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第1章

（1771 年，写于都怀伏特镇，圣阿萨夫主教家）
亲爱的孩子：
1 我一直对收集祖上的各种奇闻轶事相当感兴趣，乐此不彼。我就曾经为了这个目的而四出旅行，你可能还记
得，当我们在英国的时候，我就经常向我们家族中的老人们询问、调查有关这个方面的情况。我觉得，同样，你
们中的一些人可能也很想知道我的生活情况（就好比我渴望知道我的先人的生活一样），因为这其中的很多事情
你们是并不清楚的。正好，我现在有一个星期的休假时间，预计在这一个星期的乡村假期里是没有什么东西会来
打扰我的。因而，我可以坐下来把我的生活情况原原本本的告诉你。其实，写这些东西，我还有另外一个目的。
我出身贫贱，后来才在这个世界上获得了财富和荣誉，为世人所称道。上帝保佑，我至今一帆风顺，万事如意。
我的处世之道如此成功，我的后世子孙也许想知道它们，并且找到些和他们的境况相适应的立身之术，然后模仿
它们。
2 当我回望、审视这种幸福的时候，我有时候禁不住会想，如果上帝再给我一次机会的话，我会毫不犹豫地重
新度过我的此生，一切从头开始。我只要求像作家那样，在修订版本的时候可以改正初版的某些错误，把某些不
幸的事情变得稍微顺利些。但是，要是我的这些要求都不被接受的话，我仍然愿意接受上帝的恩赐，按照我原来
的样子重新活过一次。事实上既然这种重来是不可能的，那么最接近这种重演的好像只有回忆了。为了让这种回
忆尽可能地保持久远，就只好把它用笔记下来了。
3 在这里我将顺着老年人常有的偏好，来谈谈他们自己，谈谈他们过去的所作所为。我这样做，将不会使那些
尊敬老人的人感到厌烦，他们往往处于尊敬老人的考虑而被迫听我们唠叨。而将之写下来，他们可以看也可以不
看。最后，我还是自己承认吧，就算我死不承认也没有人会相信，那就是，写这个自传可以极大地满足我的虚荣
心。实际上，我经常听到或在书上看到，在人们说完“我可以豪不夸张地说”之类的开场白之后，紧接着的就是
一堆自吹自擂的话，而丝毫不觉得脸红。绝大多数人厌恶别人的虚荣，但却不管自己有多么虚荣。但是，无论我
在什么地方碰到虚荣，我都会给它一个正确的位子。因为我觉得，这样做，对虚荣的人来说是有好处的，对其周
围受其影响的人来说也不无益处。因此，在很多情况下，一个人在感谢生活给他带来的种种便利和舒适之外，然
后感谢上帝恩赐于他的虚荣心也是很正常的。
4 现在，我真的要说感谢上帝，我由衷地感激它在以往的日子里给予的幸福，正是它指引我前进，并取得了成
功。虽然这些并不一定在我的预测范围之内，但是深信它们会使我实现渴望，同样的苍天之善仍旧指引着我，使
我持续拥有这样的幸福，或者是能够使我容忍他人都会经历的那些致命的困苦。我未来要面临的幸福、甚至是痛
苦，全能的上帝全都知晓，并且都在它的掌握之中。
5 我一位伯父的手记曾经落在我的手上，他也有收集家族奇闻轶事的癖好。这部手记使我了解到我们祖上的一
些详细情况。从这部手记可以看出，我们家族在洛斯安普敦教区的埃克敦村至少住了不下于 300 年之久。究竟在
这之前有多少年，我这个伯父自己也不知道了。（也许可以从他们采用“富兰克林”这个词作为他们的姓开始。
“富兰克林”在这之前，是一个平民阶层的名称。当时英国各地都在使用姓氏。）那个时候，他们拥有 30 亩的自
由地，附带着以打铁为副业。一直到我伯父这一代为止，打铁的副业都没有断过。家里的老大总是被培养来接替
这个打铁的生意。作为一个惯例，伯父和我父亲在他们长子的职业安排上也服从这样一个规矩。当我在埃克敦查
阅相关记录时，我发现了我们祖先从 1555 年开始的出生、婚姻、丧葬情况。在这之前，就没有任何记录了，因为
那个时候教区还没有开始建立记录制度。通过那份记录我得知我是前五代人中最年幼儿子的儿子。
6 我的祖父托马斯，他生于 1598 年，他一直住在埃克敦村，直到他老的不能再做生意为止。然后他就和他儿
子约翰——一个染工一起住在牛津郡班伯里。那个时候，我父亲就在给约翰当学徒。我祖父一直生活在那里直到
死亡并安葬在那里。1758 那一年，我们见到了他的墓碑。他的长子托马斯仍然住在埃克敦，他死后将房屋和土地
都留给了他惟一的女儿。他的女儿和女婿（威灵堡一个叫费希尔的人）又把它们卖给了现在的主人伊斯特德先生。
我祖父有 4 个儿子，他们是托马斯，约翰，本杰明，约塞亚。我手边没有资料，我将把我记得的尽量给你写下来。
如果资料在我离开期间没有丢失的话，你就会在其中发现更多的细节。
7 托马斯在他父亲的培养下学打铁，但是由于他天性聪慧，当地教区的大绅士帕尔默先生就不断鼓励他去学习。
后来他成为了一名合格的书记员。成为地方上相当有影响的人物。他是他自己村庄，也是洛斯安普敦镇以及该郡
所有公益事业的推动者。他得到了人们的注意也得到了哈利法克斯勋爵的奖赏。托马斯于阴历 1702 年 1 月 6 号去
世，四年后的那天是我出生的日子。我曾记得爱克顿的老人们向我们讲述他的生平和他的性格的时候，你被强烈
地震动了。因为你觉得那些东西很像你知道的我。你说，“如果他死在你出生的那一天，人们可能会认为你是他
转世投胎呢！”
8 约翰被培养成了一名洗染工，我觉得是染羊毛的。本杰明被培养成为了染丝绸的，他是在伦敦学的手艺。他
是一个很机灵的人。我记得很清楚，当我童年的时候，他来到波士顿我父亲住的地方和我们一起住了些个年头。
我一直活到很大的年纪。他的孙子塞缪尔·富兰克林现在住在波士顿。他死后留下了两卷 4 开大的书本，里面是他
自己写的一些诗，包括他写给他朋友和亲戚的一些即兴短诗。下面是他给我的一首诗就是一个样本。
致和我同名的人（基于一份好战的报告）1710 年 7 月 7 号
本，相信我，战争是一个危险的交易，
剑锻造好以后也就意味着毁坏。
它让许多人失败而不是成功；
它让许多人贫穷，少数人富裕，更少数人变的富有智慧；
它让村镇衰败，田野血迹斑斑；
它鼓励懒惰，保护傲慢。
美丽的城市，现在河水泛滥，
明天就会被战争的稀缺和悲伤填充，
还有破败的国家，罪恶，残肢，伤疤，
这些都是战争造成的荒凉。
9 他还创造了自己的速记法，并且把它教给了我。不过，由于我从来没有练习过，所以我就忘记了。我的名字
是跟着他起的，因为我父亲和他有种特别的感情。他非常虔诚，只要有好的布道者来布道他都会去，并且用他自
己的速记法把内容记下来，最终，他记了好几卷笔记。他还经常参加政治活动，当然，就其身份来说，他过分地
关心政治了，他参加的政治活动太多了。我在伦敦的时候，他有份收藏品落在了我的手里，里面全是从 1641 年到
1771 年所有和公共事务有关的重要的小册子。从编号来看，很多小册子遗失了，但还是有 8 册对开本的和 20 册
4 开本的、8 开本的。一位认识我的旧书商人碰到这些书就买了下来送给我。好像大概在 50 年前，我叔叔来美国
的时候把它们忘在了那里。在书边上还有很多他记的笔记。
10 我们这个卑微的家族很早就参加了宗教改革运动（开始信奉新教）。在整个玛丽女王统治时期，我们家族
成员都是新教徒，也正因为他们狂热地反对天主教会而处于巨大的麻烦之中。他们有一本英文的圣经。为了保护
它，他们把它藏了起来。他们把书打开，下面缠上带子，绑在折凳的后面。当我曾祖父给家人念圣经的时候，他
就把折凳打开放在自己的膝头上，在带子下面一页一页地翻读。每当这个时候，祖父都会叫一个小孩在门口望风，
要是他看到宗教裁判所的使者来的话就可以知会大家，好让曾祖父有足够的时间把折凳反过来放好，那本圣经就
又像原来那样藏好了。这件奇闻轶事是我从本杰明叔叔那里听来的。我们全家族都是英国国教教徒，一直到查里
二世王朝覆灭的时候。那时候，一些不信奉国教的而被驱逐的人在洛斯安普敦秘密集会，本杰明叔叔和乔赛亚都
终生追随着他们，家里的其他人则继续留在国教里面。
11 我的父亲乔赛亚很早就结婚了。大概在 1682 年的时候，他带着他的妻子和 3 个孩子来到了新英格兰。那
个时候，非国教徒的集会是法律所禁止的，并常常受到骚扰。这就促使我父亲认识的一些有思想的人想到新大陆
去。父亲也被劝说和他们一道去那里。他们希望在那里能够有宗教自由。在那里，他的妻子又给他生了 4 个孩子，
他的第二个妻子又给他生了 10 个孩子，共 17 个子女。我还记得有一次，我们 13 个人围坐在一张桌子旁边的情形。
现在，我们都长大成人结婚了。我是其中最小的一个儿子，出生在波士顿；我在所有的孩子中排行倒数第二。
12 我的母亲是我父亲的第二个妻子，她的名字叫阿拜雅·福尔杰，她是彼得·福尔杰的女儿。彼得·福尔杰是
最早到新英格兰定居的移民之一，如果我没有记错的话，科顿·马瑟在他的那部有关宗教史的《美洲基督大事记》
曾称赞他是位善良且博学的英国人。我还听说外祖父写过多种即兴短诗，但其中只有一首付印，我在很多年前读
过这首诗。那首诗写于 1675 年，采用了当时民间流行的诗体，是写给当地政府有关人士的。
13 他代表浸礼会、教友派及其他受迫害的的教派，他颂扬良心自由。他认为我们所遭受的印第安人战争和其
它灾害是迫害教徒的结果，是上帝对这种重罪的严判和重惩，以规劝政府取消那些严酷的法令。在我看来，整个
诗篇都充满了正直坦诚和豪迈的气概。尽管我忘记了前二节，但我记得最后六节。文章的主要意思是说他的责难
都是出于善意，所以他不想隐晦自己的名字。
他说，
因为我从心底憎恶，
做一个匿名诽谤的人。
我住在修彭城，
我绝无恶意，
我把名字留存在这里。
您真诚的朋友：彼得·福尔杰。
14 我的兄长们都在不同的行业学习。我 8 岁的时候被送到文法学校学习，这是因为父亲想要我致力于教会事
业，当做是父亲这么多儿子的什一税。我很早就开始学习（应该是非常早，在我印象中我没有不识字的时期），
父亲所有的朋友都说我将来一定能成为大学者，这些让父亲更坚信了他的意图。本杰明叔叔也赞同我读书，并提
议把他全部的布道速记材料给我。如果我能学他的速记的话，我想这些都可以作为我未来的资本。我在文法学校
学习还不到一年，但在这一段时期内我已经从班级里的中等生一跃成为优等生。然后父亲要我升到二年级，这样
我年底就可以升入三年级。但是，同时，父亲考虑到我以后上大学的费用，这样大的一个家庭，父亲没有办法供
养我上大学，并且许多受过高等教育的人活得并不富裕，这是父亲当着我的面对他的朋友说的。所以，父亲改变
了他的看法，让我从文法学校退学，而把我送到一所读写和算术的学校去读书。这所学校是当时一个著名的叫做
乔治·布郎纳的先生开办的。总的说来，他办学还是不错的，他用的是最温和的最鼓舞人心的教学方法。在他的教
导下，我不久就能写一手漂亮的字，但算术却不及格，并且一直没有进步。10 岁那年我被父亲带回了家，做父亲
生意上的帮手，制作蜡烛和肥皂，父亲在这个方面并没有受过训练，但是当父亲到达新英格兰的时候他发现漂染
的活根本没有生意，无法维持全家人的生计，所以我就帮着做些剪烛芯、灌烛模、照看店面、跑腿送货诸如此类
的事。
15 我不喜欢这个行当，我对航海有着强烈的向往。不过父亲说他反对我的想法。但由于生活在海边，我对海
很熟悉，我很早就学会了游泳和划船。我经常是个领导者，尤其当我们遇到什么麻烦的时候。我有的时候也会让
孩子们陷入窘镜。在这里我就举个事例吧，尽管我当时那样做是不对的，但也显示出了我早期突出的公共精神。
16 那个地方是个盐碱滩，就在磨房旁边。我们经常在涨潮的时候站在滩边钓鱼。由于经常被踩踏，盐碱滩变
成了烂泥潭。所以我提议在烂泥潭那里建一个小码头以便我们立足。我领着大家在附近不远的地方，看到了一大
堆别人用来建新房子的石头，这就是我们想要的。因此，当晚上工人们都走了的时候，我组织了一帮玩伴像一群
蚂蚁那样工作起来，因为有的时候一块石头要两三个人才能搬动。我们把这些石头搬来做成了我们自己的码头。
第二天早上，工人们看到石头不见了很吃惊，后来他们发现我们用他们的石头来修码头了。我们的码头被拆除了
并受到他们的指责。我们中的一些人还受到了他们父亲的处罚。尽管我不断强调这项工作的好处，但它也使我确
信靠不诚实得到的东西是不会有任何用处的。
17 我想可能你也想知道有关我父亲的事情吧。他身体相当好，中等身材，体格很强壮。他天资聪慧，善于绘
画，音乐很好，嗓音洪亮动听。他经常在工作结束或者一天结束的时候坐下来，拉着小提琴，自个儿唱歌，非常
好听。我父亲在使用机械上也很在行，他很擅长摆弄其他工匠的工具。但他最大的长处在于他深刻的理解能力和
对重大事情的判断力，无论是公事还是私人小事。不过，他从没有吃过公家饭，因为他有一大家人要抚养，这些
都离不开他的生意。但我清楚地记得，经常有些头面人物来拜访父亲，询问父亲对镇上事情或者教区事情的意见。
他的意见得到了人们极大的尊重，他还经常被邀请做争执双方的裁决人。
18 他经常喜欢邀请思维敏锐的朋友或者邻居来家里围着桌子谈话，并且总是谈些充满智慧和有用的话题。因
为这有益于孩子们的思维发展。通过这种方式，我们知道了生活里什么是好的，什么是善良的，什么是公正的，
什么是谨慎。我们基本上不会注意饭桌上吃的东西，比如花样多少，流行与否，面粉的好坏，是否合胃口等。我
就是在这样不注意小节的环境下成长的，因此，我对饭桌前吃的什么是非常冷漠的。直到今天为止，如果在吃饭
以后的几小时有人问我吃了什么，我基本上是回答不上来的。这些习惯对我的旅行是十分便利的，但我的朋友们
却因长期讲究饮食，在旅行的时候因饮食得不到满足而非常不高兴。
19 我母亲的身体也很好，她养大了所有的 10 个孩子。在我印象中，除了他们死前得病，我从来不知道我父
亲和母亲有得过病的记录。我父亲 89 岁去世，母亲 85 岁去世。他们死后合葬于波士顿。多年以后我在他们的墓
前立了一块碑，碑文如下：
约塞亚·富兰克林
和他的妻子阿拜亚
共躺于此
他们在婚姻期间恩爱地生活
共 55 年
没有财产，没有收入丰厚的职位
靠上帝的恩赐和辛勤的劳作
他们维持着有一个大家庭
和睦舒适
他们养育了 13 个子女和 7 个孙子女
名声在外
读者从此例中，能受到鼓励，勤奋工作
千万不要不信上帝
他是一个虔诚和谨慎的人
她是一个贤慧具有美德的人
他们最小的儿子
为了纪念他们
特立此碑
约塞亚·富兰克林生于 1655，卒于 1744，享年 89
阿拜亚生于 1667，卒于 1752，享年 85
20 我走的太远了，东拉西扯太多，我意识到自己老了。我过去写东西是很有条理的。但在私人的聚会中，人
们的穿着总不和在公共场合的舞会上一样吧。这可能只是不拘小节吧。
21 回到正题上来：我继续在父亲那里做了两年，一直到我 12 岁那年。我的兄弟约翰，那个被专门培养起来
做这一行的约翰，他这个时候已经离开了父亲，在罗地岛建立了自己的事业。似乎，种种迹象表明我注定要填补
他走后的位子——做一个蜡烛匠人，但是我仍然厌恶这一行当。父亲很苦恼，他怕我像约塞亚一样离家出走，私
自航海去，如果他不给我找到有个我喜欢的工作的话。因此，他有时候就会带我一起出去，看看那些木匠、瓦匠、
旋工、铜匠等等，以便看我的喜好。父亲努力想在陆地上找到我喜欢的工作。对我来说，观察一位工人娴熟地使
用工具一直是我的乐趣。这种观察对我很有用处，通过这种方式我学到了很多东西。当找不到工人的时候，家里
的一些修理活我就可以自己来做。当那种做实验的兴致很浓的时候，我总是试着做我自己的小机器。最后，父亲
决定让我学切割。当时，本杰明叔父的儿子塞缪尔已经在伦敦学会了这门技术。所以，我就被送到他那里学了一
段时间。但他想收我的学费，这让父亲大为不满，他就又把我领回了家。
22 从童年时代开始我就喜欢读书。我所有的零花钱都用在了买书上。因为喜欢《天路历程》这本书，我一开
始就收藏了约翰·班扬的文集的单行本。后来，因为买伯顿的《历史文集》，我又把它们卖了。这些书都是小贩们
卖的，很便宜，这个文集总公有 40 到 50 册。我父亲的图书馆里收藏的主要是有关神学的书，其中大部分我都读
过。那个时候我也不再要被培养作牧师了，而我又在求知欲很强的时候，没有合适的书来读实在是很遗憾的事。
只有本普鲁塔克的《英雄传》，我读了许多遍，现在回想起来，那本书仍然是一本值得一读的书，我从中得到不
少益处。还有一本迪佛的《论计划》和马瑟的《论上帝》，它们使我的思想发生了很大转变，影响了我未来生活
中的很多事情。
23 我嗜书的倾向最终使父亲决定让我从事印刷这个行当，尽管他已经有一个儿子（詹姆斯）学了这一行。
1717 年，我兄长詹姆斯带着印刷机和一些铅字从英国回到波士顿，自己创业。和父亲的行业比起来，我更喜欢哥
哥的印刷行当。但是，我仍然对航海很向往，为了制止这种渴望可能产生的可怕后果，父亲急于把我栓到哥哥的
印刷机器上。我反对了一段时间，但最终我被说服了并且签定了学徒合同。那个时候，我 12 岁。我在 21 岁之前
都是学徒，直到最后那一年我才能领到全额的工资。我很快就熟悉了印刷的技术，成为哥哥的得力助手。我现在
有机会阅读更好的书。我认识了一些书商的学徒，我常常能借到一本小书。我总是很小心，保持书的整洁，及时
归还它们。有时候晚上借的书早上就要归还，要不然别人就会发现数量不够或者有人要买这本书，所以我经常坐
在自己的房间里阅读到深夜。
24 过了一段时间以后，有一个叫马修·亚当斯的精明的商人，他有很多藏书。他经常到我们的印刷铺来，我
