Understanding Kashmir’s Islamic Religious Architecture in Continuity and Introduction! Somewhere in the later part of the fifteenth century CE, a Persian Sufi, ‘Shaykh Shams-ud Din'raki (1424-1523 CE) arrived in the court ofthe Sultan cof Kashmir as the emissary of Sultan Husayn Bayagara (1470-1507 CE). in addition to representing the Timurid court of Herat, 'Traki was also a leading ‘member of the Nurbakshiya Sufi order ‘and the first individual from this newly established order to visit Kashmir, (On his arrival in Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, ‘Irak was received by the nobles of Kashmir on behalf of the Sultan and escorted to the khangah (hospice) of Malik Ahmad The khangah which was located onthe banks of river Shelum inthe mohala (ward) of Didmar ‘served not only as @ hospice for Sufis Dutalsoas arrest house were the Sultans of Kashmir would lodge their guests? Additionally it emerges from textual references relating to the period that the facility of free lodging and food at the khangah was not limited to royal {guests only but could be availed by ‘ordinary travellers. At the time of rakis visit, the cty of Srinagar had four such ‘hangars, inaddition tothe onein which the Sufi-emissary was lodged. These included the Khangah-i-Hamdaniya (Ala-ud Dinpora), the Rhangal of Shaykh Sultan Kubra (Drugjan), khangah of ‘Shaykh Baha-ud Dip, and the khangah fof Maulana ‘Uthman Makhdum, The ‘oldest khangah in the city is located inthe molala of Balbil Lanker though still standing, had at that time fallen in a state of disrepair. During the course of his stayin Kashmir, spread over two different visits, Iraki was responsible for setting up another khangah in the city, Khangah-i-Nurbakshiya at Zadibal, By the beginning of sixteenth century CCE, almost all major Sufi orders with a visible presence inthe Persianate wold {Including the Kubrawya,Suhancardy, Qadriya, and Chistiya, had also established khangahs in Srinagar, with the Nurbakshis adding another ‘major Khangah on the eastern edge of the ey Four centuries after ‘Irakis visit, the ogra ruler of Kashmir, Maharaja Ranbir Singh (r. 1857-1885 CE) ‘commissioned a shawl map of Srinagar city (Fig, 1) to be presented to Queen Victoria (1819-1901 CE) on her jubilee celebrations. The khangahs of Srinagar figured prominently on the map as ‘major urban landmarks around which the cultural? and physical contours of the city evolved. These khangahs along ‘with the various mosques, rawzas' and ‘imambaras* mark the presence of sam in the region, while also giving to the city of Srinagar its sense of place. AA Saint and. Sultan: Making of ‘Muslim Community in Kashanie Writing in eleventh century CE, the Persian scholar and polymath Abu! Rahyan Muhammad ibn Ahmad al Biruni (973-1048 CE) provides us with 8 critical appreciation of India, aswell, as a detailed and fairly accurate des- cription of the isolated, mountainous land of Kashmir. For Biruni, Kashi represented an abode of Indic learning aswellaland marked inaccessible bts location, placingit outside ofthe reach ‘of Ghanznavid Empire. Well informed ‘about the land, which at this time was ‘losed to outsiders, he writes: Kashmir lies on a plateau surrounded by high inaccessible mountains (.). They are particularly anxious about the natural strength of their country, and therefore take always much care tokeepastrong,HAKIM SAMEER HAMDANI is Design Director at INTACH Kashmir Chapter. With his primary research focused on Islamic architecture, he has published his ‘work in various journals and books. Among his major conservation projects is the Reconstruction of eighteenth-century Wooden Shrine of Peer Dastgeer Saheb (2020- 12) and Conservation of Aali Masjid 2007) ~ both of which were longlsted for the ‘Aga Khan Award for Architecture. Others include the Conservation of the Khangah= é-Maula (2018); Restoration of Mughal Monument of Thag Bab Saheb (201); and Conservation of Historie Mughal Gardens of Kashmir (2007-10) His book, The ‘Syncretic Traditions of Islamic Religious Architecture of Kashmir (Barly {4th - ‘Mid 18th Century, is published by Routledge hold upon the entrances and roads leading into it, In consequence it is very ificlt to have any commerce with then. In former times they used to allow one fr two foreigners to enter their country, particularly Jews, but at present they 0 not allow any Hinds whom they do not know personally to enter, much less ‘other people’? Yet the land located as it was on one of the branches ofthe Sill route® leading into the Indian subcontinent was never totally devoid of external influences. Kashmir ‘was not only a recipient of traditions from the East, of China and Tibet but at various points ofits history also formed a part of ‘vider empires originating from mainland India, like that of the Mauryas under Ashoka, the Kushans under Kanishké, the White Huns! or the Mughal in the ‘medieval period. This resulted not only inthe introduction of foreign elements in the overall cultural and social life of the inhabitants of the region, but a certain cross-fertilization of ideas, a cultural melting pot. The origin of Kashmiri art-architecture lies in this process of assimilation and selection from plurality of artistic traditions (Fg. 2. Less than a century after Biruni's death we find the mention of the first Muslim community in Kashmir.® And almost a century after the founding of Delhi Sultanate, Kashmir emerged as the centre of Himalayan Sultanate Which would open its borders to Sufis, artisans, poets and traders arriving from Persian-speaking world, marking the land as the northernmost outpost of Persianate culture While the presence of a nascent Muslim ‘community in Kashmir can be traced back tothe eleventh century, it was only inthe fourteenth century CE that Muslim rule was established in this Himalayan region when a Buddhist chieftain from Ladakh, Rinchana (e. 1320-23 CE)? ascended the throne of Kashmir. Immediately afterwards, Rinchina converted to Islam at the hands ‘of a Sufi saint, Balbil Shah (d. 1327 CE) ‘The accession of Rinchana to the throne, his conversion and the establishment of ‘Muslim rule in the region took place in the background of political instability and chaos that marked the closing period of Hindu rule in Kashmir ~ a period, ‘of progressive political disorganization and consequent ‘economic decay: FIG, 1, Shawl map of Srinagar city courtesy: