CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

1.1 Background to the Study

Broadcasting, according to Robert White (1999, p.485) was introduced

as a form of military communication in the 1920’s, the apogee of nationalism

and government propaganda. Daniel and Rod (2011, p.37) described

broadcasting “as a means of communicating to a mass audience transmitting by

radio or television. He further described broadcasting as a method of

distribution for television and radio signals via a network of a few powerful

radio transmitters that operate in the very high (VHF) and ultra high (UHF)

frequency bands of the electromagnetic spectrum, and send a signal that is

picked up many less powerful receivers(TV & RADIO) located mainly in

homes”.

Dominick (1990, p.175) one of the striking facts about broadcasting is

that it was invented by young people for example, Marconi who developed

wireless transmitter was only twenty-three when he did that and Reginald

Fessenden made his first radiophone broadcast when he was thirty-four. But,

can the adult misuse or abuse broadcasting media because it was the brainchild

of the young people? So it could be misused by the powers that be. Citing

Aiyetan (2002) in Galadima (2003, p.260) “public office holders believe they

can do anything and get away with it as long as they can control media, or get a

good journalist to do the dirty job of lying with facts”.

1
Odumegwu Ojukwu also observed thus: When a public office holder does

something outlandish, the media sing his praises instead of condemning him

than concentrating on more important national or state issues. Ternakur (2003,

p. 261).

In a vehement support of Ojukwu’s Observation, Ternakur (2003, p.236)

Citing Nwankwo (1987), describes the Nigerian mass media as “government

said” media is not out of place. Government reflects the will and interests of the

class that controls the existing mode of production, power bloc and political

machinery in their media outfits.

Neither the government nor their media workers ever agree that they misuse the

media. Every journalist disassociates himself or herself from the term

“propaganda”. But Casey (1960, p.232) “the problem every media of

communication faces is separating news from propaganda”. Under a free

system, one can distinguish between journalist and a propagandist. Both are

interested informers.

Ogidiolu (2011) propagandist believe in the ultimate aim of producing a

psychological transformation but it could be noted that the recipient of

propaganda often have no tangible benefit. Hassan (2002, p.420) ‘‘an appeal to

one’s emotion is, perhaps the more obvious propaganda method, but there are

varied other more subtle and insidious forms’’. But, journalists seek news and

serve the producers of news and not the consumers of news. In the Nigerian

2
government - owned media, journalists are propagandists. They use all known

propaganda devices to achieve the aim of their pay-masters.

According to Junhao Hong, (1997, p.223), “Chinese government uses

broadcast media to conduct propaganda campaigns”. The question is, is

propaganda bad? In answer to this question, Ebeze (2003, p.219) “Propaganda

is not composed of lies and tell stories. It operates with many different kinds of

truth, half-truths, limited-truths and truth out of context”.

The author quoted Braque (1999) “modern propaganda introduces new

dimensions which tend towards education and enlightenment.

Another communication thinker Gideon Sjoberg cited in John R. Bittner

(2002, p.391) analyses how journalists lose their journalistic reputation which

he says thus:

“Large-scale bureaucracy seems to generate a secrete side, and part of that

secrete tends to become a dark side where a great deal of manipulation takes

place”. He suggested that much of this manipulation is for the purpose of

maintaining the bureaucracy, especially for those who hold the power. Many

reporters operate within this secret domain. Yet it is also here that problems can

arise. While working in this secret domain and developing many of the close

contact with sources, many journalists can lose their ethical perspective.

Broadcasting media started in Nigeria in the 1930s. Ebo (1994, p.43) by 1936,

radio made its debut when the first Radio Distribution Service through re-

3
diffusion sets became operational in Lagos, Nigeria. But, what is today known

as Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation (KSBC) came into being following the

creation of kogi state on august 27th 1991, the staff of the corporation were

drawn from both kwara and Benue with the pioneering general manager, chief

Isah Edimeh. The corporation has six operational management which includes;

Administration, programs, News/Current Affairs, Commercials, Finance/supply

and Engineering. From inception it inherited booster stations including: radio

kogi Ochaja to serve listeners in kogi east, radio kogi Otite for the people of

kogi central as well as radio kogi Egbe to serve listeners in kogi west. These

booster stations are in short wave band.

Towards the administration of Col. Paul Omeru in 1996 established

confluence radio cited in the famous mount party, Lokoja on the frequency 94.0

mega-hatz on the frequency modulation band fm. From its inception,

organization has been headed by GM like Chief Isah Edimeh, Alh. Abu Onaji

(late) became the managing director who was succeeded by Aloysius

Achegbulu, later Gabriel Amobeda became the GM and was succeeded by late

mallam Muhammed Halilu and presently Mr. Adeku Adeba now the GM who

recently has been elevated as the director general of the corporation. (KSBC

Administration Department Staff, Lokoja, 2013).

According to history Mallam Isah Edimeh was sacked by the former

governor, Prince Abubakar Audu in 1993 due to the acceptance of political

jingles of the then opposition party (SDP) he aired on radio during the general

4
election. Mallam Isah was latter called by the FRCN Abuja for a job offer as

Executive Director News. (KSBC Staff, 2013).

Having operated for almost thirteen years now, it will be proper for a

study of this nature in order to ascertain from an independent sources and the

staffs of the said media whether government has used its media as a propaganda

machinery or otherwise.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

All over the world, especially third world countries with less degree of free

press, government has manipulated the masses using broadcasting media.

Broadcasting is volatile and its potentials are unending satisfaction, as in print

media. It has great potentials in information dissemination, education

enlightenment, political socialization, and socio-cultural orientation. Most

people forms their opinions based on what they learned from the mass media.

Regrettably, observed schramm (1971), cited by Ebeze (2000, p.221)

Forming an opinion becomes more difficult when a person does not have

access to adequate information ……… this information will help individual to

form an opinion.

There are instances on how KSBC has been a trend of political propaganda in

favour of kogi state government since its inception in 1991 to date.

 The protest of flood victims in lokoja which KSBC refused to cover.

 Research said it was banned in kogi in focus program by the state

government not to air opposition’s voice during the last gubernatorial

5
 election campaign in the state.

 Kogi state university student protest against school fees increment which

the journalist report to the media house was not honored.

 Also an allegation made by the state NUT against the former commissioner

of local government and chieftaincy affairs that he’s sabotaging the effort

of the state government against salary relativity of teachers.

 Gate keeping problem (more paragraph were given in the news bulletin to

the ruling party than the opposition parties).

Since KSBC is one of the state governments – owned broadcasting media

stations, it could be involved in state government propaganda machinery, like

others. Therefore, the problem of this study is to get the analysis of state owned

broadcast media as tool for propaganda by state governments could lead to

opinion formation, information need, education and political socialization of

those who expose themselves to state broadcast media. The tendency of

disinformation and propaganda, the type defined by Lasswell (1937)

“Propaganda are techniques of influencing human actions by the manipulation

of representation” are prone to exist in a society where government misuses the

media.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

Based on this seemingly observation, the Objectives of this study include.

1. To determine whether Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation is involved

in sycophantic formalism.
6
2. To find out whether the General Manager of Kogi State Broadcasting

Corporation was sacked by the state governor based on the opposition

parties jingles he aired on radio.

3. To determine the level of government censorship of the broadcast media

outputs.

4. To find out how friendly is the station to state ruling political party’s

opposition groups.

1.4 Research Questions

a) Does Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation involve in sycophantic

broadcasting (praise singing)?

b) Does government owned media ever showed equal and balance

coverage and reportage of opposition groups’ activities with that of the

government in power?

c) To what extent has the kogi state government used KSBC for

propaganda?

d) What is the extent of government censorship in KSBC?

1.5 Significance of the Study

The benefits of this study are numerous. An analysis of state owned

Broadcast media as a tool for Propaganda, demands serious empirical

investigation because of its significance. The following are the significance of

the study;

It will serve as a guide for researchers, policy makers and media

7
professionals.

Another relevance of the study, it gives room for respondents to express

their feelings as regard government owned media as a tool for propaganda.

It brings to light the fact that media owners and operators should see media

as a tool for development rather than seeing it as a tool for propaganda.

The significant of the study is that it serves as reference materials for those

who may want to research further in this area.

Both state government and management of KSBC will find the study useful

in many aspects.

1.6 Scope of Study

This study is limited to kogi state broadcasting corporation, Lokoja and kogi

state government due to the fact that it is not an easy task to examine all the

government broadcast media in Nigeria.

1.7 Definitions of Terms

In order to avoid the readers’ misinterpretation of certain words or terms

contained in the title of this work, the researcher defined the terms

conceptionally. Such words and terms are:

i. Analysis

ii. State

iii. Government

iv. Broadcasting

v. Media

8
 vi. Propaganda

Conceptual Definition

i. Analysis: The detailed study or examination of something in order to

understand more about it.

ii. State: Is an organized political community forming part of a country.

iii. Government: refers to a complex of institutions by which a sovereign

state carries out its functions. Therefore, Government is institutionalized

machinery whose purpose is to ensure peace and stability in any given

political system.

iv. Broadcasting: Is the transmission of information through radio waves

from a radio or television station, to the audience in far and near places,

through their receivers, which help in decoding such information.

v. Media: Is a body that disseminating messages (notably news,

information, entertainment, and advertising) through the use of

technological device, to a large, widely dispersed and heterogeneous

audience. These include Television, Radio, Newspaper, Magazine,

cinema, books, audio CDs/DVD, and the internet.

vi. Propaganda: Is a specific type of message presentation directly aimed at

influencing the opinion or behaviour of people, rather than impartially

providing information.

9
REFERENCES

Bittner, J. R. (2002). Mass communication an introduction. Ibadan:dalag prints

and pak Ltd

Casey, R. D. (1960). The Press, Propaganda and Groups. London:

University of Illionis Press.

Chandler, D. et al (2011). Oxford dictionary of media and communication.

London:university press.

Dominick, J. R. (1990). The Dynamic of Mass Communication (3rd Ed).

New York: Mcgraw Hill Publishing Co.

Ebo, S. J. (1994). Broadcasting production and management. Enugu: Chukstar

press

Galadima, J. D. (2003). “Mass Media, Corruption and Violence in the

Nigeria Political System” in Ikechukwu E. Nwosu (ed) POLIMEDIA:
Media and Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime Target Ltd.

Hasan, S. (2013). Mass communication principle and concepts. New

Delhi:CBS Publisher & Distributors pvt Ltd.

Hong, J. (1997). Democrat Communication: Evolution of China’s media

functions during the 1980s’a New Model in a New Era. New
Jersey: Hampton Press Inc.

Moguluwa, et al (2004). “Communication, Media and Conflict Management in

Nigeria. Enugu:Prime Target Ltd.

Ogidiolu, (2011). Unpublished lecture note on principle of public relations.

Kogi state university, Anyigba.

Robert, W.A. (1999). Media deregulation, free press and cultural pluralism
In Africa: Towards a communication policy. International
perspective. Lagos: UNESCO – NATCOM Publication.

Uzoagulu, A. E. (1998). Practical Guide Writing Research Project Reports

in Tertiary Institutions. Enugu: John Jacob Classic Publishers Ltd.