引起了他的注意。他邀请我到我到他家的藏书室去，并很仁慈地借给我一些我想看的书籍。那个时候，我对诗歌
很着迷，并且写了几首。我哥哥觉得写诗可以卖钱，因此他鼓励我去写，并叫我写了两首应景民谣。一首叫《灯
塔的悲剧》，讲的是落水船长华莎雷和他两个女儿落水而亡的事情。另一首叫《水手之歌》，讲了水手捉拿海盗
提奇（或者叫黑胡子）的故事。这些都是市井小调没有什么价值。印好以后哥哥叫我拿去卖，第一首因为写的是
近期发生的事情，所以卖的很好，引起了很大反响。大大满足了我的虚荣心。但父亲却嘲笑我的成就，他说写诗
的基本都是乞丐，穷得很。因此，我避免成为一个诗人——很大程度可能是一个低劣的诗人。但是，散文写作在
我一生中起了很大的作用，它也是我成功的主要手段。现在，我将告诉你，我是怎样在那方面获得一点我现有本
领的。
25 在镇上还有另外一个喜欢读书的年轻人，他就是约翰·柯林斯，我和他关系很密切。我们经常喜欢争论，
都想把对方驳倒。这种辩论，从另一相反的方面来说，它很容易变成一种坏习惯。为了争论人们必须提出相反的
意见，这就使人变得特别的可恶。此外，它除了败坏谈话，还会使你的朋友产生厌恶之情，使本来能够成为朋友
的人变成敌人。我这种喜欢辩论的习惯是随着阅读父亲的那些宗教书籍而形成的。我曾经观察过，除了律师、大
学里的人以及在爱丁堡受过训练的人，具有良好判断力的人是很少会这样的。
26 有一次，有一个问题不知道是怎样开始的。我和柯林斯辩论起关于女性是否应该受教育和她们从事研究工
作的能力的事情。我认为女性天生没有那方面的能力，这种观点是不正确的。可能有点是为了和他争辩的原因，
我持相反的观点。他天生是个雄辩家，又读过许多书，因此，有的时候，他常常是以自己流利的口才来辩倒我而
不是通过充分的理由。我们分手的时候谁也没有辩倒谁，而且这一别我们会有一段时间见不到面，因此我就坐下
了来把我的理由写下来寄给他。然后他就回复，我再答辩。当我父亲偶然发现我的信的时候，我们已经交换了三
四封信了。父亲并没有谈我们的观点的是与非，他只是借机会谈了我的写作方式。他发现我的书写和标点正确
（这要归功于我在印刷厂的工作），这是我的长处。但我在写作的清晰明了和措辞优雅上不够，父亲并且举出了
我信中的几个例子给我看，以便让我信服。从此，我更加注意文章的写作方式，并且下决心改进它。
27 恰好这个时候，我碰到了一本残缺了的《旁观者》，是第三卷。我以前从来没有见过这本书。我把它们买
了下来，读了一遍又一遍。我很开心能够得到这本书。我觉得这本书写得很好，有可能的话，我想模仿它。有了
这个想法以后，我从这本书中选了几篇文章，替每一句做了个摘要。然后把它们放个几天，在不看原文的情况下，
试着把原文复述出来。试着用自己知道的词汇和那个摘要重新构造整篇文章，尽量使它和原文一样。然后我再把
和它和原文对照，发现错误并订正它们。但我发现我的词汇量太少了，我想我得先掌握这些词汇并使用它们。如
果我原来继续写诗的话，我想这些词汇我就应该已经掌握了。因为写诗要寻找词义相同但长短不一样的词汇去适
应诗的韵律，这就会让我不断地搜寻各种形式的同义词，记住这些变化多样的词并能随心所欲地使用它们。这种
机会是经常性的。因此，我把其中的一些的故事改写成诗。一段时间以后，当我差不多都要忘了它们的时候，我
又把它们重新返原。有时候，我也把我写的摘要打乱，过了几星期以后，我又试着把它们用最好的顺序组织起来，
组成一篇完整的文章。我这样做是为了学会怎样构思，然后，通过和原文比较，我发现了错误并加以改正。但有
的时候我很高兴地感到，在一些不太重要的地方，我的语言和条理比原文更好，这就鼓励了我，它使我觉得，在
未来，我可以成为一个不算糟糕的英国诗人。在这之前，我对这是野心勃勃的。我进行这些阅读和写作训练通常
是在做完工作的晚上或者开始一天工作前的早上，或者在星期天。我想法子使自己一个人躲在印刷厂里，尽可能
逃避公共教堂的祷告仪式。要是我在父亲眼皮底下的话，他总会强迫我去的。尽管我不想去做祷告，但我确实把
它当做一种义务。
28 大概在我 16 岁的时候，我偶然碰到一本倡议吃素食的书，它是特里昂写的。自此，我决定吃素食。那个
时候哥哥还没有结婚，没有自己的房子，他就和徒弟们在别人家里包饭。我不吃荤，这就造成了不便，我的怪异
也因此常常遭到大家的责备。我先学会了特里昂的一些做饭的方法，比如煮土豆、蒸饭、做速成布丁以及其它的
东西。然后，我向哥哥建议，如果他能把我每星期膳食费的一半给我，我就可以自己单独吃了。哥哥马上同意了
我的建议。不久，我发现，这样我还能节省他给的一半膳食费，那是额外的买书钱。除此之外，我还从中得到了
另外的好处，我哥哥和其余的人离开印刷所去吃饭的时候，就只有我一个人在印刷所里，我很快吃掉自己的方便
食物，通常不会超过一块饼干、一小片面包、一把葡萄干或者是从面包铺里买来的一块果馅饼和一杯水。在他们
回印刷所之前我可以利用这段时间来学习。通过那样的节制饮食，我经常可以头脑清楚、思维敏捷，我的进步更
大了。
29 以前由于我在算术上的无知，使自己经常受到羞辱，在学校的时候我还两次算术考试不及格。所以现在我
找来寇克的书，自己从头到尾顺利地学习了一遍。我还读了舍勒和瑟米有关航海的书，并从中获得些可怜的几何
学的知识，但我从来没有在那方面有更深的研究。大概在那个时候，我还读了洛克的《人类理解论》和波特若亚
的《思维的艺术》。
30 正当我专心想提高自己的语言的时候，我偶然发现了一本英语语法书（我想那是格林伍德的书），在书的
后面有两份逻辑和修辞技术的概要。在逻辑艺术的概要中以苏格拉底辩论法的范例作为结束。这之后不久，我得
到了色诺芬的《苏格拉底谈话录》，书中有辩论的例子。我对这些方法十分着迷，就采用了它，丢掉了自己生硬
的反驳和专断的立论方式而采用了一种谦虚和怀疑的方法。记得也是那个时候，当我读了莎浮茨伯里和柯林斯的
书以后，我对我们的教义就有很多怀疑了。我发现，使用这种方法对我很安全，但对对手却很尴尬。因此，我很
开心地不断使用这种方法，逐渐地使用得很熟练，可以说是那方面的专家。即使那些有学问的人也不得不退避避
三舍。我诱使他们陷入无法自拔的窘境，从而使自己和自己的观点经常获得意外的胜利。我使用这种方法几年之
后，我就渐渐地不用了，而只是在发表我个人的意见的时候保持着谦逊的口吻。我提出任何可能引起争议的论点
的时候，我从来不用“肯定”、“毫无疑问”以及其它任何表示肯定的词汇，而是使用“我猜想”、“我觉得某
事可以怎样”、“在我看来好像是”、或者“由于什么原因”、“我认为”或者“我猜是这样”、“要是我没有
犯错的话，事情应该是怎样”。我觉得，这一习惯对我非常有好处。因为我需要说服别人，让别人信服我不时提
倡的各种措施。两个人谈话的目的，无非就是教育人或者被别人教育，是要让人高兴或者使人信服。所以，我规
劝那些明智的人，为了不削弱他们行善的能力，千万不要采用独断专横的态度和方法。这样的态度和方法总是引
起别人的反感，经常会引起别人的反对，因而，使语言存在的目的受到破坏无遗。因为我们谈话的目的是交流思
想和信息。如果你谈话的目的是要教育人，讲话过于自信的武断态度可能会引起反驳，这样一场公正的讨论就不
可能。如果你想知会别人或者通过交谈增加知识却又固执己见的话，就会使得谦虚、明智的人由于不喜欢争论可
能让你坚持你自己的意见和错误。通过这样一种方式，你不可能达到取悦你的听众或者赢得对方的赞许的希望。
波普的话说的很有智慧：
教育人的时候不应该让人感到在受教育
讲述新知识应该像是在提醒他们已经遗忘的旧东西
接着他进一步建议我们
用谦逊的态度表达确信的东西
在这里波普可以用他在其它地方的一行联句与上文结成联句。这一行放在这里我想比放在别的地方更适当一
些。
缺少谦逊就是愚蠢
如果你问为什么这一句在原诗里不恰当，我只好引用原诗了
傲慢就会四面受敌
傲慢就是愚蠢
难道愚蠢（缺乏智慧的人真的很不幸）不是傲慢的理由吗？
这两行诗要是这样写，不是更合适吗？
言辞傲慢，只有这一种解释
那就是：傲慢就是愚蠢
但是，是不是真的是这样呢？请智慧的人们去评断。
311720 或者 1721 年的时候，哥哥开始印刷报纸。这是美洲出现的第二家报纸，报纸取名为《新英格兰报》。
在它之前，只有一家叫做《波士顿时事通讯》的报纸。我记得哥哥的一些朋友劝他不要做此事。他们认为，美洲
只要有一张报纸就足够了。再办一张是不太可能成功的。现在这个时候（1771 年），美洲办报纸的不少于 25 家。
但哥哥坚持自己的计划，报纸排好版印刷后，我拿到街上去卖。
32 哥哥的朋友中有些很聪明的人，他们为哥哥的报纸写些小文章作为消遣，这大大提高了报纸的声誉，报纸
因而卖的很好，常常有绅士来拜访。我听到他们的谈话，听到他们讲报纸是如何受欢迎的时候，我便跃跃欲试，
但是，那时自己还是个孩子。我怀疑如果哥哥知道稿子是我写的话，绝不会发表它的。所以我就设法隐藏自己的
笔迹，写了篇匿名的稿子。晚上的时候，我把稿子塞到印刷所的门下。第二早上的时候，稿子被人们发现了。当
哥哥的朋友向往常一样来拜访的时候，稿子就在他们中间传看。他们阅读我的稿子，大大地表扬了一翻，这些都
进了我的耳朵。我非常高兴我的稿子能够得到他们的认可。他们猜测谁是文章的作者，他们猜的人都是镇上的一
些博学和聪明之人。我现在想，我采用匿名的方法真是很明智，也许他们并不像我尊重他们的那样了不起。
33 受此鼓励，我又通过同样的方式写了几篇稿子。它们同样得到了好评。我一直保守着这个秘密，一直到我
浅薄的知识江郎才尽、难以为继的时候我才把这个秘密揭开。这个时候，哥哥的朋友们都认为我很了不起，但哥
哥并不高兴。也许，在哥哥看来，那会使我过度的骄傲。也许这就是那个时候引起了我们兄弟不和的原因之一吧。
他是我的哥哥，但他认为他是我的师傅，我就像他的其他学徒一样。因此，他希望从我这里得到他的其他学徒一
样的服务。但我觉得他对我要求太多了，作为一个兄长，我希望他能给我更多的宠爱。我们的争论经常闹到父亲
那里去，父亲一般都偏向于我，这可能是因为我的理由正确或者是因为我是个雄辩家吧。但是哥哥脾气很坏，他
经常把我暴打一顿，这让我非常气愤。我想我这讨厌的学徒生涯有没有机会缩短些啊，出乎我的意料，这个机会
终于来了。
34 我们报纸上登载的一篇有关政治问题的文章，具体讲什么的我忘了。它触怒了州议会，于是哥哥被带到那
里讯问，并且被监禁一个月。他之所以遭受这样的待遇，我想大概是因为他不想说出那篇文章的作者。我也被带
进参议会审问，但我的表现没有让他们满意。他们把我训了一顿然后就放我走了。也许他们认为我是个学徒，有
义务替主人保守秘密吧。
35 尽管我和哥哥私下里不和，但哥哥的被监禁还是使我对当局满怀怨恨。在哥哥被监禁的时候，我负责报纸
的管理。我在报纸上大胆地嘲弄当局，哥哥对此很喜欢，但另外一些人却对我有了坏印象，他们认为我是喜好讥
讽的怪才。哥哥从监狱里面出来了，还带来了一项议会发出的古怪命令：詹姆斯·富兰克林不得继续出版《新英格
兰报》。
36 哥哥的朋友们聚集在印刷所里商议，在这种情况下哥哥应该怎么做。有人建议，为了规避法令应该把报纸
的名字改掉。但是哥哥觉得那样更不好。最终他们商议出了一个更好的方案，将来报纸用本杰明·富兰克林的名义
发行。为了避免州议会可能会责难哥哥以学徒的名义继续办报，他们想出了一个高招，那就是，把我和哥哥签的
那个合同退还给我，并且在背面注明退还给我的原因是因为我被解雇了，以便一旦需要可以拿出来作为凭证。同
时为了保证哥哥的利益，我要为剩下的学徒年限签定一份新的合同，这份合同是秘密的。这套法子很脆弱，但还
是立即实施了。因而，这份报纸在我的名义下办了几个月。
37 终于，我和哥哥发生了新的矛盾，我处处维护自己的自由，因为我料定他不敢冒险拿出我们原来签的那张
合同来。当然，我那样趁火打劫是不对的，因此我把它当做是我这一生中犯下的第一大错。但他的坏脾气常让他
对我大打出手，我对此不能不感到愤恨。我也感到自己这样做得不对，因为哥哥在其它情况下并不是个脾气很坏
的人。可能是我当时太没有礼貌，太让人生气了。
38 当哥哥觉得我要离开他的时候，他便到镇上的每一个老板那里游说，以阻止我在镇上的任何一家印刷厂得
到工作。因此，他们都拒绝给我工作。那个时候我就决定到纽约去，那是有印刷所最近的地方。我要离开波士顿
还因为我知道我已经引起当局的不少憎恶。从当局处理我哥哥那件事的专横来看，要是我还呆下去，迟早也要遭
到同样的待遇。另外，我对宗教的轻率批评已经激起了善男信女的惊恐，他们说我大逆不道，是一个无神论者，
成为众人所怨愤的对象。我已经决定出走，父亲已经站在哥哥那边，这一点我很明白，如果我公开出走的话，他
们一定想法子阻止我。因此，我的朋友柯林斯决定帮我。他和一艘纽约州的单桅帆船船长讲好，让我坐他的船，
他说我是他小时候的一个朋友，由于使一个不正经的女孩怀了孕，她的朋友逼我和她结婚，因此我既不能露面也
不能公开出走。我卖了一些书，筹集了路费，悄悄上了船。因为顺风，我们第三天就到了纽约，离家将近 300 英
里。我——一个只有 17 岁的男孩，身上没有钱，没有人介绍，没有熟人，这就是初到纽约的我。
39 那个时候，我航海的梦已经破灭了，否则我现在倒可以如愿以偿了。但是由于我已经学会了一门手艺，又
自认是一个很好的工人，所以我就向当地一个叫老威廉·布雷福德的印刷老板毛遂自荐。老威廉·布雷福德是宾西
法尼亚州的第一家印刷所老板，在和乔治·基思争吵以后他就把印刷所迁到了纽约。他的印刷所里没有什么事情要
做，所以他不能雇佣我，而且他那里人员已经足够了。但他说，“我儿子在宾西法尼亚州，他刚刚失去了他的主
要助手，名字叫阿奎那·罗斯。如果你去那里，我想他会雇佣你的。”宾西法尼亚州离这里有 100 英里，不过我还
是登上了一艘开往安博依的船。我留下了我的箱子和其它一些东西，以后它们会随海道被运来。
40 在渡海的时候，我们遇到了狂风，风把我们的破船撕成了碎片。我们无法进入海峡，而是漂到了一个长岛
上。途中，一位喝醉了的荷兰乘客失足落水。当他下沉的时候，我抓住他的头顶把他拉了上来。落水使他清醒了
一些，他从口袋里面拿出了一本书，希望我能给他晾干，然后他就睡觉去了。这本书就是我最喜欢的作家班扬的
《天路历程》，是用荷兰文写的。它印刷在一张相当好的纸上，印刷很精美，还有铜版插图，比我见过的原文版
本还漂亮。我后来发现，这本书被翻译成了欧洲所有的文字。我想，除了《圣经》之外，《天路历程》应该拥有
最广泛的读者。尊敬的约翰·班扬是我所知道的第一个把叙述和对话揉在一块写作的人，这种写作方法使读者读起
来很有兴致，读到动人的地方，就像身临其境一样，和书中人们一起商谈。笛福在《鲁宾逊漂流记》、《莫尔·佛
兰德斯》、《修士求爱》、《家庭教师》和其它作品中都成功地模仿了这种写作方法。理查逊在他的《帕米拉》
等书中也使用了这种手法。
41 当我们快接近这个长岛的时候，我们才发现我们无法在那里登陆，因为那里乱石丛生，海浪太大了。我们
虽然抛了锚，但船却在向着海岸摇摆。岸上有人来了，他们对着我们大喊，我们也对着他们大叫，但风浪太大了，
我们都听不到对方的声音，也不能明白对方的意思。岸上有一只小船，我们做着手势，叫他们用那个小船来接我
们，但他们要么没有明白我们的意思，要么觉得那根本不可行，所以他们就走开了。夜晚降临了，我们没有别的
办法只能等风小一点。同时，我和船老板决定去睡一会儿，如果我们能够睡着的话。我们就这样跟浑身还是湿透
的荷兰人一同挤在小小的船舱里。打在船头的浪花溅落在我们身上，一会儿我们就和这位荷兰老兄一样浑身都湿
淋淋的了。我们就这样躺了一晚上，根本谈不上什么休息。但是，第二天，风小了，我们掉转船头，为了争取在
天黑前赶到安博依，继续在水上漂了 30 个钟头，没有食物也没有饮水，只有一瓶浑浊的米酒以及外面的咸海水。
42 晚上的时候，我发现自己发高烧了，继而上床睡觉。我曾经在哪里读到过喝凉水可以治高烧，所以我就照
做了。晚上出了很多汗，高烧就退了。早上我们摆渡上了岸，我徒步继续我的行程，向 50 英里外的柏林顿走去。
别人告诉我，那里有船可以去费城。
43 这天下了一整天的雨，我浑身都湿透了，中午的时候我已经疲惫的要死。因此，我就在简陋的小店里住了
一夜。这个时候，我希望自己没有离开家就好了。我的外表显得很穷酸，从别人和我的谈话中，我还发现别人怀
疑我是哪家私逃的仆役，并且很可能我会因为这种嫌疑而被抓起来。不过，第二天，我还是继续了我的行程。晚
上的时候，我到了约翰·布朗先生的小店里面，那个店离柏林顿 8、9 英里。当我吃饭的时候，约翰·布朗先生和我
攀谈起来。他发现我读过一些书，就变得对我客气友好起来。我们的交往一直持续到他去世为止。我猜想，他曾
经是一个周游四方的医生，因为无论英国的哪个城镇，或者欧洲的哪个国家，他都知道的很清楚。他有些学问，
人也很聪明，但不相信宗教。几年以后，他像科顿对维尔的作品那样，把《圣经》改成了打油诗。通过这种方式，
他把许多事情都搞的很滑稽。他的作品要是能够发表的话，很可能对那些意志不坚定者造成伤害。还好，他的作
品从来没有被发表。
44 那天夜里，我就在这个房子里睡了一晚上。第二天早上我们到了柏林顿，但是到了那儿以后，我很后悔地
发现，班船已经在我到达前不久就开走了。今天是星期六，要等到下个星期二才有班船。所以，我就回到镇上一
