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Group 1 Final Project - Boys Dont Cry - How Toxic Masculinity Affects The Ways Males Communicate About Depression
Group 1 Final Project - Boys Dont Cry - How Toxic Masculinity Affects The Ways Males Communicate About Depression
Introduction
Toxic masculinity has been a hot topic in our modern society for the past decade, and it
remains a highly controversial subject. While the term itself has a range of meanings dependent
on the user, Cambridge Dictionary and this paper define toxic masculinity as “ideas about the
way that men should behave that are seen as harmful (Cambridge, n.d.).”
Much of the conversation around toxic masculinity has been focused on its effects on
women. It is true that women suffer from toxic masculinity behaviors, such as a societal
tendency to excuse aggressive behaviors in men as normal or the “locker room talk” that
encourages derogatory speech about women. Entire books can and have been written about the
negative influences of toxic masculinity on the lives of women, and the topic remains
inexhaustible.
Yet, toxic masculinity is not just bad for women; it is just as harmful for men. From a
young age, men are trained to be manly and shun any feminine behaviors. This conditioning is
not performed exclusively by other men. One of our researchers recalled an impactful event
when he was a young teenager. While trying to express his feelings, he was shut down, not by
other boys or men, but by girls his age. The girls expressed that our researcher should man up,
implying that emotional expression was inappropriate in a boy. This reflects the societal
normalization of toxic masculinity: even those whom we most expect to be the victims are often
the perpetuators of it. Men are more likely to be rejected when they express feelings of
depression, especially by women (Guerrero & Anderson, 1998). Our researcher went on to
describe how difficult it was for him to talk about his feelings after that because he felt like it
Common phrases that we often hear when men express vulnerabilities include: “boys
don’t cry”; “don’t be a sissy”; “man up” or “be a man”; or “toughen up”. When boys or men
show aggression, which is in line with perceived masculinity, we are more likely to hear
something along the lines of, “Boys will be boys!”, encouraging boys to continue engaging in
Our team of researchers was interested in finding pattern in the ways toxic masculinity
affects how men communicate about their depression and, further, how we can change those
patterns to encourage men to communicate about and seek help for their depression.
In this paper, we will first explore the current literature surrounding the relationships
between toxic masculinity, depression, and communication, after which we will identify our
research questions. Then, we will describe our research methods, including our sampling,
Literature Review
Most of the literature regarding the effects of toxic masculinity on men is found in
psychology journals. While there were some communications studies that give a peripheral view
on the matter, very little direct research directly pertaining to the research question was found in
expectations that men are less likely to communicate about or seek help for their depression
symptoms and that toxic masculinity culture is a factor. It is noteworthy that much of the
Studies show that toxic masculinity has negative effects on males. A meta-analysis of
numerous studies on masculine norms and mental-health related outcomes also found that
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conformity to masculine norms was strongly associated with negative mental health (Wong, et.
al, 2017).
There is merit to the argument that toxic masculinity benefits men in some ways, but that
benefit is only in proportion to how well they perform in masculine roles. In an analysis of the
Netflix series Stranger Things, Driscoll and Grealy (2021) came to the conclusion, “that boys in
general benefit from their relation to male privilege, but…the benefits of patriarchy are returned
unevenly to boys precisely to the degree that their performances and practices conform to and
The CDC characterizes depression as, “the presence of feelings of sadness, emptiness, or
irritability, accompanied by bodily and cognitive changes lasting at least 2 weeks that
significantly affect the individual’s capacity to function” (Villarroel & Terlizzi, 2020). In 2019,
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that 18.5% of adults reported
symptoms of depression (Villarroel & Terlizzi, 2020). The COVID-19 pandemic has
dramatically increased those rates, with approximately 42% of American adults reporting
symptoms of depression between August 2020 and January 2021 (Dunleavy, 2021).
Interestingly, the CDC’s 2019 report also stated that women were more likely than men to have
symptoms of depression (Villarroel & Terlizzi, 2020). However, these reports only reflect the
amount of people who reported having depression. The numbers may suffer from both
respondent and nonresponse biases. People who feel that it is embarrassing or shameful to have
depression or to communicate about it are more likely to lie about their symptoms (respondent
In fact, if suicide rates correlate positively with depression, there is evidence to suggest
that men may struggle more strongly with depression than women. As shown in Table 1, the
National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) reported that in 2019 in the United States, men’s
suicide rates were significantly higher than women’s in every age category (National Institute of
TABLE 1
The juxtaposition of the CDC’s report on depression (Villarroel & Terlizzi, 2020) and the
NIMH’s report on suicide rates (National Institute of Mental Health, n.d) suggests that women
are more likely to report their symptoms of depression, and it challenges the claim that women
In a Swiss study on men and help-seeking, as cited by Howes (2017), the researchers
ended their research with a very blunt conclusion: “Women seek help—men die (p. 2).” The
following research contributes toward finding out why men are so resistant to seeking help.