10
 CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

Literature for this study was sourced from books and materials,

including reports of earlier related studies done in this area. Books on

research methodology, political sciences, mass communication,

Government and humanities were consulted and reviewed. This chapter

will communicate the researcher similar study of the topic “an analysis of

state owned broadcast media as a tool for propaganda” as regard to

government hegemony over its owned media and the transcend of

propaganda via its media.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

The appropriate theories for this study are the critical theory

propounded by Stuart Hall (1932) and the Authoritarian media theory

formulated by F. S Siebert, T. B Peterson and Wilbur Schramm (1956)

and the soviet communist theory also propounded by Siebert, Peterson

and Schramm in 1963.

2.2.1 Critical Theory

Stuart Hall, a sociologist was of the opinion that mass media serve as

a means by which the “haves” in the society gain the willing support of

the “have-nots” to maintain their status quo. To him, the mass media

function to maintain the dominance of those already in positions of power

11
and authority. Therefore, Hall believes that mass media mainly serve the

rich, affluence and the powerful and exploit the poor, the weak, the needy

and the masses.

Mass media merely celebrate the political claims that democracy

works, and the man in power at the national or state level is the best

leader of the time. In application therefore, state broadcast media apply

this theory in broadcasting; telling the people that the governor of the

state is the “Messiah,” the “God sent leader” and the “hope of the

masses”. The theory uses the concept of hegemony which means

preponderant influence or authority especially of one man or nation over

another. Media use this concept to impose the leading class ideology on

the rest of the society (the masses) within a capital state. Although

hegemony is not force, but a plot to silence oppositions, the weak and the

needy.

The main tenets of the theory emphasis that those in power posses

the ability to determine what is right or wrong. And as such the people

rely on their judgment on any issue that relate to the public. Also the tenet

espouses the “master servant” relationship that exists between the press

and the government in such society.

Although, some critics argues that the modern world has grow

beyond such myopic and sycophantic antics, but critically looking at the

Asian system of government especially in Communist China and North

12
Korea such relationship or act of using propaganda still exist. Even in the

so called Islamic Republic of Iran the Ayatollah often engages his

audience with long speech creamed in propaganda plume.

So, in contemporary time propaganda has become a part or art

through which the government makes their stand known to members of

the public even in kogi state Nigeria such style can be deduced through

some of the programmes presented on kogi confluence radio, Lokoja.

2.2.2 The Authoritarian Theory

The Authoritarian Theory is often regarded as the oldest press

theory. The brains behind this theory believe that ‘‘truth is centered on

power’’. That is, it is only those who have power that know the truth. So

if you do not have power, you are far from the truth. In the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries, the Kings, Queens and Churches were the only

privilege ones to tell the truth and what was right. ‘‘The government gave

information and the people were not expected to go against such

information. What was needed was the support of the people’’ (Asemah

2011, p.141). ‘‘The people are not even allowed to offer constructive

suggestion as regards on how the state should be governed’’.

The media under this theory, according to Sambe (2008, p.262) as

observe in the Benin Mediacom Journal (2011, p.95) are ‘‘controlled by

government patents, guilds, licensing and sometimes censorship.’’ In

consonance with Sambe’s views, Daramola (2003, p.70) asserts that the

13
media in such a set up are seen as ‘‘a vehicle for dissemination of

information about the position of the state.’’ He contends that the ‘‘Main

duty of the media here would be to inform the people about what is right

or wrong as defined by the state.’’ In application of this theory by state

owned broadcast media, therefore, they only accept the idea, believe and

opinion of the government. They see information to be one way as said

by the government to the people through it medium. Therefore, the idea

of who pays the piper dictates the tune is strictly adhering to.

2.2.3 The Soviet Communist Theory

This theory was propounded by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm in

1963. It is also called a Marxist theory. Asemah 2009, p.150 notes that

“both soviet communist and authoritarian theory are based on the

principal of absolute control of the mass media.

Some the main tenet of the theory is that all the media under the

soviet communist theory are owned and control by the government

directly or through the communist party. As we all know that, the media

is an instrument for social emancipation and communication for any

government in power; recent history has equally reveal that, the

government owned media in the Nigeria media space has equally witness

subtle, it is not authoritative control by the government.

In kogi state, for example, the civil servants in the employment of

kogi Radio often tilts their news tone to the tune of the government in

14
power In order to safeguard their job and encourage more patronage from

the Government.

Not only that, some of their progarammes like “kogi in action” often

sounds patronizing for the government in power. So, the soviet

communist theory has a common flavor with this study.

2.3 Review of related literature

Sourced from the ideal materials, the researcher had been able to

review literature which it stresses mainly on the issue of propaganda that

it has been observed by some scholars that, problem every media of

communication faces is separating news from propaganda.

Propaganda do not only begging in Nigeria as a result of

government ownership of the media but as well as the idea of the

management of the government owned media attaching a journalist to a

political office holder in the state to report their activities. This is one of

the roots that enhance propaganda in the sense that the attached journalist

who feeds outside his/her basic salary will surely involve in propaganda.

Writing a report on his attaché will try to conform to the taste of his

master. Therefore, a journalist attached to either a commissioner in the

state will ensure constant reliable and befitting reportage just for good

recommendation or brown envelop he aimed to enjoy.

15
 The media is corrupt as the society in which they operate, so our

corrupt media is a reflection of corruption in Nigeria”, as quoted by some

scholars.

“It is not very feasible to divorce propaganda from either national

interest or state policy. This is why it has become a moral question or

reason in fact, among states; propaganda is narrowed down to no more

than only organized efforts by governments or members of governments

to induce either domestic groups or foreign states to accept policies

favourable, or at least not unfavourable, to their own. That propaganda is

used by states, among other measures, to whip up popular emotions in the

pursuit of national interest underscores the deferring intensity of approach

to its issue or practice”.

Propaganda as a veritable tool of state policy,

the axis (Germany, Japan, Italy, and Russia)
was joined in the propaganda race just before
the World War II by the Allies (UK, US and
Russia, which defected from the Axis camp).
Each state had special sections in each of their
principal government departments charged with
propaganda at home and abroad. These
extensively utilized propaganda in marketing
“the life and thought of their peoples more
widely known. Joseph (201, p.109).

The application of propaganda in contemporary times; Lewin wrote

in 1905 that “propaganda is of crucial importance for the triumph of the

party”. The potency of this idea was first appreciated by the pro-

16
communist states generally and members of the Axis alliance

particularly. This situation was to controlled monolithic communist bloc

which latter was shattered by the gradual build up of western states’ war

machine to match that of the Axis.

According to the notion of this scholar, propaganda is not only

practice in Nigeria government owned media but all government of each

nations accepted the concept “propaganda” to drive peoples’ mind to their

policy. Propaganda was adopted by the developed nations in centuries

mainly the same purpose it serve the kogi state government through it

media (Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation).

2.3.1 The Advent/Theories in Propaganda

Propaganda as a term in persuasive communication began with the

Roman Catholic Church in 1622. The Congregation de Propaganda Fide,

or Congregation for Propagation of the Faith was created by the church to

create techniques to convert people without violence (Steinfatt, 2009).

The church created this group in response to the reformation movement

(Watt, 2000). In this sense, the church did not use the term propaganda as

a pejorative. It was seen as a humane attempt at converting heathens and

keeping existing parishioners. The Catholic Church has continued to use

the term in relation to its proselytizing activities (Bernays, 1928). The

17
term still has a positive meaning for the church (Steinfatt, 2009)

“Journal of communication theory, 2011”.

As observed in the journal of communication theory, 2013;

Propaganda is the management of collective

attitudes by the manipulation of significant
symbols. The word attitude is taken to mean
a tendency to act according to certain
patterns of valuation. The existence of an
attitude is not a direct datum of experience,
but an inference from signs which have a
conventionalized significance (Lasswell,
1927b, p. 627)

The origins of propaganda theory have been in the objectivist

tradition (Bernays, 1928; Lasswell, 1927a, 1927b; Lippmann, 1922).

Hegemonic propaganda theory has origins in critical interpretive

epistemology (E. S. Herman & Chomsky, 1988). Applied studies,

especially concerning the classical propaganda theory of Bernays,

Lasswell, and Lippmann, have been objectivist using public opinion data

and content analysis (Patrick & Thrall, 2007). Applied studies of

hegemonic propaganda theory have been both objectivist and critical

interpretive (Freedman, 2009; Klaehn, 2009; Thompson, 2009; Young,

2006).

Scholars have used propaganda theory to examine most notably the

Bolshevik revolution, German Nazi rule, World Wars I and II, Russian

communism, and the Vietnam War (Steinfatt, 2009). In a case in point, an

18
analysis of Russian communist propaganda found that the Soviets were

funding Labour Party publications in Britain during the 1920s. Also,

mineworkers’ labor unions were receiving funds from the Soviet

government. These allocations of funds were seen as attempts to

undermine and ultimately overthrow the British government (Watt,

2000).

Walter Lippmann (1922) introduced and described what has come to be

known as classical propaganda theory with his work Public Opinion (E.

S. Herman & Chomsky, 1988). Walter Lippmann worked for the

Committee on Public Information (Creel Commission) during World

War I. The purpose of the commission was to reduce German morale

and create anti-German sentiment in the United States (E. S. Herman &

Chomsky, 1988; Patrick & Thrall, 2007). Other key figures in the

development of classical propaganda theory were Harold Lasswell and

Edward Bernays (Bernays, 1928, 1942; Lasswell, 1927a, 1927b). These

studies of propaganda held pragmatic implications. Bernays (1942) cites

propaganda theory as the guiding framework for his founding of public

relations. Instead of trying to protect the public from the ills of

propaganda (as seen in later years), these researchers were concerned

with explicating techniques that could be used to influence. Early

analyses uncovered three main components of classical propaganda

19
 theory. These non-mutually exclusive elements are mobilization of

mass hatred, manufacturing public consent, and emphasizing practical

considerations rather than ideological differences (Patrick & Thrall,

2007). In an explication of mobilizing mass hatred, Harold Lasswell

(1927a, p. 47) wrote:

So great, are the psychological resistances

to war in modern nations that every war
must appear to be a war of defense against
a menacing, murderous aggressor. There
must be no ambiguity about whom the
public is to hate. The war must not be due
to a world system of conducting
international affairs, nor to the stupidity or
malevolence of all governing classes, but to
the rapacity of the enemy. Guilt and
guiltlessness must be assessed
geographically, and all the guilt must be on
the other side of the frontier. If the
propagandist is to mobilize the hate of the
people, he must see to it that everything is
circulated which establishes the guilt of the
enemy. Variations from this theme may be
permitted under certain contingencies
which we will undertake to specify, but it
must continue to be the leading motif.

There are certainly some similarities with Burke’s (1973) dramatist

criticism of Hitler’s Mein Kampf. Similar to what Lasswell wrote about

mobilizing mass hatred, Burke noted that, “men who can unite on nothing

else can unite on the basis of a foe shared by all” (p. 191).

20
 Public consent refers to the public giving permission or support for a

policy, action, or persuasive technique. Public consent is a result of

“collective attitude” and is not an organic process. It must be managed

and manipulated by rhetors to achieve a desired result. Propaganda is the

process by which a rhetor uses strategic techniques to manipulate

collective attitude and thus gain public consent (Lasswell, 1927b).

Lippmann (1922, p. 4) noted:

The creation of consent is not a new art. It is

an old one which was supposed to have died
out with the appearance of democracy. But it
has not died out. It has, in fact, improved
enormously in technique, because it is now
based on analysis rather than on rule of thumb.
And so, as a result of psychological research,
coupled with the modern means of
communication, the practice of democracy has
turned a corner.