个老妇人处，请她给我点建议。我曾经在她那里买过姜饼，就着水吃过饭。她邀请我到她家住了下来，等候下一
班去费城的船。由于一直走路的原因，我很疲惫，所以就接受了她的邀请。当她知道我是印刷匠以后，她就建议
在镇上呆下来开一家印刷厂。不过，她不知道开印刷厂是要资本的。她很好客，为我提供了一顿牛肉餐，却只肯
接受要一罐啤酒作为回报。我满以为要等到下个星期二才能走，但是晚上在河边散步的时候，一条船正好从那经
过，里面只有几个人，是开往费城的。他们让我上了船，因为没有风，我们只好一路划船而行。大概到了午夜的
时候，我们仍然看不到费城。我们当中的一些人认为我们必定已经过了费城，所以就不愿意再往前划了。其他的
人不知道我们到底到了什么地方，所以我们就向岸边划去，在一个旧篱笆处登了岸。10 月的晚间很冷，我们就用
篱笆木生了火，然后在那里呆到天亮。这个时候，我们中的一个人说，这个地方是库伯河，在费城北面一点。我
们一出这条河就可以看到费城了。然后，早上 8、9 点钟的时候我们就到了费城，在市场码头上的岸。
part 1
（twyford, at the bishop of st. asaph's, 1771）
dear son,
 1i have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors.
you may remember the inquiries i made among the remains of my relations when you
were with me in england, and the journey i undertook for that purpose. imagining it
may be equally agreeable to some of you to know the circumstances of my life, many
of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's
uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, i sit down to write them
for you. to which i have besides some other inducements. having emerged from the
poverty and obscurity in which i was born and bred, to a state of affluence and
some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a
considerable share of felicity, the conducing means i made use of, which with the
blessing of god so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find
some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated.
2that felicity, when i reflected on it, has induced me sometimes to say, that
were it offered to my choice, i should have no objection to a repetition of the
same life from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors have in a second
edition to correct some faults of the first. so i might, besides correcting the
faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable.
but though this were denied, i should still accept the offer. since such a
repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living one's life over
again seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as
durable as possible by putting it down in writing.
3hereby, too, i shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men, to be
talking of themselves and their own past actions; and i shall indulge it without
being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, might conceive themselves
obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases.
and, lastly (i may as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by
nobody), perhaps i shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. indeed, i scarce ever
heard or saw the introductory words, \"without vanity i may say,\" &c., but some
vain thing immediately followed. most people dislike vanity in others, whatever
share they have of it themselves; but i give it fair quarter wherever i meet with
it, being persuaded that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to
others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it would
not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank god for his vanity among the other
comforts of life.
4and now i speak of thanking god, i desire with all humility to acknowledge
that i owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to his kind providence, which
lead me to the means i used and gave them success. my belief of this induces me to
hope, though i must not presume, that the same goodness will still be exercised
toward me, in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse,
which i may experience as others have done: the complexion of my future fortune
being known to him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions.
5the notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting
family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars
relating to our ancestors. from these notes i learned that the family had lived in
the same village, ecton, in northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much
longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of franklin, that before
was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname when others
took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty acres, aided by
the smith's business, which had continued in the family till his time, the eldest
son being always bred to that business; a custom which he and my father followed as
to their eldest sons. when i searched the registers at ecton, i found an account of
their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no
registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. by that register i perceived
that i was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back.
6my grandfather thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at ecton till he grew too
old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son john, a dyer at
banbury, in oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. there my
grandfather died and lies buried. we saw his gravestone in 1758. his eldest son
thomas lived in the house at ecton, and left it with the land to his only child, a
daughter, who, with her husband, one fisher, of wellingborough, sold it to mr.
isted, now lord of the manor there. my grandfather had four sons that grew up,
viz.: thomas, john, benjamin and josiah. i will give you what account i can of
them, at this distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you
will among them find many more particulars.
7thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and encouraged
in learning (as all my brothers were) by an esquire palmer, then the principal
gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself for the business of scrivener;
became a considerable man in the county; was a chief mover of all public-spirited
undertakings for the county or town of northampton, and his own village, of which
many instances were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the
then lord halifax. he died in 1702, january 6, old style, just four years to a day
before i was born. the account we received of his life and character from some old
people at ecton, i remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its
similarity to what you knew of mine. \"had he died on the same day,\" you
said, \"one might have supposed a transmigration.\"
8john was bred a dyer, i believe of woolens. benjamin was bred a silk dyer,
serving an apprenticeship at london. he was an ingenious man. i remember him well,
for when i was a boy he came over to my father in boston, and lived in the house
with us some years. he lived to a great age. his grandson, samuel franklin, now
lives in boston. he left behind him two quarto volumes, ms., of his own poetry,
consisting of little occasional pieces addressed to his friends and relations, of
which the following, sent to me, is a specimen.
to my namesake upon a report of his inclination to martial affairs, july 7th,
1710
believe me, ben, war is a dangerous trade.
the sword has marred as well as made;
by it do many fall, not many rise—
makes many poor, few rich, and fewer wise;
fills towns with ruin, fields with blood, beside
'tis sloth's maintainer and the shield of pride.
fair cities, rich today in plenty flow,
war fills with want tomorrow, and with woe.
ruined states, vice, broken limbs, and scars
are the effects of desolating wars.