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A study by Kesler, Brown, and Broman (1981) found no consistent sex differences in
recognizing when a given problem required psychological help; yet they also found that women
are as high as 82% more likely to report having psychological problems compared to men. This
begs the question of why men who can perceive the need for psychological help still will not
seek it.
Dr. Jim O’Neil (2016), a leading authority on the effects of toxic masculinity on males,
posits that one of the primary reasons for refusing or avoiding psychological help is because of
socialized gender roles. He has done an extensive study on what he calls Gender Roll Conflict
(GRC). Gender roll conflict is “a psychological state in which socialized gender roles have
negative consequences on the person or others (Hornigold, 2007).” GRC levels can be tested
using the GRCS-I test, where higher GRC levels indicate higher levels of gender role conflict
and fear of femininity (O’Neil, 2007). O’Neil’s research shows a strong negative correlation
between a high GRC and willingness to seek psychological help (O’Neil, 2016). Cole and
Ingram (2020) explain that men with higher GRC are less likely to disclose personal information
and emotions than those with a lower GRC. They argue that a man’s decision to seek help or not
varies depending on how strongly they endorse male norms that discourage or are otherwise
incongruent with help-seeking (Cole & Ingram, 2020). Some of these male norms include self-
reliance, toughness, and emotional restriction (Cole & Ingram). In short, they must control any
Sadly, GRC also has a strong positive correlation with depression (O’Neil, 2007). This
presents a nasty Catch-22, in which the same factors that cause depression in men also prevent
A qualitative study by Chuick, et al. (2009) on Caucasian men aged 18-75 who had been
diagnosed with depression found that societal messaging played a part in every single
participant’s choice to conceal symptoms from others. The study found a general belief within
the group of participants that depression is not socially acceptable within men and that seeking
help for depression implied weakness. There does seem to be one exception to this rule: when
there is “a clear external circumstance that led to the depression” (Cole & Ingram), such as a
family death, it is considered acceptable for a man to seek professional help (Cole & Ingram).
There may also be hesitation to seek help based on the societal belief that mental illness
prevents competitive success. Lavelle’s study on Kevin Love, a basketball player in the NBA
who disclosed his struggles with anxiety in 2018, showed that, while the media and general
public expressed admiration for Love for being outspoken about his mental illness, he faced
multiple inquiries about retirement, with people expressing that maybe the competitive world
was too stressful (Lavelle, 2021). The study also showed that players are more likely to stay
silent in order to remain competitive in the NBA drafts. Lavelle (2021) says that when
It is important to note that these studies can only gather data from men who have
obtained help, either by choice or by requirement, and so these studies do not necessarily reflect
the thoughts of men who have not obtained help for their depression.
Identifying when, how, and why men do finally communicate about their depression is
A study using data collected from several large epidemiological surveys showed that
white people in general are more likely to enter psychotherapy once the initial mental health
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appointment was set (Vessy & Howard, 1993). While this is encouraging, the person must first
be willing to make the appointment and must also be willing to communicate openly in the
appointment. It may also be noted that this is a pre-Internet and texting era study, and so the
results may be different now. A study with newer technology (including an easier appointment
A study by Berger, et al., (2013) identified situations in which men were more likely to
seek or accept psychological help. First, participants tended to prefer talk-therapy, as opposed to
other forms of psychotherapy treatments. Second, men, especially those who meet masculine
norms, are more likely to be opposed to taking medication for mental health. Third, men are
more likely to accept advice about seeking help when the advice-giver is a psychotherapist than
when the advice-giver is a significant other or a medical doctor. (Berger, et al., 2013).
Media has also been identified as a possible influence in helping men make the decision
to seek help. Another study on NBA player Kevin Love, conducted by Parrot, et al. (2021),
found that media stories were overall positive in their depictions of Love and his transparency.
