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Irene Matthis - Dialogues On Sexuality, Gender and Psychoanalysis - Karnac Books (2004)
Irene Matthis - Dialogues On Sexuality, Gender and Psychoanalysis - Karnac Books (2004)
SEXUALITY, GENDER,
AND PSYCHOANALYSIS
DIALOGUES ON
SEXUALITY, GENDER,
AND PSYCHOANALYSIS
edited by
Iréne Matthis
KARNAC
KARNAC
LONDON NEW YORK
First published in 2004 by
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In honour of Joyce McDougall
CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE
Dialogues on sexuality and gender
Iréne Matthis 1
CHAPTER TWO
Freud and female sexualities
Joyce McDougall 23
CHAPTER THREE
Some observations on female sexuality
Julia Kristeva 41
CHAPTER FOUR
Phallacies of binary reasoning: drive beyond gender
Paul Verhaeghe 53
vii
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER FIVE
The difference between gender and sexual difference
Juliet Mitchell 67
CHAPTER SIX
Gender and sexual difference
Colette Chiland 79
CHAPTER SEVEN
From femininity to finitude:
Freud, Lacan, and feminism, again
Toril Moi 93
CHAPTER EIGHT
Femininity theory, theories of women,
or feminist theory?
Ebba Witt-Brattström 137
CHAPTER NINE
Revisiting the riddle of sex:
an intersubjective view of masculinity and femininity
Jessica Benjamin 145
CHAPTER TEN
The economy of freedom
Gisela Kaplan 173
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Beyond sexual difference:
clinical individuality and same-sex cross-generation
relations in the creation of feminine and masculine
Nancy J. Chodorow 181
INDEX 205
EDITOR AND CONTRIBUTORS
ix
x EDITOR AND CONTRIBUTORS
I
t seems that human beings are never fully satisfied with
their lives. One way of dealing with this fundamental sense of
dissatisfaction is to look for its sources, its roots: in short, an
explanation. In this light, is it fair to say that femininity theories
are created to “make sense” of women’s dissatisfactions and frus-
tration? Freud, reflecting on his experience with women a century
ago, made sense of women’s predicament through his theory of
the “missing penis”, an explanation that was meaningful at the
time to a great many people, women as well as men. Today, we
usually regard this theory as a reflection of time-bound prejudices
that prevailed in the specific environment of turn-of-the-century
Vienna.
But, rather than merely dismissing yesterday’s theories as
prejudices, we need to explore and investigate the new theories
that are taking the place of the traditional models, and, conse-
quently, to question our own prejudiced opinions and notions. One
pleasant, and exciting, way of doing so is to gather people with
different perspectives and allow them the space and the time to
talk with each other rather than merely to each other. This was one
of the ideas behind the Stockholm Conference on Sexuality and
xiii
xiv PREFACE
Gender (30–31 August 2002), and in this book you will be able to
partake in the dialogues that were born out of this gathering.
The conference was organized by COWAP (Committee on
Women and Psychoanalysis), a commission created in 1998 by the
International Psychoanalytical Association (IPA). From the begin-
ning, the main purpose of COWAP was to study and discuss
“women issues”, but slowly it shifted towards including “men’s
issues” as well. The idea of having the first European COWAP
Conference in Sweden was planted by Joan Raphael-Leff, the first
chair of COWAP, in the autumn of 2000. When Mariam Alizade
took over the chair in 2001, she continued to strongly support the
realization of the project.
With speakers such as Jessica Benjamin, Colette Chiland, Nancy
Chodorow, Gisela Kaplan, Julia Kristeva, Joyce McDougall, Juliet
Mitchell, Toril Moi, Paul Verhaeghe, and Ebba Witt-Brattström,
there was never any doubt that the difficult questions of sexuality
and gender, of femininity and masculinity, would be analysed and
discussed in new and stimulating ways. Old concepts were dis-
mantled and new ideas brought forward. A conference so rich in
ideas calls for documentation, and it became necessary to collect
and publish the (reworked) contributions in the form of this vol-
ume. The COWAP conference on “Sexuality and Gender” was
created with the conscious intent of bringing different ideas to bear
on each other, in order to promote further research into this area
that is so important to all of us. We were not necessarily looking for
consensus, but for thoughtful elaboration. It is dialogue that makes
us move forward.
The conference depended on the volunteer work of many peo-
ple. I want to thank all of those who generously made their contri-
bution as chairs of panels and discussion groups, and as hosts of
the groups: Mariam Alizade, Giovanna Ambrosio, Cecilia Annell,
Harriet Bjerrum Nielsen, Svein Haugsgjerd, Eva Hurtig, Sonja
Härdelin, Suzanne Kaplan, Magnus Kihlbom, Pirjo Lantz, Johan
Norman, Lars-Göran Nygren, Joan Raphael-Leff, Beth Seelig,
Mikael Sundén, and Maria Yassa.
The conference was organized with the help of a local commit-
tee appointed by the Swedish Psychoanalytical Society and the
Swedish Psychoanalytical Association. Their devoted labour dur-
ing the year that preceded the conference was decisive in making
PREFACE xv
Iréne Matthis
T
heory and practice are not always in harmony with one
another, although the former is created and applied in order
to achieve precisely that. There is a conflict between reality
as we experience it and the theories that we apply to it. In the
special case of “sexuality and gender”, we find that if we—whether
women or men—fail to conform to the (general) theory about what
we are supposed to be (female or male), it is usually we who are in
for trouble, and not the theory. This may seem unfair to us, but as
humans we can neither understand nor make sense of our lives,
nor exchange ideas about it, without having access to a theory of
some kind.
It follows that there are problems inherent in concept forma-
tion. Concepts are created at an abstract level to give us not the
details, but an overview that our individual and limited experience
cannot provide. But as soon as the concepts are applied to indi-
vidual material—for example, at an ordinary, clinical level in psy-
choanalysis—they seem to become misleading. Why is that?
As abstract concepts—that is, as part of a metapsychology—
they make universalizing claims. That is exactly why we value and
need them. They seem to offer us a bird’s-eye view and, thus,
1
2 IRÉNE MATTHIS
insights that we could not otherwise have. At the same time, they
structure the whole field in such a way that we feel there is a law,
or at least a rule guiding the world.
Applied to a real situation, however, this claim to universality
may become problematic, when that which is unique and singular
is judged and categorized according to a universal rule that might
not be pertinent in the particular case. A patient–analyst relation-
ship, for example, or a novel written in specific historical circum-
stances, may very well be mistreated and misjudged if we treat it in
accordance with a given rule that we apply without consideration
and thought.
So we find ourselves having to make an impossible choice. We
can choose to maintain the appeal of universal lawfulness by offer-
ing up the uniqueness of the specific case to the demands of
uniformity—or we have to let go of the claim to generalizability
and make do with the truthfulness of each single case. If we choose
the latter, we lose the much-cherished claim to scientific relevance
and the possibility of creating theories by which we can orient
ourselves in the world. In this volume you will find examples of
both tendencies.
For the reader, this may initially create confusion. Nevertheless,
if you are prepared to suspend your desire to hear voices singing in
concert, you may find that you start to enjoy the kind of harmony
created by diverging voices. I have written this introduction in
order to facilitate the reading. It offers a summary of the chapters in
this volume in order of appearance, creating a kind of score for the
reading of the book. This is, of course, a subjective attempt, but it is,
nevertheless, an attempt to be true to the subject under discussion
and to the eternal pursuit of knowledge. We start with Joyce
McDougall.
tion: the death drive. This drive works in silence, beyond the
symbolic, and without any connection to the signifier. It scatters
the wholeness and explodes into an infinite universe.
Paul Verhaeghe relates this opposition to the question of ori-
gins: more specifically, to the origins of sexually differentiated life
forms. Asexual reproduction proceeds by cell division, meiosis, and
it can be seen as representing the aim of Eros: eternal life. But with
the introduction of sexual reproduction, death becomes a structural
necessity. The individual must die for the species to survive. In
asexual reproduction death is an accident.
According to Paul Verhaeghe, the drive antinomy is fundamen-
tal, and the gender oppositions are but a consequence of this.
Similarly, in the case of psychosexual development, the child is
born with an innate tendency to attach to the other as closely as
possible, incorporating as many parts as possible of the other
(Eros) and thus trying to bridge the gap caused by birth. After a
while the other diffusional tendency comes to the fore, and now
individuation and striving for a life of one’s own dominate the
picture (Thanatos). It is not by chance that this happens at the same
time as language is acquired and the child starts using “I”.
In this scheme, Verhaeghe suggests that gender and sexuality
are attempts to regain the original Eros fusion. They are thus only
expressing a more fundamental element of drive, where failure is
structurally built in. Aristophanes’ well-known fable of the original
androgynous being that was bisected by Zeus can be understood
as a description of this situation. Loss of eternal life is the loss of an
original wholeness. At the same time this implies a gender differ-
entiation, and when phrased in phallic terms the original loss is
secondarily interpreted as a castration: a perpetual repetition of
illusionary (Eros) longings!
In this scenario, the female who seems to have lost her male part
needs it in order to become whole again. According to Verhaeghe,
this explains the female proclivity for fusion and Eros (and the
symbolic). The male part, on the other hand, has differentiated
itself and, by avoiding fusion, he will represent separation and
Thanatos. This gender differentiation should, however, not be in-
terpreted in a binary fashion. Like Eros and Thanatos, they are
always combined—Triebmischung, as Freud called it.
DIALOGUES ON SEXUALITY AND GENDER 9
ence. Here she relates both issues to the question of sexual differ-
ence and gender.
In the group discussions that followed the presentation,1 the
idea of lateral sexuality, with sibling relations as a point of de-
parture, was seen as important, as it is a neglected area in psycho-
analytic theory. The sibling relation becomes powerful not least
because the arrival of a new sibling entails a serious injury and
can be experienced almost as annihilation. But it was also argued
that Juliet Mitchell’s idea introduces an ethical problem. A lateral
gender society may be seen as a pre-oedipal society: a group of
brothers that knows no generational boundaries. Generational dif-
ference was thought to be a necessary condition for an ethical
culture.2
Sketching the history of the terms “sex” and “gender”, Juliet
Mitchell argues that we need to distinguish between sexual differ-
ence and gender in our analysis—not because the terms can be or
ever are kept distinctly apart in real life, but for the sake of analysis.
When the terms are mixed up, as is often the case in Anglo-Saxon
writings, this might lead to a repudiation of sexuality itself.
“Sexual difference” is—up to now, at least—a prerequisite for
human reproduction. If reproduction is tied primarily to the
mother, as is usually the case, motherhood becomes central. The
attempts to “make the mother not the object of the baby’s needs . . .
but instead a subject in her own right” does not, however, change
the currency of traditional Freudian thought: it merely shows the
other side of the coin. For Juliet Mitchell, “sexual reproduction
demands sexual difference, which entails both a subject—object
and heterosexuality. . . . Our egos are . . . always sexed egos, and
they are sexed around reproduction.” Implicitly, this reasoning
seems to follow the line of thought presented by Verhaeghe.
Mitchell argues that sexual and reproductive difference, although
it may rest in biology, is no more “natural” than the ego of the
mirror stage. It is constructed as a representation related to a
subject–object relationship. This aspect is missing in the (mostly)
American perspective, and Juliet Mitchell’s viewpoint stands in
sharp contrast to the one presented by Jessica Benjamin and Nancy
Chodorow in this book.
There is, however, an area of subject/subject construction; but
this is the area of gender, Juliet Mitchell argues, not of sexual
DIALOGUES ON SEXUALITY AND GENDER 11
NOTE
1. At registration all participants in the conference were divided into
discussion groups (with anywhere from 15 to 200 participants per group). The
groups met four times during the course of the conference to discuss the papers
presented at the panel sessions. This was a much appreciated part of the
conference.
22 IRÉNE MATTHIS
REFERENCES
Freud, S. (1905d). Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. S.E., 7.
Freud, S. (1931b). Female sexuality. S.E., 21.
Lacan, J. (1975). Le Séminaire livre XX. Encore, ed. J.-A. Miller. Paris:
Seuil.
Laplanche, J. (1987). Nouveaux fondements pour la psychanalyse. La
séduction originaire. Paris: PUF. English edition: New Foundations for
Psychoanalysis. London: Basil Blackwell, 1989.
McDougall, J. (1995). The Many Faces of Eros. New York & London:
Norton.
Mitchell, J. (2000). Mad Men and Medusas. Reclaiming Hysteria and the
Effects of Sibling Relations on the Human Condition. London: Penguin
Books.
Moi, T. (1986). Preface. In: T. Moi (Ed.), The Kristeva Reader (pp. vi–vii).
Oxford: Blackwell.
CHAPTER TWO
Joyce McDougall
I
n the Victorian era, sexuality was more or less regarded as a
masculine privilege, whereas women were relegated to “con-
jugal duty”, sacrifice, frigidity, or simulated pleasure. This was
Freud’s epoch, and in this respect Freud was an eminent Victorian
in that he tended to take the Victorian woman as the model of
femininity.
Today’s woman would have astonished him and shaken many
of his cherished beliefs concerning female sexuality. In point of fact
the so-called sexual liberation has mostly concerned women, since
in the past it was generally accepted that men could escape the
constraints of conjugal life by having recourse to women who were,
supposedly, exempt from the austerity of the Victorian pattern:
prostitute or mistress. Woman’s sexual life today not only begins
much earlier in adolescence—frequently with the complicity of the
parents—than would have been considered proper in Freud’s day
and age, but due to contraception and the legalization of abortion it
is also released from the association of intercourse with pregnancy.