9he had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never
practising it, i have now forgot it. i was named after this uncle, there being a
particular affection between him and my father. he was very pious, a great attender
of sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had
with him many volumes of them. he was also much of a politician; too much, perhaps,
for his station. there fell lately into my hands, in london, a collection he had
made of all the principal pamphlets, relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717;
many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but there still remain
eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in quarto and in octavo. a dealer in old
books met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them
to me. it seems my uncle must have left them here, when he went to america, which
was about fifty years since. there are many of his notes in the margins.
10this obscure family of ours was early in the reformation, and continued
protestants through the reign of queen mary, when they were sometimes in danger of
trouble on account of their zeal against popery. they had got an english bible, and
to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the
cover of a joint-stool. when my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he
turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the
tapes. one of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw the apparitor
coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court. in that case the stool was
turned down again upon its feet, when the bible remained concealed under it as
before. this anecdote i had from my uncle benjamin. the family continued all of the
church of england till about the end of charles the second's reign, when some of
the ministers that had been outed for nonconformity holding conventicles in
northamptonshire, benjamin and josiah adhered to them, and so continued all their
lives: the rest of the family remained with the episcopal church.
11josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children
into new england, about 1682. the conventicles having been forbidden by law, and
frequently disturbed, induced some considerable men of his acquaintance to remove
to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them thither, where they
expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. by the same wife he had four
children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which
i remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and
women, and married; i was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was
born in boston, new england.
12my mother, the second wife, was abiah folger, daughter of peter folger, one
of the first settlers of new england, of whom honorable mention is made by cotton
mather in his church history of that country, entitled magnalia christi americana,
as 'a godly, learned englishman,\" if i remember the words rightly. i have heard
that he wrote sundry small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed,
which i saw now many years since. it was written in 1675, in the home-spun verse of
that time and people, and addressed to those then concerned in the government
there.
13it was in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the baptists,
quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution, ascribing the indian
wars, and other distresses that had befallen the country, to that persecution, as
so many judgments of god to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of
those uncharitable laws. the whole appeared to me as written with a good deal of
decent plainness and manly freedom. the six concluding lines i remember, though i
have forgotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport of them was, that his
censures proceeded from good-will, and, therefore, he would be known to be the
author.
because to be a libeller (says he)
i hate it with my heart;
from sherburne town, where now i dwell
my name i do put here;
without offense your real friend,
it is peter folgier.
14my elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades. i was put to
the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the
tithe of his sons, to the service of the church. my early readiness in learning to
read (which must have been very early, as i do not remember when i could not read),
and the opinion of all his friends, that i should certainly make a good scholar,
encouraged him in this purpose of his. my uncle benjamin, too, approved of it, and
proposed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, i suppose as a stock to
set up with, if i would learn his character. i continued, however, at the grammar-
school not quite one year, though in that time i had risen gradually from the
middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into
the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the
year. but my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of a college
education, which having so large a family he could not well afford, and the mean
living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain—reasons that be gave to his
friends in my hearing—altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school,
and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, mr.
george brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild,
encouraging methods. under him i acquired fair writing pretty soon, but i failed in
the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. at ten years old i was taken home to
assist my father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and sope-
boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in new
england, and on finding his dying trade would not maintain his family, being in
little request. accordingly, i was employed in cutting wick for the candles,
filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going
of errands, etc.
15i disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father
declared against it; however, living near the water, i was much in and about it,
learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when in a boat or canoe with
other boys, i was commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case of difficulty;
and upon other occasions i was generally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led
them into scrapes, of which i will mention one instance, as it shows an early
projecting public spirit, tho' not then justly conducted.
16there was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond, on the edge of
which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for minnows. by much trampling, we
had made it a mere quagmire. my proposal was to build a wharff there fit for us to
stand upon, and i showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended
for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose.
accordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were gone, i assembled a number of my
play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two
or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharff. the next
morning the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were found in our
wharff. inquiry was made after the removers; we were discovered and complained of;
several of us were corrected by our fathers; and though i pleaded the usefulness of
the work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful which was not honest.
17i think you may like to know something of his person and character. he had an
excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very
strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and
had a clear pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and
sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was
over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. he had a mechanical genius too, and, on
occasion, was very handy in the use of other tradesmen's tools; but his great
excellence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment in prudential matters,
both in private and publick affairs. in the latter, indeed, he was never employed,
the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness of his circumstances
keeping him close to his trade; but i remember well his being frequently visited by
leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the
church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect for his judgment and
advice: he was also much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any
difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending
parties.
18at his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or
neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful
topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. by this
means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of
life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the
table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad
flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so that i
was bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite
indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to
this day if i am asked i can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what i dined
upon. this has been a convenience to me in travelling, where my companions have
been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more
delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites.
19my mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten
children. i never knew either my father or mother to have any sickness but that of
which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. they lie buried together at
boston, where i some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this
inscription:
josiah franklin,
and abiah his wife,
lie here interred.
they lived lovingly together in wedlock
fifty-five years.
without an estate, or any gainful employment,
by constant labour and industry,
with god's blessing,
they maintained a large family
comfortably;
and brought up thirteen children
and seven grandchildren
reputably.
from this instance, reader,
be encouraged to diligence in thy calling,
and distrust not providence.
he was a pious and prudent man,
she, a discreet and virtuous woman.
their youngest son,
in filial regard to their memory,
places this stone.
j.f. born 1655 - died 1744 - aetat. 89.
a.f. born 1667 - died 1752 - aetat. 85.
20by my rambling digressions i perceive myself to be grown old. i us'd to write
more methodically. but one does not dress for private company as for a publick
ball. 'tis perhaps only negligence.
21to return: i continued thus employed in my father's business for two years,
that is, till i was twelve years old; and my brother john, who was bred to that
business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at rhode island,
there was all appearance that i was destined to supply his place, and become a
tallow-chandler. but my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under
apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, i should break
away and get to sea, as his son josiah had done, to his great vexation. he
therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, bricklayers,
turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he might observe my inclination, and
endeavor to fix it on some trade or other on land. it has ever since been a
pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful to
me, having learnt so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house
when a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines for my
experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was fresh and warm in my
mind. my father at last fixed upon the cutler's trade, and my uncle benjamin's son
samuel, who was bred to that business in london, being about that time established
in boston, i was sent to be with him some time on liking. but his expectations of a
fee with me displeasing my father, i was taken home again.
22from a child i was fond of reading, and all the little money that came into
my hands was ever laid out in books. pleased with the pilgrim's progress, my first
collection was of john bunyan's works in separate little volumes. i afterward sold
them to enable me to buy r. burton's historical collections; they were small
chapmen's books, and cheap, 40 or 50 in all. my father's little library consisted
chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which i read, and have since often
regretted that, at a time when i had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper books
had not fallen in my way since it was now resolved i should not be a clergyman.
plutarch's lives there was in which i read abundantly, and i still think that time
spent to great advantage. there was also a book of de foe's, called an essay on
projects, and another of dr. mather's, called essays to do good, which perhaps gave
me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the principal future events
of my life.
23this bookish inclination at length determined my father to make me a printer,
though he had already one son (james) of that profession. in 1717 my brother james
returned from england with a press and letters to set up his business in boston. i
liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea.
to prevent the apprehended effect of such an inclination, my father was impatient
to have me bound to my brother. i stood out some time, but at last was persuaded,
and signed the indentures when i was yet but twelve years old. i was to serve as an
apprentice till i was twenty-one years of age, only i was to be allowed
journeyman's wages during the last year. in a little time i made great proficiency
in the business, and became a useful hand to my brother. i now had access to better
books. an acquaintance with the apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to
borrow a small one, which i was careful to return soon and clean. often i sat up in
my room reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the
evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it should be missed or
wanted.
24and after some time an ingenious tradesman, mr. matthew adams, who had a
pretty collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of
me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me such books as i chose to
read. i now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother,
thinking it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on composing
occasional ballads. one was called the lighthouse tragedy, and contained an account
of the drowning of captain worthilake, with his two daughters: the other was a
sailor's song, on the taking of teach (or blackbeard) the pirate. they were
wretched stuff, in the rub-street-ballad style; and when they were printed he sent
me about the town to sell them. the first sold wonderfully, the event being recent,
having made a great noise. this flattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me
by ridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers were generally beggars.
so i escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose writing has
been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my
advancement, i shall tell you how, in such a situation, i acquired what little
ability i have in that way.
25there was another bookish lad in the town, john collins by name, with whom i
was intimately acquainted. we sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of
argument, and very desirous of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by
the way, is apt to become a very bad habit, making people often extremely
disagreeable in company by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it into
practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling the conversation, is productive
of disgusts and, perhaps enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. i had
caught it by reading my father's books of dispute about religion. persons of good
sense, i have since observed, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, university men,
and men of all sorts that have been bred at edinborough.
26a question was once, somehow or other, started between collins and me, of the
propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and their abilities for study.
he was of opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it.
i took the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute's sake. he was naturally
more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words; and sometimes, as i thought, bore me
down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. as we parted without
settling the point, and were not to see one another again for some time, i sat down
to put my arguments in writing, which i copied fair and sent to him. he answered,
and i replied. three or four letters of a side had passed, when my father happened
to find my papers and read them. without entering into the discussion, he took
occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed that, though i had
the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling and pointing (which i ow'd to
the printing-house), i fell far short in elegance of expression, in method and in
perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances. i saw the justice of
his remark, and thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, and determined
to endeavor at improvement.
27about this time i met with an odd volume of the spectator. it was the third.
i had never before seen any of them. i bought it, read it over and over, and was
much delighted with it. i thought the writing excellent, and wished, if possible,
to imitate it. with this view i took some of the papers, and, making short hints of
the sentiment in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking
at the book, try'd to compleat the papers again, by expressing each hinted
sentiment at length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable
words that should come to hand. then i compared my spectator with the original,
discovered some of my faults, and corrected them. but i found i wanted a stock of
words, or a readiness in recollecting and using them, which i thought i should have
acquired before that time if i had gone on making verses; since the continual
occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the
measure, or of different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant
necessity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in my
mind, and make me master of it. therefore i took some of the tales and turned them
into verse; and, after a time, when i had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned
them back again. i also sometimes jumbled my collections of hints into confusion,
and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them into the best order, before i began
to form the full sentences and compleat the paper. this was to teach me method in
the arrangement of thoughts. by comparing my work afterwards with the original, i
discovered many faults and amended them; but i sometimes had the pleasure of
fancying that, in certain particulars of small import, i had been lucky enough to
improve the method or the language, and this encouraged me to think i might
possibly in time come to be a tolerable english writer, of which i was extremely
ambitious. my time for these exercises and for reading was at night, after work or
before it began in the morning, or on sundays, when i contrived to be in the
printing-house alone, evading as much as i could the common attendance on public
worship which my father used to exact on me when i was under his care, and which
indeed i still thought a duty, though i could not, as it seemed to me, afford time
to practise it.
28when about 16 years of age i happened to meet with a book, written by one
tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. i determined to go into it. my brother, being
yet unmarried, did not keep house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in
another family. my refusing to eat flesh occasioned an inconveniency, and i was
frequently chid for my singularity. i made myself acquainted with tryon's manner of
preparing some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty
pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would give
me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, i would board myself. he instantly
agreed to it, and i presently found that i could save half what he paid me. this
was an additional fund for buying books. but i had another advantage in it. my
brother and the rest going from the printing-house to their meals, i remained there
alone, and, despatching presently my light repast, which often was no more than a
bisket or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook's,
and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till their return for study, in
which i made the greater progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker
apprehension which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking.
29and now it was that, being on some occasion made asham'd of my ignorance in
figures, which i had twice failed in learning when at school, i took cocker's book
of arithmetick, and went through the whole by myself with great ease. i also read
seller's and shermy's books of navigation, and became acquainted with the little
geometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that science. and i read about
this time locke on human understanding, and the art of thinking, by messrs. du port
royal.
30while i was intent on improving my language, i met with an english grammar (i
think it was greenwood's), at the end of which there were two little sketches of
the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a specimen of a dispute
in the socratic method; and soon after i procur'd xenophon's memorable things of
socrates, wherein there are many instances of the same method. i was charm'd with
it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation, and put
on the humble inquirer and doubter. and being then, from reading shaftesbury and
collins, become a real doubter in many points of our religious doctrine, i found
this method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against whom i used
it; therefore i took a delight in it, practis'd it continually, and grew very
artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions,
the consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out
of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that
neither myself nor my cause always deserved. i continu'd this method some few
years, but gradually left it, retaining only the habit of expressing myself in
terms of modest diffidence; never using, when i advanced any thing that may
possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give the
air of positiveness to an opinion; but rather say, i conceive or apprehend a thing
to be so and so; it appears to me, or i should think it so or so, for such and such
reasons; or i imagine it to be so; or it is so, if i am not mistaken. this habit, i
believe, has been of great advantage to me when i have had occasion to inculcate my
opinions, and persuade men into measures that i have been from time to time engag'd
in promoting; and, as the chief ends of conversation are to inform or to be
informed, to please or to persuade, i wish well-meaning, sensible men would not
lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails
to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every one of those purposes
for which speech was given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information or
pleasure. for, if you would inform, a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing
your sentiments may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. if you
wish information and improvement from the knowledge of others, and yet at the same
time express yourself as firmly fix'd in your present opinions, modest, sensible
men, who do not love disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the
possession of your error. and by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend
yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade those whose concurrence you
desire. pope says, judiciously:
men should be taught as if you taught them not,
and things unknown propos'd as things forgot;
farther recommending to us
to speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence.
and he might have coupled with this line that which he has coupled with
another, i think, less properly,
for want of modesty is want of sense.
if you ask, why less properly? i must repeat the lines,
immodest words admit of no defense,
for want of modesty is want of sense.
now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want it) some
apology for his want of modesty? and would not the lines stand more justly thus?
immodest words admit but this defense,
that want of modesty is want of sense.
this, however, i should submit to better judgments.
31my brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a newspaper. it was the
second that appeared in america, and was called the new england courant. the only
one before it was the boston news-letter. i remember his being dissuaded by some of
his friends from the undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper being, in
their judgment, enough for america. at this time (1771) there are not less than
five-and-twenty. he went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked
in composing the types and printing off the sheets, i was employed to carry the
papers thro' the streets to the customers.
32he had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd themselves by writing
little pieces for this paper, which gain'd it credit and made it more in demand,
and these gentlemen often visited us. hearing their conversations, and their
accounts of the approbation their papers were received with, i was excited to try
my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would
object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, i
contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, i put it in at
night under the door of the printing-house. it was found in the morning, and
communicated to his writing friends when they call'd in as usual. they read it,
commented on it in my hearing, and i had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met
with their approbation, and that, in their different guesses at the author, none
were named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. i suppose
now that i was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not really so
very good ones as i then esteem'd them.