They emphasized the overall idea that mental illness is common and that those who struggle with
Diane Francis conducted two studies regarding hip hop artist Kid Cudi’s disclosure about
his own depression. One study on Twitter conversations between black men suggests that Twitter
can act as a form of therapy, where black men are more likely discuss their own experiences. The
use of a hashtag (#YouGoodMan) helped the conversation to gain traction while the original
subject, Cudi, served as a celebrity role model (Francis, 2019). Francis also found that young
black men were more likely to seek information after Cudi’s disclosure and found a positive
relation between celebrity health disclosures and proactive health behaviors among young black
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men (Francis, 2018). These were limited to the black community, so it is not generalizable to
other populations, but more research on similar situations may help us identify how celebrity
In another study on difficulties families faced in talking with U.S. Military Service
members about seeking help for mental health, families identified four strategies: 1) Time: Being
mindful of the timeliness of the discussion; 2) Speech: Using a relational tone and style of talk,
while emphasizing unconditional caring and commitment to the service member, remaining
polite and respectful, and acknowledging the service members autonomy; and listening
nonjudgmentally when the service member talks; 3) Framing: Emphasize positive rather than
negative meanings, including framing the act of seeking help as a means of becoming healthy,
happy, and productive, rather than as a means of fixing them; and 4) Utilizing a social network to
discuss the matter with the service member, rather than using direct conversation, such as others
that have experienced miliary deployment (Wilson, et. al, 2014). This study was specific to
miliary family and service members and is not generalizable to all men, but these strategies may
be studied further as a means of encouraging men to seek help for mental health.
Research has primarily been conducted on men who have already been diagnosed with
depression, and so it largely excludes those who choose not to seek help and successfully mask
their depression.
There is also a gap in the literature from a communication perspective. While psychology
journals have provided a significant amount of research on the matter and have addressed
communication as an issue, they have not defined specific solutions on how to get individual
men to talk about their depression. In the grand scheme of things, it is important to identify toxic
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masculinity norms that society as a whole can irradicate to encourage more open discussion on
mental health. However, in the present time, it is also important to identify ways to help those
males that have already been affected by those norms and who need encouragement to seek help.
More research from a communication perspective on how toxic masculinity affects how men
communicate about depression or other mental illness may help the psychology world discover
These gaps lead to the questions at the heart of this study. First, how does toxic
masculinity affect the ways that males communicate about their depression? Second, how can we
encourage men who live with depression to communicate about and seek help for their
depression?
Methodology
Data collection for our research project took place using focus groups. Focus groups are
facilitator led conversations (Keyton, 2019, p. 292). These encounters were guided to get insights
from the various participants related to our research topic. With focus groups we were able to not
only study the spoken words but also examine the nonverbal cues from our participants. Our
focus groups were recorded both audio and video and then later transcribed. We read and reread
Participants
Our sample consisted of 45 American-born, biological males. Biological males are more
likely to have been conditioned from a young age to follow masculine norms than transgender
men. We chose to focus on American-born men as toxic masculinity varies culturally and
geographically. We decided to include males from different cultural backgrounds because they
Our population was recruited from Utah county in Utah, USA. To recruit participants for
our focus groups we used a two-step process. First, we used a Qualtrics survey to recruit and
screen our first participants, sort them into groups, and collect demographic data. The link to the
survey was posted on the Utah Valley University research opportunities boards with both a link
and a QR code and was also listed on the Brigham Young University research opportunity
database. We chose to use both schools in order to widen our demographic pool. After our first
participants were selected, we used a snowball sampling method (Keyton, 2019, p. 107), where
we asked them for referrals for others that may benefit from the study. We did this so that we
would be able to a wider variety of men in the geographic area, rather than having it largely
constrained to student participants. After contacting those referrals and screening them with the
Qualtrics survey, we selected our participants based on primary criteria (biological, American-
masculinity and its effect on men whose lifestyles are different from one another. By seeking out
this maximum variation in our sampling, we could analyze both large and small differences
between age groups, socioeconomic status, marital status, and many other factors. Because we
understanding of how toxic masculinity affects men and their communication with others.
We successfully achieved the criteria of a maximum variation sample through the use of
the demographic questions on the Qualtrics questionnaire. Our sample included men from a
variety of employment backgrounds, age groups, socioeconomic status, experiences with mental
health, and ethnicities. Given the propensity for snowball sampling to result in participants who
are similar, extra attention was given to the formation of focus groups to ensure that participants
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were grouped together with a diverse group of individuals, so that the discussions in the focus
group would highlight these differences between individual participants. This allowed us to
maintain reliability and validity with our participants and in the study overall. We knew we
gathered data and were not providing new concepts or answers to our research question.
We briefed each participant on the purpose of the study. We chose not to use the word
“toxic masculinity” to avoid language bias, as the term is polarizing. Instead, we used the phrase
“expectations of masculinity”. Once participants agreed to participate, they were assigned to one
Process
The focus groups were held at Utah Valley University in a conference room in the
Browning building. We selected this environment because it is a quiet space with few
distractions. The room was set with six chairs in a circle, which included the five participants and
the moderator. Each focus group discussion met on average for 60-minutes. Focus groups were
conducted over three months in Spring 2022. The lead author served as focus group moderator.