Classical propaganda theory postulates that practical considerations

should take precedent over ideology (Patrick & Thrall, 2007). This is not

to say that ideology has not place in propaganda. It merely means that the

propagandist must relate the conflicts in ideology to pragmatic aims.

Walter Lippmann (1922, p.4) said it best:

But as the ideology deals with an unseen

future, as well as with a tangible present, it
soon crosses imperceptibly the frontier of
verification. In describing the present you
are more or less tied down to common

21
 experience. In describing what nobody has
experienced you are bound to let go.

2.3.2 Propaganda Devices/Models

In a response to the uses of classical propaganda theory, the Institute

for Propaganda Analysis (formed by Clyde R. Miller in 1937) (Nicotra,

2009) identified seven devices of propaganda: “name-calling, glittering

generality, transfer, testimonial, plain folks, card stacking, and band

wagon” (Steinfatt, 2009, p. 804). Unfortunately, all of these elements can

be found in many types of legitimate persuasion (Youngerman, 1953). It

is possible that fear, subversion of reason, and/or power position are

important elements. Also, ethics could play a key part in further

developments of the theory.

Researchers have also defined different types of propaganda

(Steinfatt, 2009; Watt, 2000). These are white, grey, and black

propaganda. White propaganda is produced when sources of evidence are

attributed to the source. One could liken this to advertising or public

relations practices where an organization is trying to highlight positive

attributes while ignoring negatives. Grey propaganda occurs when

sources of evidence are not immediately disclosed. This could come in

the form of pamphlets or short-wave radio broadcasts used to discourage

an enemy public. Lastly, black propaganda is characterized when the

22
attributed sources are not the actual source. This occurs when messages

are produced but are portrayed as coming from the enemy government or

another entity. The differentiation of grey and black propaganda is in

outright deception of the audience regarding the source (Watt, 2000)

It has been acknowledged that Kenneth Burke drew upon, was

influenced by, and responded to the propositions of the Institute of

Propaganda Analysis and its ally Count Alfred Korzybski’s Institute for

General Semantics. Korzybski’s departure from Ogden and Richards’s

semantics is his assumption that education should place special emphasis

upon teaching rulers and the public to use neutral language (Nicotra,

2009). It should be pointed out that the research by the IPA and the IGS

quickly became unidentifiable from the other. To this end, arguments

against either IPA or IGS were clearly a rebuke of both organizations.

There is debate as to how much Burke actually drew upon these

intellectual traditions (Nicotra, 2009). Burke did at least respond too

many of the arguments formed by these groups. Burke was also influence

by the popular culture that these groups spawned. Skepticism of mass

propaganda and an effort to use neutral language abounded in academic

and popular writings. In this time after the “Great War” and with tensions

rising once again in Europe, there was an emphasis upon inoculating the

public against the contagion of propaganda. This view of propaganda was

23
antithetical to the ideas of Bernays, Lippmann, and Lasswell. Burke,

however did not believe that rhetors should aspire to use neutral

language. He believed that “language is inextricably bound up with one’s

view of the world” (Nicotra, 2009, p. 337). Burke, while still considering

himself associated with semantics, developed rhetorical counterparts to

propaganda analysis and general semantics that had a more positive view

of language. Burke’s concept of identification took a positive approach in

examining a rhetor’s persuasive approach. The implications of Burke’s

identification were in clear opposition to that of general semantics’s

concept of identification.

Also, general semanticists viewed the intrinsic errors in language as

negative attributes. Burke, however, saw a positive use of these errors in

the concept of the comic frame. General semanticists saw naming of

things as a negative because of the inherent flaws that result. Burke, on

the other hand, saw naming as not merely a representational act but also a

moral act. Thus, naming in itself and likewise persuasive rhetoric

(propaganda) that draws upon this naming is not inherently a plague of

society. The morality of these actions are what create evil not the

techniques themselves (Nicotra, 2009).

The totalizing effect (as used by Condit (1993) in her critique of

“cookie-cutter” leftist theory) of the IPA and IGS classifying all

24
persuasion as propagandistic and harmful eventually led to the IPA

suspending its efforts in 1942 for fear that it might affect national unity

during World War II. In fact, after the suspension of efforts for the war,

Scholastic (once IPA’s publication intended to educate high school

students about propaganda) began highlighting positive uses of

propaganda. The Institute for General Semantics quickly fell out of favor

as well. The downfall of these two organizations is likely the result of the

war effort and scholars like Kenneth Burke pointing out the inherent

flaws in their generalizations. Of particular importance is his essay titled

“The Virtues and Limitations of Debunking.” Burke noted that

propaganda analyst’s engagement in debunking technique leaves them

with no justifiable techniques to argue against an opponents’ position

(Nicotra, 2009). This ideology toward propaganda is shared by Lasswell

(1927b) when he noted that the objective of propaganda “may be

revolutionary or counter-revolutionary, reformist or counter-reformist,

depending upon whether institutional change is involved” (p. 629). In

other words, propaganda techniques may be used for any cause. The

question of legitimacy should fall heavily on the ends not the means.

From a Burkean viewpoint, the judgment should be placed on the motives

of the propagandist rather than the techniques of identification.

25
 Herman and Chomsky developed a propaganda model to explain the

propagandistic properties of mass media. The model combines Marxist

arguments with classical propaganda theory. Some scholars term this

evolution as hegemonic propaganda theory. While Gramsci, the usual

name attributed to hegemony, is not quoted by Herman and Chomsky, the

model contains notions of hegemony (Young, 2006). Their study of the

economics of mass media led them to argue that all mass media in the

United States are a propaganda machine for capitalism (or quasi-

capitalism as Chomsky terms it) and corporations. They argue that there

are certain filters that make up the propaganda model. Messages must go

through these filters that represent each phase of the production process.

Herman and Chomsky (1988, p. 2). As a message is filtered it gets

sterilized of any dissident ideology and made to reinforce the dominant

ideology (E. S. Herman & Chomsky, 1988). The model is a product of its

time and mentions anticommunism as the controlling ideology. The term

anticommunism needs to be changed to anti-Muslim for today’s

purposes. Of course, that will eventually change also. For posterity,

anticommunism should be changed to “dominant hegemonic ideology.”

One key flaw, among others that will be noted, is the broad

generalizations of the filters in the model. This oversimplification has left

researchers unable to precisely identify these areas in communication

phenomena (Boyd-Barrett, 2004). Also, the model’s totalizing aspect of

26
implicating all mass media as propaganda leaves little critical use for

researchers. This has likely led to its downfall in scholarly application.

Lang and Lang (2004) wrote an article critical of hegemonic

propaganda theory. They argued that Chomsky, in particular, is

ideologically and politically motivated in his study of propaganda. This

has led to his unwavering commitment to his model despite glaring

deficiencies. The propaganda model has left out important developments

in propaganda research that could enhance our understanding. More

specifically, Barthes and Marcuse’s insights into ideology would bring

greater breadth and depth and more explanatory power to the propaganda

model. What’s more, the model would create a continuum rather than a

strong non-falsifiable proposition. The cynicism that Chomsky shows

leads to no real change and leads scholars down a self-destructive road.

His commitment to bifurcating between good and evil and his truisms

leave no room for subjectivity or critical insight. Lang and Lang (2004)

contend this commitment is hurting leftist ideology.

2.3.3 The Revolution of Propaganda and Democracy

Modern propaganda is distinguished from other forms of

communication in that it is consciously and deliberately used to influence

group attitudes; all other functions are secondary. Thus, almost any

27
attempt to sway public opinion, including lobbying, commercial

advertising, and missionary work, can be broadly construed as

propaganda. Generally, however, the term is restricted to the

manipulation of political beliefs. Although allusions to propaganda can

be found in ancient writings (e.g., Aristotle's Rhetoric), the organized use

of propaganda did not develop until after the Industrial Revolution, when

modern instruments of communication first enabled propagandists to

easily reach mass audiences. The printing press, for example, made it

possible for Thomas Paine's Common Sense to reach a large number of

American colonists. Later, during the 20th cent., the advent of radio and

television enabled propagandists to reach even greater numbers of people.

In addition to the development of modern media, the rise of total warfare

and of political movements has also contributed to the growing

importance of propaganda in the 20th cent.

In What Is To Be Done? (1902) V. I. Lenin emphasized the use of

"agitprop," a combination of political agitation and propaganda designed

to win the support of intellectuals and workers for the Communist

revolution. Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini also used propaganda,

especially in oratory, to develop and maintain the support of the masses.

During World War II all the warring nations employed propaganda, often

called psychological warfare, to boost civilian and military morale as well

28
as to demoralize the enemy. The U.S. agency charged with disseminating

wartime propaganda was the Office of War Information. In the postwar

era propaganda activities continue to play a major role in world affairs.

The United States Information Agency (USIA) was established in

1953 to facilitate the international dissemination of information about the

United States. Radio Moscow, Radio Havana, and The Voice of America

are just three of the large radio stations that provide information and

propaganda throughout the world. In addition, certain refinements of the

propaganda technique have developed, most notably brainwashing, the

intensive indoctrination of political opponents against their will.

In a 2009 issue of Westminster Papers in Communication and

Culture, scholars studied a variety of phenomena using the propaganda

model. These included crisis reporting in the Daily Mirror (Freedman,

2009), Hollywood films (Alford, 2009), methodology (Klaehn, 2009),

market manipulation in financial media reporting (Thompson, 2009), and

critical considerations (Sparks, 2007). All but one (Alford, 2009),

investigated media production in the United Kingdom. This is a clear

change in most uses of the model. The propaganda model was developed

to explain mass media in the United States (E. S. Herman & Chomsky,

1988). And the model has generally only been applied in that country

(Freedman, 2009). Each of these studies revealed that Herman and

29
Chomsky’s propaganda model has applications in other hegemonic mass

media systems.

Patrick and Thrall (2007) conducted a study to test the arguments of

hegemonic propaganda theory. The article analyzed messages and public

opinion for the Iraq war. The researchers noted that public support for the

Iraq war turned from 76% approval to a majority disapproving of the

president’s handling of the war in just four months. Hegemonic

propaganda theory does not seem to be able to explain this occurrence.

Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model says that

Powerful elites are able to maintain the status

quo through mass media. Content analysis
combined with public opinion data revealed
that President Bush dominated news coverage
but was not able to control public opinion,
which is opposite of the assumptions of the
propaganda model. Using this evidence the
researchers assert that classical propaganda
theory is a better alternative (Patrick & Thrall,
2007).

One failing of this study and possibly hegemonic propaganda theory

is they fail to take into account rhetorical tactics. It is possible that

President Bush did not employ the best available means to persuade his

audience. In addition, the study did not take into account media literacy

rates. Rather than abandoning hegemonic propaganda theory, it should be

30
revised to account for a rhetor’s competency and the audience’s

receptiveness.

In a study that preceded the previously mentioned British studies

utilizing hegemonic propaganda theory, Young (2006) conducted an

analysis of Australian media criticisms of the Howard government’s

inflated advertising budgets. Labor Party members argued that the media

buys were partially intended to silence critics. Content analysis revealed

that media organizations that received more in advertising revenue from

the Howard administration were less likely to report on criticisms of the

practice. It is important to note that the analysis involved news coverage

of Labor Party criticisms and not commentary. This means that the media

producers were letting money affect news editorial decisions. This

analysis confirms much of what hegemonic propaganda theory suggests.