33encourag'd, however, by this, i wrote and convey'd in the same way to the
press several more papers which were equally approv'd; and i kept my secret till my
small fund of sense for such performances was pretty well exhausted and then i
discovered it, when i began to be considered a little more by my brother's
acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought,
probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. and, perhaps, this might
be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this time. though a
brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his apprentice, and
accordingly, expected the same services from me as he would from another, while i
thought he demean'd me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from a brother
expected more indulgence. our disputes were often brought before our father, and i
fancy i was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the
judgment was generally in my favor. but my brother was passionate, and had often
beaten me, which i took extreamly amiss; and, thinking my apprenticeship very
tedious, i was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which at
length offered in a manner unexpected.
34one of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which i have now
forgotten, gave offense to the assembly. he was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd
for a month, by the speaker's warrant, i suppose, because he would not discover his
author. i too was taken up and examin'd before the council; but, tho' i did not
give them any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with admonishing me, and
dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his
master's secrets.
35during my brother's confinement, which i resented a good deal,
notwithstanding our private differences, i had the management of the paper; and i
made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly,
while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a young genius that
had a turn for libelling and satyr. my brother's discharge was accompany'd with an
order of the house (a very odd one), that \"james franklin should no longer print
the paper called the new england courant.\"
36there was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends, what
he should do in this case. some proposed to evade the order by changing the name of
the paper; but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded
on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of benjamin
franklin; and to avoid the censure of the assembly, that might fall on him as still
printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be
return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to be shown on occasion,
but to secure to him the benefit of my service, i was to sign new indentures for
the remainder of the term, which were to be kept private. a very flimsy scheme it
was; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under
my name for several months.
37at length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, i took upon
me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new
indentures. it was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this i therefore
reckon one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little
with me, when under the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too
often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man:
perhaps i was too saucy and provoking.
38when he found i would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting
employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round and speaking to
every master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work. i then thought of going to
new york, as the nearest place where there was a printer; and i was rather inclin'd
to leave boston when i reflected that i had already made myself a little obnoxious
to the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the assembly in my
brother's case, it was likely i might, if i stay'd, soon bring myself into scrapes;
and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began to make me
pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. i determin'd on the
point, but my father now siding with my brother, i was sensible that, if i
attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me. my friend collins,
therefore, undertook to manage a little for me. he agreed with the captain of a new
york sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of
his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would compel me to marry
her, and therefore i could not appear or come away publicly. so i sold some of my
books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair
wind, in three days i found myself in new york, near 300 miles from home, a boy of
but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person in the
place, and with very little money in my pocket.
39my inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or i might now have
gratify'd them. but, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, i
offer'd my service to the printer in the place, old mr. william bradford, who had
been the first printer in pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of
george keith. he could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough
already; but says he, \"my son at philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand,
aquila rose, by death; if you go thither, i believe he may employ you.\"
philadelphia was a hundred miles further; i set out, however, in a boat for amboy,
leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea.
40in crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rotten sails to
pieces, prevented our getting into the kill and drove us upon long island. in our
way, a drunken dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell overboard; when he was
sinking, i reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we
got him in again. his ducking sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking
first out of his pocket a book, which he desir'd i would dry for him. it proved to
be my old favorite author, bunyan's pilgrim's progress, in dutch, finely printed on
good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better than i had ever seen it wear in its
own language. i have since found that it has been translated into most of the
languages of europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other
book, except perhaps the bible. honest john was the first that i know of who mix'd
narration and dialogue; a method of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the
most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and
present at the discourse. de foe in his cruso, his moll flanders, religious
courtship, family instructor, and other pieces, has imitated it with success; and
richardson has done the same, in his pamela, etc.
41when we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there could be
no landing, there being a great surff on the stony beach. so we dropt anchor, and
swung round towards the shore. some people came down to the water edge and hallow'd
to us, as we did to them; but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we
could not hear so as to understand each other. there were canoes on the shore, and
we made signs, and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they either did not
understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away, and night coming on,
we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate; and, in the meantime, the
boatman and i concluded to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle,
with the dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our
boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. in this manner
we lay all night, with very little rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we
made a shift to reach amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the water,
without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum, and the water we sail'd
on being salt.
42in the evening i found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but, having
read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for a fever, i follow'd
the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the night, my fever left me, and in the
morning, crossing the ferry, i proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles
to burlington, where i was told i should find boats that would carry me the rest of
the way to philadelphia.
43it rained very hard all the day; i was thoroughly soak'd, and by noon a good
deal tired; so i stopt at a poor inn, where i staid all night, beginning now to
wish that i had never left home. i cut so miserable a figure, too, that i found, by
the questions ask'd me, i was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in danger
of being taken up on that suspicion. however, i proceeded the next day, and got in
the evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of burlington, kept by one dr.
brown. he entered into conversation with me while i took some refreshment, and,
finding i had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. our acquaintance
continu'd as long as he liv'd. he had been, i imagine, an itinerant doctor, for
there was no town in england, or country in europe, of which he could not give a
very particular account. he had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an
unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to travestie the bible in
doggrel verse, as cotton had done virgil. by this means he set many of the facts in
a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his work had been
published; but it never was.
44at his house i lay that night, and the next morning reach'd burlington, but
had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone a little before my
coming, and no other expected to go before tuesday, this being saturday; wherefore
i returned to an old woman in the town, of whom i had bought gingerbread to eat on
the water, and ask'd her advice. she invited me to lodge at her house till a
passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, i accepted
the invitation. she understanding i was a printer, would have had me stay at that
town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with.
she was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good will,
accepting only a pot of ale in return; and i thought myself fixed till tuesday