Thus we are in the presence of a revolution in the social representa-
tions of sexuality and sexual relationships.
23
24 JOYCE M C DOUGALL
ety over the wish to be able to bear a child, as well as many other
potential pregenital fears that have been repressed since early
childhood. “Let’s put all of that back into the women” may be part
of the message.
Freud himself insisted that he was obliged to proceed from his
knowledge of male sexuality. (In fact, the theory of the libido is an
eminently male concept.) Thus we are not surprised at his deduc-
tions of the little girl’s extreme envy of the boy’s visible and
interesting organ. In other words, Freud appears to be saying, “If I
were a girl, my only desire would be to possess a penis of my own.”
The notion that boys might also be envious of the girl’s vagina, of
her capacity for bearing children, and of her potential attraction for
the male precisely because she did not have a penis does not seem
to have occurred to Freud.
But it was also Freud himself, with his typical honesty, who first
expressed feelings of deep dissatisfaction and uncertainty concern-
ing his theories about women and their psychosexual develop-
ment. In fact, he waited until 1931 to publish “Female Sexuality”,
his first paper on the subject. He was then 75 years old! Perhaps at
this stage of his life he felt less fear of the female and of revealing
his theories about her.
In his second famous and much criticized paper entitled “Femi-
ninity”, which was published two years later, he wrote: “Psychol-
ogy . . . is unable to solve the riddle of femininity” and noted that
“. . . the development of a little girl into a normal woman is more
difficult and more complicated, since it includes two extra tasks, to
which there is nothing corresponding in the development of a
man”. The “tasks” refer to Freud’s two major concepts concerning
the difficulties in growing to womanhood: the little girl must first
effect a change in the organ of excitement from clitoris to vagina
and, second, she must effect a change of object. “When and why
does she give up her fixation to her mother in favour of her father?”
Freud asked.
Although these two dimensions do present a certain challenge
to the attainment of adult femininity and sexual pleasure, they are
nevertheless far from exhaustive as explanatory concepts for the
understanding of woman’s psychosexuality. Let us examine them
more closely.
26 JOYCE M C DOUGALL
Anatomy as destiny?
Can we agree with Freud that the most authentic conception of
women derives from the notion that penis envy is the motivating
factor in inaugurating femininity? Perhaps we must look for the
precursors of the era of penis envy, going back even to the begin-
ning of life at which the earliest transmission of the sense of sexual
identity is laid down.
The essential relationship that infants normally share with the
mother in the first months of life provides the baby girl, in contrast
to the boy, with a double identification. The somatopsychic images
that are destined to become mental representations of her feminine
body and its erogenous zones are already being formed. It is at this
early stage that mouth and vagina become linked in their erogenous
significance and, along with other erogenic organs and internal
sensations, are integrated into the somatopsychic representations.
To these must be added the clitoral sensations stimulated by the
mother’s physical handling and cleaning of her baby. These spe-
cific sensations were the only erogenous body links to which Freud
gave much attention in his theory of the development of feminine
eroticism. For reasons of his own, Freud assimilated the female
clitoris into the male penis, thus “bisexualizing” the female genita-
lia: the vagina is “feminine and passive”, the clitoris “masculine
and active”. And to achieve femininity the clitoris is to be elimi-
nated as an erogenic zone. Freud was unaware of the fact that the
clitoris is an extremely complex organ and, in view of its consider-
able extensions into the female body, a relatively large structure.1
In addition to his anti-clitoridian stand, Freud further holds that
the vagina will only be discovered many years later. So meanwhile
we are left with the impression that the girl is in a genital desert
from infancy to adolescence. Also, Freud makes no attempt to
justify a theory of infantile sexuality in which there is only one
genital organ. This suggests that, for the young Freud, severe
repression may have taken place regarding the various possible
representations of the female sex and the female body and its
functions.
It is tempting to attribute Freud’s denigrating portrait of femi-
ninity to some unrecognized envy of woman on his part—or in-
deed on the part of the Victorian era as a whole. Let us take his
FREUD AND FEMALE SEXUALITIES 27
Motherhood
It is hard to avoid the suspicion that Freud had elevated Victorian
prejudices to the rank of a theory! The reference to woman as
possibly “possessing some human characteristics” is perhaps a
vague recall of Freud’s beliefs regarding motherhood in which he
states categorically that “A mother is only brought unlimited satis-
faction by her relation to a son” (because he has the penis of which
she feels deprived), and Freud continues by claiming that the
mother–son relationship is “the most perfect, the most free from
ambivalence of all human relationships”. Perhaps this tells us more
28 JOYCE M C DOUGALL
about Freud and how he hoped his mother felt about his birth—in
which the mother’s attachment to the father appears to play no role
since the son is now the centre of her universe.
As Mary Jacobus—professor of the Humanities at Cornell Uni-
versity—phrases it: “motherhood . . . was the only known Freudian cure
for the neurosis of femininity” (Jacobus, 1995).
Thus Freud’s theory of femininity may be summarized as fol-
lows: The little girl is at first a little boy, and her earliest libidinal
wish is to possess her mother sexually; she then replaces this aim
with the desire to possess a penis, then to have a child from her
father, and, finally, to have a male child of her own. Apparently, it
seemed to Freud that no woman would particularly want a daugh-
ter and that, once in possession of a son, she desired nothing
further. The implacable logic of Freud’s chain of signifiers suggests
that the girl’s desire for a baby is merely a substitute for the penis she
does not possess, and her love for her father a mere consequence of penis
envy! This is admittedly a rather pitiful view of the place of the
father in the little girl’s psychic universe. Furthermore, Freud’s
concept of object substitutions implies that the girl-child’s pro-
found homosexual ties to her mother are simply eliminated
through penis envy!
There were, of course, in psychoanalytic writings many exten-
sions and additions—as well as criticisms—of Freud’s theories
about women: the leading feminist psychoanalysts of that epoch
being Karen Horney, Joan Riviere, and Melanie Klein. Today most
analysts would agree that the envy of her father’s penis is a very
partial explanation of the difficulties that lie on the path to mature
womanhood. It should also be noted that boys as well as girls suffer
from their own characteristic form of penis envy, invariably find-
ing their penises too small in comparison with that of their fathers,
and clinical experience confirms that the boy’s envy and admira-
tion of his mother’s body and sexuality is similar to the girl’s envy
and admiration of her father’s penis and sexual prowess. Children
of both sexes are aware that mother embodies the magical power to
attract father’s penis and make the babies that both parents desire.
I would like to point out here that, for both males and females,
monosexuality remains one of humankind’s major narcissistic
wounds—a scandalous affront to our childlike omnipotence! Inter-
FREUD AND FEMALE SEXUALITIES 29
have made the clinical observation that when the ban on autoerotic
pleasure is lifted, there frequently follows a series of new
introjections and new sublimations.
prison, and the daughter felt very guilty about having de-
nounced him. Later came an interview with the mother who, as
is so often the case, was in complicity with the incestuous
relationship but turned a blind eye. When asked why this was,
she said, “Well, these things do happen in families, don’t they?”
“And how was it in your family?” “My brother, three years
older than me, forced me to have sexual relations with three of
his friends while he watched from behind a curtain. . . . When I
told my mother, she said that boys were like that, and that I
should try to keep out of their way in the future. She also
warned me not to say anything to my father.”
resolved once she accepted the fact that she could imagine receiv-
ing a child from her father instead of a penis. This view implies that
women have no need of perverse sexual creations—they simply
have babies instead!
In contrast to Freud’s formulation, female castration anxiety—
as already indicated—is more intense and more pervasive than
that of man, since a young girl’s fears are centred on her whole
body with a particularly intense focus on her “inner space” where
her genital sensations are experienced. In her remarkable book
Mother, Madonna, Whore, Welldon states that, whereas in men per-
verse acts are aimed at an external part-object, in women these are
usually carried out “against their own bodies or against objects
they see as their own creation: their babies. In both cases, babies
and bodies are treated as part objects.”
There are nevertheless many features shared by both boys and
girls. For example, in both sexes there is marked anxiety at the
phase of oedipal genital wishes and fantasies, and beyond this we
also find deep insecurity regarding one’s subjective identity. These
anxieties are one primal cause for the creating of deviant erotic
scenarios; in addition, the insecurity that assails small children, and
later the adolescent-to-be, invariably releases affects of anger and
violence that must also find a solution and gratification in the
sexual invention. It is perhaps observations of this kind that led
Robert Stoller (1976) to define perversions as “the erotic form of
hatred”.
For both sexes, the original hate objects—or part-objects—are
relatively unconscious. The little girl who in adulthood develops
deviant forms of sexual acts or relationships—such as exhibition-
ism or sadomasochism—often felt unwanted, ignored, or smoth-
ered by her own mother. Others experience themselves as a
part-object belonging to the mother and therefore treated as a
narcissistic prolongation of her. Each of these forms of relationship
creates raging hatred. From being victims, these women may
sometimes become victimizers, in which case the “other”—child or
lover—is, in turn, treated as a part-object. Such forms of relation-
ship often serve as a manic screen against a deeply unconscious
terror of losing the mother or the mother’s love and consequently
the loss of all sense of identity.
36 JOYCE M C DOUGALL
Primary homosexuality
Before concluding, I would like to summarize briefly the elements
of primary homosexuality in the girl-child. But first of all let us
recall Freud’s conception of the little girl’s accession to adult femi-
nine sexuality: according to him, the girl-child’s first wish is to take
sexual possession of her mother; then follows the desire for a penis;
this, in turn, leads to the wish to receive a baby from her father and
finally to her deepest longing—according to Freud—to be the
mother of a boy-child. As stated in my Eros, this chain of signifiers
suggests that, for the woman, a baby is a mere equivalent of the
penis she does not possess and, indeed, that her love for her father
is little more than the consequence of her “penis envy”.
From my own analytic work with children and many long years
of clinical observation of adult woman patients, I would propose
that not only does the little girl wish to possess her mother sexu-
ally, as Freud suggests, but she would also like to create children
with her and be singularly loved by her, in a world from which all
men are excluded. At the same time she also wants to resemble her
father and possess his genitals, as well as the idealized qualities she
attributes to him. In this way she dreams of fulfilling in her moth-
er’s life the important erotic and narcissistic role of the father in
relation to her mother. It is obvious that, through lack of fulfilment,
these drives tend to become associated with narcissistic injury. It is
perhaps this additional factor that gave Freud the impression that
penis envy was the predominant dimension in the psychosexual
structure of woman.
Although the universal bisexual wishes of infancy are equally
strong in both sexes, the girl’s problem is more intricate than her
brother’s in that the girl-child and her mother are not sexually
complementary. She is not able, as her little brother is, to believe
that she has a uniquely different sexual configuration and perhaps
a specific value for this reason in her mother’s eyes. Thus it is
conceivable that the little girl has more conflictual internal mothers
in her psychic universe than does the boy-child. The mother is, at
one and the same time, adored, desired, resented, and feared.
This is one of the reasons that, during adolescence, the daughter
typically rejects her mother in many ways but will turn towards
her with renewed attachment when she herself becomes a mother.
38 JOYCE M C DOUGALL
It is at this point that many girls finally forgive their mothers for all
their infantile resentments. Just as every child that a daughter bears
represents, in unconscious fantasy, a baby she has made with her
father, so too her babies are often felt to be a gift to the mother
and—in the deeper layers of her unconscious—a baby she has
made with her mother.
Some women identify with the mother as a sexually desiring
adult but do not themselves desire children. In this case, they are
liable to experience their professional, intellectual, or artistic activi-
ties as giving birth to symbolic children. But here again specific
feminine problems arise. Many women in analysis reveal a fear
that they must choose between motherhood and professional activi-
ties; others express a similar feeling of dichotomy between their
lives as lovers and their lives as mothers. Accomplishing these
three distinct feminine desires—the sexual, the maternal, and the
professional—requires a delicate balance if women are to avoid the
conviction that they are impelled to sacrifice their own narcissistic
and libidinal needs in any one of these areas.
In conclusion
NOTES
1. It is interesting to note that the complete clitoral organ with its internal
appendices was neither charted, nor even named, until relatively recently—as
is clearly set forth in a remarkable book, A New View of a Woman’s Body,
compiled by the Federation of Feminist Women’s Health Centers (1981).
2. This vignette is taken from a work of mine entitled The Many Faces of
Eros (McDougall, 1995).
FREUD AND FEMALE SEXUALITIES 39
REFERENCES
Deutsch, H. (1944). The Psychology of Women. New York: Grune &
Stratton.
Federation of Feminist Women’s Health Center (1981). A New View of a
Woman’s Body. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Freud, S. (1931b). Female sexuality. S.E., 21.
Freud, S. (1933a). New Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis. S.E., 22.
Jacobus, M. (1995). First Things. London: Routledge.
Kristeva, J. (1993). Les Nouvelles Maladies de l’Âme. Paris: Fayard.
McDougall, J. (1995). The Many Faces of Eros. New York and London:
Norton.
Stoller, R. (1976). Perversion: The Erotic Form of Hatred. New York:
Aronson.
Welldon, E. (1989). Mother, Madonna, Whore. New York: Aronson.