Hegemonic propaganda theory not only suggests that the powerful will

control media content but also public opinion (Young, 2006). A

shortcoming of this study is the lack of audience analysis.

The entrance of the democracy into the propaganda race, though late,

has made individual propaganda not only available in totalitarian states,

but also permitted the existence of counter propaganda to confront the

truthfulness and goodness of what has been considered true and good by

the dictator within the society. Thus, it is common in modern times to

31
expose the pranks and word juggling of organizations or governments no

matter how their officials may embellish the circumstance.

Consider a small town reporter. Each day the

reporter talks to the same people, reports the
news, and as long as the basic facts are
correct, the stories continue to reflect a very
narrow line of thought. Without realizing it,
the reporter becomes little more than a
propaganda instrument for a system that uses
the press to give the public what the power
brokers feel the public should read or hear.
Bittner (2002, p.392).

During the struggle against military rules in Nigeria, media

practitioners were feared and respected. They were the true watchdog,

putting both the system and the practitioner in check. They set agenda,

confer status, were the true eyes and ears of the people and arguably, the

last hope of the people when other institution of the government could

not rise to the challenges. That was then. A lot of water had gone under

the bridge. To most people, mass media in Nigeria have lost their steam,

the bite and vigor and are no longer living up to expectation. Some of

their reports can no longer be swallowed hook line and sinker as some of

the practitioners presently speak from both sides of their mouths.

To some analysts, including the practitioners themselves, ethics has

been thrown to the dogs no thanks to news commercialization where he

who pays the piper dictates the tune and the brown envelop syndrome

both of which have tilted practitioners’ sense of judgment and “legalized

32
in different newsrooms, those news items that ordinarily would have been

thrown to the waste paper basket. In these places, news has ceased to

conform to the universally accepted definition and news judgment and

selection ceased to conform to the accepted stand. News coverage is now

the preserve of those who can foot the bill, overtly or covertly. (Journal of

communication and media research 2011, p.84)

Broadcasting through the radio were to protect the interest of the

public at large. But in the case of KSBC lokoja, there had been

allegations that the radio station embark on sycophantic broadcasting just

to suit the interest of their pay master ‘‘Kogi State Government’’. Certain

phrases have been coined by communication scholars to describe the

action of public interest. Some are public trust, public service and public

concern (Dennis and Meril, 1991); national interest (Akinfeleye, 2007,

Are, 2007); Judgment of public affairs (Sambe, 2008). Some of these

concepts shall be briefly considered.

Public trust in the media concern itself with the credibility,

believability and trustworthiness of the mass media in the eyes of the

public. Public service in this context has to do with the social

responsibility role of the media to members of the public while public

concern is the acknowledgement of the media to have a sense of

responsibility to the public agenda.

33
 Public affairs are ‘‘events and questions especially political ones,

which have an effect on most people’’. (Longman Dictionary of

Contemporary English) Public virtue as concept is predicated on what is

consider right, acceptable and sacrosanct in a given society among

members of the public.

National interest according to Marcel (2011, p.94) cited in Momoh

(2005) and Akinfeleye (2007, p.49) is the ‘‘interest of the nation’’ The

interest he argued is not to be determined by a government official or an

outfit in the president’s or governor’s office or by the judiciary, or even

the legislature.

The German Nazi dictator, Adaolf Hitler (1889-1945), “Assessing

the potency of propaganda concluded that ‘‘by persistent propaganda, by

appropriate selection and suppression of public dissent (‘gleich

shaltung’), you can make a people believe that hell is heaven, and vice

versa….”

Though the impact of propaganda on the psych of states or

individuals can peter out with time and circumstance, its existence is

permanent, and purpose absolutely inevitable, and cannot be exorcised by

calling it evil-sounding names. Speaking on the eternity of propaganda,

the South Africa émigré, Ezekiel Mphahlele notes:

Propaganda is always going to be with us.

There will always be the passionate outcry
against injustice, war, facism, poverty, etc. it

34
 will keep coming to us, reminding us that
man is as wicked as he is noble, and that the
mass audience out there is waiting to be
stirred by passionate words.

And Harold Laswell in propaganda and Mass Insecurity identified

the hydra-headed nature of propaganda and the need for regulation when

he remarked: “Propaganda is advocacy, a form of persuasion; it implies

a modicum of doubt, some contemplation of alternatives, some exercise

of critical judgment, some clash of opinions’’.

The above citation simply spell that propaganda is unpredictable and

emphasis cannot be placed on it.

2.3.4 A Brief History of Kogi State Broadcasting

Corporation/Organogram

What is today known as Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation,

(KSBC) came in to being following the creation of the state on august

27th 1991 located along okene-kabba road, lokoja – kogi state,

broadcasting corporation Building, lokoja. The staffs of the corporation

were drawn from both kwara and Benue with the pioneering general

manager, Chief Isah Edimeh. The corporation has six operational

management which includes; Administration, programs, News/Current

Affairs, Commercials, Finance/supply and Engineering. From inception it

inherited booster stations including: radio kogi Ochaja to serve listeners

in kogi east, radio kogi Otite for the people of kogi central as well as

35
radio kogi Egbe to serve listeners in kogi west. These booster stations are

in short wave band.

Towards the administration of Col. Paul Omeruo in 1996 established

confluence radio cited in the famous mount party, Lokoja on the

frequency of 94.0 mega-hatz on the frequency modulation band fm.

KSBC reach covers state like Niger, Nasarawa, Benue, Edo, Ekiti,

Kwara, Delta, Enugu and the FCT. From its inception, organization has

been headed by GM like Chief Isah Edimeh, Alh. Abu Onaji (late)

became the managing director who was succeeded by Aloysius

Achegbulu, later Gabriel Amobeda became the GM and was succeeded

by late mallam Muhammed Halilu and presently Mr. Adeku Adeba now

the GM who recently has been elevated as the director general of the

corporation.

Since that time till now, the broadcasting station has undergone “a

great deal of metamorphosis” (KSBC publication, 2009, p.10). Such

changes witness various chief executives serving under numerous state

rulerships in form of state military administrators and civilian governors.

Between 1991 till date, the geographical location referred to kogi state,

with capital in Lokoja has been governed by nine different rulers; three

under the military; and six under civilian. Also, nine different Chief

executives have headed KSBC: six under civilian administrations and

36
three under military regimes (KSBC, planning, research and statistics

unit, 2012).

Here under is the organogram of kogi state broadcasting corporation.

37
 Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation Organogram.

BOARD

INTERNAL DIRECTOR STATION STATION STATION

CORPORATION
AUDITOR GENERAL OFFICER OCHAJA OFFICER OTITE OFFICER
SECRETARY
EGBE

DIRECTOR DIRECTOR DIRECTOR DIRECTOR FINANCE DIRECTOR NEWS & DIRECTO

ADMIN PROGRAMMES ENGINEERING SERVICES & SUPPLY CURRENT AFFAIRS COMMERCIAL S

DIRECTOR HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) STUDIO HEAD (DD) SALARY HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) S
ADMIN PRESENTATION & WAGES EDITORIAL

HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) FINANCE HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) S
PRODUCTION TRANSMITTERS & ACCOUNTS REPORTORIAL

ADMIN HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) TECHNICAL HEAD (DD) STORES HEAD (DD) HEAD (DD) A
OFFICER STUDIO MNG WORKSHOP CURRENT AFFAIRS

HEAD OF TYPING POOL HEAD SECRET

REGISTRY REGISTRY

Source: KSBC administration department, Lokoja.

2.3.5 Frequency/Short Waves:

38
 The station has frequencies and short waves, such as: Radio kogi

lokoja (94.0 megahertz fm), Radio kogi Ochaja 693KHZ, Radio kogi

Otite 927KHZ, Radio kogi Egbe 1395KHZ. The stations Fm band is

otherwise known as “Confluence fm” or ‘‘confluence radio’’.

At the embryonic stage the radio system consisted of a single

continuity studio with one medium wave and three short wave

transmitter, located at the famous mount party, lokoja.“Both stations have

never compromised excellence in its determination to serve the people”.

2.3.6 The Programmes:

The station produces programme synopsis quarterly for Fm Radio,

for example, the Fm radio station features about two hundred and forty

eight programmes every week from Sunday through Saturday. Prominent

among such programmes related to this study are;

a. Kogi in focus (nine times weekly)

b. Political panorama (Saturdays 16:30)

c. Democracy at work (Wednesdays 18:30)

d. Kogi this week (08:00)

e. State news (Sunday-Saturday) etc.

Kogi in focus is a 30minutes daily magazine programme that

highlights mainly government functions and other notable events in the

state and beyond. The producer of the programme employs sound

actuality to bring out stories in their real sense. It enjoins weekly

39
broadcast on the combine service of radio kogi. The programme was

formally known as ‘‘kogi in action’’. The programme was used to

promote the government of Prince Abubakar Audu led administration

between 1999 and 2003.

Political panorama is a programme schedule purposely to x-ray the

political development in the state as well invites an administrator to talk

on a government policy newly introduced. It is produced every Saturday

of the week at 16:30.

Democracy at work is a feature programme that analyses the impact

of democratic regime in the state. It critically analyses the development a

regime in the state has put in place. This programme is produced every

Wednesday of the week at 18:30.

Kogi this week also a magazine programme that x-rays the events of

government and personalities in the state. It is produced at 08:00 every

Saturday.

State news is one of the core programmes that report events and

information as they happen mostly report government activities in the

state cut across the three arms of the government but virtually focus on

the executive. News disseminated to the people is mostly gotten from the

press release issued from each government ministries and the twenty one

local government areas of the state.

2.3.7 Media Ownership and the Ownership Influence

40
 in Broadcast Media.

Ownership influence and mass media performance had been a major

trend of sycophantic broadcasting virtually all media of communication

across all borders precisely the broadcast media. There are few media

institution in Nigeria that have been able to strike a balance between the

demands of an over-bearing owner and needs of the society for accurate,

timely, sober and unbiased flow of information.

Media practitioners are expected to make a greater effort to uphold

and promote such values as decency, taste, moderation, tolerance,

accuracy, fairness and balance. There are also more likely to be found

leading a campaign for good causes, especially, for the greater good of the

society.

But, to what extent this enormous challenge is to be qualitatively

realized is predetermined by a hydra-headed monster-ownership influence.

Ownership patterns tend to affect the ways and extent to which these idea

functions could be performed.

Government control of the mass media has degenerated to what has

been described as a mere propaganda machinery and Jose (1975, p.225)

laments that “the media have petered into slavish and almost sycophantic

megaphones”.

Also, the influence of the government is seen in the unflinching

support government media organizations give the government of the day.

41
Government officials do not hesitate to remove anyone in charge who fails

to offer unquestioned support. In the light of this, Kamath (2002, p.269)

expresses his fear thus: “If it is conceded that the media task is to publicize

government activities, then, we are in for a news but propaganda by the

government in power”.

The issue of ownership and control is an issue to be particularly

concerned about. In this circumstance, the journalist is lost in this

complexity: the need for a balance between “giving the public what it

officials want it to know and what it (the public) wants to know or ought to

know”.