SPS MUSEUM, SRINAGAR Image: SANDEEP SANGAROO, 2010 ‘The conversion of Rinchina does not mark a paradigm shift in the society, in fact, it matks a continuation of an older, established order. Asa result of Rinchanas conversion we see no sudden social transformation or large scale import of foreign ideas ~ albeit of Islamic values, to replace local traditions. Rinehana, though now a Muslim was presiding over‘2.court which was no different from that of his predecessors. A desire for stability and continuing cour intrigues were the hallmarks of court life not a desire for religious supremacy During his short rule of wo years, Rinchana was responsible for constructing asmall mosque forthe Muslim community ofthe city and a khangah for his spiritual preceptor. Bilbil Shah. In the immediate Vicinity of the mosque, lies the mohald of Maleech Mar which many contemporary, local historians posit as the residential ‘quarter linked with the earliest of Muslim community that settled in Kashmir. The erymology behind the naming of mohal, as well as situating the frst mosque of Kashmir in its neighbourhood, strongly suggests the presence of 2 small, non~ native Muslim community in the land. {At the time of Muslim inroads into South Asia, we find the use of the Sanskrit word ‘malecchas' to denote Muslims, Based on our understanding of available textualand archaeological evidence, the two mark the beginning ofthe physical presence of Islamic culture in the city of Srinagar as wells in the newly established Sultanate ‘of Kashmir. And, in their construction, the materiality of Muslim culture in Kashmir, its image and the enduring memory that would get associated in succeeding centuries with these sacred spaces both as urban as well as cultural landmarks were bor, FIG. 2. Martand temple (ith century CE) showing Greek influences inthe peristyle Image: HAKIM SAMEER HAMDANT ‘Making of the Muslim Spaces: The ‘Mosque and Khangah at Rinchinapura Located on the right bank of elum river, the mosque of Rinchana forms a part of a series of religious and secular buildings! that were constructed by Rinchina within the mohala of Rinchanapura, a mohald he established on his accession to the throne. As with many medieval kings, the establishment of mohald by a king. for members of the court was seen not only as an act of piety but also as a tool of enshrining the memory of the patron in history. The choice of the area for laying the new mohala was governed by established urban patterns, with the life of the city revolving around the Jhelum and the various water channels linked with the river." During the early medieval period of Kashmir, preceding Muslim rule inthe region, we finda sustained tradition of establishing major temples and viharas (monastery) on the banks of water bodies, particularly Jhelum. This holds especially true of religious institutions \whose functioning was interwoven with the daily life of the citizens, especially in urban areas, like Srinagar. The river served not only as the principal source of transportation of goods and people, but alo sa source of rnb wate, tied both for consump ees ts forthe purponr of norma eat Of abutlons: eur ancerae at the medieval period, andthe eg religion and ‘elgeus rie gat the functioning of ety ie ti ane pont tha acess co Fang tras a major tai coveern rk Hindosae wells Muslin Theoeeeg presence of temples ones sa Hhangaks near the river ib indistne this phenomenon The ieee net of Manga and shoe on fates ftom ofthe Heston, seca visual impact of hesebings ehaeey them to major uaa adn hee prominent inthe panera oe Frer Gig 3. Ths aso reece ona role inthe communigy as ment community spaces and ery Ine secredness pet endreligius stay The mohald of Rinchinapura occupies around 200m ofthe riverfront near one of the most historic stretches of Ihelum within the older parts of downtown Srinagar. Traditionally, the mosque, and ‘the khangch, which slocated downstream represent the two extremities of the ‘mohald The palace of Rinchina, of which no trace remains is said to have been located somewhere in between the two. ‘The establishment of the mosque and the khangah in the vicinity of the palace is indicative of the inward-looking nauure of early Muslim community in Kashmir, with the palace forming both as the originator 4 well as the nucleus of the neW faith ‘and its adherents. Over succeeding generations, this role would be reversed, with saint-shrine-khangah presenting the community with the matrix of a relegio-temporal place independent Of the palace, At times the religious establishment would also act as @ source of resistance against the political authority as represented by the court. The ‘most prominent example of this is the conflict between the Shii Chak Sultans ‘and Sunni Shaykh Hamaza Makhdum in the sixteenth century CE, which took on an inereasingly sectarian colour “The khangah that Rinchana built formed 2 part of established Muslim traditions. where such institutions were invariably associated with the various Sufi orders spread across the Muslim world. Usually {anslated into ‘a hospices for religious mendicants, these khangahs (ribats in [Arabie) evolved into huge establishmentscomprising restrooms (suai) hana, the main meeting space yy), teted Cangas) ete" Proving services tothe needy and destitute. thas attsctng wide audience, the insttaton of the hangoh gray transformed nto the nucleus of Mush proselytizing activities in Kashmir, “ Regarding the khangah of Balbal Shab, a native historian whe compiled his account of the region in 614 CE. remarks upon the Prosperous conditions of the kiangah in these words:/As a result of the abundance of goodwill and purity of disposition of this dervsh, the thangah continues tobe ina prosperous state even to this day” ‘This would indicate re-emergence of the ‘Rhangah on the cultura landseape of the citys nevertheless the role ofthe shrine= complex of Bulbil Shah was eclipsed by other major khangahs and shrines of Srinagar. The khangah of Bulbul Shab, ‘vas endowed with the revenue of various villages. enabling t to organize free langar (kitchen) forthe poor and the travelers ‘Though Rinchanapura never assumed a Muslim alone character, nevertheless it retained substantial Muslim majority presence, In the fifteenth century CE, the Muslim makeup of the mohala was accentuated with the burial of the Suf, Sayyid Muhammad Ovasi in the vicinity of