CHAPTER THREE
Julia Kristeva
F
emale psychosexual development involves two versions of
the Oedipus complex, as several authors including Freud
have stated, and I would now like to put forward a revised
interpretation (cf. Kristeva, 1996a, 1996b).
The earliest period, from birth to the so-called phallic phase
starting at between three and six years of age, I shall term the
primary oedipal phase. It is true that, in his concluding works on
female sexuality (1923e, 1925j, 1931b), Freud emphasizes what is
generally termed phallic monism: “the main characteristic of this
‘infantile genital organisation’ . . . consists in the fact that, for both
sexes, only one genital, namely the male one, comes into account.
What is present, therefore, is not a primacy of the genitals but a
primacy of the phallus” (1923e, p. 308). In other words, psychically
speaking there is an inherent masculinity in the child irrespective
of its anatomical sex: “the little girl is a little man”. This axiom,
which was initially considered to refer to infantile—and not
adult—sexuality or to a fantasy, finally emerges here from Freud’s
pen as a sine qua non fact of all sexuality.
41
42 JULIA KRISTEVA
mouth, anus; and vagina for the little girl. Usually this female
organ is not appealed to, but it is hard to imagine that it should be
covered in the only insensitive membrane, as Freud bizarrely and
incautiously suggests in his simile of the “harder wood” (1905d, p.
143)—unless this supposed insensitivity were to have a defensive
function. The founder of psychoanalysis rightly points to the ab-
sence in either sex of an unconscious representation of the vagina,
other than as something “lacunar” or “cloacal”, lent to the anus, as
Lou Andreas-Salomé (1980, p. 107) expressed it. But does this
visual deficit not make the representative of cavernous—particu-
larly vaginal or cloacal—excitation, by that very fact, more unfath-
omable and problematic for the future unity of the subject?
the object that founds psychic interiority and the link with others.
The hypothesis I am putting forward, that the feminine position of
both sexes—and particularly the little girl’s—is immediately ac-
companied by the phallic experience in the primary oedipal phase,
presupposes a bisexuality from the beginnings of the psyche. Is it
not precisely this feminine position, taking shape from the primary
oedipal phase, more violently than the castration anxiety that,
strictly, appears in the phallic phase, that underlies the fact that the
female is “the more inaccessible”, in Freud’s words, to both sexes
(cf. Freud, 1937c)? The female constitutes the first working out of
the infant’s phobias—fears of passivization, of narcissistic and
masochistic regression, of losing the visible reference points of
identity through a sensory engulfment that risks dispersing the
subject into an endogenous if not pathological autism—and it is
repressed by the subsequent accession to the phallic.
In the woman, however, the polymorphous femininity of the pri-
mary oedipal phase remains a continent that is scarcely repressed.
More precisely, it becomes masked by reactional femininity and the
attendant displays of beautification or narcissistic reparation with
which the woman’s later phallicism reacts to the castration com-
plex. It is in the course of the phallic phase, which situates the
subject in the oedipal triangulation between the ages of three and
five years, that the female subject carries out a further psychic
mutation by which the choice of sexual identity is definitively
accomplished.
There is a widespread view that so readily pictures psy-
choanalysis as a “biologization of the essence of man” that it is
worth reminding ourselves at this point that the psychoanalytic
theory of sexuality is a theory of the copresence of sexuality with
thought. Optimal frustration, mother–child separation, the depres-
sive position, lack, primary identification, sublimation, idealiza-
tion, attainment of the ego ideal and the superego are only a few
well-known stages by which the subject is positioned in the web of
both energy and meaning, both excitability and law, that character-
izes human sexuality in the analytic perspective. The phallic phase
constitutes its exemplary experience, which I have for this very
reason termed a “phallic kairos”, the Greek term kairos evoking a
mythic encounter or a fated parting. How is this encounter organ-
ized?
48 JULIA KRISTEVA
NOTES
Translated from French by Sophie Leighton, MA (Oxon), MA (Sussex).
1. It is worth mentioning here that it does not follow from the fact that
everything that is analysable is sexual that everything sexual is accessible to
analysis. What is not drained off by phallic mediation would in fact be the
entire current of maternal instinct. (Cf. Lacan, 1966, p. 730.)
2. Cf. Jacques André’s (1995) commentary and discussions.
3. Translator’s note: there is a pun in the French “coupable”, which implies
“cuttable” [coup-able] as well as “culpable” here.
REFERENCES
André, J. (1995). Aux origines féminines de la sexualité. Paris: PUF.
Andreas-Salomé, L. (1980). L’Amour du narcissisme. Paris: Gallimard.
Anzieu, D. (1985). Le Moi-Peau, Paris, Dunod. The Skin Ego (trans. C.
Turner). New Haven, CT & London: Yale University Press, 1989.
Freud, S. (1905d). Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, S.E., 7.
Freud, S. (1905e [1901]). Fragment of an analysis of a case of hysteria,
S.E., 7.
Freud, S. (1919e). A child is being beaten. S.E., 19.
Freud, S. (1923e). The infantile genital organisation. S.E., 19.
Freud, S. (1925j). Some psychical consequences of the anatomical
distinction between the sexes. S.E., 19.
Freud, S. (1930a). Civilization and Its Discontents. S.E., 21.
Freud, S. (1931b). Female sexuality. S.E., 21.
Freud, S. (1937c). Analysis terminable and interminable. S.E., 23.
Kristeva, J. (1996a). Encore l’Œdipe, ou le monisme phallique. In: Sens
et non-sens de la révolte (pp. 141–195). Paris: Fayard, 1996.
Kristeva, J. (1996b). De l’étrangeté du phallus ou le féminin entre
illusion et désillusion. In: Sens et non-sens de la révolte (pp. 197–223).
Paris: Fayard.
Kristeva, J. (2001). De la passion selon la maternité. In: La Vie amoureuse
(Convention of the Société psychanalytique de Paris, November
2000). Revue française de psychanalyse, Débats de psychanalyse (July):
105–120.
Lacan, J. (1966). Propos directifs pour un Congrès sur la sexualité
féminine. In Écrits. Paris: Seuil.
Laplanche, J. (1987). Nouveaux Fondements pour la psychanalyse: La
séduction originaire. Paris: PUF.
CHAPTER FOUR
Paul Verhaeghe
T
aking Julia Kristeva’s chapter as a starting point, I would
like to embroider on a number of ideas in her work. Like
her, I agree that woman, or the feminine component of
human sexuality, cannot be understood in terms of passivity. On
the contrary, I will argue that femininity is more open to the
symbolic than to the real. In this type of discussion, a form of
binary reasoning is always in attendance in one way or another. As
I read her chapter and her latest work, Kristeva is still attempting
to take leave from it, but she does not completely succeed in this.
Each of us continues to wrestle with this inheritance of our patriar-
chal social system. Here I will discuss three critical propositions
concerning this dualism and how it affects our conception of gen-
der. I will then advance four theses designed, in some measure, to
provide an answer to them.
My propositions regarding the gender/sex binary are as fol-
lows. First, classical dualism in general—and the division between
anatomical sex and psychosexual identity in particular—imply an
endless mirroring that necessitates a final or ultimate element the
function of which is to provide an ostensibly final ground and an
ontology. Second, this dualistic mirroring process lends itself to a
53
54 PAUL VERHAEGHE
that their reactions to their new baby fail to coincide with this
anticipated love.
* * *
These are my three critical propositions regarding the gender/sex
dualism. In answer to them, I would like to develop four theses.
First, I aim to show how the main problem confronting the ques-
tion of sex and gender is in fact the drive and its antinomical aims.
In this respect, Freud’s original conceptualization of Eros and
Thanatos will prove indispensable. Second, within the dynamics of
the drive, gender is discovered to be a secondary issue, along with
castration. Third, in place of the binary dualism I propose to
substitute a circular, non-reciprocal relationship between two ele-
ments, which are themselves less important than the representative
relationship. Fourth, to the extent that a binary differentiation can
be made, the main elements are considered not masculine/femi-
nine but active and passive and are understood as such in the
relation between the subject and the drive.
1. It is striking how little attention has been paid to the drive and
to sexuality in contemporary gender studies. Freud himself pro-
vides us with two main points of entry: on the one hand we have
the component or partial drives, most evident in clinical practice,
which supply us with a direct link to sexuality. The aim of these
partial drives is to recover and rejoin a supposedly original object
through its different pregenital forms. By itself, the study of the
partial drives is already enough to show the relative unimportance
of the question of gender—there is no genital partial drive as such,
the focus is on the various different bodily orifices. Nevertheless,
what seems far more interesting to me is the second Freudian
58 PAUL VERHAEGHE
Now, when the work of bisection was complete, it left each half
with a desperate yearning for the other, and they ran together
and flung their arms around each other’s necks, and asked for
nothing better than to be rolled into one. So much so, that they
began to die of hunger and general inertia, for neither would
do anything without the other. [Plato, 1994, pp. 543–544]
Zeus took pity on them and introduced yet another change to their
bodies: he moved their reproductive organs to the front (originally,
they were placed on the outer side of the body), thus making sexual
intercourse possible. This change, particularly the subsequent pos-
sibility for genital union, temporarily set the human being free
from its longing and made it possible for it to turn to the activities
necessary for survival.
The beauty of this fable is that the transition thus described is
not from a “rounded whole” to a bisection into a male and female
differentiation, but from a rounded whole into two parts (of what-
ever gender), with a total longing for one another that renders all
other considerations insignificant. The genital–sexual interest en-
ters the scene at a later stage, turning the original total process into
a partial one because of the lethal nature of this first process. Both
gender and genital sex are a secondary although necessary issue, a
kind of desperate solution for a primal division—this is Plato’s
message.
Looking at this fable from the perspective described above, it is
clear that it corresponds perfectly with our previous thesis. The
loss of eternal life is the loss of an original wholeness and simulta-
neously implies a gender differentiation. The solution for this loss
is sought in phallic copulation; moreover, the original loss can be
secondarily interpreted as a phallic loss or castration. The paradox
of this solution is that this attempt re-endorses the original prob-
lem. Indeed, the differentiation into two different genders is pre-
cisely the cause of the problem. Trying to solve it through this
gender differentiation is nothing but a repetition of the original
loss. The net result is a never-ending repetition, because each
phallic act repeats the loss and makes another attempt necessary—
hence Lacan’s stress on the “Encore” effect. One can even say that
phallic sexuality in itself is aim-inhibited because it can never reach
the original aim of enduring fusion.
62 PAUL VERHAEGHE
3. The life and death drives are not two separate entities. What
Freud called the “Triebmischung”, the admixture of the drives, boils
down to a circular but non-reciprocal interaction between two
elements. One operates as a force of attraction for the other, which
simultaneously tries to return and move forward. Their interaction
is staged on a different level each time, which establishes and
reiterates the fact that there is no reciprocal relationship between
them.4
First, we have the appearance of the sexually differentiated life
forms at the moment of birth. This implies the loss of the eternal
life, Zoë. It functions as a force of attraction for the individual life,
the Bios, that tries to return. The price that is to be paid for this
return is the loss of individual life as such, and this explains the
other tendency, the one that flees from it in the opposite direction.
The usual solution reiterates the original problem, thus maintain-
ing the interaction. Indeed, the Bios tries to join the Zoë through
sexual reproduction, which involves a repetition of the original
loss.
Second, we have the formation of the I—that is, the primary
identification of the mirror stage. The living being acquires an
initial identity through the unified image of his body coming to
him from the Other, but at the same time this “I” loses the real of its
body: hence its never-ending attempts to join its body again but,
conversely, the price to be paid for this fusion would be the disap-
pearance of the “I”—hence the tendency to flee in the other direc-
tion as well. Finally, the solution will only provide the “I” with the
body as prescribed by the Other, thus confirming the loss of its
being.
Third, we have the arrival of the subject. The subject attempts to
fuse with the (m)Other, but if it were to succeed, the result would
imply a total alienation, meaning the disappearance of the subject.
Hence the other tendency towards separation. Again, this solution
64 PAUL VERHAEGHE
* * *
By way of conclusion, let us return to the original problem. The
tendency towards mastery and the fear of passivity has to do with
our anxiety about death. All human activity, sexual or not, is
directed against our final disappearance into the unknown, beyond
the Symbolic.
NOTES
Julia Kristeva could not, at short notice and due to family reasons, person-
ally attend the conference in Stockholm. Mariam Alizade, president of
COWAP, presented a summary of her paper, and the full paper was distributed
to all the participants. Due to the circumstances the organizers of the Confer-
ence asked Paul Verhaeghe not only to comment on Kristeva’s paper but also to
present his own ideas. [I.M.]
1. The page numbers refer to the original French edition, included in the
English translation.
2. For Lacan, see his theory on the mirror stage and on alienation and
separation. For the attachment theory, see Fonagy, Gergely, Jurist, & Target
(2002).
3. “But that doesn’t stop it from existing”, Charcot would have said.
4. For a more detailed discussion, see Verhaeghe (2001), pp. 65–133.
REFERENCES
Fonagy, P., Gergely, G., Jurist, E., & Target, M. (2002). Affect Regulation,
Mentalization, and the Development of the Self. New York: Other
Press.