Aside from governments’ direct influence, it uses certain preferential

treatment to ‘buy’ (co-opt) the most influential journalists in the country,

by appointing these influence critics in the media to top posts within the

government. ‘co-opting’ of journalists ensures that they are reduced to

being mere stooge of government officials. According to Ojih and Onakpa

(2012, p.139) citing Uche (1989). “It is not surprising therefore that the

editor of the Guardian had to publish an article reassuring his readers that

his proprietors’ acceptance of a ministerial appointment in the government

could not influence the objectivity of the papers in handling the

government”.

Meanwhile, even the private owned mass media at times lack

freedom and objectivity compared to their government counterparts. What

42
is obtained is that these proprietors pick loyal errand boys to direct the

affairs of the media. In this sort of situation, it is usually difficult for a

journalist to publish any news item which will be unfavorable or

detrimental to the proprietor. Often, proprietors’ economic/political

interests are very influential in how they want their media houses to relate

to the government of the day.

For instance, in 1992, late Moshood Abiola, the multi-billionaire

politician asked his editor, Bayo Onanuga to apologize to the then military

president, Ibrahim Babangida. Onanuga’s article in one of the title in

which Abiola was proprietor was believed to have angered the president.

Also, even when Orji Kalu, the proprietor of The Sun Newspaper was

alleged to have embezzled state funds running to billions of naira, The Sun

Newspaper was busy heating up the polity with endless stories about the

innocence of Orji Kalu.

The government or mass media proprietors have absolute power

and control over content and use of the mass media. Oloyede, (2005, p.1)

found out that, “The publisher of newspapers seems to be happy to

regulate the day to day editorial decision making to the editor, intervening

mostly in matters of extreme importance”.

From the assertion of Oloyede, enumerate that publishers derived a

great joy and confidence in controlling owned media messages.

43
 According to Yusuf (2012, p.88) observed thus: “….proprietors

cannot tolerate criticism of their policies forcing the reporters and editors

of these publications to embark on self censorship. They publish praises

and carry only News that would please their proprietors”. All these make

one to wonder where journalists’ professional ethics, national Pride and

interest begin and loyalty to ones employer ends.

Research has shown both the Government and private owned media

establishment exerts very strong influence on their various news content.

Pamela shoemaker (1999, p.34) cited in David. U, (2012, p.10) is one of

the first scholars who presented the idea that the media do not only

influence target audience, but it, itself is influenced by a number of

factors. Such factors include:

 Content is influenced by media workers socialization and attitudes.

 Content is influenced by media routine (the ways in which media

workers and their organization organize their work).

 Content can also be influenced by the ideology of those in power in

the society.

 Content is also influenced by other social institutions and forces

like Economic and Cultural forces and audience also determines

content.

The media owners make use of their ownership right in determining what

goes into their news bulletin. Media ownership in Nigeria is largely an

44
admixture of private and Government ownership. Their influence on what

the media produce or sell is undeniably profound because “he who pays

the piper dictates the tune”. The merits and demerits of Government

ownership of the media outlet have generated considerable debate in

communication studies. Some experts contend that Government influence

will not allow media practitioners to be objective and fearless in their

reporting. Others, however, affirms that because of our unique historical

experiences, Government ownership is necessary in order to facilitate

development in all nooks and crannies of the country.

2.3.8 Propaganda in the Private Sector

In the early 19th century, the use of propaganda was used by the

German Army in the First World War to create an illusion of victory and a

sense of Eldorado for the German populace. The above example is a

government institution. But in modern times the private sector has equally

engage in the use of the almighty propaganda instrument to propagate their

ideas. A good example can be seen in early 2002 in Nigeria, when some

Igbo fake drug manufacturer wages a propaganda through the media, that

professor Dora Akunyili the then Director General of NAFDAC was waging

war against their business interest in order to fulfill the tribal and selfish

agenda of her pay master president Olusegun Obasanjo.

Not only that, in Nigeria during the last presidential election the

opposition party used the private newspaper The Nation owned by one of

45
its major sponsor to spread the propaganda agenda of the party. Although,

the newspaper (The Nation) is a private interest but, because of the

ownership it became a weapon of propaganda for the owner selfish interest.

In the business world the instrument of propaganda has become one

of the major strategies used to wise new customers or patronage to the

product of a particular product. A good example of this is the protracted

“cold-war” between Dangote cement and its competitors. They often

complained about the privileges in form of waivers given to Dangote

cement by the Federal Government, while are not extended to the other

cement manufacturers.

Also, during the “Indomie product crises of 2005” the manufacturer of

other noodles uses the opportunity to create a subtle propaganda message

trying to cast their product in a healthy and hygienic “plume than the

indomie noodles. Although, some of them claim that, it’s just

advertisement” but a distinction must be made between creating awareness

and illusion. Even some religion extremist like Boko Harram and Al-Qaeda

often create an illusion by trying to falsely inform the public that they are on

the side of the people.

2.3.9 Sycophantic Broadcasting

46
 The National Broadcasting commission policy of broadcasting

stations urges all broadcast stations to give equal opportunity to all

political parties to air their views, ideas and opinions in order to conform

to the principles of pluralism. But, Mboho (2005, p.135) “NBC provision

on political broadcasting lack enforceability, hence it can be vehemently

abused by many state government-owned broadcasting stations”. And

very often, such abuse causes Media audiences to react. In most cases,

their reactions are violent.

Ogor (2003, p.149)

Due to unprofessional reportage of election

news broadcast, there have been cases in
which aggrieved members of the public
have taken the law into their own Hands and
resorted to jungle justices by invading and
attacking some broadcast stations. For
example, Imo Broadcasting Corporation
(IBC) Owerri, (3 times in 2001), Anambra
Broadcasting Service (ABS) Awka, (twice
in 2002) and Broadcast Corporations of
Abia, Umuahia (Once in 2002).
We shall recall that similar developments have happened in other

states between 2000 and 2004. Citing Dahlgren and Sparks (1991),

Okonkwo (1999, p.182) agrees that the media should facilitate the

functioning of representative government and expose their internal

processes to public scrutiny and the play of public opinion. In fact, in

democratic administration, the central role of the media should be

assisting the equitable negotiation or arbitration of competing interests.

47
 But, regrettably, observed some scholars like Essien –Ibok (2001),

Limar(2002) and Aiyetan (2002) as cited by Galadima (2003, p.259) “the

media is corrupt as the society in which they operate so our corrupt media

is a reflection of corruption in Nigeria”. In addition, our media have

severely been described as “government said media”. No matter how the

broadcast media, especially state government owned broadcast media try

to show social independence, they will always remain veritable

instrument in the struggle for power between the progressives and the

reactionaries. According to Ternakur (2003, p.236)” in moment of crisis,

especially political crisis, the media (print or broadcast) become already

tools for those actively involved in the crisis of power interest”.

State governments in Nigeria will always hold on to the power

motive for establishing broadcast media, and think that there is nothing

wrong to abuse the media use. No wonder the Ogun State Radio station

was shut down in June, 1993 following its reckless sectional broadcasts

on the presidential result annulment involving their son, late M.K.O.

Abiola of SDP and Toffa of NRC. Also on October 1999 eleven state

government–owned broadcast media stations’ licenses were revoked by

the National Broadcasting Commission for what the commission called

sycophantic broadcasting capable of violating the provisions of NBC.

2.3.10 An Analysis of State Owned Broadcast Media as a Tool for

Propaganda

48
 Propaganda, Casey (1960, p.227) “is a highly significant social

phenomenon worthy of serious investigation”. This is because among

other things, it is an important factor in opinion forming process. It has

been observed by some scholars, like Casey (1942), Schramm (1960),

Miller (1962) and Lasswell (1937) that problem every media of

communication faces is separating news from propaganda.

According to them “Major events are stage – managed by

propagandists, and media are invited to come and cover such events as

genuine events”.

Their observations have created difficulty in determining what is

genuine news and propaganda news. In fact, every editor has to

investigate whether an event is sufficiently interesting to unsuspecting

public to warrant broadcast. Therefore, careful editing and evaluation of

news can check propaganda in our news and programme broadcast. But,

no matter how careful the government-media editor may be, he is still in

the web of official orders. Quoting Chu (1986) in Hong (1997, p.223)

although “the rapid growth of China’s mass media system has boosted the

government’s ability to inform. Educate, and entertain people, it should

be stressed that the fundamental role of media, has remained unchanged;

their most important function is still as a vehicle for propaganda”.

It is his opinion that every government media must first and

foremost propagate government in power, its policies and programmes.

49
The question that ever remained nearly unanswered is what propaganda

is. The rightists defined it, and leftists defined it too, all to suit their

individual differences. “Propaganda is not composed of lies and tale

stories. It operates with many different kinds of truth, half truths, limited

truths and truth out of context”. (Ebeze, 2003, p.219).

Therefore, propaganda has some values and functions, not totally

bad. It can be used to change opinion. But, Schramm (1971, p.221) for

propaganda to be effective as agent for opinion formation, people must

have access to adequate information”. Public opinion and propaganda

interact, but can function independently. Walter (1989) both public

opinion and propaganda should be viewed as a part of the whole vast

complicated nexus of communication. An observed fear by Moguluwa

(2004, p.158) is that governments often prefer negative propaganda while

seeking support from the masses. In his words, “negative propaganda

instills fear and panic in the people “as witnessed in Nigeria in 1992 after

the annulment of the June 12, presidential election. As the tension caused

by the annulment raged on federal military Government resorted to media

propaganda.

Propaganda operates mainly through the process of public

communication, but its principal vehicles in news. State governors or

their agents often manipulate their broadcast media audiences through

propaganda news. In realization of the fact that “the media shape how the

50
public thinks” state governments in Nigeria use propaganda machinery to

its fullest negative level.

In conclusion, propaganda has some values and functions, not totally

bad. It can be used to change opinion. But, Schramm (1971, p.221) for

propaganda to be effective as agent for opinion formation, people must

have access to adequate information”. Propaganda operates mainly

through the process of public communication, but its principal vehicle is

news. Reason for propaganda states; those who works in the media house

want to keep their job and the governments have to keep the society

together.

From the avalanche of the literature materials from archives of

sociologist, political scientist, media professionals, religious body and

several other authors in the field of communication and humanity studies

were unanimous that media have been indeed a tool of propaganda by its

owners (governments). Also that propaganda has come to stay

considering its antecedent to the present days. What it means is that

media of communication has controlled by a state (government) will

never cease to exist because it has been considered by the power that be

that it is the only medium through which “everything” can be control

(resource) (human, capital and the society itself).

Finally, according to Stuart Hall, a sociologist believes that mass

media mainly serve the rich, affluence, the powerful and exploit the poor,

51
the weak, the needy and the masses, so, the media should facilitate the

functioning of representative government and expose their internal

processes to public scrutiny and the play of public opinion.

REFERENCES

Asemah, E. (2011). Selected mass media themes. Jos: university press.

52
Casey, R. D. (1960). The press, propaganda and pressure groups.
London: University of Illinois Press.

Clyde, R. M. (1937). Propaganda devices and models: the Institute for

Propaganda Analysis. Retrieved from http://questia.com/read/1E1-
officeWa. 27th August, 2013.

Ebo, S. J. (1994). Broadcasting Production and Management.

Enugu. Chukstar Press.

Edward, S. H. (2011). Propaganda theory and the founding of public

relations. Journal of communication theory: Retrieved from
http://communicationtheory.com/theory/propaganda. 27th August,
2013.

Galadima, J. D. (2003). “Media and Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime

Target Ltd.