Rinchana’s mosque. The burial place ‘of Ovasi, who belonged to the powerful dynasty of Sadat-i Bahia was transformed {nto a major shrine complex along the riverfront, adding to the sacredness of the site. Bulbul shrine & Khangah ~120CE The khangah of nalbat Shah was repeatedly rebuilt and no traces of the original structure oF its spatial layout ‘exist cither in textual or visual references for even in terms of site archaeology, Catering to the needs of an alien faith, the local builders in their construction fof the mosque of Rinchana and khangah ‘of Bulbal Shak, responded in a manner wherein the’ essential functional requirements of the religion were met and fulfilled in an idiom rooted in native traditions. The materiality of Kashmi’s Muslim culture as represented by its architectural outpourings may be seen 8 the physical representation of syneretic culture which was based on assimilation nd adaption while also forging continuity With established native building features and elements. It is interesting to note that in following two centuries of the rule of sultans of Kashmir, these traditions were developed and sustained under the patronage of Muslim rulers, who slong ‘with most of their courtiers hailed from areas that were part of the medieval Islamic heartland, comprising Iran and the surrounding areas of Central Asia, The strength of these local traditions was strong enough to outlive the powerful Image ofthe Imperial Mughal rule, which in the sixteenth century brought @ building style that was developed outside ‘the confines ofthe valley, The religious architecture of Islam evolved in Kashmir in the age and milieu when the immigrant missionaries who introduced the religion in the region were Geeply conscious about the Islamic-ness Mosque Ovasisrine 20h entry) Bayar Temple 1th century CE (19th century) vas shrine oftheir native social and eultural mores, Individual mysties some of them leading a solitary life ofa religious reclase where as much a part of this journey as were communities of wandering missionaries well equipped with zealous preachers and attendants. These group of people lundertook what would in those times best be described asa hazardous ourney along narrow mountain passes into mulk= {-kashmir, the land of Kashmir. Most of these missionaries, who were part of this endeavour to proselyte in Kashmir belonged to tran or rather the wider Iranian world, of Iran proper as well as parts of Central Asia, especially Khurasan areas rich with iranian influences. They acted as conveyors of Islamic value both ideological as well as cultural-acting as agents of cultural ethnocentrism, Self Identifying with the image of acting as Islam standard-bearer ina new territay they represented not only the religion but the entire cultural outpourings of thele native lands, whether it be language, dress or architecture. Yet the architectural style that emerged and came to be associated with Isiamin Kashmir remained rooted in local building traditions and rejecting any outside"image manipulation: ‘Mosque of Madni with the quineestentiat Kashmiri rooftine ‘The Architecture and the Urban Setting If the peculiarity of Islamic architecture was its early concern for ‘monumentalization® of even secular settings, in Kashmir during the initial Rinchana’s mosque HSC, ~1320CE FIG. 3. Jhelum riverfront, with prominent religous places Image: HAKIM SAMEER HAMDANI, 2019,ARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTATION IN SURINES & MOSQUES OF KASHMIR ‘years of Muslim rule the same is not true even for the more religious architecture = an architecture that provides the greatest symbolic context ~ and thus ‘Would benefit from an architecture where scale related and reinforced the meaning of the symbols. A survey of existing surviving Islamic religious architecture from this period in Kashmir would indicate builder's preoccupation with ‘underplaying the cultural significance of these structures in a manner that could be perceived them to be alien to the land. The appropriateness of early Islamic religious architecture of Kashmir lies in the how it merges with the existing culturallandscape to a degree wherein it borrows it not only its language from the local traditions but also de-scales itself 80 a5 not to confront the monumental edifices it tries to replace. Seen in the light of what was built before, the religious islamic architecture of Kashmir emerges as a deliberate attempt of vernacularization of existing architectural language, an attempt to re-humanize the architecture. The mosque of Rinchana is the oldest surviving representation of this architectural genre and a testament to the syncretism that underpins the experience of Muslim culture in Kashmir ‘The mosque, devoid of any architectural decorative element that would highlight its status as the first mosque in Kashmir, is a small and simple building (7.7m x 716m) of uneven stone masonry that lacks any pretensions of a monumental scale (Fig. 3). The extreme simplicity of the ‘mosques, in a geography that was used to monumental religious edifices,® the use of local materials and techniques in its construction, is testament to how Muslim religious edifices during the early period of Muslim rule were built ‘upon a paradigm of assimilation rather than that of conquest and dominion, The absence of a monumental scale in the designing of Rinchana’s mosque assumes greater significance given the locale of the building on the riverfront. During the medieval period, as today, the Ihelum riverfront comprises a cohesive urban fabric of residential buildings intermixed with religious architecture. During the fourteenth century CE, the riverfront would have numerous four- to five-storey buildings standing on top of the stone retaining wall that formed the edge of the settlement. In such an urban situation, constructing a small single-storey building is indicative of a conscious attempt to de-emphasize the visual impact of such a construction. This phenomenon associated as itis with the formative period of Mu: architecture in Kashmir can also be witnessed at sites outside of Srinagar city, such as the mosque of Mir at Pampore (c late fourteenth century CE)*or the shrine- ‘mausoleum of Sultan Shams-ud Din (r. 1889-42 CE) at Anderkote, Additionally, on examining the earliest extant instances of Islamic iconography buildings in Srinagar, we find the messages displayed are more in the nature of encouraging sense of religious piety in the community rather than propagating the dominating message of a victorious religion. These include the ‘mosque of Sikandar (c.1380 CE approx) at Madin Saheb, and Malik (¢. 