66 PAUL VERHAEGHE
Juliet Mitchell
I
n Monika Treut’s film My Father Is Coming (1990), as he drives
along, the hero repeatedly muses about his face in the car
mirror. He shows a young woman a photograph: “Is that your
sister?” she asks; “closer than that”, he replies. Brothers and sisters
represent the minimal distance between people that must be pre-
served if incest is to be avoided. The photograph is not of the hero’s
sister: it is of himself before he had a “sex-change” operation. I
want to suggest that the term “gender” has come to prominence (at
least in the Anglo-Saxon world) even within psychoanalytic dis-
course because what is being described is not the maximal differ-
ence between mothers and fathers but the minimal difference of
sibling sexual relations, which themselves are only a shade away
from a narcissistic economy in which the other is the self: “closer
than that”. Treut’s transgendered hero can stand as an icon of how
psychically and physically close siblings can be.
I shall argue that “sexual difference”—the correct term for
psychoanalytic understanding of masculinity and femininity—im-
plicates reproduction. “Gender”, which is now used indiscrimi-
nately, has been deployed unwittingly to express a sexuality that is
not primarily or predominantly procreative. Sibling relations may
67
68 JULIET MITCHELL
start with the concept it has largely replaced but which, I argue,
should be retained while being distinguished from it: the concept
of “sexual difference”.
When Jacques Lacan “returned” to Freud, it was, in this connec-
tion, to emphasize the castration complex—the psychic play of a
traumatic prohibition around which sexual difference came to be
symbolized. Female and male were both equally subject to the
possible loss of the phallus, but differently so. This distinct subjec-
tion depends on the future differences between mothers and fa-
thers. In all instances it is sexed reproduction that necessitates
psychic sexual difference—whether, as for some theorists, such
difference is introduced by God (Ernest Jones) or the biological
body or, as for others, it is enjoined by the conditions of human
sociality. All children fantasize making and giving birth to babies.
How our psyches construct the coming-to-knowledge of the post-
oedipal child that it takes two different beings—or, rather, two
beings whose differences are conceptualized to do this—is the condi-
tion of sexual difference.
Reproduction, in dominant discourses, is counted on the side of
the woman, and the fantasies we hear from patients or observe in
children endorse a preoccupation with the mother. If the child is
Oedipus, then it will be his mother who is the focus of attention.
The repeated claims that Freudian psychoanalysis is phallocentric
and patriarchal forget that the preoccupation with motherhood
with which it was hoped to counteract patriarchy is, instead, the
other side of the same coin. The recent attempt to make the mother
not the object of the baby’s needs and the child’s enquiries but,
instead, a subject in her own right and to see the task of the psyche
as one of subject–subject interaction corrects the subject–object of
oedipality and pre-oedipality, but only at the expense of taking
sexual difference for granted rather than as constructed with diffi-
culty. Where sexual difference is concerned, does not one sex
always take the other as its object? Is not that the point? Subject–
subject interaction, I contend, takes place in the zone of siblinghood
where “gender difference” also belongs.
Subject–subject interaction has long been the focus of feminist
analyses, as in Simone de Beauvoir’s phenomenological rendition
of Hegel. This subject–subject interaction is now attracting some
psychotherapeutic and psychoanalytic attention. However, sexual
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN GENDER AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 71
The hysteric who has not taken on board sexual difference, nor that
it takes two different sexes to reproduce, is, to that degree, also
relatively ego-less, his “I” a wandering will-o’-the-wisp, “empty of
himself” or grandiose. This hysterical “mirror stage” precedes the
symbolization of sexual difference.
Sexual difference, reproductive difference, although it may find
a resting-place in biology, is no more “natural” than the ego of the
mirror stage: it is constructed as a representation; it is constructed
in the mirror of the other’s desire. Why, asks Freud, when male and
female are in all important respects alike, do we do so much to
differentiate them? The answer, surely, is in order to mark psychi-
cally the sexual difference of sexed reproduction.
I would argue, however, that there is no reproductive drive—
only reproductive fantasies. If reproduction is measured along the
line of the woman, sexuality (in the West) is the province of the
man. What did Freud mean by saying that there is only one libido
and it is a male one, if not that this was so for women as well as
men? Psychoanalytic (Freudian) theory is certainly phallocentric,
in that Western ideologies equate the male with sexuality and the
female with asexual motherhood.
Because psychoanalysis has followed culture into subordinat-
ing sexuality to reproduction, it has lost sight of its own revolution-
ary insight into the importance of sexuality; it has necessarily
moved from the understanding gained from grasping the psychic
symptom as a sexual manifestation to following the interplay of
fantasies. The clinical transference, which should represent the
impasses produced by fantasies (Lacan, 1982), can become the be-
all and end-all of therapeutic resolution and theoretical research, to
be or not to be married, to have or not to have a baby, the mark of
“the cure”. To restore sexuality to its central place would entail
resolving the symptom back into the unconscious representations
of the sexual drive that composes it; a large part of this sexual drive
is “perverse”.
To re-read The Three Essays on Sexuality (Freud, 1905d) is to be
confronted with a paradoxical sensation: the essays’ theses—in
particular the presence of infantile sexuality—have long been com-
pletely accepted, yet one is faced with what is still today a brief but
revolutionary volume. This is not only because what it argued in
1905 was path-breaking then, but because it still is today: the
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN GENDER AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 73
argument has not now, nor ever in the past, collapsed back into
common sense or acceptable ideologies—despite apparently being
accepted, it is as radical as it ever was.
Octave Mannoni called The Three Essays “the book of the drive”
(Mannoni, 1968). It is in this book that we can find the lost sexuality
of psychoanalysis: a book that starts with the human being as
necessarily perverse and puts into question any idea of natural
and normal sexual desires, of “sexual difference” and reproduction.
The radical implications of the concept of “gender” within psy-
choanalysis should be heir to The Three Essays, for “gender” does not
imply the necessity of genitality nor of a fixed sexual object nor of
reproduction. Although gender is deployed in the construction of
difference, it is not structured around it. The difference between the
sexes to which gender necessarily refers lies outside its framework,
thus no explanation of hierarchy is called for—the term applies
indifferently to women as to men. Analogously to race, gender
produces its own differences; difference is not intrinsic to the
concept as it is to “sexual difference”. “Gender” is the polymor-
phously perverse child, grown up. Its morality comes from else-
where than the subjection of sexuality to reproduction. It comes
from the relationship between sexuality and violence in the strug-
gle for psychic survival which at a certain stage is interpreted as
dominance.
I suggest, then, that the morality of gender has to do not with
accepting sexual difference but with the resolution of violence,
being able to accept instead of murdering the other who is so like
one. This self-same other is both the same as the self in human
needs while simultaneously other than oneself—likeness in
unlikeness, unlikeness in likeness. In reproductive “sexual differ-
ence” relationships, the other object illusorily offers what the sub-
ject has not got; that is not the case with gender. “Gender” does not
revolve around what is constituted as “missing”—such as the
absent phallus—nor implicate its replacement such as its compen-
sation in the baby (the equation “baby = phallus”). The Three Essays
are on the perversions, infantile sexuality, and puberty. There
needs to be a fourth to complete the stress on non-reproductive
sexuality, a fourth that might have been quite as shocking as the
notion of infantile sexuality in its time: the sexuality of the post-
menopausal woman. [This was noted early: Helene Deutsch (1947)
74 JULIET MITCHELL
NOTES
This chapter has been adapted from a chapter in J. Mitchell, Siblings: Sex and
Violence (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2003).
1. In a forthcoming study, Mauthner (2003), claims that sistering contrib-
utes to feminine psychology as much as mothering and daughtering. This
confirms my argument that the neglect of sibling relations underlies our
blindness to this social shift. On the greater interaction of the social and psyche,
see my own volume (Mitchell, 1984, Ch. 3); from the outset the neonate takes in
the social as well as its own bodily experiences.
REFERENCES
Butler, J. (1999). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity.
Tenth Anniversary edition. London: Routledge.
Deutsch, H. (1947). The Psychology of Women: A Psychoanalytic Interpre-
tation. Vol. II: Motherhood. London: Research Books.
Freud, S. (1905d). Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. S.E., 7.
Green, A. (1995). Has sexuality anything to do with psychoanalysis?
International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 76 (5): 871–883.
Lacan, J. (1982). Intervention on transference. In: J. Mitchell & J. Rose
(Eds.), Feminine Sexuality and the École Freudienne (pp. 61–73). Lon-
don: W. W. Norton.
Mannoni, O. (1968). Freud and the Unconscious. New York: Pantheon
Books.
78 JULIET MITCHELL
Colette Chiland
F
or a full discussion of Juliet Mitchell’s very stimulating
chapter (Chapter 5, this volume), several points would re-
quire further clarification and therefore deserve to be devel-
oped in much greater detail than is possible within the confines of
one chapter; I shall therefore have to put many of these to one side.
In reading her chapter, I found myself in complete agreement with
certain of her statements and in disagreement with some others. It
is not enough, of course, simply to say, “I do not agree”; we should
try to understand what gives rise to this kind of disagreement.
I am in complete agreement with Juliet Mitchell when she
stresses the importance of sexual difference. I myself lay a great
deal of emphasis on this in my book, Le Sexe mène le monde [Sex
makes the world go round] (Chiland, 1999), though I would not
define sexual difference only with reference to reproductive sexu-
ality, as she does. As far as I am concerned, gender has not replaced
sexual difference, nor does the “subject–subject construction” lie
within the area of gender and the sexual drive (therefore being
linked more to the relationship between siblings than to the par-
ent–child relationship).
79
80 COLETTE CHILAND
Oedipus complex and, on the other, gender with the sexual drive
and the relationship with siblings.
In fact, among mammals, the dissociation between sexuality
and procreation is specific to human beings, given the disappear-
ance of oestrus (the period during which fertilization is possible) as
a prerequisite for copulation. That is one reason why some col-
leagues maintain that all human sexuality is perverse in nature:
pleasure replaces procreation as its aim.
Socially and psychologically, however, this dissociation raises
various problems. There is no natural expression of drives in
human beings; everything is regulated by society: human beings
“marchent à la représentation” [“function by representation”], wrote
Maurice Godelier. We are frightened by the sheer power of our
drives. It is for this reason that religion has had such an enormous
impact; in the Christian world, sexuality is suffused with guilt,
unless its primary aim happens to be procreation.
In his Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, Freud (1905d)
affirmed the existence of infantile sexuality, which has no connec-
tion with procreation, and integrated perverse sexuality within the
wider domain of human sexuality. It is not only the brother–sister
relationship that has no connection with procreation, it is the whole
of infantile sexuality.
For Freud, children are polymorphously perverse, because their
erotogenic zones are not under the primacy of the genital zone and
the relationship with the object. But perverse children stricto sensu
do exist, even though Freud made no mention of them; I suggest as
an example a six-year-old boy who forced little girls to suck his
penis in the stairway of the apartment block where he lived. Ac-
cording to Freud, the perverse adult is fixated at or regresses to
infantile sexuality and can only reach orgasm by inflexible and
exclusive acts that have little to do with “normal” adult sexual
practice. I am using the term “normal” to designate the final stage
of sexual development: union of the genitals with the aim of pro-
creation.
Other authors have linked perversion with the seduction of a
son by his mother and his humiliation because of his impotency
(Janine Chasseguet-Smirgel, throughout her works), or with the
humiliation of the boy as a male, with a consequent threat to his
gender identity (Robert Stoller, throughout his works).
GENDER AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 83
Gender
Gender was introduced as a concept in 1955 by John Money—not
by Stoller, as is often claimed—when he wrote about “gender
roles” in his study of the intersexed (Money, Hampson, &
Hampson, 1955). Children have an ingrained feeling that they
belong to the sex in which they have been reared. For example,
mutatis mutandis, a child with congenital adrenal hyperplasia, XX
chromosomes, an oversized clitoris, ovaries, and womb will, in
fact, feel him- or herself to be a girl or a boy depending on his or her
assigned sex; a child without a penis or with a micropenis and XY
chromosomes will still feel him- or herself to be a boy or a girl,
depending on his or her assigned sex. The crucial factor is the
parents’ conviction as regards their infant’s sex, because they will
bring him or her up in accordance with these innermost feelings.
Traditionally, societies assigned sex on the basis of the appearance
of the external genitalia. The assignment proposed by Money was
based on the feasibility of plausible genitals; if I may say so—
though the precise reference escapes me—someone once wrote
something about a hole being easier to make than a pole. . . .
If the parents have reared their child in the firm belief that he or
she is a boy or, mutatis mutandis, a girl, that assigned sex is more
84 COLETTE CHILAND
why that book is not referred to more often. Without employing the
word “gender”, Mead shows that every society has a concept of
how males and females should feel and behave and how, through
the educative and other child-raising procedures it sets up, it
shapes children in such a way that they become the men and
women that society expects. Every behaviour and psychological
feature has been labelled masculine in one culture and feminine in
another, with the exception of war and motherhood; but even in
these two cases, women have sometimes gone to war, and men have
practiced the “couvade”, an imitation of pregnancy and childbirth.
Freud did not pay much attention to social aspects—they were
merely conventional, he argued—nor to psychological traits, since
they were subject to individual variation. He made no distinction
between heredity and inheritance, believing that acquired charac-
ters were in fact inherited. Feminine and masculine were defined
by the characteristics of sexual cells and organs: the spermatozoid
is active, the ovule is motionless and passive. Little girls were boys
until puberty because they masturbated a masculine organ, the
clitoris, considered by Freud to be an abortive penis.
