nyanga
and then divided his empire among his
sons (Braimah & Goody I(67). Little
has been writtcn on the other two
traditional areas of study, namely, the
Nchumuru and Nawuri.' However,
certain Gonja traditions claim that both
 Legon Journal of Sociology Vol. 2 No. I
Nawuris and Nchumurus were brought
from Mande as part of the army of
3
Ndewura Jakpa. Apart from the
Nchumuru and Nawuri, all of these
groups founded kingdoms and
developed a well-structured form of
gqvernment headed by chiefs, referred
to as "Na" by the Mole-Dagbani states
and "Wura" by Gonjas.~ The chief
weilded much power, in most cases
having the last say in the judicial,
political, military and administrative
matters of state. However, he was
prevented from being an autocrat
because he always had to consult his
subordinate chiefs and council of
elders. The head chiefs honoured this
obligation out of the fear of civil war
(each divisional chief commanded an
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
army of his own) and because there was
the urgent need for internal unity to
maintain the survival of the kingdom.
Unwritten Constitutions
Tq avoid succession disputes, each of
the traditional areas studied had an
unwritten constitution even before the
advent of colonial rule. In most cases,
the constitution was kept in the memory
of the drummers who recited it on state
occasions such as the enskin nment of a
king or important festivals such as
Damba or BlIngli. These constitutions
spelt out who qualified to be a king or
'See Soale Keli's narration to Johnstone-Duncan, District Commissioner, Salaga, March 1922.
'Indeed, the paramount chiefs of Mamprugu, Dagbon and Nanun are called NaYiri, Ya Na and
Bimbilla Na respectively, \\ hile that ofClonja is called Yagbulllwura
27
chiet~ which gates led to the skin, who
the kingmakers were, who qualified to
participate in what ceremony, who
qualified to enskin a chief and, lastly,
the process the chief-to-be should go
through. There are certain common
characteristics a.mong all the traditional
areas studied as to who qualified to be a
chief. For instance, the patrilineal
descendants of the candidate must have
been a paramount chief, the candidate
should not have insulted any person of
royal descent (especially previous
paramount chiefs), he should not be
physically deformed. In addition, the
candidate must be married, and must be
a person of sound and good health (cf.
Tonah2003: 12).
However, a few differences exist.
For example, while in Gonja and
Nanun, grandsons are eligible for the
paramount skin, in Mamprugu and
Dagbon, eligibility is strictly limited to
the surviving sons offormer paramount
chiefs. In addition, while in all the
states the candidate must not have
committed any:serious crime such as
stealing and must be circumcized, in
Nanun these restrictions do not strictly
apply. Another important aspect of
succession is that it is limited to certain
towns and gates. Among the Gonjas,
the office of Yagbumwura is restricted
to the chiefs from the towns of
Kpembe, Bole, Tuluwe, Daboya and
 Traditional Constitutions and Chieftaincy Disputes in Northern Ghana
"a~a\\gll. In Dagboll, (lilly the
occupants of the skins of Karaga,
Savelugu, Mion and Gbong Lana; can
be the Ya Na. In Mamprugu, only the
occupants of the Nabariga, Na-Pagli,
Na-Zoori and Na-Wubiga's gates can
ascend the skin. The only exception to
the above rule among the traditional
areas covered is among Nawuris,
where the Nawuriwuraship rotates
from one town to the other and, indeed,
every male Nawuri who has no
criminal record or physical deformity
can be a Nawuriwura.(' However, the
most distinctive feature of chieftaincy
among the people studied, with the
exception ofNawuris and Nchumurus,
is the system of promotion. Young men
of royal blood usually started on the
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
ladeler of promotion by appointment to
a small village, moving upwards until
they reached divisional, and with luck,
the paramount chieftaincy itself. In
spite of this, promotion and
competition for oftice among the Mole-
Da&bani were limited abov; all hy one
rule: that no man could rise higher than
his father. The 1110st in;portant
implication of this rule is that only the
sons of fonner Nayiris and Ya Nas
could become paramount chiefs. But,
of course, this provision did not
eliminate competition; it merely
structured the field because there are.
always several qualitied candidates for
the post.
'The Gbong Lana is the eldest malt: son orthe deceased Ya Na and occupies his lather's place till a
ne\\ Ya Na is cleckd.
"Inl(mnation collected at Kitare, Nkacl1ena and KabOll\\ulc on I X"', :?()'" and:? I" August, :?OOO.
Written Constitution
During the colonial period the
trad it iona I, unwritten const itut ions
gave way to the written ones. From
1930 the British government wanted to
introduce indirect rule into Northern
Ghana so as to preserve the North from
what the Brit,ish regarded as
'disruptive' outside intluence and foster
traditional values and institutions.
According to its supporters, indirect
rule would permit the acquisition of
skills necessary for traditional rulers to
exercise degrees of pol itical authority
whi Ie remaining firmly rooted in
trad itional pol itical institutions and
practices (Staniland 1975). But before
indirect rule could be implemented, the
British had to recreate the northern
kingdoms of Manlprugu, Dagbon and
Gonja that had almost ceased to exist
befon~ colonial rule (Iliasu 1975). It
was again necessary to know those
traditional institutions that were to be
modi lied to fit into the modem era. To
reconstruct the states, the government
launched research projects into the
histories, customs, constitutions and
land tenure systems of most ethnic
groups inhabiting Northern Ghana.
Political ofTicers were instructed to
conduct investigations in their own
areas and at the same time, R.S.Rattray,
Special Commissioner for
Anthropology, completed a general
 Legon Journal of Sociology Vol. 2 No. I 29