Herman, Edward, and Chomsky, Noam. (1988). manufacturing consent:

Retrieved from http://questia.com/library/communication/political-
communication. 27th August, 2013.

Hong, J. (1997). Democrat Communication: Evolution of China’s media

functions during the 1980s’a New Model in a New Era. New
Jersey: Hampton Press Inc.

John, R. (2002). Mass communication an introduction. 5th ed. Ibadan:

Dalag print & pak Ltd.

Kogi state broadcasting corporation. (2009). Selected programmes

synopses.October, 2009 publication.

Marcel, O. (2011). Public interest and media economics. Benin

mediacom journal (No.1-4: 2011). “For critical media research,
Evaluation & Analysis”. A Publication of Forum for
Communication and Media Research.

Miller, C. R. (1962). Readings for college writers. “How to defect

propagandas”. New York: The Ronald Press Co.

53
Moguluwa, S., Ogor, O. (2004). Communication, media and conflict
management in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime Target Ltd.

Moguluwa, S., Ogor, O. (2004). Communication, media and conflict

management in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime Target Ltd.

Okonkwor, C. R. (1999). Mass communication, democracy and civil

Society in Africa: Independent media, press freedom and cultural
rights”. Lagos: UNCESCO-NATCOM Publications.

Ojih, E. U, Onakpa, M. (2012). Media ownership in Nigeria and ethical

practice: A critical appraisal in KSU journal of mass
communication (Vol.1, No.2, 2012).Anyigba: Department of Mass
Communication, Kogi State University.

Ternakur, J. (2003). Media and politics in Nigeria. “Mass media and

political violence in Nigeria”, Enugu: Prime Target L.T.D

Ugbeda, D. O. (2012) “Analysis of ownership influence in news content.

A public and private newspaper in kogi state.

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

54
3.1 The Research Design

The approach adopted in the execution of the study is a survey

design. The researcher chooses survey design as it is one method where a

group of people is studied by collecting information from them. More so,

this type of design specified how the researcher’s data were collected and

analyzed. So, the design is specified to use questionnaire. This survey was

used by the researcher to source for his primary data.

3.2 Population of the Study

The population of the study for this research work is 195261 which

is the population of Lokoja Local government, this represent the entire

population of kogi state. www.national population commission (2006

census). The researcher used purposive sampling technique in choosing his

population due to the fact that Lokoja Local government is the state capital

and it comprises all ethnic groups of the state. Due to the National

population growth ratio (2.5) yearly, the researcher uses the ratio to project

the population of the state in 2014. To get the percentage of the growth

ratio (2.5) of Lokoja local government;

195261
× 2.5 = 4882×6+195261 = 224553
100
Therefore, the projected total population for Lokoja local

government area in 2013 is 224553.

3.3 Sampling Procedure

55
 The researcher used simple random sampling in the distribution of

his questioner. The target population of the study was two hundred and four

people.

Two hundred and four copies of questionnaire were constructed and

distributed to the researcher’s definite population as the title of the study

suggests, the study is done in Kogi state of Nigeria. Attention was paid on

equal and even spread of the researchers’ questionnaire to the entire Lokoja

Local Government Area: while oral interview was heavily reserved for the

staff of KSBC.

Sample Size

In any research work sample size is a crucial component of the study

(research) design. This sample size is brought to the fore immediately a

research selects a problem. In order to determine the sample size of this

study the researcher used the Tairo Yamani’s formula for the calculating of

sample size.

The formula is:

n= N

1+N (e)2

Where n = sample size

N= total population

1= constant

56
 e = level of significant (0.07)

n= 224553

1+224553(0.07)2

n= 224553

1+224553 (0.0049)

n= 224553

1+1100.3097

n= 224553

1101.3097

n= 204

Therefore, the sample procedure is 204.

The researcher sampled only two hundred and four (204) people, out

of the total of over three million people in Kogi State according to the 2006

National Population census figure he focused on the literate population

who expose themselves to KSBC station. The researcher sampled this

57
number because it was not possible to use the entire population of Kogi

State.

In the choice of the population for this study, the researcher used

simple random sampling technique. The technique provided each member

of the entire Kogi state population equal and independent chance of being

selected or included in the sample. Another reason why the researcher

chose the technique is that it is simple and easy probability sampling

technique in terms of conceptualization and application.

To choose the sample population, the researcher applied toss of the

coin to pick whom to give the questionnaire copy. The researcher did that

in offices and public places where the distribution of the questionnaire

copies and oral interview took place.

3.4 Research Instrument

In choosing Instrument(s) used in collecting the study data, the

researcher considered some factors that likely to affect his choice of

instrument(s) such factors like

i. The size of the sample population

ii. The area of the study

iii. Time availability and

iv. Financial resources demanded

After considering these factors, the researcher chose questionnaire

and oral interview as his data collection techniques. Questionnaire is a

58
carefully designed instrument for collecting data in accordance with the

specification of the research questions and hypotheses, while interview

involves questions and answer dialogue between the researcher and the

respondents, in order to elicit information on the identified problem under

study. Therefore, questionnaire and oral interview formed the researcher’s

measuring instruments.

3.5 Validity of Instrument

My research instrument was submitted to my supervisor and tested

among my course mates and it was confirmed valid by my supervisor.

3.6 Method of Data Collection

The researcher collected data for this study from both primary and

secondary sources. He used questionnaire and oral interview to collect his

primary data, while he consulted books, journals, magazines, newspapers

and other documents not within the mentioned categories to source for his

secondary data. Secondary data were sourced from both public and private

resourced centers like libraries.

3.7 Method of Data Analysis

All the data collected from primary source through questionnaires

and oral interview were statistically presented and analyzed. Frequency and

tabular percentage forms were used for data presentation while chi-square

T–test was used to test and analyzed some selected hypotheses as not all

were analyzed due to time constraints.

59
REFRENCES

60
Chukeuemeka, E. O. (2002). Research Methods and Thesis Writing.
Enugu: Hope-Rising Ventures Publishers.

Nwodu, L. C. (2006). Research in Communication and Behavioural

Sciences. Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Printers.

“2006 Population Census”. National Bureau of Statistics of Nigeria. May

2007. Retrieved 14 September 2010.
Uzoagulu, A. E. (1998). Practical Guide to Writing Project
Reports in Tertiary Institutions. Enugu: John Jacob’s Classic
Publishers Ltd.

CHAPTER FOUR

61
 DATA ANALYSIS

This chapter contains the data presentation /analysis and discussion

of findings as observed by my respondents in the questioner distributed and

retrieved.

4.1 Data Presentation

In this chapter, the researcher presents the data collected from the

respondents. All the 204 copies of questionnaires distributed ONLY 180

copies were returned due to the fact that, some of the respondents lost their

copy while some didn’t return the copy of questioner given to them.

Therefore, only 24 copies of the questioner were missing while a maximum

number of 180 were recovered.

4.1.2 Data Analysis

The research questions posed at the beginning of the study were

employed by administering questionnaire to the 204 respondents. The

nature of the questions was such that it avoided ambiguous responses from

the respondents and it helped in quick analysis of the data collected. The

analysis was done by treating each question, based on the research

question, table by table.

Responses were coded as 1 for the first response, 2 for the second, 3 for the

third and so on.

1. Sex

62
VARIABLE FREQUENCY %

Male 118 64

Female 62 43

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The analysis of the above table states that male respondents are 118 (66%)

while female respondents are 62 (34%) which sum all to 180

respondents (100%).

2. Age

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

18-28 91 51

29-39 59 32

40-50 21 12

51-60 9 5

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The above table states that there are 91(51%) respondents between age 18-

28, 56 (32%) respondents between age 29-39, 21 (12%) respondents

between age 40-50 while only 9 (5%) respondents between age 51-60 was

recorded all sum to 180 (100%) respondents in total.

3. Do you have access to radio?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

63
 Yes 176 98

No 4 2

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The number of respondents who listened to radio was 176 (98%) while

only 4 (2%) do not which sum to 180 (100%) in totals.

4. How often do you listen to radio?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Very often 44 24.44

Often 132 73.33

Rare 0 0

Seldom 4 2.22

No opinion 0 0

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey: 2014

The number of respondents who listen to radio very often are 44 (24.44%),

the often are 132 (73.33%), rare is nil, rare is 0(0%), seldom are 4 (2.22%)

while no opinion is 0(0%) as well all totaling the sum of 180 (100%)

respondents.

5. Do you listen to radio kogi (confluence fm 94 news and

programs)?

64
 VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 163 91

No 17 9

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The number of respondents who listen to radio kogi are 163 (91%) while

those who do not are 17 (9%)all totaling the sum of 180 (100%)

respondents.

6. Does radio kogi (fm94) involve in propaganda?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 167 93

No 13 7

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

167 (93%) respondents observed that radio kogi (fm 94) is involved in

propaganda while 13 (7%) respondents said the station is not part of

propaganda both number of respondents totaling 180 (100%).

7. If yes, state your reason;

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Reasons 163 90.55

65
 Non 17 9.44

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

163 (90.55%) respondents state that both KSBC (FM94) staff and the

station itself are owned and control by the state government. Therefore, the

idea of he who pays the piper dictate the tune is highly imbibe in this

scenario. While 17 (9.44%) respondents were neutral. The total number of

respondents in the above table was 180 (100%).

8. Which of Radio Kogi fm94 programs involve in sycophantic

broadcasting?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Kogi in focus 86 48
Political 23 13
panorama
Democracy at 49 27
work
All of the
above 22 12
Total 180 100
Source: Field survey 2014

Kogi in focus programme had been highly observed by 86 (48%)

respondents which mostly involve in sycophantic broadcasting, 23 (13%)

respondents observed political panorama, 49 (27%) respondents observed

66
 Democracy at work, while only 22 (12%) observed all of the above, all

totaling 180 (100%).

9. How often is the program run on the station?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY %

Daily 120 66.66

Twice a week 45 25

Weekly 8 4.44

In two weeks 6 3.33

Monthly 1 0.55

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The, above table states how often the program is run on the station which

120 (66.66%) respondents said daily 45 (25%) said twice a week, 8

(4.44%) said weekly, 6 (3.33%) said in two weeks and 1 (0.55%) said

monthly totaling 180 (100%) respondents all together.

10. How will you rate, sycophantic broadcasting in radio kogi (fm 94)?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

20% 13 7.22

67
40% 12 6.66

60% 100 55.55

80% 55 30.55

100% 0 0

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The above table describe how individual rate the level of sycophantic

broadcasting in radio kogi (fm 94) which 13 (7.22%) respondents rate it as

20%, 12 (6.66%) respondents rate it as 40%, 100(55.55%) respondents rate

it as 60%, 55(30.55%) rate it as 80% . Totaling 180 (100%) respondents.

11. Does opposition groups (political parties) in kogi state privileged to

air their voice through confluence fm94?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 3 2

No 175 97

May be 2 1

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

3 (2%) respondents observe that opposition groups (political parties) in

kogi state are privileged to air their voice through confluence fm94, while

175 (97%) respondents said that not at all and only 2 respondents were

neutral. Totaling 180 (100%) respondents.

68
12. Are the oppositions groups given equal coverage compare to that of the

ruling party in state?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 11 6

No 169 94

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

11 (6%) respondents said that the oppositions groups were given equal

coverage compare to that of the ruling party in the state while 169 (94%)

respondents had contrary opinion. Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were

recorded in the table above.