He was not helped by the fact that there is only one word in
German for sex and gender, Geschlecht, and one adjective for male
and masculine, männlich, just as for female and feminine, weiblich
(the task of the translator into English or French is difficult: the
concepts have to be interpreted, not simply translated). Also, the
notion of personal identity was not used by Freud.
I would not say that gender has replaced sexual difference.
Gender as a social construct was first distinguished from sex as a
biological given and now tends to replace sex, at least outside the
field of psychoanalysis; sex also is now seen as a social construct.
Within psychoanalysis, in object-relations theory, the search for the
object replaced pleasure-seeking; then drives and instincts disap-
peared in relational psychoanalysis. In another context, the simple
dichotomy between two sexes or two genders was called into
question: hence the introduction of a third sex/gender. Nowadays
the dichotomy between sex and gender is also being questioned
(Herdt, 1994):
Of course, there are conceptual dangers involved in breaking
precipitously with the past convention of distinguishing arbi-
GENDER AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 87
trarily between sex (as biology and nature) and gender (as
culture and nurture). However, we aim in this volume to
renew the study of sexual and gender variation across time and
space, critically looking at the pitfalls of continuing to objectify
the dichotomy of sex and gender, which is probably culturally
bound and scientifically misleading. [p. 21]
assigned sex was different from the wish to fight the social preju-
dices and inequalities of one’s culture.
But the problems of the intersexed (1.7 % of the population) are
such that we can no longer avoid the question: what do we mean
by “male” and “female”? In clear-cut cases there is no problem,
because every individual fits the criteria: chromosomes, gonads,
internal organs, appropriate hormone level, sensitivity to hor-
mones, genitals, secondary characteristics. But what about people
who feel themselves to be men (or women) without being able to
satisfy the requirements of the sexual difference? They feel them-
selves to be men without a penis, they cannot penetrate women,
and they are sterile. Or they feel themselves to be women with no
ovaries, womb, periods, fertility, or vagina—though, as Stoller
(1968, second ed., 1974, p. 51n) wrote: “If Freud had worked with a
woman without a vagina, I think he would have seen that the only
thing a woman wants more than a penis is a vagina. It is only when
a woman has normal genitalia that she can afford the luxury of
wishing she had a penis.”
To come back to transsexuals (who number anything from 1 out
of 30,000 to 1 out of 1,000,000 in the general population). Had they
remained within their initial sex, they could have led the perfectly
ordinary life of a man or a woman (as the case may be). Surgery can
give them the appearance of a changed body, but not the real body
of the other sex. They identify with the cultural values of their
target sex. Is it enough to be a man or a woman, a father or a mother
(adoption, insemination by donor)? I am simply raising the ques-
tion, with no pretence at having found the answer.
Certainly we need another kind of treatment—other, that is,
than hormonal and surgical sex reassignment. But “to change what
is in the mind”—which is what some patients hope for, since
complete physical change is impossible—is still to invent (Chiland,
1997a, 1997b, 2000). In the meantime, are they to be condemned to
live in a no man’s/no woman’s land? They are, after all, human
beings.
We are tossed about like some frail skiff in a storm, as we
oscillate between the desire for openness and the need, for the sake
of mental well-being—our own as well as that of other people—to
hold on to what I call in French “la boussole du sexe” [the “sex
90 COLETTE CHILAND
NOTE
Translation from the French revised by David Alcorn.
REFERENCES
Benjamin, H. (1953). Transvestism and transsexualism. International
Journal of Sexology, 7 (1): 12–14.
Chiland, C. (1997a). Changer de sexe. Paris, Odile Jacob. English edition:
Transsexualism: Illusion and Reality (trans. Philip Slotkin). London:
Continuum & Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2003.
Chiland, C. (Ed.) (1997b). Approche psychothérapique du transsexual-
isme. Perspectives Psy, 36 (4): 256–296; 36 (5): 388–397.
Chiland, C. (1999). Le sexe mène le monde. Paris: Calmann-Lévy.
Chiland, C. (2000). The psychoanalyst and the transsexual patient.
International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, 81 (1): 21–35.
Corbett, G. (1991). Gender. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cam-
bridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Di Ceglie, D., & Freedman, D. (Eds.) (1998). A Stranger in My Own
Body. Atypical Gender Identity Development and Mental Health.
London: Karnac Books.
Freud, S. (1905d). Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality. S.E., 7.
Godelier, M. (1982). La production des Grands Hommes. Pouvoir et domi-
nation masculine chez les Baruya de Nouvelle-Guinée. Paris: Fayard.
English edition: The Making of Great Men: Male Domination and
Power among the New Guinea Baruya (trans. R. Swyer). Cambridge,
UK & New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Herdt, G. (Ed.) (1994). Third Sex, Third Gender, Beyond Sexual Dimor-
phism in Culture and History. New York: Zone Books.
Mead, M. (1948). Male and Female: A Study of Sexes in a Changing World.
New York: William Morrow.
Money, J. (1985). The conceptual neutering of gender and the
criminalization of sex. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 14 (3): 279–290.
GENDER AND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 91
Toril Moi
F
or a long time I used to think that feminists ought to choose
Lacan’s femininity theory over Freud’s. Although I consider
Freud the greater thinker, his eternal harping on penis envy
and motherhood as the solution to the “problem” of femininity
struck me as intellectually wrongheaded, and misogynist too. In a
passage that I particularly dislike, Freud claims that a woman of
about thirty
often frightens us by her psychical rigidity and unchange-
ability. . . . Her libido has taken up final positions and seems
incapable of exchanging them for others. There are no paths
open to further development; it is as though the whole process
had already run its course and remains thenceforward insus-
ceptible to influence—as though, indeed, the difficult develop-
ment to femininity had exhausted the possibilities of the
person concerned. [Freud, 1933a, pp. 134–135]
93
94 TORIL MOI
(Lacan, 1958, p. 8323). There is, then, such a thing as a “real phallus”,
and the one thing we know about it is that mothers do not have it.24
The crucial explanation of why it is that the “phallus is the privi-
leged signifier” in the first place (Lacan, 1958, p. 82) is equally
revealing: “One might say that this signifier is chosen as what
stands out [le plus saillant] as most easily seized upon in the real of
sexual copulation, and also as the most symbolic in the literal
(typographical) sense of the term, since it is the equivalent in that
relation of the (logical) copula. One might also say that by virtue of
its turgidity, it is the image of the vital flow [flux vital] as it is
transmitted [passe] in generation” (Lacan, 1958, p. 8225).
Lacan chose the phallus as the privileged signifier because it
juts out in sexual intercourse; because in that act it functions as a
copula (a verb of predication, a verb conferring being); because its
turgidity illustrates both the way in which semen is transferred in
intercourse and the way in which the generations succeed each
other. (The reference to generation, moreover, makes it obvious
that throughout this chapter Lacan is thinking only of heterosexu-
ality.)26
Now we can see that the question “why is the phallus called the
phallus if it has nothing to do with the penis?” is somewhat off the
mark. Lacan does not at all deny that the symbol of the phallus is
based on the image of the erect penis; on the contrary, he flaunts
the fact that it is. But so what? Lacan is simply inviting us to grasp
the difference between the phallus as a symbol, as a signifier, and
the penis as an ordinary part of male anatomy. Is this really too
much to ask? Let us grant the case. It is obvious that the word
phallus will conjure up images of penislike objects. It is also clear
that some human beings have a penis, and others do not. But once
the symbol has been defined in sophisticated, theoretical terms as
something nobody has, then it is absurd to reduce the symbolic
phallus back to the ordinary penis, supporters of Lacan might say.
This is a perfectly reasonable point. It is obvious that in
Lacanian theory the phallus soon comes to mean a lot more than
just the (erect) penis. To deny this would be obtuse. What feminists
object to is not, of course, the use of symbols, but the particular
symbol chosen to signify difference and lack, as well as the theory of
sexual difference that supports itself on the phallus/penis equa-
tion. However much we approve of symbolic uses of words for
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 105
her demand for love. Certainly we should not forget that the
organ actually invested with this signifying function takes on
the value of the fetish. [Lacan, 1958, p. 84]
If I understand Lacan correctly here, he is saying that because the
woman does not have a penis, she will perform a masquerade in
which she aims to be the phallus. He then says that this entails
rejecting an essential part of femininity [de la féminité]. But since
femininity is defined as the masquerade the woman performs, how
can that masquerade in itself be a rejection of an “essential part of
femininity”? The answer can be found if we consider that the word
femininity here is a translation of the French féminité.28 Depending
on the context, that word can mean “feminine”, “female”, “wom-
en’s” or “of women”. If we translate féminité here as “femaleness”,
the sentence makes perfect sense, since it now introduces a dif-
ference between the psychosexual féminité acted out in the mas-
querade and the anatomical féminité disavowed by the same
masquerade. What the woman rejects, then, is something specific
to women’s bodies or genitals—namely, the absence of a penis.
[This is exactly Freud’s point in “Analysis Terminable and Intermi-
nable” (Freud, 1937c), which Lacan invokes at the beginning of
“The Meaning of the Phallus” and to which I shall return.]
In this passage, Lacan speaks of women, not men. Women will
take up the feminine position; by fetishizing the male organ, women
will find the phallus they desire on the body of their male lover.
This appears to contradict Lacan’s claim that the “relation of the
subject to the phallus is set up regardless of anatomical difference
between the sexes”. Yet the only word that causes the contradiction
is “regardless”, which now appears as an overstatement. I am led
to conclude that Lacan’s theory cannot live up to that “regardless”,
for it seems to go as follows: The difference between the sexes turns
on their different relationship to the penis—one sex has it, the other
does not. This fact, then, structures the relationship of each sex to
the phallus. But anatomy is not the final arbiter of symbolic posi-
tion, for it is acknowledged that exceptions to the rule will occur.
Some men will take up a feminine position, just as some women
will take up a masculine position.
Lacan’s femininity theory, then, is based on normative expecta-
tions about the psychosexual position women will take up (as a
rule), and the one men will take up (as a rule). In most cases the
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 107
The point, then, is not that Lacan and other post-Saussureans are
wholly wrong. By definition, the referent of a noun is “outside
language”. A tree is neither an acoustic pattern or black mark on a
page, nor just a concept in our mind. In the language game called
“representation”, it makes sense to distinguish between an inside
and an outside of language. But “representation” is only one of the
games we can play with language. In §25, Wittgenstein himself
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 113
often have the impression that with the wish for a penis and the
masculine protest we have penetrated through all the psychologi-
cal strata and have reached bedrock, and that thus our activities are
at an end. This is probably true, since, for the psychical field, the
biological field does in fact play the part of the underlying bedrock.
The repudiation of femininity can be nothing else than a biological
fact, a part of the great riddle of sex” (p. 252). At this point, a
footnote informs us that: “In other words, the ‘masculine protest’ is
in fact nothing else than castration anxiety” (pp. 252–253). In both
sexes, then, castration is violently opposed. The difference is that
men fear castration, whereas women realize to their dismay that it
has already happened. Repudiation of femininity is repudiation of
castration, and this is a biologically based attitude in both sexes.
This interpretation will be controversial to some. Surely I have
not properly understood what castration means for Lacan. Castra-
tion, or the lack it opens up, is the entrance ticket to the symbolic
order for everyone, a Lacanian would say. What is at stake here is
the phallus, not the penis. In an attempt to explicate this doctrine,
Juliet Mitchell once wrote: “But because human subjectivity cannot
ultimately exist outside a division into one of the two sexes, then it
is castration that finally comes to symbolize this split. The feminine
comes to stand over the point of disappearance, the loss” (Mitchell,
1986, p. 393). This admirably concise formulation claims that all
human beings are marked by lack. To have to belong to only one
sex is a traumatic loss, for both sexes.
So far, so good. But why is it the feminine that comes to stand
over the point of sexual division? This only makes sense if we
assume that the feminine means that which is castrated. But how
do we get that idea? Why is that which is castrated defined as
feminine? Why not call it masculine, just to drive the point home,
particularly if we are speaking of a position that has nothing to do
with anatomical attributes, as so many Lacanians claim? The an-
swer can only be that the feminine is called the feminine and
described as castrated because, well, because women do not have a
penis. (The relationship between body and subjectivity is not arbi-
trary, it is contingent.)
On this theory, women are doubly castrated: first by having to
be only one sex (they are marked by sexual finitude, like everyone
else—see below), and second, by having to be the sex that does not
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 119
phallus | penis
femininity | women
castration | castration
NOTES
This chapter was first published in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and
Society, Vol. 29, No. 3 (2004): 841–878. Reprinted by permission of the Univer-
sity of Chicago. Copyright 2004 by the University of Chicago Press.
1. Freud’s interest in the decay of women of thirty had deep cultural roots
in Europe. The best example is probably Balzac’s La Femme de trente ans [The
woman of thirty],which the author started to write in 1842, at the age of twenty-
nine.
2. In an essay called “Is Anatomy Destiny?” (reprinted in What Is a
Woman?, Moi, 1999, pp. 369–393) I show how I arrive at this conclusion. The
present chapter returns to some of the questions left unanswered in “Is
Anatomy Destiny?”
3. See Beauvoir, The Second Sex (1953), particularly the chapter, “Child-
hood”.
4. See, for example, Benjamin, 1988; Chodorow, 1993; Horney, 1973;
McDougall, 1995; Mitchell, 1974, 2000, just to mention a few important works in
English.