study of the Northern Territories.
Rattray's research resulted in his
monumental two-volume work on
"The Tribes of the Ashanti
Hinterland".7
Following Rattray's research, a
series of conferences were held to
codify the traditional constitutions,
rules of successions and the
relationship between the various ethnic
groups. The most important of these
conferences were Gonja (May, 1930),
Dagbon ( 1930), Kusasi (March, 1931),
Mamprugu (1932) and in (July, 1933).x
For example, at the Gonja conference
held at Yapei, the constitution of the
kingdom was codified and the relative
seniority of the chiefs and the extent of
their powers were drawn. Also, an
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
united under the Ya Na and the former
independent dukedoms of Karaga and
Savelugu agreed to come under the Ya
Na." Expressing a surprise at these
events, the colonial administration
asserted that:
" ... with the reconstruction of
the states, those chiefs who
hitherto enjoyed unwarranted
status as a result of the Anglo-
Gennan boundary divisions
suffered a loss of prestige. It is
therefore greatly to their
credit that they readily
acknowledged the
paramoulltcy of their former
head-chiefs and consented to
resume their correct
positions.,,1I1

agreement on the list of chiefs qualified

to mount the paramountcy was reached
and the chiefs agreed to unite under the
Yagbumwura (Brukum 1997). It was
also discovered that certain villages
which served the Yagbumwura through
&ome Eastern Gonja chiefs were cut otT
from their original landlords and put
under Western Gonja chiefs while
others were placed under Western
Dagbon.
At the Dagbon conference,
Western and Eastern Dagbon \\'ere
But it could not have been
otherwise because the few years of
colonial rule in Northern Ghana had
convinced most people that it was futile
and fo 0 lis h to que s t ion the
administration's decisions, however
arbitrary thes~ might be. Besides, the
chiefs of the dukedoms agreed to serve
the Ya Na because they could also
become Ya Na one day. Ferguson and
Wilks l1970) have noted that by
attempting to restore supposedly

Rallray's book had Volumes one and t\\o. Other important publications or the era were Duncan-
Johnstont: and Blair( 1932): Eyre-Smith ( 1933) and Tamakloe ( 1931 ).
'Sec Brukum (1997).
"This occurred because the Anglo-German COI1\'ention or 1899 arbitrarily divided Dagbon \\ith
Vendi. the capital of the kingdom. under German administration \\hile Karaga and Savelugu. the
otherl\\o important dukedoms. \\ere underthe British,
'''A 111111((/ R eJlon o/ihe Nonhem TerrilOries, A pri I 1937 to 1\'1 arch. 19:; 8.
 30 N. 1. K. BrukunI Traditional Constitutions and Chieftaincy Disputes in Northern Ghana