1473-74 CB) at Safa Kadal in Srinagar. In both the ‘mosques, the Prophetic saying (Hadith) “Hie who builds a mosque for allah, Allah ‘will build for him likewise in Paradise’ is displayed prominently on the main entrance door in bold readable thuluth script (Fig. 4) This is in sharp contrast to What occurred in the Indian mainlands ‘two centuries before, where ‘one of the principal functions of Islamic epigraphs in late twelfth century CE India was to warn the non-Muslim majority to accept Islam’? From the Sufa at ‘Ala-ud Dynpora to the Khangah-F-Maula and Beyond A significant aspect of Muslim rule in medieval Kashmir is the centrality of Srinagar in the political discourse of the region. While many of the sultans established towns and quarters outside of Srinagar, yet the city continued serving asthe capital city throughout this period. ‘an analysis of the various foreign Sufis who visited Kashmir from the reign of Sultan Qutub-ud Din (e. 1373-89 CE) down til that of Sultan Zayn-ul-Abidyn (€. 1420-0 CE) reveals that of a total of approximately ninety-two individuals, sixty are buried in various mohals of Srinagar city." While sueh a breakdown does not rule out that as missionaries ‘many of those who are buried in Srinagar, would also be engaged in proselytizing ‘outside the capital, it does nevertheless indicate the urban character ofthevarious Sufi orders. Additionally, the principal lehangahs associated with Su orders ice the Kubrawiya, Qadriya, Nagshbandiya, Suharwardiya, Nurbakshiya etc. were all located in Srinagar. Orders whick ‘operated within the confines of shana mindedness of orthodoxy linked withthe urban culture ofthe city By the time'Traki the Nurbakshiya Shay arrived in Kashmir, the khangah of Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamdani at ‘Ala-ud Dinpora hhad emerged as the principal religious institution of Kashmiri Muslims. The Khangah owed its patronage to the architectural proclivity of Sultan Sikandar (f. 1389-1413 CE), who constructed it in ‘remembrance of Mir Sayyid ‘Ai Hamdani (1314-1384 CE). Sayyid ‘Ali Hamdani was the first trans-national Sufi figure to visit Kashmir, and during his brief stay in Srinagar resided in a sari inn) which ‘was located in the vicinity of a Hindu temple at 'Ala-ud Dinpora. According to Muslim historians and hagiographic accounts, the Sayyid (or the Sultan) undertook the construction of a sufa (open air-raised masonry platform) in the vicinity of the sara, where he would pray and engage in debate. At the time ‘of Sayyid ‘ali visit to Kashmir, there were three to four mosques in the city, but apparently, no one would give the cello prayer in these mosques Ie-was only in 798 AH/1896 CE that Sayyid ‘Ali’ son Mir Sayyid Mubammad Hamdani ‘got a Khangah constructed atthe site of the sufa with the help of Sikandar. While no description of the khangah from the period survives, we know that the building was a single-storey structure that also included ancillary structures like the ‘quintessential Langar. The khangah was located in a dense residential locality in close vicinity of private houses Regarding the extent of the khangah and its surroundings we know that: ‘The foundation and the structure of the ‘khangah as laid by Amir Sayyid Hamdan made it small and limited, Private houses ‘of the inhabitants (ofthe locality) and the caretakers were so close to the walls of the khangah that if fire would break out in the locality its lames would engulf the entire khangai (complex)US ‘The khangah was rebuilt (898 AH/1493 CE) and vastly expanded during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Shah by his Prime Minister Kaji Chak on the advice of ‘Iraki, Private houses and land in the vicinity of the khangah were acquired and added to the khangah precinct, which was Teconstructed as a double-storey building, ‘The expanded site in addition to the FIG, 4. Mosque of Malik Ahmad, ‘entrance door. Image: HAKIM SAMMER HAMDANI, 2018 bluangah ineluded a public kitchen (langar hana), a pottage house (dsh Kina) and storehouse for paddy. The present ‘outer boundary of the site confirms the expansion that was undertaken by Kaji Chak, In his reconstruction of the kehangah, Kaji Chak was aided by his sister, who in some accounts is said to have completed the work; this isthe first recorded instance of women patronage of ‘a major Muslim religious site in Kashmir ‘The khanqah built by Sayyid Muhammad ‘was endowed by the Sultan with revenue of three villages. The endowment deed (wakf mama), which is preserved in the khangah, provides an overview of the custodianship of the khangah, its working and organization. An assured regular (and substantial) income devoted to the Rhangah, helped in maintaining, the social activites of the institution, of which the free kitchen service was the ‘most significant. In addition to being the setting for close-knit fraternity of Sufis belonging to a particular Sufi order, the Ihangah also served as institutions of imparting learning (maktab), socializing centre (langar) as well as taking upon the task of congregation prayers (nimaz-i Jamat) that was traditionally associated with a mosque. ‘The various khangahs that emerged in Kashmir would rival mosques both as an institution as well as an architectural edifice throughout medieval times. With a dedicated and learned team of Sufi masters, trained both in the polemics of theology and Sufism the khangah provided an intellectual leadership that ‘was still unavailable to the community at large, which controlled the local ‘mohald mosques. The khangaks of medieval Kashmir helped in shaping the community and the community outlook towards society at large, community relations and the interpretation of Islam. As most of these Ikhangahs were linked to established trans-regional Sufi orders and operated from urban settings in Kashmir, we see a dominant shift towards a more orthodox, communal and down the lines ‘a pronounced sectarian interpretation of Islam within the urban elites. ‘The khangah that Sayyid Muhammad ‘built would over the centuries help in censhrining the memory of Mir Sayyid “ali Hamdani as the baniy-e Islam (founder of Islam) in