126 TORIL MOI
Mitchell argues, all the features Freud used to consider characteristic of hyste-
ria had been transferred to the concept of femininity: “When at the end of his
life, Freud claimed that the bedrock beneath which psychoanalysis could not
penetrate was the more or less biological one of a universal tendency by both
sexes to repudiate femininity, he was making the mistake that has been widely
reiterated: it is hysteria that cannot be tolerated, the conditions of hysteria that
everyone wishes to repudiate” (Mitchell, 2000, p. 186). I do not know whether
Mitchell thinks that there still could be a good psychoanalytic theory of feminin-
ity.
20. Jane Gallop puts it well: “Probably all Lacan’s advocates somewhere
make the point that his detractors misread him by failing to distinguish the
phallus from the penis” (Gallop, 1985, p. 134).
21. “Here the feminist demand for equal rights for the sexes does not take
us far, for the morphological distinction is bound to find expression in differ-
ences of psychical development” (Freud, 1924d, p. 177). Colette Chiland suc-
cinctly rejects the belief that anybody who fights for equal rights for women
must deny all sexual differences (see Chiland, 1999, p. 15).
22. For the French text, see Lacan, 1966, p. 686.
23. For the French text, see Lacan, 1966, p. 693.
24. Many readers of Lacan have stumbled over the “real phallus”. In
Reading Lacan Jane Gallop proposes that we read it ironically, yet not without
criticism: “Thus his ‘real phallus’ would be simply an ironic use of the term, his
mockery of the way others understand it. So be it. But nonetheless I think that
such subtleties of irony never leave their user uncontaminated” (Gallop, 1985,
p. 144). Irony is a matter of tone: I do not hear irony in the sentence in question.
Be that as it may. Tim Dean thinks the “real phallus” has to do with the
Lacanian real: “The way in which the real functions as a logical limit prompts
Lacan to speak of a real phallus, for jouissance is real, and the phallus signifies
a limit to the jouissance we can access” (Dean, 2000, p. 88). I think it is highly
unlikely that Lacan’s reference to the real phallus in 1958 has anything to do
with setting a limit to jouissance, which was only theorized in 1972–73.
25. For the French text, see Lacan, 1966, p. 692.
26. Lacanian theory has indeed been used to support heterosexist posi-
tions, for example in the French debates about the so-called pacs (pacts of civic
solidarity, a form of marriage for homosexuals and heterosexuals). Tim Dean
would disagree with me. He is critical of the concept of the phallus but
nevertheless finds explicit criticism of heterosexuality in the essay I am discuss-
ing here. Lacan, he writes, “consistently pokes fun at the heterosexist idée reçu
[sic] that genital relations between the sexes represent an idea for psychological
maturity” (Dean, 2000, p. 49). The passage he adduces for this claim is the
following, which I quote in Rose’s translation: “Admittedly it was French
psychoanalysts, with their hypocritical notion of genital oblativity, who started
up the moralizing trend which, to the tune of Salvationist choirs, is now
followed everywhere” (Lacan, 1958, p. 81). I think that Dean misreads this
passage. The key phrase here is “genital oblativity”, which means something
like “self-sacrificing genitality”. This is a critique not of heterosexuality but of
Daniel Lagache. Lagache was Lacan’s contemporary and a leading French
analyst in the 1950s. His two-volume opus La Jalousie amoureuse contains a
128 TORIL MOI
theory of different types of love (Lagache, 1947). One is “oblative love” [amour
oblatif], defined as totally self-sacrificing, heterosexual love (Lagache makes
patient Griselda look like the ideal wife). To criticize the idea that heterosexual
sexuality is devotedly self-sacrificing is hardly to criticize heterosexuality as
such. (For more information about Daniel Lagache, see Roudinesco, 1986, pp.
227–235.)
27. Lacan writes: “This follows from the intervention of an ‘appearing’
which gets substituted for the ‘having’ so as to protect it on one side and to
mask its lack on the other” (Lacan, 1958, p. 84).
28. For the French text, see Lacan, 1966, p. 694.
29. Received opinion is that whereas Freud was a biological determinist,
Lacan theorizes gender in a more progressive manner. Ellie Ragland-Sullivan is
one among many to voice such a view: “Freud’s error was to mistake a
structural, symbolic, and representational drama for a natural one based on
biology. . . . [Lacan] argued that a person becomes male or female by identify-
ing (or not) as the phallic signifier, and not by any innate mechanism”
(Ragland-Sullivan, 1987, p. 269). My argument is that neither Freud nor Lacan
are biological determinists but that Lacan’s structuralism makes him far more
metaphysical than Freud.
30. Beauvoir drew on Lacan for her understanding of girls’ psychosexual
development. The key Lacanian term for her was alienation and the key text a
long encyclopaedia entry by Lacan from 1938, published separately much later
as Les Complexes familiaux dans la formation de l’individu (Lacan, 1938).
31. Judith Butler sets out in the opposite direction. She considers that the
phallus “both stands for the part, the organ, and is the imaginary transfigura-
tion of that part” (Butler, 1993, p. 79). To her, it follows that the phallus is an
imaginary effect, which means that we are free to think of it as a transferable
object of pleasure available to anyone, including lesbians. “Indeed, ‘the’ lesbian
phallus is a fiction, but perhaps a theoretically useful one”, writes Butler (1993,
p. 85). Tim Dean thinks that the phallus is a “giant red herring” (Dean, 2000, p.
14)—that is to say, a concept made obsolete by Lacan’s later theory (particularly
the theory of the objet a, so that all we need to do is to “move beyond
interminable and increasingly sterile debates over the phallogocentric biases of
Lacan’s account of the phallus toward a more interesting ‘60s Lacan’ of the
object” (Dean, 2000, p. 50).
32. Let me stress again that I think we should distinguish between three
different theories in Lacan and Freud—namely, between their theories of (1)
the body, (2) the relationship between the body and sexed and gendered
subjectivity (here we should further distinguish between the general under-
standing and the specific story being offered as an exemplification of that
understanding), and (3) sexual difference.
33. By far the best discussion of the connection between the pacs and parity
debates is Anne F. Garréta’s “Re-enchanting the Republic: Pacs, Parité and Le
Symbolique” (Garréta, 2001). Joan W. Scott’s essay remains the most thoughtful
one on the parity debate (Scott, 1997); it was included as part of a special section
on parity in the journal differences (1997), which also contained interesting
papers by Françoise Gaspard (1997) and a very interesting roundtable discus-
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 129
sion (Rosanvallon, Collin, & Lipietz, 1997). The French journal Nouvelles Ques-
tions Féministes published two special issues on parity, one in favour and one
against (see Gaspard, Viennot, & Lipietz, 1994; Le Doeuff, Varikas, & Trat,
1995). The sociologist Eric Fassin’s analysis of Mona Ozouf’s successful and—
to non-French feminists—deeply annoying Women’s Words: Essay on French
Singularity contains a wealth of information on French discussions of American
feminism (Ozouf, 1995), as well as an astute analysis of the sexual ideology at
work in the parity debates in France (Fassin, 1999). Anyone interested in seeing
examples of the reactionary uses of Lacanian theory in the parité and pacs
debates may consult Agacinski, 1999; Anatrella, 1998, 1999; Lamizet, 2001;
Sausse, 1999; Tincq, 1999; Trigano, 1998. A welcome Lacanian exception to the
rule of sexism and heterosexism is Tort, 1999. Note that quotations from Le
Monde without a page reference come from the Web. They can be found on two
different websites by searching for the name of the author: Le Monde’s own web
archives (http://archives.lemonde.fr) and Lexis-Nexis Academic (http://
web.lexis-nexis.com).
34. In Antigone’s Claim, Judith Butler also refers to the reactionary
Lacanian positions in the controversy over the pacs. On this point, her conclu-
sion is similar to mine: “The [Lacanian] structure is purely formal, its defenders
say, but note how its very formalism secures the structure against critical
challenge. . . . [This] structure works to domesticate in advance any radical
reformulation of kinship” (Butler, 2000, p. 71).
35. Lacan (1998) is the only complete English translation of Encore.
Strangely, the translator makes no mention of Jacqueline Rose’s excellent
and widely used 1982 translation of important excerpts (see Mitchell & Rose,
1982).
36. As mentioned before, I have yet to find a serious investigation into the
differences and similarities of the uses of these terms.
37. In “Beyond the Phallus”, Gallop provides a nice set of quotations
claiming that jouissance is impossible to translate (see Gallop, 1988, pp. 119–
120).
38. Gallop rightly thinks this has something to do with Roland Barthes’s
distinction between plaisir and jouissance in Le Plaisir du texte (Gallop, 1988,
pp. 120–121). For Barthes’s French text, see Barthes, 1973; for an English trans-
lation, see Barthes, 1975. The date of Barthes’ book is significant: he may well
have attended Lacan’s, 1972–73 seminar.
39. Rose summarizes the problems arising from Lacan’s talk of women’s
orgasms as an ecstasy “beyond the phallus”: “Jouissance is used . . . to refer to
that moment of sexuality which is always in excess, something over and above
the phallic term which is the mark of sexual identity. The question Lacan
explicitly asks is that of woman’s relation to jouissance. It is a question which
can easily lapse into a mystification of woman as the site of truth.—This is
why Lacan’s statements in Encore, on the one hand, have been accused of
being complicit with the fantasy they try to expose, and, on the other, have
led to attempts to take the ‘otherness’ of femininity even further, beyond the
limits of language which still forms the basis of Lacan’s account” (Rose, 1982,
p. 137).
130 TORIL MOI
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and Tragedy. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.
Cavell, S. (1982). The politics of interpretation (politics as opposed to
what?). In: Themes Out of School: Effects and Causes (pp. 27–59).
Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1988.
Cavell, S. (1987). Disowning Knowledge in Six Plays of Shakespeare.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Cavell, S. (1994). A Pitch of Philosophy: Autobiographical Exercises. Cam-
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Cavell, S. (1996). Contesting Tears: The Hollywood Melodrama of the
Unknown Woman. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
FROM FEMININITY TO FINITUDE 133
Mitchell, J. & Rose, J. (Eds.) (1982). Feminine Sexuality: Jacques Lacan and
the École freudienne. London: Macmillan.
Moi, T. (1986). Preface. In: T. Moi (Ed.), The Kristeva Reader (pp. vi–vii).
Oxford: Blackwell.
Moi, T. (1999). What Is a Woman? And Other Essays. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Ozouf, M. (1995). Women’s Words: Essay on French Singularity (trans. J.
M. Todd). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1997.
Ragland-Sullivan, E. (1987). Jacques Lacan and the Philosophy of Psy-
choanalysis. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Rosanvallon, P., Collin, F., & Lipietz, A. (1997). Parity and uni-
versalism (I). differences 9 (2): 110–142.
Rose, J. (1982). Introduction to Lacan, “God and the jouissance of
woman”. In: J. Mitchell & J. Rose (Eds.), Feminine Sexuality: Jacques
Lacan and the École freudienne (pp. 137–138). London: Macmillan,
1982.
Roudinesco, E. (1986). Histoire de la psychanalyse en France. 2: 1925–
1985. Paris: Seuil.
Sausse, S. K. (1999). Pacs et clones: La logique du même. Libération, 7
July: 6.
Scott, J. W. (1997). “La querelle des femmes” in the Late Twentieth
Century. differences, 9 (2): 70–92.
Stone, M. (2000). Wittgenstein on deconstruction. A. Crary & R. Read
(Eds.), The New Wittgenstein (pp. 83–117). London & New York:
Routledge.
Tincq, H. (1999). Front commun des religions. Le Monde, 1 February.
Tort, M. (1999). Homophobies psychanalytiques. Le Monde, 15 Octo-
ber.
Trigano, S. (1998). Les Droits de l’ (autre) homme. Le Monde, 18
November.
Wittgenstein, L. (1922). Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (trans. D. F. Pears
& B. F. McGuinness). London: Routledge, 1994.
Wittgenstein, L. (1953). Philosophical Investigations (3rd ed.) (trans. G. E.
M. Anscombe). New York: Macmillan, 1968.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Ebba Witt-Brattström
I
n “What Is a Woman?” Toril Moi argues that Freud may have
been a man with biased views on women, but he was not a
biological determinist, despite his belief that “our anatomy
and our biological needs will make psychic conflict inevitable”
(Moi, 1999, p. 380). This argument is the background to Moi’s
chapter, “From femininity to finitude: Freud, Lacan, and feminism,
again” (Chapter 7, this volume). Moi’s speciality as a scholar can be
said to be “appropriating” (note the Marxist flavour!), in the name
of feminist theory, “appropriate” supposedly gender-neutral, that
is, patriarchal theories such as psychoanalysis (Freud, Lacan,
Kristeva), existentialist phenomenology (Simone de Beauvoir,
Merleau-Ponty, Sartre), and Bourdieu’s sociology and philosophy
of language (Austin, Cavell, Wittgenstein). In Chapter 7, one finds
an excellent although short example of Moi’s appropriation
method. Working from Freud’s own methodological reflection in
“The Psychogenesis of a Case of Homosexuality in a Woman”
(Freud, 1920a), Moi is able to show how the generalizing tendency
of traditional psychoanalytic “femininity theory” becomes the an-
tithesis to Freud’s own psychoanalytic method, defined as an in-
quiry into individual cases, which looks backwards instead of
137
138 EBBA WITT - BRATTSTRÖM
* * *
Let me first state that this is an exciting chapter, going straight to
the core of feminism’s problem with “the holy Grail of psychoana-
lytic inquiry: the riddle of femininity”. Although I definitely share
Moi’s weariness of the patriarchal equation of woman with castra-
tion, I have my doubts about dumping femininity theory in the
dustbin of history. Her solution to the problem of female particu-
larity and her strategy for an egalitarian future—the suggestion
that psychoanalysis should be the theory and therapy of human
FEMININITY THEORY 139
* * *
This brings me to my last argument and my modest proposal for
the future of feminist psychoanalysis. Allow me a methodological
reflection. When we accept the debates around Freud as the privi-
leged starting point of our feminist–philosophical project, the con-
cern with fighting against the phallus keeps us shut up in a
“picture” that leaves us ignorant about everything outside it. Moi
writes in Chapter 7 (note 15): “A picture (penis) held us captive.