traditional constitutions, the colonial
bureaucracy undermined the evolution
that was going on in Oagbon chiefship.
Nawuris were at the Gonja
Conference at Yapei but went as
appendages of the Kanankulaiwura
beqlUse Gonjas claimed and still claim
that Nawuris do not have chiefs. But
among the Nawuris, I ike the other
traditional areas studied, although there
is no written constitution, when a stool
becomes vacant, everyone knows who
the next chiefwill be. Similarly, among
the Nchumurus, although there is no
wri.tten constitution, rules and
regulations as to who ascends the
throne are clear. At the lower level, such
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
It has already been pointed out that
each of the traditional areas studied has
a constitution in one form or other. In
spite of the existence of constitutions
stipulating who can ascend the
skin/stool, succession disputes have
occurred in all .the traditional areas
covered. Succession disputes have
often occurred w,hen one gate tries to
monopolize the skin, as happened in
Oagbon, or when attempts are made to
by-pass some of the gates in the system
of rotation to the chiefship.
First, we shall discuss traditional
constitutions amQng the Mole-Oagbani
statt;s in Ghana. As we have already
noted, the states ofMamprugu, Oagbon

as the rank of an Odikro, normally the
oldest in the clan becomes the Odikro.
However, like the Nawuris, it is not all
clans that qualify to select an Odikro.
This is mainly because it seems that in
almost every Nchumuru village and
town,
, some non-Nchumurus have been
asstmilated into the ethnic group.
People from such clans normally do not
become Odikro." With regard to the
paramountcy, ascension to it rotates
between the villages of Nanjiro and
Fawomani. "
and Nanun were formed by Tohogu,
Sitobu and Ngmantambu respectively,
following a succession dispute that
emerged after the death of Zirili. Thus,
succession disputes had been laid
among them from their very
foundation. Even though the traditional
constitutions clearly stipulated the line
of succession, during pre-colonial
times, the possession of a large and
powerful army also played a major role
as to who became the paramount chief.
However, in Oagbon before the advent

"ItHen'ie\\ \\ ith Nana Kwesi Otehere. Odikro of Wi ai, 18,1; November, 1994 .
. 'This mi~h( n01 have been the case alkr till' Nchll'l1unI arrived in their habitat. Some authorities are
ofthc \~e\\ Ihal inilially. the paral1loul1!~y \\(tS at \Viai. h b allegl.'u that during olle oftl1l' wars lhal
the Nehumurus fought. the people or Wiai could not get someone to carry the stool to the
hattie field. The ruling king called his nephew from Nanjiro to do so. On returning from the
battlefield the king is said to ha\'e made the nephew his successor. Information given hy Nana
K\Yesi Otehere. Odikro orWiai, inteniewed on 18,1; November, 1994.
 Legon Journal of Sociology Vol. 2 No. 1 31

of colonial rule, to mInimize the Sayona Yakubu as the divisional chief

occurrences of such seizures of power,
succession disputes were referred to the
Nayiri.13
In Mamprugu, there were no
noticeable succession disputes to the
par~mountcy itself. A few, however,
occurred in the divisions. In the Gbimsi
area, a succession dispute occurred in
186'4 between Kugurana Yam usa and
Nyingaran Gua in which the latter
wanted to challenge the former who
had been rightly enskinned by the
Sagadugu. The challenger withdrew his
candidature when the mattei was
reported to the Sagadugu.l~ Another
succession dispute occurred in the
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
of Wungu. The Sayona was, however,
rejected by the inhabitants of the area
and prevented from taking up his
position because they claimed he did
not have a house in the Wungu division
and was unknown in the area. But more
importantly, he was accused of
"disobeying" h~s predecessor (Na
Koom). Fortunately, the dispute was
resolved in March 2002, after a four-
year stalemate, with the installation of
Na Zouri as Wungu Na (Tonah 2004).
Nanun, the other Mole-Dagbani state,
has also been w(acked by succession
disputes. Like the other Mole-Dagbani
states, Nanun has two main gates that