should come. however, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came
by, which i found was going towards philadelphia, with several people in her. they
took me in, and, as there was no wind, we row'd all the way; and about midnight,
not having yet seen the city, some of the company were confident we must have
passed it, and would row no farther; the others knew not where we were; so we put
toward the shore, got into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of
which we made a fire, the night being cold, in october, and there we remained till
daylight. then one of the company knew the place to be cooper's creek, a little
above philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the creek, and arriv'd
there about eight or nine o'clock on the sunday morning, and landed at the market-
street wharf.
w w w/xiao shu otx t.nettxt 小说-天堂

第2章
 1 我对我的这次旅行做了非常详细的描述，我初次进这个城市的情况我也将详细地介绍。这样做是为了使你在
想象中能够把这种不太有希望的开始，和我以后成为这个城市的重要人物做一个对比。因为我所有的好衣服要从
海道运来，所以我就穿着工作服。长途旅行，我浑身都是脏兮兮的，口袋里装满了衬衫和袜子。我一个人都不认
识，也不知道去哪里住。因为旅行，划船，缺乏休息而感到十分疲倦，人又很饿。但是我所有现金是 1 荷兰盾和 1
个先令的铜币。我把铜币付给船老板作为船钱，他起先不肯收，因为我划了船，但我坚持要他收下。一个人很穷
的时候，他可能比有钱的时候更慷慨，也许因为害怕别人认为他很小气。
2 然后我就到大街上去了，四处打量，直到我在市场附近遇到一个手拿面包的男孩。我以前经常拿面包当饭吃，
问过他在哪里买面包以后，我立即走到他指给我看的那个面包店，就在第二街那里。我要我们在波士顿那里一样
的面包，但是在费城他们好像不做那样的。然后，我就要一个 3 便士的面包，他们说那也没有。我没有考虑到或
者不知道两地货币价值的不同，费城的东西相当便宜。我便要他们给我价值 3 便士的任何面包，于是，他给了 3
个很大的面包。我对他给我的面包数量大为吃惊，但我还是接下来了。由于口袋里面没有地方放，所以我就一只
胳膊下夹一个，嘴巴里面吃着另外一个。我就这个样子从市场路到了第四大街，经过了我未来岳父里德先生的门
口。我未来的妻子——她这个时候正好在门口，她看到了我，她觉得我的样子非常滑稽可笑，事实上我就是那个
样子。转了一个弯，然后我又来到了板栗街和胡桃街的一段，一路上我都吃着我那面包。又转了个弯以后，我发
现自己又回到了市场街我们船停靠码头的附近，我就在那里喝了点河水。由于一个面包我就吃饱了，我把剩下的
两个面包给了一个妇女和她的孩子。她们是和我一起坐船来的，现在正准备继续她们的行程。
3 吃过饭，我有了精神，我到大街溜达去。大街上衣冠楚楚的人多了起来，他们都朝着一个方向去。我加入他
们的队伍，进入到了市场附近的教友会的大教堂里面。我坐在他们中间，四处看了看，没有发现有人发表演讲。
由于前天晚上缺乏睡眠和过度的劳累，我困死了，于是睡着了，一直睡到会议结束为止。这时候，一个好心人把
我叫醒了。这就是我第一次在费城进过或者说睡过觉的房子。
4 我向河边走去，一路上我注视着人们的脸庞。我碰到了一个我觉得脸庞和善的教友会教徒，我就问他，外地
人可以到哪里住宿。那个时候，我们正在“三个水手”的店牌附近。他说：“就是这里了！”。“这里就是接待
外来旅客的地方，但这个地方的声誉不好，你要是愿意的话就跟我走，我会带你到一个更好的地方去。”后来，
他就把我带到了水街的克鲁克旅馆。我就住在那里。当我吃饭的时候，店主问了我几个意味深长的问题，可能从
年龄和外表来看我像个逃犯。
5 吃过饭以后，睡意又来了。店家就把我领到我的铺位那里，我没有脱衣服就睡下了，一直睡到晚上 6 点的时
候，然后我被叫醒去吃晚饭。吃过饭，我又早早地去睡觉了，一直睡到第二天早晨。我尽量把自己打扮得整洁一
点，然后去了安德鲁·布雷福德印刷厂。在那个地方，我碰到了那个店主的父亲，就是我在纽约认识的那个老人家。
老人家是骑马来的，他比我先到费城。他把我介绍给他的儿子，他儿子很客气地待我，并且请我吃了早餐。但他
告诉我，他现在不缺人手，因为他最近刚招了个人。不过，镇上刚开了一家印刷所，店主叫凯默，他可能会要我。
如果不行的话，他欢迎我住在他家，并会给我点零活干干，直到我找到工作为止。
6 老人家说他愿意和我一起去那个印刷的老板那里。当我们找到那家店老板的时候，布雷福德就对他说，“朋
友啊，我带了个年轻的印刷匠给你，你也许会需要他的。”他问了我一些问题，然后给我一副字盘，看我如何操
做。然后他告诉我，他会尽快叫我来上班，尽管他现在没有事情让我做。然后他就和布雷福德攀谈起来，他把他
从来没有见过面的老人布雷福德当做了镇上对他一片善心的人。他讲了他目前的经营情况和未来的计划。但是布
雷福德没有告诉他他是镇上另一家印刷所老板的父亲。当凯默说他不久就可以拿到本城绝大多数生意的时候，布
雷福德就巧妙地问了几个问题，他说他对凯默的话表示怀疑，凯默就对他解释了一通，他告诉了布雷福德他的靠
山是谁，他打算采用什么方式开展工作。我站在旁边听了他们所有的谈话，立即可以看出他们两个一个是生手一
个老滑头。布雷福德把我留给凯默就走了。当我告诉凯默布雷福德是谁的时候，他大吃了一惊。
7 我发现，凯默的印刷厂里只有一台老式的印刷机和一套旧的小号英文铅字。这个时候他正在用那套铅字排印
前面讲到的阿奎那·罗斯的《挽歌》。罗斯是个聪明的年轻人，具有高尚的品格，在镇上受人尊重，他是议会秘书。
同时，他也是个不错的诗人。凯默自己也写诗，但是写的相当平常。不应该说他在写诗，他只是把自己的思想直
接用铅字排印出来而已。由于没有稿子，只有两盘活铅字，而《挽歌》有可能要所有的铅字，所以没有人可以帮
上他的忙。我努力把他的印刷机整理了一下，那个机器他还没有用过，他对那个东西一窍不通。这样那个机器就
可以印刷了，我答应等他那个《挽歌》一排好我就来印刷。我回到了布雷福德的家里，他暂时给我安排了些杂活
干，我在那里住和吃。几天以后，凯默叫人找我回去印刷《挽歌》。现在，他又弄到了另外两只活字盘，并且有
本册子要重印。他就叫我来干活了。
8 我发现这两位印刷店的老板对印刷业并不在行。布雷福德并没有受过这方面的训练，他基本上是个文盲。对
于凯默，他倒有些学问，但他只会排字而不知道印刷。他是法国先知派的教徒，能够和他们一样热情和激动。那
个时候，他并不是特别信仰某一宗教，他每样都信一点，以便随机应变。他对世间人情世故完全不懂。后来，我
还发现，在他的性格里有种流氓气。他不喜欢我在他那里工作却在布雷福德那里住。事实上，他有间屋子，但却
没有家具，所以他没有办法安排我住宿。但他安排我住在我在前面提到过的里德先生处。这个时候，我的衣物已
经运过来了，我把自己打扮了一下，在里德小姐的眼中我的外表比她第一次看见我在街上吃面包的时候体面多了。
9 我现在开始和镇上的一些年轻人有了来往。那都是喜欢读书的年轻人，晚上和他们一起度过是很开心的。由
于我的勤劳和节约，我还存了一笔钱。我生活得很开心，我希望没有人知道我住在那里，我尽量去忘掉波士顿。
当然，我的朋友柯林斯除外，我在写信给他的时候叫他替我保密。但是，一件偶然发生的事情使我回到了波士顿，
这比我原来意料的早多了。我有一个叫罗伯特·霍姆斯的姐夫，他是一艘单桅帆船的船长，在波士顿和特拉华之间
开船做生意。他在离费城 40 英里的纽卡斯尔听说了我所在的地方，就给我写了一封信，十分有诚意地劝我回去。
他说在我突然离开波士顿出走以后，我波士顿的朋友都很挂念我，他还向我保证了大家对我是好意的，如果我回
去的话，一切都会按照我的意思安排。我写了封回信给他，感谢他的劝告。我详细地告诉了他我离开波士顿的理
由，这样他就不会认为我离开波士顿像他原来想象的那样没有理由。
10 威廉·基思爵士，是这个州的州长，他那个时候正在纽卡斯尔。当罗伯特·霍姆斯船长，我的姐夫接到我的
信的时候，他正和州长在一起，他同威廉·基思爵士谈起了我，还把我的信递给他看。州长看了我的信，当姐夫告
诉他我的年龄时，他似乎很吃惊。他说，我看起来是个前程似锦的人，应该给予鼓励。他说费城的印刷业水平很
低，如果我在费城开业我肯定可以成功。他说，他愿意为我招揽公家的生意，并在其它方面就他能力所及帮助我。
这些话是姐夫后来在波士顿告诉我的，但我当时对此一无所知。有一天，当我和凯默在窗户旁边做事的时候，我
们看到了州长和另一位绅士（后来知道是纽卡斯尔的弗兰奇上校），他们穿着精致的衣服穿过街道，向印刷所而
来，还听到了他们到门口的声音。
11 凯默以为是找他的，连忙匆匆下楼。但是州长却打听我的事情，并且走上楼来，用一种我还没有很习惯的
礼貌对我夸奖了一通，并说他希望认识我。他还责怪我刚来这里的时候为什么不去见他。他还要把我带去酒馆，
他说他正要和弗兰奇上校一起去那里，去品尝一下那里的上好的白葡萄酒。我是受宠若惊，凯默却是呆若木鸡。
但我还是和州长、弗兰奇上校一道去了酒馆，就在第三街街角那里。我们边喝边谈，他建议我创办自己的印刷厂，
并说成功的希望很大，他和弗兰奇上校都向我保证，要用他们自己的势力和影响为我招揽军政两方面的生意。当
我说我不知道我父亲在这方面会不会帮助我的时候，威廉·基思爵士说他会给我父亲写封信，在信里他会阐述我计
划的优势所在，他相信他一定可以说服我父亲。事情就这样决定了，我将带着他写给父亲的信，搭乘第一班船回
波士顿。在这之前，这件事情还要保密，我向往常一样回到凯默那里工作。州长现在经常邀我一起吃饭，用一种
异常和蔼、随便、友好的态度和我交谈，那对我真是一种莫大的荣幸。
12 大概在 1724 年的 4 月底，有船去波士顿。我说要去看我的朋友而离开了凯默。州长给了我一封很厚的信，
他在信中对我父亲说了我很多好话。他在信中极力推荐我在费城开办印刷厂，说这一事业必能使我有个远大前程。
我们的船在开入海湾的时候碰上了浅滩，船漏水了。外面波涛汹涌，我们得不停地抽水，我也轮班抽水。但是，
大概经过了两个星期以后，我们平安地抵达了波士顿。我离开家已经有七个月了，我的朋友都不知道我到哪里去
了。霍姆斯还没有回来，也没有写信谈我的情况。我的不期而归让全家大吃一惊。所有的人都很高兴我的归来，
非常欢迎我，除了哥哥。我去他的印刷所看他，那个时候我比在他那儿工作的时候穿的更考究，我穿一身笔挺时
髦的西装，口袋里还挂了一只表，身上还有差不多 5 英镑银币。哥哥勉强接见了我，他把我上下打量了一番，又
去做他的事情了。
13 印刷所里的工人都好奇地问我到哪里去了，那个地方怎么样，我喜欢不喜欢那个地方。我对那个地方大加
赞扬，我说我在那里过得很开心，并表示了我将回那个地方的强烈愿望。他们之中有人问那个地方的钱是什么样
子的，我掏出一把银币来，在他们面前展开。这种银币是他们从来没有见过的奇观，因为波士顿只用纸币。然后
我逮住一个机会让他们看我的表，最后，我送了他们一点钱买酒喝就走了。那个时候，哥哥的脸色还是很阴沉和
闷闷不乐。我的这次拜访让他很不高兴，尽管母亲后来劝我们重归于好，希望我们以后像兄弟那样相处，不过他
说我在其他人面前当众侮辱他，他决不会忘记也决不会原谅我。但是，在这一点上，他误会了我。
 14 当父亲接到州长的信的时候，他显然很吃惊。但他好几天都没有向我提到那件事情。当霍姆斯姐夫回来的
时候，父亲把这封信给他看。父亲问他是否知道威廉·基思爵士，他是个什么样的人。父亲还说威廉·基思一定是
个考虑不周的人，他竟然让一个还要三年才成年的小孩子去创业。霍姆斯姐夫说他很赞成这个计划，但我父亲明
白那个计划并不恰当，最后，他断然拒绝了。随后父亲写了封措辞委婉的信给威廉·基思爵士，感谢他对我的赞助
和好意，但他拒绝资助我建立印刷厂，因为他觉得我还太年轻，他不能相信我能管理这样一个需要如此巨额资金
建立的一个重要企业。
15 我的朋友柯林斯那个时候是邮局的一个办事员，他听了我在新地方的事情很高兴。他也决定去那里。当我
还在等父亲的决定的时候，他先走一步了。他从陆路去的罗德岛。他把他大量的数学和自然哲学的书留了下来，
叫我带着一起到纽约去。他说他会在那里等我。
16 父亲尽管不赞成威廉·基思爵士的建议，但他很高兴我能从当地如此有声望的人那里得到这样一封赞赏有
加的信。他对我在这么短的时间内，凭自己的能力把自己打扮得这样体面感到很欣慰，因此，当他看到我和哥哥
不可能在一起做事的时候，他就同意我返回费城。同时，父亲要我尊重那里的人，尽力得到人们的尊重，不要去
毁谤和诋毁别人。他认为我那方面的倾向很严重。他还告诉我要勤奋工作，俭以生活，这样到 21 岁的就可以有积
蓄开办自己的印刷厂了。那个时候，如果我还有所不足，他会帮助我的。这就是从父亲那里得到的全部东西，还
有标志着父亲和母亲爱子之心的一些小礼物。带着他们的祝福和赞许，我登上了船前去纽约。
17 我们乘坐的单桅帆船停靠在罗德岛的新港后，我去拜访了约翰哥哥。他已经结婚并在那里住了几年了。他
对我很热情，一直对我很爱护。他有位朋友叫佛农，有人欠他 35 英镑，那人就住在宾西法尼亚州，哥哥要希望我
代佛农收这笔债，并代为保管，直到我接到通知告诉我怎么汇给他为止。然后，哥哥就给了我一张单子。这件事
情后来带给我很多不安。
18 在新港，又上了很多去纽约的乘客。其中，有两位年轻的妇女和一位严肃但精明、像管家婆似的教友会妇
女，还有她们的仆人。我对那妇人很有礼貌，乐意为她们帮点小忙。我想这给她留下了好印象，因此，当她看到
我和两个年轻女子的关系一天比一天热，她们好像也在鼓励这种情况发生的时候。她就把我拉到一边对我说：
“年轻人，我很担心你。你没有朋友在身边，好像对这个世道了解也不深，不知道一些人对年轻人所设的圈套。
相信我，这两个女子不是什么好人，这我可以从她们的举止看出来。如果你不当心的话，她们就会陷害你。你根
本不认识她们，我劝你还是不要和她们来往。我这样做都是为了你的安全，是出于好意的。”我开始并不相信那
两个年轻女子如妇人说的那样坏。她就提醒我她观察到的她们的一些可疑的言行和举止，这些我都没有注意到。
现在想来，妇人说的都是对的。我感谢她对我的忠告，并且表示会按她讲的去做。当船到达纽约的时候，那两个
女子邀请我去拜访她们，并告诉了我她的住处，我没有答应。幸亏我没有去，第二天，船主就丢了一把银勺子和
一些其它的东西，这些东西是从舱房里被偷走的。船主知道那两个女人是妓女，就领了搜查令去搜她们的住所，
结果找到了失窃的东西，小偷也受到了处罚。这次，船在途中幸运地避开了暗礁，但在我看来，我能避开这两个
妓女对我的意义更重大。
19 在纽约，我找到了柯林斯，他比我先到几天。我们从孩提时代开始就是好朋友。我们经常一块儿读书，但
他看书和学习的时间比我多，他还是个数学天才，远比我厉害。当我还在波士顿的时候，我有空就和他呆在一起
聊天。他从来不喝酒，头脑清醒，还相当勤奋，深得一些牧师和绅士的尊敬。他看来是一个很有前途的人。但是，
在我离开波士顿的日子里，他染上了喝白兰地的恶习。我从他本人和其他人那里得知，当他到纽约以后就天天喝
得醉熏熏的，举止行动十分古怪。他还赌博，输光了自己的钱，以至于我不得不替他付房租，和负责他到费城的
路费以及他在费城的生活费，这对我来说是个极大的麻烦。
20 那个时候纽约的州长是伯内特（伯内特主教的儿子），他听船长说他的旅客中有个年轻人带了很多书籍，
他就要求见见我。这样我就去见他了。如果柯林斯没有喝醉的话，我会带他一起去的。州长很热情地接待了我，
并且领我参观了他的图书馆。那个图书馆真大啊。我们针对书和他们的作者谈了很多。这使我获得了州长的青睐。
对我这样一个穷小子来说，这是十分让人激动的。
21 我们继续前往费城。在路上的时候，我收到了别人欠佛农的钱。如果没有那笔钱的话，我们是不可能完成
我们的旅程的。柯林斯希望在某地当个会计，不知道别人是从他的呼吸还是从他的举止中知道他是个酒鬼，所以
尽管他有推荐信，但他还是没有找到工作。他继续和我吃住在一起，由我付帐。当他知道我有佛农的钱以后，他
就不断地向我借。他还承诺等他一找到工作就还钱给我。最后，他借了那么多，以至于我都发愁，如果人家叫我
汇钱过去的时候我应该怎么办才好。
 22 他继续喝酒，为这件事情我们经常吵架。因为他只要有点醉，人就变得很暴躁。有一次，当他和几个年轻
人在特拉华州一块划船玩的时候，轮到他划，他却不划。他说：“你们得把我划到我家里去。”我说：“我们决
不替你划。”他就说：“你们必须得划，要不就在水上过夜。你们看着办吧。”“让我们划吧。这没有什么大不
了的。”其他人就说。
23 但是他的行为让我很生气，我坚决不同意。所以他发誓要我划，要不然他就把我扔到河里去。然后他就站
到横板上，看着我。当他跑过来抓我的时候，我就伸手抓住他的腿，然后站起来，把他头朝下扔到水里去了。我
知道他游泳技术很好，所以一点都不在意他。所以，在他靠近船帮的时候，我们就连划几下，让他没有办法靠近
船。每当他靠近的时候，我们就一边问他划不划船，一边连划几下让船从他身边滑过。他气的都快死了，固执得
死也不答应划。后来，看他有点累了我们就把他捞了上来。晚上，我们把浑身湿淋淋的他送回了家。这以后，我
们之间难得有一句好话。后来，一位来自印度群岛的船长受一个叫巴巴多斯的绅士的委托，要给他的儿子找有一
位老师，他偶然碰到了柯林斯，就答应送柯林斯去巴巴多斯那里。柯林斯走的时候答应他一领到钱就汇给我以还
清债务。但从这以后，我就一直没有他的音信。
24 动用佛农的钱是我一生中所犯下的重大错误之一。这件事情表明，父亲认为我还年轻，不能管理重要企业
的判断是正确的。但是，当威廉·基思爵士读到我父亲给他的信的时候，他说父亲太谨慎了。他说，人不能一概而
论，谨慎不一定和年龄相生相伴。年轻人并不一定就不谨慎。他说：“既然他不帮助你。”“那我就来帮你。你
需要从英国买什么东西，给我张清单，我去买。你以后有能力再还我。我决定要让本地有一家好的印刷厂。我相
信你一定可以成功的。”他说这些话的时候，态度很诚恳，我丝毫不怀疑他说的话。我迄今为止一直把我想在费
城开印刷厂的秘密藏在心里。如果某个深知州长为人的朋友知道我把希望寄托在他的身上的话，他们肯定会告诉
我州长这个人并不可靠。后来，我才听别人说，他这个人从来都是光许愿，而从不去做的。但我根本没有要他帮
助我，我怎么能认为他的慷慨帮助是没有诚意的呢？我相信他是这个世界上最好的人之一。
25 我给了他一份开办一个小印刷厂所需物品的清单。照我估计，大概要 100 英镑。他很高兴，但是问我，要
是我能够去英国亲自挑选铅字并检查各种机器的部件是不是更好。“而且，”他又说，“在那个地方，你可以结
识一些人，可以在卖书和文具方面与他们建立联系。”我认为这样做是有益处的，就同意了州长的建议。“那
么，”他说，“做好准备坐安尼斯号去。”那艘船是那个时候惟一的一艘一年一次往来于伦敦和费城的船只。但
是离安尼斯号启程的日子还有几个月，我就继续在凯默那里做事。同时，心中为柯林斯借钱的事情焦虑不安，每
天担心佛农叫我汇钱过去。不过，这种事情几年之内都没有发生。
26 我想我还忘了告诉你，当我第一次坐船从波士顿去费城的时候，我们的船停靠在布来克岛。旅客们开始捉
鳕鱼吃，并且捉了很多。迄今为止，我坚守不吃荤食的信条。这种时候，我和我的老师屈里昂站在一条线上，他
认为捉一条鱼就等于杀一次生。因为鱼过去没有，将来也不会伤害我们，所以我们没有正当的理由杀害它们。这
些似乎都是很有道理的。但是，在这之前，我是很喜欢吃鱼的，当热气腾腾的鱼刚从炸锅里拿出来的时候，闻起
来真香啊！我在爱好和原则之间犹豫了好长时间，直到我想起有人在鱼肚子里发现小鱼的时候。那个时候，我就
想，“你可以吃小鱼，我为什么不能吃你啊。”因此，我就痛快地吃了一顿鳕鱼。从那以后，我就和别人一样吃
荤，只是偶尔吃素食。做一个有理智的生物是如此方便，它可以为你找到或者建构一个理由去做你心里想做的事
情。
27 凯默和我相处的很不错，意见也相投，因为他还不知道我要独自开办印刷厂的事情。他一直保持着往日浓
厚的热情并且喜欢辩论。因此，我们经常在一起辩论。我经常使用苏格拉底式的辩论术，使用一些看起来显然离
我们的辩题很远的问题，但渐渐地把他引入矛盾和困境之中。我用这种方法常常使他上我的圈套。最后，他的谨
慎都变的很滑稽了，他总是先问，“你到底想干什么，”然后再回答我再普通不过的问题。但是，这件事情却使
他对我的辩论才能有了很高的评价，因此，他很认真地提议我和他一起建立一个新的教派。他负责布道，我负责
和对手辩驳。不过，当他向我解释教条的时候，我发现其中一些莫名其妙的东西正是我所反对的，除非我也可以
加入点自己的意见或者介绍下我的一些看法。
28 凯默留着长长的胡子，因为在摩西法典里说，“不许损毁胡须一角”。也因此才把安息日定在星期六，这
两点对他都是必不可少的。这两点我都不喜欢。但是，在他答应不吃荤食的情况下，我可以同意他的那两点。
“我怀疑”，他说，“那样的话，身体会吃不消的。”我向他保证，身体可以受得了，而且那样对身体还有更多
的好处。他平常都吃的很多，我因此想，那吃得半饱的时候一定很有意思。如果我能陪他的话，他说他可以试一
试。我同意了，并且继续了三个月的时间。我们的饮食固定由一个邻居妇人送来。她从我这里拿走一份 40 种菜肴
的菜单，按照不同的时候给我们送来，在这些菜单上没有鱼肉也没有鸡鸭。这种理念那个时候非常适合我，因为
那样很便宜，每周每人不会超过 18 个便士。从那个时候开始，我连续好几个四旬斋都严格按照规则来办，从平常
饭到斋饭，从斋饭到平常饭，这种突然的变换没有给我带来一点不适应。因此，我就想，那种所谓的改变要循序
渐进的建议没有一点道理。我快乐地过着我的日子，但是可怜的凯默却感到难于忍受，他已经厌倦了这个计划。
他一直渴望大吃一顿，所以他就叫了一份烤猪，并邀请我和他的两个女性朋友跟他一起去吃。但烤猪上的太快了，
他抵制不了那个诱惑，在我们到之前他就把它吃完了。29 这段时间，我连续向里德小姐求了几次爱。我对她很倾
慕，我也有理由相信她对我也有相同的情感。但是，她母亲认为我们不用太急躁，因为我们都很年轻，才 18 岁多
一点，我又要进行长途旅行，如果要结婚的话，还是等我回来以后——当我像我所期待的那样建立了自己的事业
以后，那样会更加合适一些。也许，她认为我的期待并不像我想象的那样十拿九稳。
30 这个时候，我主要的朋友是查尔斯·奥斯本、约瑟夫·沃森和詹姆斯·拉尔夫，他们都是喜欢读书的人。前
两个人是镇上著名的公证人查尔斯·布罗格顿的书记，后面那个是一位商店职员。沃森是一个十分诚实正直聪明的
年轻人。其他两个人对宗教信仰观念很淡薄，特别是拉尔夫。拉尔夫就像柯林斯那样，老是不能让我安生，给我
带来了很多麻烦。奥斯本则是个聪明坦率的人，对朋友真诚友爱，但是，在文学方面他太挑剔了。拉尔夫仪表堂
堂，人很聪明，口才相当好，我还从来没有遇到像他这样好口才的人。这两个人都很喜欢诗歌，并开始写些小的
作品。星期天的时候，我们 4 个人经常一起到斯古尔克河附近的小树林里快活地散步，在那里我们轮流朗诵我们
的作品给大家听，并谈论我们读过的作品。
31 拉尔夫喜欢研究诗，他不怀疑自己能够成为一个杰出的诗人，并且会因此而致富。他认为即使是最优秀的
诗人刚开始写诗的时候，也会像他那样有很多瑕疵。奥斯本劝他打消这个念头，他确定拉尔夫没有写诗的天赋，
劝告他不要想别的东西，把心思都放到他的本行上去。虽然拉尔夫没有资本，但是凭着拉尔夫的勤奋和本分，他
可以先做代理商，然后逐渐地自己开业。我赞成偶然写点诗娱乐一下，同时改进自己的语言风格，除此之外，我
没有别的想法。
32 为了提高我们的水平，于是大家建议，下一次我们聚会的时候，每人拿出一篇自己的作品，大家相互观摩、
批评、改正。由于我们的目的只在于语言和表达方式，大家一致赞成改写赞美诗第 18 篇，这篇是描写上帝降临的。