And we could not get outside (beyond) it, for it lay (stood) in our
language (theory) and language (theory) seemed to repeat it to us
FEMININITY THEORY 141
* * *
In other words, most women authors refuse to choose between
being a woman and being a human being (particularity and univer-
sality), and, to this end, they adopt different strategies. One way of
resisting the false dilemma is to refuse particularity as a mark only
of femininity. I call this strategy genderizing or particularizing
men, often experienced by men as a “degradation from universal to
particular”. Moi writes that men can be particular and universal at
the same time, but I doubt that they are allowed to (except in
literature and perhaps in love relationships), since there is no one
there to recognize them as such. Beauvoir reflects on this in a well-
known passage of The Second Sex:
[W]oman is defined exclusively in her relation to man. The
asymmetry of the categories—male and female—is made
manifest in the unilateral form of sexual myths. We sometimes
say “the sex” to designate woman; she is the flesh, its delights
and dangers. The truth that for woman man is sex and
carnality has never been proclaimed because there is no one to
proclaim it. Representation of the world, like the world itself, is
the work of men; they describe it from their own point of view,
which they confuse with absolute truth. [de Beauvoir, 1988, p.
174–175]
new, “particular” entry for men (which would be much the same
entry as for women who do not want to trade their particularity for
universality). The time is (over)ripe to give the question “What is a
woman?” its counterpart: “What is a man”?
REFERENCES
Andreas-Salomé, L. (1928). Was daraus folgt, dass es nicht die Frau
gewesen ist, die den Vater totgeschlagen hat. In: I. Weber, & B.
Rempp (Eds.), Lou Andreas Salomé. Das “zweideutige” Lächeln der
Erotik, Texte zur Psyhoanalyse. Freiburg: Kore Verlag, 1990.
Beauvoir, S. de (1988). The Second Sex. London: Pan Books.
Freud, S. (1920a). The psychogenesis of a case of homosexuality in a
woman. S.E., 18.
Lerner, G. (1993). The Creation of Feminist Consciousness. From the
Middle Ages to Eighteen-Seventy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Mitchell, J. (1974). Psychoanalysis and Feminism. London: Allen Lane.
Mitchell, J. & Rose, J. (Eds.) (1982). Feminine Sexuality. Jacques Lacan &
the école freudienne. London: Macmillan Press.
Moi, T. (1999). What Is a Woman? And Other Essays. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
CHAPTER NINE
Jessica Benjamin
I
n this chapter my aim is to show the consequences of the way
Freud (1933a) posed and solved “the riddle of the nature of
femininity” for our view of both sexuality and gender. I con-
sider how the problem of “excess” generates the split between
activity and passivity, which Freud—for all his warnings against
equating them with gender positions—still took as points on the
compass. Here I am following up on some of my ideas (Benjamin,
1988, 1995, 1996) of how the complementarity of gender is the effect
of splitting. I show how we can read Freud’s own interpretation of
femininity as the turn towards a passive attitude in relation to the
father as the expression of the oedipal boy’s attitude. This view of
femininity expresses the oedipal boy’s need to projectively create
an object that can contain excitement and can hold the place of
passivity. This projection, most particularly, into the figure of the
daughter, is a clue to how Freud shifted from early writings about
hysterical daughters with abusive or intrusive fathers to later writ-
ings in which he defined passive aims in relation to the father as the
essence of the feminine.
I will contend that femininity is not a pre-existing “thing” or
“essence” that is repudiated by the male psyche: rather, it is actu-
145
146 JESSICA BENJAMIN
touch even one other. Thus the problem of being heard and held, having
one’s excess contained, is expressed through gender signifiers as a prob-
lem of masculine and feminine identifications.
In Grossman’s narrative we see how complex a man’s relation-
ship to cast-off femininity becomes. I have been suggesting that the
very norm of femininity was constructed to hold unwanted experi-
ences of vulnerability and helplessness, and that this occurs
through the defensive splitting of activity and passivity. This view
of the feminine corresponds to the classic image of daughter, the
one who, Freud insists, must switch to the father. Here we see the
logic of Freud’s (1931b, 1933a) insistence that this switch is what
defines femininity. Of course, Horney (1926) had already pointed
out how Freud’s theory of penis envy and the girl’s sense of
inferiority reproduced exactly the thinking of the oedipal boy. This
thinking performs a double move: the daughter as passive femi-
nine object now becomes, via a symbolic equation, a receptacle for
the self’s active discharge; also (via projective identification) she
now stands in as the sacrificial masochistic self whose sexual im-
pulse is turned inward. She will take on the role of accommodating
and absorbing unmanageable tension—like a containing mother,
only more controllable. Another feature of this move is that the
mother is split, so that her accommodating aspect is attributed to
the girl and her active organizing aspect is reformulated as male,
fatherly (“use your penis to do the job”). This active part of the
mother—for instance her anal control, often called phallic— is
what the boy identifies with and recodes as masculine. What the
boy often abjects is her sexuality, her organs: hence the disavowal
of the vagina, which Freud took to be normal.
must rescue the kitten hiding there. For some reason it is a calico
kitten, she says, and then realizes this refers to her father’s name,
Cal. Confused, she wonders about whether the kitten is herself
or her father. Who is it, actually, that she must take care of?
on the feeling of being the one who is the needy baby. I won-
dered: was it I who cannot face the malevolence of the man—in
this case, my patient’s extremely contemptuous father who
used to deride men who were dependent upon women? I
suggested to him that in this debate we were enacting the very
matter at hand: perhaps it felt to him more masculine and
powerful to be the one who could see Lester’s depravity. At the
same time, as he persisted in identifying with a powerful
though perverse father who despises the baby in himself and
others, he could ensure that I be that baby. I would be the one
who was in the position of the baby, the “sucker” who still
needs a mother, who is dependent and gullible. He, with his
hard clarity, surely did not need me to be his mother, did not
feel abandoned; instead, he could impress me with his mascu-
linity. Keeping at bay his feelings of loss and helplessness about
my impending absence, he could impress me with his “bad
boy” aspects of independence and transgression.
NOTES
1. It has largely been accepted that the disidentification with mother is
necessary to constitute a masculine subject. But, as we explore the effects of
traditional forms taken by the boy’s disidentification, we may reconsider: does
this take place as early as Greenson (1968) suggested, and is such sharp
disidentification pathogenic rather than essential (Benjamin, 1996; Corbett,
1996)? Elsewhere I have argued, along with Aron (1995), Bassin (1996), and
May (1986), that renunciation of identifications with sexual organs and behav-
iours attributed to the other sex (such as Fast, 1984, proposed) is not necessary
to consolidate one’s own identity. Nor does it even necessarily provide a good
REVISITING THE RIDDLE OF SEX 169
basis for integrating sexual subjectivity and activity. Rather, sexual subjectivity
is enhanced by identification with the other’s bodily experience. Indeed, the
capacity to hold in tension rather than splitting complementary aims and
attitudes—the capacity for what I have called post-conventional gender
complementarity—allows us to play with and treat as metaphors the bodily
concretes of sexual roles. Lacking this development beyond oedipal repudia-
tion of the passive “feminine” side of the gender, complementarity lays the
basis for anxiety about sexual union, with its ability to evoke repressed
longings for merger and surrender. Contrary to common wisdom about mas-
culinity, a more positive identification with a holding mother or with bodily
receptivity can often diminish male heterosexual anxiety.
NOTE
An earlier versions of this chapter was presented at the Fiftieth-Anniversary
Conference of the Deutsche Psychoanalytische Vereinigung Tagung, Frankfurt,
November 2000.
REFERENCES
Aron, L. (1995). The internalized primal scene. In: Psychoanalytic Dia-
logues, 5: 195–237.
Bassin, D. (1996). Beyond the he and she: Toward the reconciliation of
masculinity and femininity in the postoedipal female mind. In:
Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 44 (supplement):
157–191.
Beebe, B., & Lachmann, F. M. (1994). Representation and internaliza-
tion in infancy: Three principles of salience. In: Psychoanalytic
Psychology, 5: 305–337.
Beebe, B., & Lachmann, F. M. (2002). Infant Research & Adult Treatment,
Co-constructing Interactions. Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press.
Benjamin, J. (1988). The Bonds of Love: Psychoanalysis, Feminism & the
Problem of Domination. New York: Pantheon.
Benjamin, J. (1995). What angel would hear me? In: Like Subjects, Love
Objects: Essays on Recognition and Sexual Difference. New Haven, CT
& London: Yale University Press.
Benjamin, J. (1996). In defense of gender ambiguity. Gender and Psy-
choanalysis, 1: 27–43.
170 JESSICA BENJAMIN
Gisela Kaplan
F
or the better part of two decades Jessica Benjamin has used
psychoanalysis and her own creative impulses to theoreti-
cally explore the depth of the human psyche. She has per-
haps given more emphasis to the affective domain than other
writers, and one of her contributions to the ongoing debate is her
development of the notion of intersubjectivity and the intersub-
jective moment. When a subjective position of self is surrendered to
another only those two people alone know their situation in a
manner no one else can. In the process, “thirdness” is created, as
explained in Shadow of the Other, as a communicative relationship,
and as a way of recognizing difference and tensions between self
and another. In her chapter, Jessica Benjamin places before the
audience a proposal on how one can intellectually and emotionally
transform the dynamics of intrapsychic events (one-person econ-
omy, as per Freud) into a two-person economy. As I read her text,
the notion of a seesaw comes to mind as an image of an interde-
pendence that will make one or the other respond to each other’s
emotional states. I come back to this later.
Apart from her obvious address to an audience of professional
psychoanalysts, her chapter is also firmly anchored in a particular
173
174 GISELA KAPLAN
The question, then, arises whether the creation of desire (the hold-
ing of tension) or its discharge is not also a question of identifica-
tion (of self or mis-recognition). The citing of Katja Silverman’s film
The Best Years of Our Lives in Benjamin’s chapter is very appropriate
in this context, but we may ask how we interpret the intersub-
jective moment in the context of identification and self-recognition.
Heinrich Heine once wrote a brief but poignant poem:
Selten habt Ihr mich verstanden,
Selten auch verstand ich Euch.
Nur da wir im Kot uns fanden,
Da verstanden wir uns gleich.
THE ECONOMY OF FREEDOM 177
* * *
Finally, at the beginning of this chapter I raised the possibility
that Benjamin’s two-person economy, while a significant extension
of previous ideas, creating literally a third space (the intersub-
jective moment), is still dependent on a field of tensions between
the two gendered players or emotional states. One is contingent
on the other, and in this field there is no escape, no individual
“breaking out”. It is a seesaw from which, as I read her chapter,
one ultimately cannot descend. My response was to look for an es-
cape hatch, for freedom, for growth, for exploration which, in
Benjamin’s seemingly pessimistic cultural explicative, I cannot
find. One is missing some clue to a sense of hope and strength. My
question is whether one cannot think with Martin Buber (1958) that
180 GISELA KAPLAN
REFERENCES
Benjamin, J. (1988). The Shadow of the Other. New York: Pantheon.
Benjamin, J. (1995). Sameness and difference: “Overinclusive” model
gender development. Psychoanalytical Inquiry, 15: 125–142.
Britzman, D. (1998). Lost Subjects, Contested Objects. State University of
New York Press, Albany.
Buber, M. (1958). I and Thou. New York: Scribners.
Buss, D. (1994). The Evolution of Desire: Strategies for Human Mating.
New York: Basic Books.
Foucault, M. (1978). A History of Sexuality (trans. R. Hurley). New
York: Pantheon.
Kaplan, G., & Rogers, L. J. (2003). Gene Worship. Moving Beyond the
Nature/Nurture Debate over Genes, Brain and Gender. New York:
Other Press.
Kowner, R. (1994). The effect of physical attractiveness comparison on
choice of partners. The Journal of Social Psychology, 135 (2): 153–165.
Linton, R. (1936). The Study of Man. An Introduction. New York:
Appleton-Century.
Mernissi, F. (2002). The Muslim concept of active female sexuality. In:
C. Williams & A. Stein (Eds.), Sexuality and Gender (pp. 296–307).
Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Nakano, G. E. (1999). The social construction and institutionalisation
of gender and race: An integrative framework. In: M. M. Ferree, J.
Lorber, & B. B. Hess (Eds.), Revisioning Gender (pp. 3–43). Thou-
sand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Oyama, S. (1985). The Ontogeny of Information: Developmental Systems
and Evolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Rose, H., & Rose, S. (Eds.) (2000). Alas Poor Darwin: Arguments against
Evolutionary Psychology. New York: Harmony Books.