1940s in the same Gbimsi division. One
Kugurantia whose father had once been
a K'ugurana challenged the incumbent
who had been rightfully enskinned. All
Mamprugu united behind the Kugurana
and even massed forces to attack the
.
challenger. [n a similar manner to the
~
provide the Bimbila Na. They are the
Bangyili and Gbugumanyili. Each of
the two has a clJster of villages from
which a Bimbila Na is selected.
However, the two principal dukedoms
are Dakpam and Nakpaba for the

firs:t, the challenger surrendered

l
without a fight. ; Another succession
dispute occurred in the Wungu division
ofMamprugu in the 1990s. In 1997, Na
Gamne, the then Nayiri, enskinned
Bangyili
. .
and Gbugumanyili gates
respectively. The only succession
dispute that occurred in Nanun was
within the Bangyili gate where one
Adisa, a woman who was also the
l l7
Kpandihi Pona (, assisted the Jillo Na

"The oral traditions collected by Blair on Dagbon say that there was a great confusion in Dagbon
after the death ofNa uungobili because all the Na Bihe (princes) wanted to succeed to Yendi. Since
there was no proper I11dhod n!'redu\;:llg tho.: number of aspirants, the case was referred to the Nayiri
(Bla;r undated). See also ryre- Smith I \ 9)) 2(1).
'"The Sagadugu is the most senior Tindana in Mamprugu and cn:n takes a prominent role in the
enskinl1lent ofthe Naviri.
"Intl)rmation supplied by Sagadudu Naba on August 17, :2000
"The Kpandighi rona is the Queen Mother of Nan un .
 32 N. 1. K. Brukllnl Traditional Constitutions and Chietiaincy Disputes in Northern Ghana

to fight the Bimbila Na because th~ disputes at Yapei (1992), Kusawgu

latter wanted to prevent the former from
becoming a future Bimbila Na. A
succession dispute has been looming
since the death of Na Abarika, the
Bimbila Na in 200 I. In line with Nanun
traditions a new Bimbila Na was
enskinned with the throne name of Na
Andani Dasana II. But Salifu Dawuni,
the Nakpa Na, who ritually is not the
first choice has challenged the
enskinment ofNa Dasana II. The case
went to the subordinate courts through
to the Appeal Court in Accra but has
been referred back to the Northern
Regional House of chief for
arbitration.'8 It would, however, seem
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
( 1992) and Daboya (1994). However,
in the areas ofGonja studied, only one
succession dispute came to light. This
was at Kafaba in the Kpembe division.
At Kafaba, the skin rotates between the
gates of Attape, Jitape and Kankanpe
respectively. In 1991, the Kafabawura
Seidu died and accordingly, the skin
should have gone to the Kankanpe gate.
But the Yagbumwura intervened and
the skin was rather given to the Attape
gate.'" Naturally, members of the
Kankampe gate were peeved and took
the case to the High Court in Tamale
and won. To prevent a loss of face and
prestige, the Yagbumwura pressurized

that since all the traditional rituals have
already been performed on Na Dasana,
one wonders what else can be
done but confirm his enskinment.
Chiefship among the Gonjas has a
long history and has been the subject of
stu~y by historians and anthropologists
(Braimah & Goody 1967; Goody
1972). In spite of the existence of
traditional constitutions, succession
disputes have been rampant among
Gonjas. For example, during the past
decade there have been succession
the Kpembewura, the immediate
overlord of KafClba, to arrange for a
compromise solution. An
understanding was arrived at by which
the Yagbumwura's intervention was not
null ified but rather, the skin would go to
the Kankanpe gate from the Attape
gate. To the 'disappointment of
members of the Kankanpe gate, on the
death of Seidu, the Kpembewura is
alleged to have collected a bribe from
members of the Jitape gate and gave the
skin to them.~o Meanwhile, the

"The Jillo Na is from the Bangyili gate and one orthe sub-chiefs in Nanun.
"Information supplied by Dr. Aliu Maham<l, the immediate past president of Nanumba Youth
Association at Legon on 30'" December 2004.
"'By this action. the Yagbumwura ignored laid down rules by not consulting the Kpembewura.
who is the immediate overlord or Kal~lba.
'''Infonllation supplied by a respondent \\ ho wants to remain anonymous.
 · Legon Journal of Sociology Vol. 1 No. I 33