Kashmir, In thisSHRINES & MOSQUES OF KASIMIR created image of the saint, Sayyid ‘Ali ‘would not only be associated with the propagation of faith but also projected fs the mian behind every major art and craft form that emerged in Kashmir, Popular hagiographic accounts mention that the Sayyids entourage comprised seven hundred sayyids, preachers, artisans and craftsmen who settled in Kashmir. Throughout the Kashmir valley and in Ladakh, Skardu, and Baltistan, wwe find mosques and shrines that are associated with the Sayyid, 2 proof of his enduring veneration in the memory that Muslims of the region created for themselves ‘While in history we see no evidence of large scale proseytism being undertaken by Sayyid ‘Al in Kashmir, yet given the cultural developments that foiowed in the wake ois son's missionary activities, he did attain success, Consequently, Sayyid Muhammad Hamdani was able to introduce a policy of eourt-sponsored iconoclasm during the reign of Sikandar an activity that would periodically be reinforced in the valley, especially with the arrival of another Persian missionary, Mir Shams-ud Din. Mir Shams-udl Din was connected to Mir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamdan through an intermediary chain ‘of discipleship comprising Sayyid Qasim FIG. 5. Mausoleum of Zayn-u-Abidyn's ‘mother, Srinagar electing Timid architectural influences Image: ASSOCIATED MEDIA, Faizboksh, Sayyid Muhammad Nurbaksh, and through him to Khawa shag Khatlani, the principal kalifa and son-in-law of Sayyid All Hamdani, Mi’ activities in Kashmir resulted not only in vandalism of numerous Hindu and Buddhist sites but also their reappropriation and remaking 4 places of Muslim identity, From an unassuming sa toa Khana and then as Khangahs ita (rhe Great Khang) the hospices of Syyit A would inthe words ofthe seventeenth century CE Kashmir historian Dedhmari emerge 28 the unralledstuctre of the ely By the end of Muslin rte in Kashmir in the nineteenth century CE Alu Dingo the eof the ward wich thetangl weastocated was increasing beingreplacedby that ofthe aga hangaliMaulabeeane the Khong Mol. vas intertwined not only th the religious landscape of the count but also became an integral prt ofthe Political tapestry ofthe ld both nits Celebrations a6 well as dssensions Inthe sacred geography of Rashmi, the khangah was deseribed as having, ‘attained the positon ofthe second Kaaba inthis country.” Additional te visto Saya pes in breaking the physica lation thot had surrounded Rashmi, Gracaiy more and move carwans of ci fer (Gufs, oh sim (preachers) a st Saha artisan) stared arive i Kashmir representing the phenomenon of mobility that characterized the ‘medieval Musim societies of ini 4 aot ofthese immigrants inked by Bonds of loyaky and membership to various Sufmastersand sas noe Teped in strengthening the respecte hana in Rash bt oad os agents of tansmision of contemporary isarning prevalent in their pate Nomelandsr whether Inked toradont Setences, mysticism or arse tends ‘hearst of artsansanderaftsnen fom Fersanae world recenedaesmpets during the reign of Sultan 2ay0-u- bid (420-170 CE) who reed with widespread patronage ofa and Grats Fig 9) Most store reerences maintain thot Zayneu! biden eited Craftsmen rom al parts of he amc ‘orld especialy from Iran and Cet sia Indeed and according © poplar legend, 2ayn-ul aban eo he Spent sometime at Samarkand” befoe Hsaccesion tothe thre. Amengstthe Cattouserafts tht were toate nts Period ae the are of mains neque pen cases known ae karan {bapiersmichd) thatombndemargety Sry, pinrakart(aucewort ile tgoitheead work, carpe weaving 294 papermaking briefly ruled over Kashmir as a seml-A well-traveled connoisseur of art and Merature, the praiwes of Mirza Haldar clleet the level of artistic excellence that Kashmir had achieved during th medieval period! For the artisan community of their crafts and Indeed lite soul the rainzas, of the with their spire neighbourhoods, we with the understanding and p the faith, but invariably alse ope as the most signilieant determinant of the urban morphology of the mohala in ‘which the sided and practised, u ‘aril urs institutions marked the most significant events of community celebrations in the mohala the eity at an bly, inspite of Ube religious sat these even spaces lor overlooking, entire ned as important commercial interaction e citizens and the artis Ith Muslim as well as ‘Monumentalizing the Religious Space ‘The level of influ fon the cultural landseape can be observed in the designing of th Fania at Stinagsie. The mosque was the first successful attempt of building at munental scale, undertaken by the ‘sultans of Kashi. he mosque, in terms, fof ts scale alone, isa worthy addition to the overall world survey of fourteenth, century CE Islamic religiousarchitecture. ee of immigrant Suis, he ania was constructed at the edge of weeity near the western Hanks of the Hari Parbat hillock. the constiuetion involved caatting af the slope: of the hillock so as to create 3 lage, Hat level la for the construe tion of the mosque. Iradhitional approach to the m0s4 fron nuastony streets leading tnte the located ta the west of th dense residential areas sit eon Uh nwsque en ity Sout north an western side Thstorially, to the east af the mosque on the elevated slopes of th Line Any cHaNan ies of the city, Mazar-t Kalan ‘and Malka, Thus the mosque served not only 2 4 prominent urban landmark of te city but ull nineteenth century CE also formed the eastern edge of the city, Jamia Masjid Srinagar, view across the ventral courtyard? ‘The mosque is built on the courtyard plan with four iwans™ surrounding a central open courtyard, and the work completed in 840 Ai/M02 CE, The ich was introduced in the Islamic world in the eleventh century and is associated with the Seljuks had by now become the most prominent and. Widespread form of the Jamia mosque in Iran, Thereafter it remained an essential feature of what has been defined as the Irani form that did not remain confined to the land of its origia alone, but became an accepted model for areas ‘as widespread andl diverse as Transoxiana and india, The first four iwan mosque in India, the Begampur Friday mosque had een constructed by the Tughlags at their eopital Jahanpanah (Delhi) in 1343 ¥E virtually around the same time when the Shahiniei Sultanate was being set up in Kashmir. The adoption of this plan Kashmir, nearly