13. Has this situation give less popularity to the opposition groups in the

state?

Response Frequency (%)

Yes 11 8 66

No 62 34

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

118 (66%) respondents said that the situation has given less popularity to

the opposition groups in the state while 62 (34%) respondents had a

contrary opinion. Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were recorded in the

table above.

69
14. To what extent does the state ruling party used confluence fm94 to

propagate their activities in the last local government poll in Kogi State?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Very high 51 28

High 101 56

Minimum 21 12

Don’t know 7 4

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

The data in table 14, shows 51 (28%) respondents said that the extent at

which the state ruling party used confluence fm94 to Propagate their

activities in the last local government poll in kogi was high, 101 (56%)

respondents said very high, 21 (12%) respondents said it was minimum

while 7 (4%) respondents were neutral. Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents

were recorded in the table above.

15. Does confluence fm94 report the mass protest of the flood victims to

the government house, Lokoja in 2012?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 12 7

70
 No 168 93

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

Result in table15, indicate12 (7%) respondents said that confluence fm94

report the mass protest of the flood victims to the government house,

Lokoja in 2012 while 168 (93%) respondents had a contrary opinion.

Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were recorded in the table above.

16. Does the kogi state owned media ever report the negative part of the

government?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 8 4

No 172 96

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

In table 16 report 8 (4%) respondents said that the kogi state owned media

do report the negative part of the government while 172 (96%) disagree

with the 8 people’s opinion. Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were

recorded in the table above.

17. Were there any fair reportage from the confluence Fm94 during the

power tussle at the state Assembly?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 11 6
71
 No 169 94

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

Table 17 indices reveal 11 (6%) respondents said that there was fair

reportage from the confluence fm94 during the power tussle at the state

Assembly while 169 (94%) disagree with the 11 people’s opinion.

Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were recorded in the table above.

18. Were you aware that the former general manager (Chief IsahEdimeh)

of KSBC was sacked by the state Government in 1992 for airing

opposition’s (SDP) Jingles?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 122 68

No 58 32

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

Investigation in table 18, presents122 (68%) respondents to have said they

were aware that the former general manager (Chief IsahEdimeh) of KSBC

was sacked by the state Government in 1992 for airing opposition’s (SDP)

Jingles while only 58 (32%) respondents were not aware. Therefore, 180

(100%) respondents were recorded in the table above.

19. Do you agree that government censor it media?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

72
 Yes 167 93

No 13 7

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

Up in the table result shown 167 (93%) respondents agree that government

censor its media while only 13 (7%) respondents disagree. Therefore,

180(100%) respondents were recorded in the table above.

20. If yes, what is the extent of Government censorship in KSBC?

VARUABLE FREQUENCY (%)

High 46 26

Very high 110 61

Minimum 20 11

Do not 4 2

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

46 (26%) respondents said that the extent at which government censor

KSBC was high, 110 (61%) respondents said very high, 20 (11%)

respondents said it was minimum while only 4 (2%) respondents were

neutral. As it is, 180 (100%) respondents were recorded in the table above.

21. If no, state your reason;

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

73
 There were no

specified

reasons of the

thirteen (13)

respondents to

question 19.

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014

22. Does the censorship influence government propaganda on it media?

VARIABLE FREQUENCY (%)

Yes 155 86

No 25 14

Total 180 100

Source: Field survey 2014.

155 (86%) respondents said that the censorship influence government

propaganda on its media while 25 (14%) respondents had a contrary

opinion. Therefore, 180 (100%) respondents were recorded in the table

above.

4.2 Discussion of Findings

74
 This study was intended to give answers to the research questions raised

in chapter one. The answers derived from respondents through

questionnaire were used to find out if the problems raised by the research

questions were solved. A careful examination of the data collected revealed

that the research received adequate answers as follows:

4.2.1 Research Question 1: Does Kogi State Broadcasting Corporation

involve in Sycophantic broadcasting (praise singing)?

In answering this question, table six to ten (6-10) has response to the

above research question in which table six (6) states that, Kogi State

Broadcasting Corporation (radio kogi) Lokoja is strictly involved in

sycophantic broadcasting (Praise singing) for the fact that 93 percent of

respondents said that radio kogi is involve in sycophantic broadcasting and

only 7 percent said radio kogi does not involve in sycophantic broadcasting.

In table 7, it demands proof from the respondents that said radio kogi,

Lokoja is involve in sycophantic broadcasting in which 90.55 percent

respondents was able to give their reasons. Among their reasons, it was

revealed that government owned media are instrument of government

propaganda.

While, table eight demands from the respondents to choose in the

options the program of the station that involve in sycophantic broadcasting in

which 48 percent of the respondents choose “kogi in focus”, 27 percent of the

respondents choose “democracy at work”, 13 percent of the respondents

75
choose “political panorama” and 12 percent of the respondents admitted that

all the programmes are propaganda vessel.

Table nine (9) ought to know how often is the program been runned on

the station which 66.66 percent said daily, 25 percent said twice in a week,

3.33 percent in two weeks and 0.55 percent said monthly. From the

perspective of the 66.66 percent respondents’ sycophancy is the daily manner

of the station.

Lastly in the above research question, table ten also fit in the discussion.

This table has to do with the rating of sycophantic broadcasting in radio kogi,

Lokoja as 55.55 percent respondents rate it as 60%, 30.55 respondents rate it

as 80%, 7.22 respondents rate it as 20% and 6.66 percent respondents rate it as

40%. Base on the opinion of the respondents it can be concluded that

sycophantic broadcasting is at maximum level.

Therefore, from the above discussions table six (6) best suits above

research question in such that it goes directly with the research question. From

the above findings, it can be concluded that radio kogi, Lokoja popularly

known as confluence fm94 is highly involve in Sycophantic broadcasting. To

conform to the principles of pluralism, the national broadcasting commission

policy of broadcasting stations urges all broadcast stations to give equal

opportunity to all political parties to air their views, ideas and opinions. But,

Ogor (2003) cited by Mboho (2005, p.135) Disagree that the “NBC provision

on political broadcasting lack enforceability, hence it can be vehemently

76
abused by many state government-owned broadcasting stations”. By this

scholar assertion, revealed that all state owned broadcast media is involve in

sycophantic broadcasting as 93% stated that (KSBC) radio kogi, Lokoja do

practice sycophancy in their broadcasting.

Table six as represented in the bellow pie chat give a graphically insight

to the discussion and to enhance better understanding.

pie chat illustrating

responses in table 6

26
Yes 334
No 26

334

4.2.2 Research Question2: Does government owned media ever showed

equal and balance coverage and reportage of opposition groups’ activities with

that of the government in power?

In answering the above research question, table fifteen to seventeen (15-

17) has response to it. But table sixteen (16) best suit the above research

question. As the tenet of he who play the piper dictate the tune and the popular

believe of “you do not bite the hand that feed you”, therefore, this proverbs

simply revealed the information gathered from table fifteen (15) and sixteen

(16) respectively which discuss thus; 340 (189%) respondents said that the kogi

77
state owned media had never report the negative part of the goverrnment. For

instance during the flood disaster in kogi state a number of victims organized a

protest in the state capital (Lokoja) which was not aired on radio kogi, lokoja

due to the fact that the organized protest was against kogi state government.

Meanwhile, 20 respondents with 11% disagree with the 340 people’s

opinion that government owned media do report the negative part of the

government and that the station reported the mass protest of the flood victims

in 2012. From the above findings, it can be concluded that no government

owned media reports the bad side of the government by so doing the

government owned media especially in Nigeria practice sycophantic

broadcasting in such that they do that to get favour from the government in

power. Since the NBC is owned and control by the government, sanction could

not be placed on its media even as they broadcast against the lay down rule of

the NBC.

There were instances based on the side of the radio kogi, Lokoja that the

radio station took side in their reportage during the power tussle at the state

Assembly in which 169 of 94 percent respondents said that there was no any

form of fair and balanced reportage from the radio station which means that

listeners was not given a rightful information. Only few numbers of

respondents admitted that radio kogi conform to objectivity and accuracy.

Therefore, table sixteen was chosen by the researcher to illustrate the

bellow pie chat to enhance vivid understanding to the discussion.

78
 pie chat illustrating
table 16

16
Yes 16
No 344

344

4.2.3 Research Question3: To what extent has the kogi state government

used KSBC for propaganda?

In answering this question, it was gathered that the kogi state

government had been carrying out it propaganda agenda via it media (KSBC)

radio kogi, Lokoja in such that table ten (10) and fourteen (14) respond to the

above researched question. Table ten (10) describe how individual rate the

level of sycophantic broadcasting in radio kogi (fm 94) which From the above

findings, therefore, it can be concluded that the extent at which kogi state

government used radio kogi, Lokoja to propagate it propaganda activities is at

maximum level.

While table fourteen (14) revealed that, 51 (28%) respondents said that

the extent at which the state ruling party used confluence fm94 to propagate it

activities in the last local government poll in kogi was high. 101 (56%)

79
respondents said very high, 21 (12%) respondents said it was minimum while

7 (4%) respondents were neutral. From the opinions of the respondents in table

14 revealed that radio kogi is a perfect medium through which electorates

mind and thoughts were been manipulated.

The potency of propaganda when relates to Adolf Hitler, view, when he

noted that by persistence propaganda, by appropriate selection and suppression

of public dissent you can make people believe that hell is heaven… (1889-

1945). This is what the government has always done to the people making

them believe what is not, even when it is obvious that they are not doing well

they keep repeating one project over and over again and again to avoid public

outcry. Herman and Chomsky in Patrick and thrall (2007) added to

government use of propaganda when they note that; powerful elites are able to

maintain the status quo through mass media (Patrick and thrall 2007). It

implies that government on a day today uses the tool of media especially

broadcast media to propagate its activities. Lenin (1902) assertion also

supports the above view. “Combination of political agitation and propaganda

designed to win the support of intellectual and workers for the communist

revolution…Adolf and Benito Mussolini also use propaganda in oratory to

develop and maintain a support of the masses…during world war ii all the

warring nation employed propaganda, often called psychological warfare, to

boost civilian and military Morales as well as to demoralized the enemy. The

use of propaganda by government has by these scholarly statements and

80
analysis been established without further contention as 97% stated that the

state government uses propaganda.

Therefore, table fourteen best illustrated in the pie chat bellow to

buttress the discussion of the researcher in the above answered research

question.

pie chat illustrating table 14

14
42
Very high 102
102 High 202
Minimum 42
Don’t know 14

202

4.2.4 Research Question4: What is the extent of government censorship in

KSBC?

Table 20 has response to this researched question which described the

extent at which government censor (KSBC) radio kogi, Lokoja. It revealed

that, 46 (26%) respondents said that the extent at which government censor

KSBC was high, 110 (61%) respondents said very high, 20 (11%)

respondents said it was minimum while only 4 (2%) respondents were

neutral.

Form the above findings, it can be concluded that, government has

greater influence in censoring it media (KSBC). This is also noted in Yusuf

81
(1999 p.9) concur with the issue of censorship and noted that proprietors

cannot admit criticism of their policies forcing the reporters and the editors

of these publications to begging with self-censorship. They publish news

that praises and pleases their proprietors. On this note, the extent at which

government censor it owned media as observed by this scholar 61% stated

that the state government has absolute influence and do censor it media.