Yagbulllwura - \\ ho was th~n th~ the claims of the people ofNkachena to

Kpembewura at the time of the
compromise agreement - is insisting
that the skin should go to the Kankanpe
gate as agreed. The case remains
unsolved.
Nawuri is one of the areas least
studied by scholars. This is mainly
pecause until recently, it was subsumed
under the Gonja even though since the
1940s the Nawuris have been fighting
for their autonomy. Nawuri is also the
only ethnic group among those studied
where the position of Nawuriwura
rotates among all the villages of the
area.~1 This unique system has
discouraged succession disputes. But
since 1981, the Nawuris have been
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
the right of Nawuriwura, the impasse
sti III ingers.
Unlike the Nawuris, the Nanjiro-
O\Vure~~ is selected only from the two
villages of Nanjiro and Fowomani,
whose citizens all belong to the Banda
clan.~) The position of Nanjiro-Owure
rotates among, the two vi lIages with the
result that there has never been a
succession dispute. However, attempts
are being made to widen the net for the
selection ofa Nanjiro-Owure to include
all towns and vi Ilages in the Banda clan.
Whether this move would succeed or
fail, only the future can tell.
Conclusion

without a Nawuriwura following the

death of Nana Asaseadwo of Balai. In
Iine with the system of rotation, the
head-chiefship should have gone to
Nkanchena, and Nana Gyarko (the
1'Ikanchenawura) should have become
'he Nawuriwura. But Nana Gyarko's
ascension to the stool was challenged
by NanaAtorsah II ofKpandai. This has
brought about a division in the once
peace-loving Nawuri society. Even
though the majority ofNawuris support
From the above discussion, it would be
rea Iized that before the onset of
th
colonial rule towards the end of the 19
century, most of the ethnic groups
studied had tqtditional constitutions in
one form or tl~e other which helped to
protect that nob Ie African institution.
In spite of the upheavals following the
activities of Samory and Babatu in
Northern Ghana, on the eve of the
colonial rule the institution of chiefs hip

"The Na\\uri\\ura is the head chief of <III Na\\uris.

"The Nanjiro-Owure is the head ehiefofthe Nchulllurus.
"There is now de\Oeloping a ne\\ dimension where the people 01" Wiai are claiming that the stool
originally belongs to them. According to them the stool \\as sent to Nanjiro alier the people ofWiai
rel"used to prO\ide someone to carry the stool in one ol"the \\ars that the Nehumuru fought. The then
reigning chiel"ol"Wiai is said to 11<1\ e sent ror his nephe\\ li'om Wiai \\ ho did so.
 34 N. 1. K. Brukum Traditional Constitutions and Chieftaincy Disputes in Northern Ghana

was intact though much weakened. To'
ensure the success of the indirect rule
as an adjunct to its own rule, the British
reconstructed the kingdoms that were
on the verge of collapse. This could
only be effectively done if chiefly
powers were strengthened. To this end,
conferences were held between 1930
and 1933 in the various traditional
areas in which their constitutions,
chiefly hierarchies, and lists of
qualified candidates/gates were drawn
up. Chiefs were then said to be very
useful to the administration after the
exercIse.
In spite of the existence of
traditional constitutions, however,
succession disputes seem to be
Reproduced by Sabinet Gateway under licence granted by the Publisher (dated 2011.)
Perhaps, this has been due to the fact
that there are no "real" rules of
succession hence the pattern of
succession and the selection process
has kept on changing (cf. Ferguson and
Wilks 1970). Another reason may be
the prestige arid various remunerations
now attached to that office since
politicians arid aspirants to political
offices frequently woo and rely on
chiefs to either get elected or re-elected
to pol itical office. In spite of the
disputes, the institution of chiefs hip has
not lost the prestige it has always
enjoyed among most communities in
Northern Ghana and it continues to
playa vital role in the governance of the
people of the area.

occurring at a greater rate than before.

References

.Blair, H.A. (undated). Hi.Horvofthe

. Dagol11ha.
Braimah, J.A, and J. Goody, (1967). Salaga: The Struggle for Power, London, Longmans.
Brukum, N. J. K. (1979). A Brief History /'v'chlll11l1rU, B. A. Long Essay, Department of
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