a century after the stablishment of Muslim rule inthe region, was complemented by a steady arrival of Persian missionaries an artisans, Interestingly while the finest example of the toan-couetyard msc in Iran dating hack to the Seljk period, the Masjid Juma at flahan has 2 central courtyard ‘easuring.59.7im x70.1m, in comparison, the architects at Srinagar designed the ‘moe around an impressive courtyard orm 752, White there sno implicit Feeoxof the deste wo outsize the Isaban rosque, yet the architects must have "well aware of the fact that the han mosque comprised the largest rl mong of Iran, The desire to certainly have been thor a Barista Shahi, while recoding the consteuetion of the mosque takes obvious pride in the sizeof his native mosque recording: “Thouyghout the lands of Hind and Sindh nd the climes of tran and Turan, one anol come across-a mosque of such frandeur an magniicenee though of ourse such rand mosques do east in thetands of Fxypt an Si ‘The construction of Jamia was followed by setting up of new capital to the north of the mosque, under Sultan Zayn-ul Abidyn at Nau Shahe (New City The rule (of Zayn-ul Abidyn would result in setting, up ofa court that would be representative of the most transcendent, ecumenical, interactive and pluralistic as well as inspiring period of Kashmiri society under the Muslim rule. Besides constructing the first permanent wooden bridge at Srinagar near Khangah-i-Maula, Zayn-ul Abidyn was responsible for expanding the network of water channels within the city. Lachma Khatun the wife of his minister dug a canal, Lachma kul that fed the Jamia Masjid with fresh water, the water ‘channel survived until the early part of the twentieth century CE. OF Nau Shahr, the only surviving archaeological trace exists in the form of the mosque and tomb that the sultan constructed for an immigrant saint, Sayyid Muhammad. Madni. The mosque-shrine complex became the nucleus ofan urban settlement, even after Nau Shaitr fell in disuse, a settlement, which even today goes by the name of ‘mohala-i Madin Saheb.* ‘Major Muslim religious institutions that came up along the riverfront during the Sultanate period, include the shrine complex of Sayyid 'Muhammad Amin (Qvasi), the Khangah-i-Nau, the shrine of Shah Nimat-ul lah, shrine mosque complex of Malik Ahmad, as well as the royal cemetery of Mazar-i Saltin. Shrines, mosques and khangahs were also constructed along the Nalah Mar water channel which had been dug by Sultan Zayn-ul Abidyn on the right bank paraliel to the Jhelum, Most of the shrines and khangals located in the city are demarcated by open surroundings, comprising green spaces that are ‘otherwise missing in the highly congested mmohalas of historic parts of Srinagar city ‘The khangah at Zadibal constructed by the Nurbakshiya soon expanded to inelude the first imambada in Kashmit. The imambada knowns Marak canbe seen as one of the first such bullding tat was constructed in the Indian subcontinent. Located on the banks of Khushal Sar, between Zayn-ul Abidyn's erstwhile capital of Nau Shahr and the more historic older parts of Srinagar city, Zadibal, with Marak at its heart, has since then served as the focus ‘of Shif cultural and religious activitiesARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTATION IN SHRINES & MOSQUES OF KASH in the region. n addition to the narrow water body of Khushal Sar, a large open stretch of mostly uninhabited land serving as the 'Tdgah, separated the city {rom the mohala of Zadibal, The relative physical distance of Zadibal from the ‘Sunni dominated parts of the older city, also helped in advancing the proselytizing activities of the Nurbakshis. Over the years Zadibal and another Shi dominated ‘mohald located on the eastern outskirts of Srinagar, Hasanabad, would continue to remain culturally linked tothe city inspite ofthe physical distance between the two, Aside from the khangahs and shrines linked to the transnational Sufi orders, we also find the gradual emergence of a shrine culture, centred on the native order of Sufis: the Reshis. This loosely ordered Reshi brotherhood of wandering, mostly celibate and vegetarian ‘mendicants owes it origin to Nundi Resh (4. 1438 CE approp.), who would in the Persianate sources of seventeenth and eighteenth century Kashmir, be recast, as Shaykh Noor-ud Din. Unlike other Sufi ‘orders, the Reshis remained mostly aloof from both the court polities as well as hangah based system of disseminating religious preachings. Respecting native cultural practices as well as sacred spaces ‘enshrined in the collective memory of Kashmiris, they took to caves, meadows and forest to practice severe penances for inner liberation and spiritual awakening, Nevertheless, the burial site of Shaykh ‘Noor-u Din at Chat-i Shariet in Central Kashmir had emerged as the main seat of the order by the mid-sisteenth century. By the early nineteenth century, many burial sits linked with Shayk’s prominent disciples had emerged as major shrines, including those at Aishmugam* and Baba Reshi. Mughals in Kashmir: Adding to Contours of the City ‘When the Mughals conquered Kashmir in the sixteenth century CE after facing stiff local resistance, they made use of their architectural outpourings in Kashmir to project of an image of the permanence of Mughal power as well as ‘their munificence in creating new spaces ‘of worship. Consequently one of the first major public buildings constructed by the Mughals was a mosque, Masjid-i Nau (New Mosque) also known as Pathar Masjid* due to the use of stone in its construction. As an architectural enterprise, it is the first and most significant Mughal intervention in the Srinagar ity. Constructed in the heart of the old Srinagar along the left bank of the river Jhelum, the building stands in stark ‘and dramatic contrast tothe local wooden. architecture, represented in this case by the Khangah-i-Maula on the opp bank, The positioning ofthe first Mughal congregational mosque in St the architectural idiom employed ané the choice of the materials used in the construction are strong indicators ofthe political message that the construction was deemed to convey. ‘The construction of Masjid-i Nau not only ignores the local architectural traditions, Dut also raises an interesting question, why? What was the need of building the mosque, especially given where it was built? If ‘creators or patrons of a