Therefore, the researcher constructed the pie chat bellow to illustrate

responses in table twenty.

pie chat illustrating table

20

8 High 92
40
92 Ver high 220
Minimum 40
Do not 8

220

REFERENCES

Edward, S. H. (2011). Propaganda theory and the founding of public

82
 relations. Journal of communication theory: Retrieved from
http://communicationtheory.com/theory/propaganda. 27th August,
2013

Ojih, E. U, Onakpa, M. (2012). Media ownership in Nigeria and ethical

practice: A critical appraisal in KSU journal of mass
communication (Vol.1, No.2, 2012).Anyigba: Department of Mass
Communication, Kogi State University.

Ogor, O. I. (2003). Media and Politics in Nigeria: Political Coverage

and the Nigerian Broadcasting Code. Enugu: Prime Targets
L.T.D

CHAPTER FIVE

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation and Limitation of Study

83
This chapter includes the summary of the thesis, conclusion and

recommendation.

5.1 Summary

The purpose of this project as stated in the initial chapter was to

analyze the state owned broadcast media as a tool for propaganda, a study

of KSBC (fm94), Lokoja hope to ascertain whether radio kogi, Lokoja as

one of the government owned media is also involve in propaganda. This

research work gives a brief history of broadcasting in Nigeria as well as

radio kogi, Lokoja. The study also emphasizes the extent at which

propaganda messages had been aired on the station and how the

government had been able to use the said KSBC (radio kogi, Lokoja) as a

tool for propaganda since its inception. The research explores the fact that

the government tend to use this medium (radio kogi, Lokoja) to promote its

activities in order to get appraisal from the people which is contrary to their

expected obligation to the society. Also the research objectives were

established alongside the research questions, significance of the study and

the scope of the study.

More so, in this research work, the researcher made use of critical

theory, authoritarian theory and the soviet communist theory as well as the

advent and models of propaganda. The study explored existing literature,

based on various dimensions of the case study.

84
 In methodology, this research made use of survey in data collection

and questionnaire to seek his respondent’s opinion as related to the study.

The researcher used purposive sampling technique in choosing his

population and simple random sampling in the distribution of his

questioner. Taro Yamane formula was used to get the sample size of 204

from the projected total population of 224553.

Finally, the data gathered from the preceding chapter were presented

and analyzed. The major finding is that (KSBC) radio kogi, Lokoja is

strictly involved in propaganda based on the ownership influence and

control by the kogi state government. Therefore, the summary, conclusions,

recommendations, and bibliography as well the appendix of this research

work was treated one after the other as the last section of the study.

5.2 Conclusions

This study has been able to confirm that kogi state government has

been using (KSBC) radio kogi for sycophantic broadcasting likewise in

other government owned media across the country. This study is based on

the critical theory and the authoritarian theory which says that the mass

media serves the rich, affluence, and the powerful and exploits the poor, the

weak, the needy and the masses. It described thus that “truth is centered on

power”. That only those in powers that know the truth. Government adopt

85
propaganda in it media to communicate false truth to the people and to

accord respect for the government of the day.

5.3 Recommendations

Haven’t carried out research from diverse school of thought from the

avalanche of related communication text, political sciences and from the

perspectives of sociologist the study and most importantly the Marxist, the

study recommends that government should hence forth not to interfere in

any of its owned media (broadcast) since the national broadcasting

commission (NBC) as a government agency was established to regulate the

activities of broadcast stations (radio and television) in Nigeria. Therefore,

the idea of censorship should be maintain by the NBC not the state

government. This will enhance fair and balanced coverage and objectivism

for an effective broadcast.

The study also recommends that government owned media should be

independent in such that gate keeping process should be within the

organization. The media which serves as the watch dog of the society

should not be influence by any form of external factor.

Further recommendation for this study based on the researcher

respondent’s opinion is that there should be a strong union in broadcast

organizations like the NUJ, NLC and TUC. This will serve as protection

for its staff against any form of threat from the government.

86
 Programmes that sound sycophantic should be replace with educative,

entertaining and general news of public interest. The researcher made these

recommendations to change the public perception as against the

government owned media as a sycophantic template.

5.4 Limitations of Study

Any literary work embarked upon usually have some hindrances

encountered, the time in which the research carried out the research is

limited, it is also difficult to source information and obtain materials

needed for this research due to financial constraints. Some of the

distributed questioner was unable to be retrieved. During the course of this

study, there was an occurrence in which the academic staff union of

university (ASUU) embarked on six months strike, this really contributed

in slowing down the researchers pace as he would have wanted it to be

done on time.

In spite of all these limitations, effort is been made with all

seriousness to research in depth on the approved topic.

87
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books
Asemah, E. (2011). Selected mass media themes. Jos: University Press.

Bittner, J. R. (2002). Mass communication: An introduction. Ibadan: Dalag

Prints and Pak Ltd.

Casey, R. D. (1960). The press, propaganda and pressure groups.

London: University of Illinois Press.

Chandler, D. (2011). Oxford dictionary of media and communication.

London: University Press.

Chukeuemeka, E. O. (2002). Research methods and thesis writing. Enugu:

Hope-Rising Ventures Publishers.

Dominick, J. R. (1990). The dynamic of mass communication (3rd Ed).

New York: McGraw Hill Publishing Co.

Ebo, S. J. (1994). Broadcasting production and management. Enugu.

Chukstar Press.

Galadima, J. D. (2003). “Media and Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime

Target Ltd.

Hassan, S. (2013). Mass communication principle and concepts. New Delhi:

CBS Publisher & Distributors pvt Ltd.

Hong, J. (1997). Democrat Communication: Evolution of China’s media

functions during the 1980s’a New Model in a New Era. New
Jersey: Hampton Press Inc.

John, R. (2002). Mass communication an introduction. 5th ed. Ibadan:

Dalag Print & Pak Ltd.

Miller, C. R. (1962). Readings for college writers. “How to defect

propagandas”. New York: The Ronald Press Co.

Moguluwa, S., Ogor, O. (2004). Communication, media and conflict

management in Nigeria. Enugu: Prime Target Ltd.

88
Moguluwa, S. C. (2004). Communication, media and conflict
management in Nigeria: Towards effective combination and
utilization of public relations, propaganda and publicity in conflict
and crisis management. Enugu: Prime Target Ltd.

Nwodu, L. C. (2006). Research in communication and behavioral sciences.

Enugu: RhyceKerex Printers.

Okonkwor, C. R. (1999). Mass communication, democracy and civil

Society in Africa: Independent media, press freedom and cultural
rights”. Lagos: UNCESCO-NATCOM Publications.

Ogor, O. I. (2003). Media and Politics in Nigeria: Political Coverage

and the Nigerian Broadcasting Code. Enugu: Prime Targets
L.T.D

Robert, W.A. (1999). ‘‘Media deregulation, free press and cultural pluralism
In Africa: Towards a communication policy. International
perspective. Lagos: UNESCO – NATCOM Publication.

Ternakur, J. (2003). Media and politics in Nigeria. “Mass media and

political violence in Nigeria”, Enugu: Prime Target L.T.D

Uzoagulu, A. E. (1998). Practical guide to writing project reports in

tertiary institutions. Enugu: John Jacob’s Classic Publishers Ltd.

Journals
Joseph, O. (2012). Propaganda and national interest in a new world
order. Journal of contemporary communication. Vol.1, No.1, May
2012. A publication of centre for research, communication and
development.

Marcel, O. (2011). Public interest and media economics. Benin

mediacom journal (No.1-4: 2011). “For critical media research,
Evaluation & Analysis”. A Publication of Forum for
Communication and Media Research.

Ojih, E. U, Onakpa, M. (2012). Media ownership in Nigeria and ethical

practice: A critical appraisal in KSU journal of mass
communication (Vol.1, No.2, 2012).Anyigba: Department of Mass
Communication, Kogi State University.

89
Kogi state broadcasting corporation. (2009). Selected programmes
Synopses. October, 2009 publication.

Unpublished Lecture Note

Ogidiolu, (2011). Unpublished lecture note on principle of public relations.
Kogi state university, Anyigba.

Internet Sources
Edward, S. H. (2011). Propaganda theory and the founding of public
relations. Journal of communication theory: Retrieved from http
://communicationtheory.com/theory/propaganda. 27th August, 2013

Herman, Edward, and Chomsky, Noam. (1988). manufacturing consent:

Retrievedfrom
http://questia.com/library/communication/political-
communication. 27th August, 2013.

Clyde, R. M. (1937). Propaganda devices and models: the Institute for

Propaganda Analysis. Retrieved from http://questia.com/read/
1E1-officeWa. 27th August, 2013.

90
 APPENDIX

DEPARTMENT OF MASS
COMMUNICATION,

Dear respondent,

I am a final year student in the above named department and

institution, currently writing a research project on “An analysis of state

owned broadcast media as a tool for propaganda” using Kogi Radio,

Lokoja as a case study.

This work is purely for academic exercise and shall be treated

confidentially to this study and I assure you that all the information given

will be treated in utmost confidence.

Thanks

QUESTIONNAIRE

91
(PART ONE)

Please tick as appropriate ( √ )

1. Sex. a. Male ( ) b. Female ( )

2. Age a. 18-28 ( ) b.29-39 ( ) c. 40.-50 ( ) d. 51-60 ( )

3. . Do you have access to radio? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

4. How often do you listen to radio? a. Very often ( ) b. often ( )

c. Rare ( ) d. Seldom ( ) e. No Opinion ( )

5. Do you listen to kogi radio (confluence fm 94 news and programs)?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

(PART TWO)

6. Does KSBC (fm94) involve in propaganda? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

7. If yes, state your reason;

8. Which of Radio Kogi fm94 programs involve in sycophantic

broadcasting? a. Kogi in focus ( ) b. Political panorama ( ) c. Democracy

at work ( ) d. All of the above ( )

9. How often is the program run on the station? a. Daily ( ) b. twice a week

c. weekly ( ) d. In two weeks ( ) e. monthly ( )

10. How will you rate, sycophantic broadcasting in KSBC (fm 94)?

a.20% ( ) b. 40% ( ) c. 60% ( ) d. 80% ( ) e.100% ( )

92
11. Does opposition groups (political parties) in kogi state privilege to air

their voice through confluence fm94? a. yes ( ) b. no ( ) c. may be ( )

12. Are the oppositions groups given equal coverage compare to that of the

ruling party in the state? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

13. Has this situation give less popularity to the opposition groups in the

state? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

(PART THREE)

14. To what extent does the state ruling party used confluence fm94 to

propagate their activities in the last local government poll in kogi state?

a. High ( ) b. Very High ( ) c. Minimum ( ) d. don’t know ( )

15. Does confluence fm94 report the mass protest of the flood victims to

the government house, Lokoja in 2012? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

16. Does kogi state owned media ever report the negative part of the

government? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

17. Were there any fair reportage from the confluence fm94 during the

power tussle at the state Assembly? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

18. Were you aware that the former general manager (Chief IsahEdimeh)

of KSBC was sacked by the state government in 1992 for airing

opposition’s (SDP) jingles? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

19. Do you agree that government censor it media? a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

20. If yes, what is the extent of Government censorship in KSBC?

a. High ( ) b. Very High ( ) c. Minimum ( ) d. Do not ( )

93
21. If no, state your reason;

22. Does the censorship influence government propaganda on it media?

a. Yes ( ) b. No ( )

94