当我们聚会的日子临近的时候，拉尔夫来找我，告诉我他的诗已经改好了，我告诉他，由于我一直没有空，也没
有兴趣，所以我还没有写。然后，他就让我看他的诗，并征求我的意见。我读了一下，对之十分赞赏，在我看来，
那真是一首好诗。“现在，”他说：“奥斯本经常说我的作品没有任何长处，由于嫉妒，他总是会把它批得体无
完肤。他对你并不嫉妒。因此，我希望，你就把这首诗拿去，就说是你写的。我会装着没有时间，所以没有写。
我们来看下他会说什么？”我同意了他的请求，就立即重抄了一遍，这样看起来就是我写的了。
33 我们聚会的时候到了。先读到沃森的作品，虽然里面有些好句，但瑕疵更多。然后就读到奥斯本的诗，比
沃森的好多了。拉尔夫对它们做了个公正的评论，既批评了它们的不足之处，也称赞了它们的优点所在。然后他
说他自己没有写。我很扭捏，好像请求他们放我一马的样子，声称时间不够等等，但他们都不允许我有任何理由，
一定要我把诗拿出来。所以，我就把拉尔夫的诗拿出来读了一遍，并且重复了一遍。沃森和奥斯本甘拜下风，对
之称赞不已。拉尔夫对之作了些批评，并建议做一些修改，但我却对之进行了辩护。奥斯本这个时候又跳出来反
对拉尔夫，说拉尔夫的评论和他的诗一样好不了多少。于是拉尔夫就不再争辩。在他们一起回家的路上，奥斯本
表达了他仍然想对我的诗表示赞赏，并且说他当着我的面不好这样说，以免我觉得他在奉承我。“但是，谁能想
到”，他说，“富兰克林能写出这么好的诗来，这样绘声绘色，刚强有力，热情奔放。他甚至做的比原诗还好，
他平常讲话的时候好像并不会用词，笨嘴拙舌的。天啊，他的诗写的太好了！”当我们第二次聚会的时候，拉尔
夫说出了我们对奥斯本设的陷阱，大家笑了奥斯本一阵子。
34 这件事情坚定了拉尔夫做一名诗人的决心。我尽了自己最大的努力去阻止他，但是他不听，一直到波普的
出现为止。然而，他后来成为了一名非常出色的散文家。我以后还会谈到他。但是，对于其他两个人，我以后可
能几乎不会有机会谈到他们了。沃森几年以后就死在了我的怀里，我相当难过，他是我们当中最优秀的。奥斯本
去了西印度群岛，在那里，他成了很有名的律师并且赚了很多钱，但他也在正当年轻的时候去世了。我们两个曾
经有过庄严的约定，如果谁先死的话，如果可能，他应该对对方做个友情访问，告诉他他在那个世界怎么样，但
他却没有遵守他说过的话。
35 州长好像很愿意和我在一起，他经常请我到他家里去做客。帮助我开业是一个必谈的话题。他除了要给我
向银行贷款的信用证，以便我可以购买印刷机、铅字和纸张等等，还说要给我写一些介绍信给他的朋友们。他好
几次说好了写好那些信的日期，叫我去拿。但每次我去的时候，他就定了一个更远的日子。就这样，一直推到了
船开的时候——这个船期也是推了几次才定下来的。当我前去向他告别并取信的时候，他的秘书，巴德博士出来
对我说，州长正在忙着写那封信，他会在开船前赶到纽卡斯尔把信交给我。
36 拉尔夫，尽管他已经结婚了，并且有了一个小孩，但他还是决定和我一起去。我认为他是想建立一种商业
联系，并且拿点佣金。不过我后来发现，由于他和他妻子关系不好，他就想把妻子甩到这里，自己不再回来了。
我辞别了自己的朋友们，并且和里德小姐进行了一番盟誓，然后坐船离开了费城。当船在纽卡斯尔停靠的时候，
州长果然在那里。但是，当我去他住处的时候，他并没有见我，他的秘书出来了。他秘书说他正在做一项非常重
要的公务，不过会把信送到船上来的，并衷心祝愿我一路顺风等等。我有点疑惑地回到船上，但还没有怀疑什么。
37 安德鲁·汉密儿顿先生是费城一位著名的律师，他和他的儿子跟我同船旅行。还有教友会商人德纳姆先生。
奥奈和拉塞尔先生也在，他们是马里兰一家铁厂的老板。他们订了头等舱。我和拉尔夫不得不坐三等舱，那里没
有人认识我们，大家都把我们当做普通人。但是，安德鲁·汉密儿顿先生和他的儿子（名字叫詹姆斯，他后来当了
州长），从纽卡斯尔回费城了。汉密儿顿先生被人用重金请去给一艘被逮住的船辩护。正当我们要启程的时候，
弗伦奇上校到船上来了，他对我们的热情关注被大家看到了，那些绅士们就邀请我们去头等舱，因为正好那里空
出了两个位子来。所以，我们就到头等舱去了。
38 我知道弗伦奇上校上船的时候把州长写的信带来了，我就请船长把那些委托我管的信给我。船长说所有的
信都放在一起，他这个时候没有办法挑出来。但是，在船到达伦敦前，他会给我机会让我把那些信分拣出来。我
因此就安心了。我们的旅行在继续进行。船舱里的人们很友善，加之安德鲁·汉密儿顿先生留下的东西，因此我们
的东西很丰富，生活得很美好。在这次旅行中，德纳姆先生和我结下了深厚的友谊，我们一直保持着这种友情。
但是，从另一方面来讲，这次旅行又是令人不愉快的，因为天气实在太糟糕了。
39 当我们到达英吉利海峡的时候，船长实现了他的允诺，他让我在信包里找州长写的信。但由我转交的信一
封都没有找到。我按他的笔迹找出了六七封信，我想那可能是州长答应为我写的。尤其是其中一封写给皇家印刷
所巴斯克特的信和另外一封给一个文具商的信。我们在 1724 年 12 月 24 日抵达伦敦，我先拜访了那个离我近的
文具商，并且递上了基思州长的信。他说：“我不知道有这样一个人。”然后他就打开了信。“哦，原来是里德
尔斯登写的。我最近发现这个人完全是个大骗子，我将断绝和他的来往，并且拒绝收受他的任何来信。”然后，
他就把信退回到我手上，转过身去招待他的其他顾客。我这才发现这些信不是州长写的。经过回忆和比较前后的
事实情况，我开始怀疑州长的诚意了。我找到朋友德纳姆，把这件事情的情况讲给他听。他告诉了我基思的为人，
他说基思绝对不可能给你写信。了解他的人都不会对他有丝毫的信任。他对基思会给我信用证的想法一笑了之，
他说，他根本没有信用可给。当我对他说我对日后怎么办表示担忧的时候，他建议我尽力在我这一行找个工作。
他说：“就在这里的印刷行业做，你会得到提高的。这样，当你以后返回新大陆开印刷厂就会更好些。”
40 我们两个人同那个文具商一样恰巧都知道里德尔斯登律师是个大流氓。他曾经唆使里德的父亲和他签了份
合同，几乎让里德的父亲破产。从这封信看来，似乎有一个不利于汉密儿顿先生的秘密计划正在进行。他们因为
汉密儿顿是和我们一起来英国的，基思和里德尔斯登也牵涉到里面去了。德纳姆和汉密儿顿是朋友，他觉得应该
让汉密儿顿知道这件事情。因此，当汉密儿顿来英国不久，部分由于对基思和里德尔斯登的憎恶，部分由于对汉
密儿顿的好感，我拜访了他，并且把信给了他。这封信对他很重要，他很诚恳地感谢了我。从那个时候开始，我
们成为了朋友，后来他在许多方面对我帮助很大。
41 但是，我们怎么会想到一个州长会玩弄这种可怜的把戏，这样欺骗一个可怜无知的孩子。原来他想取悦大
家，但又没有什么好给的，所以就给个希望。这已经成为他的习惯了。除此之外，他倒是个聪明有智慧的人。他
还是个好作家，人民的好州长，尽管他有的时候对有钱的选民的意思不理不睬。在他任期内，他制定通过了好几
部良法。
42 拉尔夫和我形影不离。我们一起住在小不列颠，每星期的租金是 3 先令 6 便士，这是我们当时所能支付的
最高租金。拉尔夫找到了他的几个亲戚，但是他们都很穷，没有能力帮助他。拉尔夫这个时候让我知道了他想留
在伦敦，不再回费城的意思。他没有带钱来，他能筹到的钱都已经花在路上了。我有 15 块西班牙金币，所以他边
找工作边不时地向我借点钱以维持生活。他先是想法子进入剧院，他觉得自己当个演员没有问题，但是那个剧院
的老板威尔克斯，觉得他不可能在那方面有所成就，所以就坦率地告诉他不要想吃这碗饭。然后，他就找佩特罗
斯特街的出版商罗伯茨谈了谈，他希望在一定条件下为他那份类似《旁观者》的周刊撰稿，但是罗伯茨没有答应
那些条件。随后，他又试图想当个作家助手，替出版社或者法学会的律师抄抄写写什么的，但人家那里不缺人。
 43 我很快就在帕尔默印刷所找到了工作。那是在巴塞洛谬巷口的一家有名的印刷所。我在那里工作了将近一
年。我很勤快，但我把收入的很大一部分花在和拉尔夫看戏以及其它娱乐方面。我原来的西班牙金币也花掉了。
现在我们只能勉强糊口。拉尔夫好像全然忘掉了他的妻子和孩子，至于我，某种程度上也忘记了我对里德小姐的
山盟海誓。我只写过一封信，我在信里告诉她我不太可能马上回去。那是我这一生铸成的另一大错，如果，生活
可以重来的话，我会改正的。事实上，我们两个的开支这么大，我们一直没凑够回去的路费。
44 在帕尔默印刷所，他们指定我给沃拉斯顿的《自然宗教》第二版排版。我觉得，沃拉斯顿的论证并不很充
分。因此，我就写了一篇简短的哲学文章对之做了些评论。那篇文章的题目是《论自由与贫困，快乐与痛苦》。
我把这篇短文献给我的朋友拉尔夫，并印了一些。这使帕尔默先生认为我值得尊重，他把我当成了一个聪明有才
华的人，虽然他对我其中的一些理论提出了严肃的批评，他甚至有些厌恶它们。我印这本小册子又是一个错误。
当我住在小不列颠的时候，我认识了一个书商，他的名字叫威尔科克斯，他的书店就在隔壁。他收集了很多旧书，
那个时候还没有对外开放的图书馆。我们达成了一个协议，在合理条件下，具体的条件我已经忘了，我可以借走
他的任何一本书，然后再归还。它对我真是一个好事情，我尽量利用它。
45 我的那本小册子不知道通过什么方式被一个叫做莱昂斯的外科医生看到了，他是《人类判断能力的确定
性》的作者，我们就这样认识了。他很看重我，经常来找我谈论这些话题。他把我带到平价街的霍恩斯，那是一
家淡啤酒馆。在那里，他把我介绍给《蜜蜂的童话》的作者曼德威博士。曼德威博士在那里开了一家俱乐部，他
是俱乐部的核心人物，他是一个非常风趣幽默的家伙。莱昂斯还把我介绍给巴特咖啡屋的佩姆顿博士。佩姆顿博
士答应什么时候方便的话会给我机会让我见萨克·牛顿爵士。我很想有那一天，但那一天从来没有到来。
46 我从新大陆带了几件珍品，其中一件是用石棉制成的钱包，那是用火锻炼而成的。汉斯·斯隆爵士听说我
有这样的钱包，就来拜访我，并且邀请我去布鲁斯伯广场的家里，让我看他收藏的珍品，他还劝我把我的钱包转
让给他，成为他的收藏品中的一部分，并付给我一笔可观的钱来买它。
47 在我们住的那个地方还有个年轻的女子住在那里，我想她是在修道院那里有个铺子。她受过良好的教育，
通情达理，善解人意，活泼开朗，善于交谈。在晚上的时候，拉尔夫读剧本给她听，他们的关系逐渐亲密起来。
她另租了地方住，拉尔夫也跟着去了。他们同居了一段日子，但拉尔夫仍然没有找到工作，而她的收入又不够维
持他们和她的孩子的生活。所以，拉尔夫决心离开伦敦，试着去乡村学校找工作。他想他是能够胜任教师一职的，
因为他写得一手好字，数学和会计都很不错。但是，他总觉得那是屈就。他觉得自己将来一定会时来运转，那个
时候，他不想别人知道他曾经做过这么卑贱的工作，所以他改了个名字，叫“富兰克林”，以表示对我的尊重。
因为，不久以后我就收到他的来信，他告诉我他在一个小村子里教书。我想是在伯克村。在那里他教 10 到 12 个
小孩子，每周薪金 6 便士。他还叫我照顾Ｔ夫人，并且希望我写信给他，收信人是那个地方的老师富兰克林。
48 他继续不断地给我写信，寄来他那个时候正在创作的一篇长篇叙事诗，并且希望我批评指正。我不时地给
他一点建议，但更多的时候是劝他不要再在这条路上走了。那个时候正好班扬的讽刺诗出版了，我就抄了诗的大
部分给他，那首诗强烈地讽刺了那些没有希望成功的年轻人愚蠢地追求诗神缪斯的行为。但我做的这些都是徒劳
无功的，他的诗仍然被不断地寄来。同时，Ｔ夫人由于拉尔夫的关系失去了她的工作和朋友，生活困苦，经常来
找我，借走我自己所能节省的钱。我逐渐喜欢和她在一起，而且那个时候由于没有宗教的束缚，我觉得自己在她
心里很重要，就想和她有亲昵的行为，但她愤怒地拒绝了我（又一个错误），并且把我的行为告诉了拉尔夫。这
就使得我和拉尔夫之间产生了隔阂。当拉尔夫回到伦敦的时候，他告诉我，我们之间的恩惠从此一笔勾销。我也
就知道我借给他的钱和为他预付的钱都一去不复还了。但是，那也不重要，反正他也没有还的能力。失去了拉尔
夫的友谊，我倒有种如释重负的感觉。现在，我开始考虑存点钱。为了得到一个更好的工作，我离开了帕尔默印
刷所，来到了瓦茨印刷所，就在林肯酒店不远的地方，是一家比帕尔默印刷所更大的印刷所。我在那里一直工作
到我离开伦敦。
49 我刚进入瓦茨印刷所的时候是做的印刷工作，我觉得在这里有在新大陆工作的时候所没有的那种体力锻炼。
在这里，印刷和排字是在一起的。我只喝水，其他的人，大概接近 50 个，他们都是酒鬼。有的时候，我可以每一
只手拿一排铅字上下楼梯，但是，其他的人则需要用两只手拿一排铅字。他们对这和其它类似的事情感到很惊奇。
我这个喝水的美洲人——他们是这样称呼我的，竟然比他们这些喝浓稠啤酒的人还要强壮有力。有一个经常来给
我们印刷所送啤酒的男孩。和我一起印刷的一个人，他每天早饭前喝 1 品脱啤酒，早餐的时候和着面包与奶酪喝 1
品脱啤酒，早饭和午饭间喝 1 品脱啤酒，午饭喝 1 品脱啤酒，下午大概 6 点钟的时候又喝 1 品脱啤酒，做完工作
后再喝 1 品脱啤酒。我觉得那是很恶心的习惯，但他却觉得这些都是必须的。因为他觉得，喝浓啤酒才有力量干
活。我尽力想让他相信，啤酒在身体中产生的力量只跟酿酒时溶于水中的谷物和大麦成正比。在 1 便士的面包中
所含的面粉更多，因此，如果他吃 1 便士的面包，再喝 1 品脱的水，那会比他喝 1 夸脱的啤酒所产生的力量更大。
但是，无论我怎样说，他都照喝他的啤酒。每个周末的时候，他都要从他的工资中拿出 4、5 先令来付他那个泥浆
水。这笔费用我是不用掏的，这些可怜的家伙总是让别的东西主宰。
50 几个星期以后，瓦茨让我去排字间工作，就这样，我离开了印刷间。排字的工人却要我支付一笔 5 先令的
啤酒费，这笔钱我在印刷间的时候就付过了，我觉得那是一种敲诈。老板也这样认为，他不让我付这笔钱。我坚
持了两三个星期，他们想开除我的会籍，并在私下里搞了许多恶作剧。比如，当我离开一会儿的时候，我的铅字
就会被弄乱，页码也会被改变。所以这些都被解释为印刷所里的魔鬼作祟。他们说，那些没有得到印刷所里的人
认可的人就会受到鬼魂的作弄，即使他有老板的保护。我被迫服从，并答应付钱。这件事情让我知道了得罪和你
朝夕相处的人是很愚蠢的。
51 现在我终于能和他们和睦相处了，并且很快对他们产生了巨大影响。我建议对印刷的规矩做一些合理的改
动，并且驳倒了所有的反对意见。以我为榜样，许多工人吃早餐的时候不再把啤酒、奶酪和面包混在一起吃。因
为他们发现和我一样——吃隔壁邻居提供的一大碗热粥，洒上胡椒粉，把面包弄碎，然后涂上点牛油——这些东
西的价格等于 1 品脱啤酒的价格，也就是 3.5 便士。这样的早餐既便宜又吃的好，还可以保持头脑清醒。那些仍
然整天酗酒的人，由于欠钱没有还，没有了信用，酒店就不赊酒给他们了，他们就来找我借钱，用他们的话来说，
他们已经走投无路了。每到星期六的晚上，我就等着发工资，收回我借给他们的钱，有的时候一个星期有 30 先令
之多。同时，他们也认为我是一个很幽默的人，很会讲话。他们因此很敬重我。我从来不缺勤（因为我从来不用
请假做礼拜，我不是教徒），老板也因此很喜欢我。由于我做事的速度很快，老板总是把急件交给我做，待遇经
常要高一点。这样，我的生活就过得越来越舒适了。
part 2
1i have been the more particular in this description of my journey, and shall
be so of my first entry into that city, that you may in your mind compare such
unlikely beginnings with the figure i have since made there. i was in my working
dress, my best cloaths being to come round by sea. i was dirty from my journey; my
pockets were stuff'd out with shirts and stockings, and i knew no soul nor where to
look for lodging. i was fatigued with travelling, rowing, and want of rest, i was
very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a dutch dollar, and about a
shilling in copper. the latter i gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at
first refus'd it, on account of my rowing; but i insisted on their taking it. a man
being sometimes more generous when he has but a little money than when he has
plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought to have but little.
2then i walked up the street, gazing about till near the market-house i met a
boy with bread. i had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, i
went immediately to the baker's he directed me to, in second-street, and ask'd for
bisket, intending such as we had in boston; but they, it seems, were not made in
philadelphia. then i asked for a three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such.
so not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheapness
nor the names of his bread, i made him give me three-penny worth of any sort. he
gave me, accordingly, three great puffy rolls. i was surpriz'd at the quantity, but
took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk'd off with a roll under each arm,
and eating the other. thus i went up market-street as far as fourth-street, passing
by the door of mr. read, my future wife's father; when she, standing at the door,
saw me, and thought i made, as i certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous
appearance. then i turned and went down chestnut-street and part of walnut-street,
eating my roll all the way, and, corning round, found myself again at market-street
wharf, near the boat i came in, to which i went for a draught of the river water;
and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child
that came down the river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther.
3thus refreshed, i walked again up the street, which by this time had many
clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way. i joined them, and
thereby was led into the great meeting-house of the quakers near the market. i sat
down among them, and, after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said, being
very drowsy thro' labor and want of rest the preceding night, i fell fast asleep,
and continued so till the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me.
this was, therefore, the first house i was in, or slept in, in philadelphia.
4walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the faces of people, i
met a young quaker man, whose countenance i lik'd, and, accosting him, requested he
would tell me where a stranger could get lodging. we were then near the sign of the
three mariners. \"here,\" says he, \"is one place that entertains strangers, but it
is not a reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, i'll show thee a better.\" he
brought me to the crooked billet in water-street. here i got a dinner; and, while i
was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as it seemed to be suspected
from my youth and appearance, that i might be some runaway.
5after dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being shown to a bed, i lay down
without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, was call'd to supper, went
to bed again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. then i made myself as
tidy as i could, and went to andrew bradford the printer's. i found in the shop the
old man his father, whom i had seen at new york, and who, travelling on horseback,
had got to philadelphia before me. he introduc'd me to his son, who receiv'd me
civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a hand, being