wark or an edifice always aspire to fix its ‘meaning and direct its reading, use, and interpretation," what was the political and social locus behind the construction of the Masjid-i Nau, that its patron sought to propagate? Unlike the royal bbaghs (gardens) and baradaris (pavilions) constructed by them in Kashmi were out ofbounds for ordinary Kashmiris, the construction of a mosque was an example of public iconography, set right ‘opposite the most visited religious site of FIG. 6. Dargah Hazratbal With ts wte ‘marble dome makes a clear rferaceto the Mughal architecture especialy tit ‘fT lhal Image: MUKHTAR AHMAD Kashmiri Muslims. In building the mosque, the Mughals redefined the image of what ‘2 mosque would look lke. In building it Instone, they marked the permanence of their constriction as wellas thei empire Ieis significant thatthe building wasbut ata time when the ast remnants of loca resistance to Mughal rule were finally stamped out and the stability of Mughal rule in Kashmir assured. ‘The ‘New Mosque’ establishes not only new language of architecture in Kashar Dut also marks a stark break with the pis artistic traditions of Kashmir. Ye, the mosque was and isa public building. While the construction of the mosque andthe meaning behind its creation was governed by imperial authority, its acceptance a8 a place of communal worship was governed by public reception, Loca alk traditions maintain that the mosque w38 never used by Kashmiri Musims. On the other hand, repairs undertaken to the ‘mosque during the Mughal and Pathan period would indicate thatthe bulng ‘was in use, even if intermittently way down till the advent of the Sikh rule in the valley when the building was ofc closed down, Nevertheles, the mosquenever fount Lavoe with the: Kastied avationces neither att help a proioting rl leas atssoehates with the Maya tana style) A smi fate betel anther miahor mosaye tat the Nya tonstrete he masse of Abtua Moil Sha Balas 16 CP), whieh continues to remain ha a state of disnse.t Probably: the greatest adilition 40 the socio-religious landsesipe of Kashani, especially of the Mastist eommunity af asi ng 8 years of Male century CE. While the establishment fof the Astr-t Sharif does mot represent Ligon shift in the life of the community, as Kashmiri Mustims were well adapted (o the custo of Hollins ies siti shrineat Ik venture, overseen by community who in the end also managed t0-e0-ept into the enterprise. Ioalwasentirely a ashi Wes The arival of the ition with the Prophet Muhanad emis ta on of the common people, anal soon it wats found thatthe within he ity enough space for ts public display was Lacking. Consequenty, the local notables approached the Mughal subedlar (govertor) Fal Klan, and it as ected to Femoxe the rele to tuniati (pavilion) at agh-i Sadiq Abe on the western banks of the Dal Lake. The bagh was a part of the large genre of parer that had been constr Kash by ae Alga and are Da Lake, The relic was deposited in th ‘aagh, whieh became f (The Revered 6 s Hazrat ipl a Da ira ‘Though the issues of running the shri m ind custoxlianship, as well decided by native Kashmir elites, the Mughal durbar also bestowed theshrine with revenu for itsmaintenance, whik SI followed b more such Asari Shanfs of Kalashpo ¢ Hazratbal would be the frst Asursi fin the city of Srinagar, Ie would be the establishment of three the Navan, Another sae hae fn the ely was focatedt dy Fal Mazar fat foe some: rnvsteriotts reasons, the shrine i 04 achieve a deep spiitual conection with the eity or the Mastin camannity of ashi a lay cr mao: shine locate within the caine ovate fro al a Kashani fe the rasa of Shaykh Makluuny gl, E678 CE), located 0 Kolh-i Matan hillock, Whyvinny the nasa on every esd be cn At the nasa is ste that i shares. part of the hillock with a naj Ueda ste, the temple of Chakrashevari An important ritual Hinkel wth the shrine of Shaykh Hamza ais the anna lig 9 the poo dof the sine with water; Devotees, both menawellaswonven woukl eary water filled earthen pots on their shoulers from the city tothe shrine in processton, part of the twentieth way dws ccontuty CE, fe period, some of inn religous sites that ceame up in wl which continue to draw devotees even toxlay include the: tags and the Khangah~ The Khangalri-Nayshband was established during Mughal rule in vicinity of aunia Masjid, within the former palace of Sultan asa Shab Chak the Khangal--Gousi eae wp inclose tn the po the prinei proximity ofthe Khang Hoth the agate eseibed ino large mohalas primarily housed by members al devotees of the tivo Sut ues with whom these kungals were ass Ivboth instances, the site ofthe Khana nchules sprawling compleses housing. rnoseptes ai butial channbers serving. as shrines. Inauition, numerous mosses, sShvines anu! graveyarasare located alnost irmgjor mihalas of the ol ety, serving nediate community, The 80 mosques, Khanyal car dominate the Urb sit, prowling. the spires of th shrines of Sr landscape of historie $ tHe city with its visual Landmarks (Fp. 8) “They act as markers the Muslim culture ofthe ety and connecting to the pulse of ‘the city life through a series of rituals aun celebrations, In contemporary: Kashais, the Labrie Mutsy cammaniiy 4s being OL a ploballeinye Ivherein the iniage of traditional 3 ehiteeture at the te reworked in a pan-tslamie 4 Davy fst eo the Ae anal Persian work, mosques anal Susi shrines of Kashiit ate stereasiny! A mon mative arelite process of ploby Tepresents a novelty anal "newts that challenges the liitations of a constant Fommisof past asters achitectae, As at native Pan Isuanve anetiteetwral in com The quintes the mosques, shri that defines. the historic is being increasingly. teplac tomes and minarets (i. 6 with and Deli, Isha innovation = bidati. The phenomenon $s bing propaysited by youre praates ot variotsst\tr uli (same senninaries) hohaveectipsed he re af he kangal Olticiatingy ae imams im numerous mosques of the ety, they have ellectively Hough thei sexmoni cin hetpect in te moulding the fabric of the eammnnni especially amongst the Sunnis, asa 0 teat based cangieyation uaeeeptable liseourses. originatinys. fron located yoo traditional heartland of Istumie world ‘undergoing through eataclystn change dof its own, we may pause and wonder what of Kashon’s native ialertity, will re tor pure Islamic experience ol Is is showy and stevally effacing out ta ‘of Kashinie's vw Islamic