Rubin, G. (1984). Thinking sex. In: C. Vance (Ed.), Pleasure and Danger:
Exploring Female Sexuality (pp. 267–319). Boston: Routledge.
Williams, C., & Stein, A. (Eds.) (2002). Sexuality and Gender. Malden,
MA: Blackwell.
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Nancy J. Chodorow
I
n this chapter, I want to reflect upon how our theoretical
thinking about the psychology of the sexes—whether we call
this maleness and femaleness, masculinity and femininity, the
problem of gender, or the problem of sex—has been limited by
viewing the problem through the lens of sexual difference. The
sexual difference perspective has been (over)determined by the
way Freud initially posed the problem. It was selected especially
by Lacan as the Freudian view,1 and it has been taken up in the
recent rethinking of female psychology or femininity (there has
been little rethinking of male psychology or masculinity) more by
European and Latin American than by North American psycho-
analysts. These psychoanalysts thus accept many of the Lacanian
assumptions, whether or not they consider themselves Lacanian.
The sexual difference perspective also characterizes much Euro-
pean and North American feminism, whether psychoanalytic or
post-structuralist. I do not think that the specific observations I
bring to bear in what follows are new; rather, I am trying to use
these observations, that I and others have made, to locate a prob-
lem and frame a position.
181
182 NANCY J . CHODOROW
The sexual difference position takes as given that the sexes can
only be and also are psychologically defined one in relation to the
other, that male only gains meaning in relation to female, mascu-
line in relation to feminine. It has both psychoanalytic and non-
psychoanalytic roots. From Freud, it locates femininity and
masculinity in relation to the external genitals and to genital–
oedipal levels of development, deriving specifically from Freud’s
focus on genital difference—the presence or absence of the penis—
as the criterial experience in the boy’s and the girl’s development.
The observation of genital difference, Freud suggests, leads to
castration anxiety/penis envy as determinative and central to the
psychology of the sexes and sexuality throughout life, and to
presence/absence of the penis (castration fear or castration already
accomplished) as generative of the boy’s versus the girl’s entrance
into and resolution of the Oedipus complex, differential superego
development, and so forth. This is familiar territory that does not
need elaborating.
Both Lacan and post-structuralism presuppose this Freudian
psychoanalytic basis even as they move it from the realm of
anatomy into the realm of fantasy. However, their formulation of
this way of seeing sex/gender comes not only from Freud but,
equally, from a common rooting in Saussurean structuralist lin-
guistics and the closely related Lévi-Straussian structuralist an-
thropology. In these latter theories, that underlie or have been
interlocutors for Lacan and post-structuralism, meaning never in-
heres in a term itself but only in the relation it has to other terms.2
Thus, by fiat masculine can only gain fantasy meaning in relation to
feminine, and male in relation to female. This linguistic–cultural
theory is read back into psychology.
Following its proponents, I am calling this the “sexual differ-
ence” perspective, though it could equally be called, for my pur-
poses, the “gender difference” perspective.3 What is at issue for me
is not whether we use the term sex or gender, or whether “sex”
refers to the biological, unconscious fantasy, or sexuality, while
“gender” refers to the preconscious or the sociocultural. What is at
issue is whether, psychologically, in clinical and developmental
lived experience—in the realms of unconscious fantasy, transfer-
ence, the internal world, and affects—masculine and feminine, or
maleness and femaleness, must always be paired terms in which
BEYOND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 183
sies, about self and other, mother, father, siblings, both whole
object and part object, created through a history of projective and
introjective affective fantasies. Freud’s originally theorized inner
world that relates to gender and sex is the oedipal world, but it is
from Klein especially that we learn about the inner world’s com-
plexity and infantile origins, and that every step in its creation will
be imbued with particular fantasy meanings about self and object,
so that the mother’s breast, for instance, is unconsciously created as
beneficent, aggressive, devouring, withheld, toxic, and so forth,
and that the relation to it is one of manic control, omnipotent
destruction, depressed longing, and so on. As with body experi-
ence, the internal world that helps to create gender begins at birth,
well before the observation of or capacity to label the sexes or
genital difference.
We cannot think about the psychological experience of sex and
gender apart from the cultural and linguistic, since these categories
are both driven by ordinary anatomy and named and created
within culture. From the point of view of the psyche, however,
actual linguistic and cultural labelling is a latecomer. We know
from the research of de Marneffe (1997) that children recognize
which genitals belong to them before they know that they are a girl
or a boy, and we also know of the primacy of parental filtering: any
term that a child learns is learned in the context of the parent’s
unconscious and her or his own particularized femininity or mas-
culinity, which is itself emotionally cast, shaped by fantasy, and
includes many elements of affective tonality and context that that
parent has built into gender. As Loewald puts it,
On the other side, all linguistic and cultural labels are themselves
animated and tinted by unconscious fantasy and affect, which have
to do with myriad experiences with body, self, and other that may
BEYOND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 189
or may not have direct gender content. Thus, the role of masculine
and feminine in the psyche, although having some basis in
anatomic and parental reality, goes through what Klein (1940) calls
“doubling”—a filtering through fantasy and transference such that
external reality is taken into account but only as it is internally
reshaped and created.9
Affective tonality, with or without associated explicit connec-
tion to gendered or sexed fantasy content, as well as non-ostensibly
gender-related fantasies, help to shape masculinity, femininity,
and sexuality. One woman may imbue her sense of femaleness or
femininity with a depressive casting, another with anxiety. Envy,
narcissistic humiliation, reparative fantasies, or self-destructive-
ness and self-attack may shape the dominant affective fantasies
connected to another’s sense of gender. In a set of patients from
more patriarchal cultures, I have noticed that mournful guilt,
“weeping for the mother”, affectively tints their sense of gender
(Chodorow, 1999b), and I have suggested elsewhere that a fantasy
of timelessness or defensive denial of time passing, which has a
separate existence from gender-inflected fantasies and identity,
nonetheless becomes constitutive of the sense of maternality in
some women who have put off motherhood until it is too late
(Chodorow, 2003c).
These components of body, internal world, the transferential
creation of language and culture, and affective tonality all come
together in any person’s sense of gender. Further, each person
creates a personally individualized “prevalent animation of gen-
der” (Chodorow, 1996, 1999b), a conscious and unconscious fan-
tasy constellation that puts these different components together,
with a characteristic affective tonality and an organization de-
signed to manage and contain particular anxieties and defences.
Anyone’s prevalent animation of gender—an organization in
which, out of many complex components of different sorts (body,
internal world, language, affect, dominant fantasies of self and
other), certain are selected, for reasons of fantasy and defence, to
have overarching valence—could be thought of as a compromise
formation. Prevalent animations of gender may bring to the fore
particularly charged affects or particular representations of or rela-
tions to one parent alone. They may be so overwhelmingly driven
by bodily experience—because someone has been born with par-
190 NANCY J . CHODOROW
“the” breast, but from the point of view of the girl and of women,
it is the breasts, their size, their meaning, their early function in the
infant’s life, and later, their responsiveness to nursing and sexual
stimulation that matter (Notman observes that the girl’s breasts
when they develop are a new organ, and we might add that they
become a different organ again when they are used for nursing).
The inner bodily potential to become a mother—knowledge of the
uterus, the sense that there is a great difference between a little girl
who cannot get pregnant and a mother who can—are important to
a girl from very early on, and as she gets older, the girl’s knowl-
edge of the inner bodily potential to become a mother becomes
concretized and enveloped in fantasy through the experiences of
puberty and menstruation. For some women and girls, reproduc-
tive drives seem as potent and organizing as sexual drives, and we
are as likely to find difficulties and disorders around reproduc-
tivity and fantasies of the reproductive body (the uterus, the ova-
ries, menstruation) as of sexuality in women. A focus on the genital
difference (especially as such a focus has been, with the exception
of Kestenberg, mainly on the external genital, even if this genital
has an opening to internality) misses all of these bodily experiences
and their potential psychological concomitants, that are equally
feminine, equally emerge from the body, and are developmentally
and clinically central to what many women mean by and experi-
ence as their femininity. In addition, suggests Notman, we some-
times find women centring their femininity around weight, whose
connection to sexuality and gender can, we know, follow different
paths in different women. We could add that facial hair, pubic hair,
and bodily hairiness, among other non-genital or reproductive
features, may also play a role in women’s sense of femininity or its
lack—facial hair “masculinizing” women, pubic hair giving them
the body of an adult woman as opposed to that of a little girl.
Women vary in the extent to which they organize their bodily
femininity around the genital difference, or even around genital
experience and its representations over other aspects of body and
reproductivity, and in the extent to which their prevalent anima-
tion of gender is bodily in the first place.
In The Power of Feelings, I describe K. It was in thinking about K
that I felt called upon to theorize how a woman could make bodily
and even external genital configuration, but not sexual difference,
194 NANCY J . CHODOROW
NOTES
1. In “Freud on Women” (Chodorow, 1994) and my recent “Foreword”
(Chodorow, 2000) to Freud’s Three Essays on a Theory of Sexuality, I suggest that
Freud had many approaches to the psychology of women and complex, non-
polarized understandings of the sexualities.
BEYOND SEXUAL DIFFERENCE 199
REFERENCES
Bernstein, D. (1990). Female genital anxieties, conflicts, and typical
mastery modes. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 71: 151–165.
Birkstead-Breen, D. (1999). Dana Birkstead-Breen on Melanie Klein:
Holding the tension. In D. Bassin (Ed.), Female Sexuality: Contempo-
rary Engagements (pp. 279–286). Northvale, NJ: Aronson.
200 NANCY J . CHODOROW
A
Abraham, K., 44 obligatory, maternal love as effect
abuse, 4, 160 of, 7, 55
maternal, 33 Alizade, M., xiv, 65
physical, 34 Ambrosio, G., xiv
sexual, 69 American Beauty, 160–163
see also incest anal-erotic/anal-sadistic impulses,
verbal, 34 29
active–passive polar anatomical difference between
complementarity as function sexes, 5, 13, 45, 103, 105–106
of discharge, 153 anatomy as destiny, 26–27
see also passivity Anatrella, T., 129
affect(s): André, J., 44, 52
maleness and femaleness in, 182 Andreas-Salomé, L., 43, 138, 141
undigested, 17 “Anna O” [Freud’s patient], 24
affective fantasies, introjective and Annell, C., xiv, 22
projective, 188 anorexia, 50
affective tonality, and sense of Anscombe, E., 130
gender, 189 anthropology, structuralist, Lévi-
Agacinski, S., 129 Straussian, 182
Agape, 50 Antigone, 76
Alcorn, D., 90 complex, 76, 77
alienation: law of, 76
and mirror stage, 65, 116 Anzieu, D., 43
205
206 INDEX
McDougall, J., xi, xiv, 2–4, 7, 15, 23– fundamental to femininity, 184
39, 96, 103, 121–122, 125– reproduction of, 186
126, 131, 139, 148, 197 mourning, for loss of intact body,
Mead, M., 12, 85 167, 177
meiosis [cell division], 8, 59 Muslim tradition, 19, 179
melancholia, 50 My Father Is Coming, 67
men, fear of women of, as projection N
of inner pregenital fantasies, Nachträglichkeit, 110
3, 24 Nakano, G. E., 179
menarche, 81 Naked Civil Servant, The, 178
menopause, 31, 32, 71, 81 narcissism, 12, 43, 46, 85
menses, 81 maternal, 44
menstruation, 31, 71, 193, 194 pathological vs. healthy, 85
mentalization, 146 register of, 85
Merleau-Ponty, M., 13, 94, 95, 137 narcissistic economy, 9, 67
Mernissi, F., 179 narcissistic humiliation, and sense
metalanguage, rational, 16 of gender, 189
metapsychology, abstract concepts narcissistic omnipotence, 15, 119
as part of, 1 nature:
Metternich, Princess, 74 vs. culture, 6
mirroring, dualistic, 53 woman aligned with, in
mirror stage, 6, 10, 54, 65, 72, 116 patriarchal binary thinking,
primary identification of, 63 7
Mitchell, J., xi, xiv, 9–12, 67–78, 79– Necander-Redell, L., xv
91, 118, 125–129, 139, 152 Neikos [strife], 59
Moi, T., xi, xiv, 3, 12–17, 93–135, 137– neurosis, traumatic, 58
143 Norman, J., xiv
monadic economy, 152–153 Notman, M. T., 192–193
Money, J., 83, 84 Nygren, L.-G., xiv
monosexuality, trauma of, 28, 122 O
Montelatici Prawitz, D., xv Oakley, A., 69
mother: object:
asexual, 68 choice, 183
–daughter relationship, early, 4 link with, stable, 47
feminine identification with, 30 loss, 148
rejection of, by daughter, 37 defence against, 50
seductive introjected, 5, 44 relations, 10, 71
motherhood, 7, 24, 27–29, 51, 70, 86, theory, 86
94 oedipal father, 54, 158
asexual, 11, 72 oedipal phase, 44
deferred, 189 primary, 4–6, 41–47, 49–50
Freud’s idealization of, 33, 93 complexity of, 46
and human reproduction, 10 economy of, 45
perverse, 4, 33–34, 55 receptivity of, 6, 51
mothering: vs. secondary, 6
function, 20 secondary, 4, 6, 44, 49–50
INDEX 215