A trained undergraduate assistant was present at all focus groups to welcome participants, collect
consent forms, and take notes inconspicuously during the discussion. Focus groups and
The group moderator asked each focus group the same set of nondirective open-ended
questions in an effort to elicit detailed participant responses. The questions were carefully
worded for neutrality and to avoid any language bias. First, the moderator asked an ice breaker
question to create an environment of comfort and trust. The question was, “What was the coolest
thing you did this year?” After a brief discussion on that question, the moderator proceeded with
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our research-related questions. Questions used in the focus groups included: (1) If you have ever
felt depressed, did you tell anyone about it, and who did you tell? (2) Do you feel that it is
acceptable for you as a man to express feelings of depression and in what ways is it acceptable?
(3) How have you been treated when you have expressed your emotions? (4) Do you think it is
easier for a man or a woman to admit they are feeling depressed, and why do you think that? (5)
In your own words, describe what it means to be masculine. For example, what traits should a
masculine person have? (6) How have societal rules or expectations for you as a man impacted
how you talk about depression? (7) What expectations of being a man have impacted you most?
The moderator also asked follow-up questions as warranted. At the end of each session, the lead
author offered all participants an opportunity to ask questions before ending the session.
Analysis
Our analysis was a multi-step process based on grounded theory, wherein units of data
are constantly compared with each other and where themes, codes, and categories change and
evolve with the addition of new data until the data is exhausted (Keyton, 2019, p. 312). This was
an iterative process, requiring us to go over the data several times until we concluded that every
After each focus group session concluded, the researchers would individually read over
the transcripts of the meeting. Then, they would repeat their reading while coding the data. This
involved marking data that was considered relevant to our research questions. We did this
through simple open coding, meaning that we were not looking for specific categories or types of
information (Keton, 2019, p. 313). We would then read through a third time to identify
categories. Finally, we would use axial coding to connect the relationships between categories
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(Keton, 2019, p. 313). This individual analysis allowed us to read and interpret the data
After our independent reading, we would discuss our observations as a group, comparing
categories. This group analysis allowed new categories to emerge as new information and
After our last focus group and our initial analyses were concluded, we compared our
findings from the various focus groups. We identified patterns in the categories and threw out
categories that no longer fit the data. This process of constant-comparative analysis allowed the
data to direct the categories, allowing for a more dynamic analysis. We met multiple times as a
group to discuss the data until we felt that all relevant categories had been identified.
Finally, our analysis was divided into themes, categories, and subcategories. The themes
Depression. Some of the categories within those themes included: how the participants were
identity; how participants felt about the state of living with depression; how participants felt
about communicating about the emotions; how participants have communicated about their
emotions and depression; who participants communicate to about their emotions and depression;
Appendix
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Qualtrix Survey
https://uvu.qualtrics.com/jfe/form/SV_4IQPgX88gIVLmWG
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Survey Instrument
Hello everyone and thank you for participating in this focus group today. My name is ______.
(Everyone in research team introduces themselves).
I have a question before we get started: What is the coolest thing you did this year?
(Allow a 3-5 minute discussion)
Each of you here has completed a pre-screening survey which indicated that you have dealt with
depression. Each of our questions today will be aimed at answering our question. Our research
team is interested in finding out how expectations of masculinity have affected the ways men
communicate about depression. We will be asking several open-ended questions and you will
have the opportunity to discuss. This is a closed environment. While we do plan on using your
answers for our research, your names and identifiable information will not be released, so we ask
you to be open and honest in your discussion.
Do you have any questions before we get started?
Let’s get started.
• Who did you tell and why did you choose to tell that person or those persons?
3. In what ways do you think it is acceptable for a man to express feelings of depression?
4. How have you been treated when you have expressed your emotions?
5. Do you think it is easier for a man or a woman to admit they are feeling depressed and
6. In your own words, describe what it means to be masculine. For example, what traits
7. How have societal rules or expectations for you as a man impacted how you talk about
depression?
That concludes our questions for you. Is there anything else that anyone would like to share?
Thank you all for being so honest and open with us today. We will be using your answers to
further research on toxic masculinity and its effects on men’s communication about depression.
Our hope is that this research will help us to identify ways to help men to be more open to
seeking help for their depression, as well as other mental health needs.
As a thank you for your time, you will each be receiving a $75 digital Visa gift card, which will
be delivered to the e-mail we have on file within 5 business days.
If that is all for today, you are free to exit. If you think of any other questions or concerns, you
may e-mail sdjkfsalkjf@uvu.edu, and we will be happy to discuss it with you. Again, thank you
for participating today.
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(Supplemental)