past wich was Fruit om a tradition of assimilation andARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTATION suaines & MOSQUES OF KASHMIR syncretism best represented by the city of Srinagar. Today it seems that this represents the future, but then itis in no ‘way certain thats ‘the only future of the city and the region. Ina global world of heightened interconnectivity, with waves. ‘of new ideas and challenges emanating from outside, a return to roots may still offer the land the path forwards towards carvingnew ideas, new symbols anda new language for its Sacral architecture and the city. Notes * This Chapter is based on the author's ‘book. The Syncretic Traditions of Islamic Religious Architecture of Kashmir, Early 1°~ Mid-18" Century outledge, 202), ? Mulla Muhammad ‘Al, Tuhfatil ‘Shbab (Gift for Friends) A MUSLIM MISSIONARY IN MEDIAEVAL KASHMIR. (Geing the English translation of Tufail Anbdb, trans, Kashi Nath andita (New Delhi: 2009), pp. 77,78. > Bid, p- 133, “See, Hakim Ghulam Safdar Hamdani, ‘Shijan-i Kashmir (Shia' of Kashmir) (Grinager: li Mohammed & Sons, 1974). ee Janet Rizvi with Monisha Ahmed, Pashmina: The Kashmir Shaul ‘and Beyond (Mumbai: The Marg Foundation, 2003), pp. 107-108. + For role of shrines and khangahs in ‘medieval Indian society see, Nile Green, Making Space: Sufis and Setters ‘in Early Modern India (New Delhi: (Onard University Press, 2012), p. * Also known as dstans, they represent shrines associated with Muslim saints of Kashmir, * Literally, house ofthe imams, imambadas serve as ritual mourning places for Shii Muslims, » fou Rayan al-Birun, Alberunis India, vo. 2, tans., Edvard C. Sac (London: Kergan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co, 144, 1910) p. 206. "An early reference to the route links it with the salt trade by referring it to as the salt route; see Kalhana, Rajatarangini, ed., M.A. Stein, vol. 2 (Grinagar: Gulshan Books, 2007), p.395. 4 Hermann Goetz, Studies in the History and Art of Kashmir and the Indian Himalayas, (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz,1969),p. 1 ‘= Kalhand, Rejatarangini,ed., M.A. Stein, vol.2 (Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2007), pp. 353,357. Haidar Mal, Tarikh-i Kashmir: History of Kashmir, trans., Razia Bano (Del Bhavna Prakashan, 1991), p.40. Kalhdnd. Rajatarangini, ed, M.A. Stein, vol. 2 (Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2007), p.20. "Haidar Malik, arith Kashmir: History of Kashmir, trans, Razia Bano (Delhi: Bhavna Prakashan, 1991), p. 40. This includes the palace of Rinchina * For detalls see, Hakim Sameer “Srinager: The Shehar-i in Shehar-i Kashmir: Cultural Resource Mapping of Srinagar City, (New Delhi: Skyline Publishers, 2010), p.22-28, * Fora nineteenth century CE account ‘of the same see, Baron Charles Hugel, Kashmir and the Punjab, trans, TB. Jervis, dammut Light & Life Publishers, 1972), p. 18, "For a discussion on the Muslim religious places related to various Sufi orders in the wider indian ‘context, see Christian W. Troll, Mustim. ‘Shrines in India: Their Character, History and Significance (New Delhi Oxford University Press, 2004). Richard M. Eaton, Essays on islam and Indian History (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) provides an understanding of the Muslim culture and construct of the Sufi saered space in medieval Indi, “Anonymous Author, Baharistan-i Shai, trans., KN Pandit (Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2013), p. 13, * Oleg Grabar, ‘What Makes Islamic Art Islamic, Islamic Art and Beyond Constructing the Study of Islamic Art, vol.3, (Hampshire: Ashgate, 2006, p. 248. Of which the medieval stone temple of Kashmir, especially those of avantipur. Martand and Parihaspora are the best surviving examples. Anthony Welch, “The Emperors Grief. ‘Two Mughal Tombs" Mugarnas, vol. 25, ed. Gru Necipoglu (Brill,2008), p27 The overall makeup of this group of non-native Sufi and ulemas included, six individuals from Asia Minor, nine from Indian mainland, two from Ira, and the rest from the Persianate word, = Mohibbul Hasan, Kashmir under the ‘Sultans (Srinagar: Ali Mohammad & Sons, 1974), p. 24. see, Sayyid ‘Ali, Tarihi Kashmir {(Choronicle of Kashmir) trans. Ghat Rasul Bhat, (Srinagar: Centre of Central ‘Asian Studies, 1994). Anonymous Author, Baharistin~t ‘Shahi, trans,, KN. Pandit (Snag: Gulshan Books, 2013), p.46. bid, p. 44 Khawja ‘Azam Dedhmaii, Wagdt-t Kashmir (Events of Kashi) 20 Z.$ Azhar, (Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2003), p. 90. See Mulla Muhammad ‘Ali, Tubfatill ‘MISSIONARY IN pa use )Mulla Muhammad Ali, Tubfatil ‘Ahbab (Gift fr Friends) A MUSLIMUNDERSTANDING KASHMIR'S ISL ame ARCHITECUTURE IN CONTINUITY AND CHANGE [MISSIONARY IN MEDIAEVAL KASHMIR (Being the English translation of ‘Tuofat Anbib),trans., Kashi Nath Pandita (New Delhi: 2009), 264, See, Nile Green, Making Space: Sufis ‘and Settlers in Barty Madern India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 11-15. Samarkand at that time was seen as. the centre of Muslim civilization in the east under the Timurids, Mirza Haidar Dughlat, Tarikh-{ Rashid: AHlstory of the Moghiis of Central ‘Asia, trans, E.D. Ross Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2012), p. 691. Historically the crafts of Kashmir have been associated with the Mu community, a trend that continue: contemporary Kashmir. On the use of four fwwans opening on toa central courtyard, see, Andrew Petersen, Dictionary of Islamic Architecture (New York: Routledge, 1999), p. 130. ® Anonymous Author, Baharistan-i Shab, trans.. KIN. Pandit Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2013), p. 9. * Monica Juneja, ed, Architecture in ‘Medieoal India: Forms, Contexts, Histories (New Delhi: Black, 200), p. 66 ©The Asar~i Sharif was set up to house the asar (relic) of the Prophet, the ‘moi-i pale (holy hai) “Literally "The Holy Relic; in co sage it assumes the form of "Th Place of the Holy Relic, Bibliography ‘Author, Anonymous, Bahdristdn-i Shai (Gand of Royal Springs). Translated by K.N. Pandit, Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2013, Al-Biruni, Abu Rayhan. Alberuni’s India, ‘Translated by Edward C, Sachau. 2 vols. London: Kergan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co.Ltd, 1910. Ahmed, Janet Rizvi Monisha, Paslimina: The Kashmir Shawl and Beyond. 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