lately suppli'd with one; but there was another printer in town, lately set up, one
keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me; if not, i should be welcome to lodge at his
house, and he would give me a little work to do now and then till fuller business
should offer.
6the old gentleman said he would go with me to the new printer; and when we
found him, \"neighbor,\" says bradford, \"i have brought to see you a young man of
your business; perhaps you may want such a one.\" he ask'd me a few questions, put
a composing stick in my hand to see how i work'd, and then said he would employ me
soon, though he had just then nothing for me to do; and, taking old bradford, whom
he had never seen before, to be one of the town's people that had a good will for
him, enter'd into a conversation on his present undertaking and projects; while
bradford, not discovering that he was the other printer's father, on keimer's
saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the business into his own
hands, drew him on by artful questions, and starting little doubts, to explain all
his views, what interests he reli'd on, and in what manner he intended to proceed.
i, who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old
sophister, and the other a mere novice. bradford left me with keimer, who was
greatly surpris'd when i told him who the old man was.
7keimer's printing-house, i found, consisted of an old shatter'd press, and one
small, worn-out font of english which he was then using himself, composing an elegy
on aquila rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man, of excellent character,
much respected in the town, clerk of the assembly, and a pretty poet. keimer made
verses too, but very indifferently. he could not be said to write them, for his
manner was to compose them in the types directly out of his head. so there being no
copy, but one pair of cases, and the elegy likely to require all the letter, no one
could help him. i endeavor'd to put his press (which he had not yet us'd, and of
which he understood nothing) into order fit to be work'd with; and, promising to
come and print off his elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, i return'd to
bradford's, who gave me a little job to do for the present, and there i lodged and
dieted, a few days after, keimer sent for me to print off the elegy. and now he had
got another pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.
8these two printers i found poorly qualified for their business. bradford had
not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and keimer, tho' something of a
scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. he had been one of
the french prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. at this time he
did not profess any particular religion, but something of all on occasion; was very
ignorant of the world, and had, as i afterward found, a good deal of the knave in
his composition. he did not like my lodging at bradford's while i work'd with him.
he had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could not lodge me; but he got
me a lodging at mr. read's, before mentioned, who was the owner of his house; and,
my chest and clothes being come by this time, i made rather a more respectable
appearance in the eyes of miss read than i had done when she first happen'd to see
me eating my roll in the street.
9i began now to have some acquaintance among the young people of the town, that
were lovers of reading, with whom i spent my evenings very pleasantly; and gaining
money by my industry and frugality, i lived very agreeably, forgetting boston as
much as i could, and not desiring that any there should know where i resided,
except my friend collins, who was in my secret, and kept it when i wrote to him. at
length, an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than i had
intended. i had a brother-in-law, robert holmes, master of a sloop that traded
between boston and delaware. he being at newcastle, forty miles below philadelphia,
heard there of me, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends in
boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, and that every
thing would be accommodated to my mind if i would return, to which he exhorted me
very earnestly. i wrote an answer to his letter, thank'd him for his advice, but
stated my reasons for quitting boston fully and in such a light as to convince him
i was not so wrong as he had apprehended.
10sir william keith, governor of the province, was then at newcastle, and
captain holmes, happening to be in company with him when my letter came to hand,
spoke to him of me, and show'd him the letter. the governor read it, and seem'd
surpris'd when he was told my age. he said i appear'd a young man of promising
parts, and therefore should be encouraged; the printers at philadelphia were
wretched ones; and, if i would set up there, he made no doubt i should succeed; for
his part, he would procure me the public business, and do me every other service in
his power. this my brother-in-law afterwards told me in boston, but i knew as yet
nothing of it; when, one day, keimer and i being at work together near the window,
we saw the governor and another gentleman (which proved to be colonel french, of
newcastle), finely dress'd, come directly across the street to our house, and heard
them at the door.
11keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but the governor
inquir'd for me, came up, and with a condescension of politeness i had been quite
unus'd to, made me many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam'd me
kindly for not having made myself known to him when i first came to the place, and
would have me away with him to the tavern, where he was going with colonel french
to taste, as he said, some excellent madeira. i was not a little surprised, and
keimer star'd like a pig poison'd. i went, however, with the governor and colonel
french to a tavern, at the corner of third-street, and over the madeira he propos'd
my setting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of success, and both he
and colonel french assur'd me i should have their interest and influence in
procuring the public business of both governments. on my doubting whether my father
would assist me in it, sir william said he would give me a letter to him, in which
he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with him. so it
was concluded i should return to boston in the first vessel, with the governor's
letter recommending me to my father. in the mean time the intention was to be kept
a secret, and i went on working with keimer as usual, the governor sending for me
now and then to dine with him, a very great honor i thought it, and conversing with
me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.
12about the end of april, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for boston. i took
leave of keimer as going to see my friends. the governor gave me an ample letter,
saying many flattering things of me to my father, and strongly recommending the
project of my setting up at philadelphia as a thing that must make my fortune. we
struck on a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering
time at sea, and were oblig'd to pump almost continually, at which i took my turn.
we arriv'd safe, however, at boston in about a fortnight. i had been absent seven
months, and my friends had heard nothing of me; for my br. holmes was not yet
return'd, and had not written about me. my unexpected appearance surpriz'd the
family; all were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome, except my
brother. i went to see him at his printing-house. i was better dress'd than ever
while in his service, having a genteel new suit from head to foot, a watch, and my
pockets lin'd with near five pounds sterling in silver. he receiv'd me not very
frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his work again.
13the journeymen were inquisitive where i had been, what sort of a country it
was, and how i lik'd it. i prais'd it much, the happy life i led in it, expressing
strongly my intention of returning to it; and, one of them asking what kind of
money we had there, i produc'd a handful of silver, and spread it before them,
which was a kind of raree-show they had not been us'd to, paper being the money of
boston. then i took an opportunity of letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my
brother still grum and sullen), i gave them a piece of eight to drink, and took my
leave. this visit of mine offended him extreamly; for, when my mother some time
after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes to see us on good terms
together, and that we might live for the future as brothers, he said i had insulted
him in such a manner before his people that he could never forget or forgive it. in
this, however, he was mistaken.
14my father received the governor's letter with some apparent surprise, but
said little of it to me for some days, when capt. holmes returning he showed it to
him, ask'd him if he knew keith, and what kind of man he was; adding his opinion
that he must be of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in business who
wanted yet three years of being at man's estate. holmes said what he could in favor
of the project, but my father was clear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave
a flat denial to it. then he wrote a civil letter to sir william, thanking him for
the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet in
setting up, i being, in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the management of
a business so important, and for which the preparation must be so expensive.
15my friend and companion collins, who was a clerk in the post-office, pleas'd
with the account i gave him of my new country, determined to go thither also; and,
while i waited for my father's determination, he set out before me by land to rhode
island, leaving his books, which were a pretty collection of mathematicks and
natural philosophy, to come with mine and me to new york, where he propos'd to wait
for me.
16my father, tho' he did not approve sir william's proposition, was yet pleas'd
that i had been able to obtain so advantageous a character from a person of such
note where i had resided, and that i had been so industrious and careful as to
equip myself so handsomely in so short a time; therefore, seeing no prospect of an
accommodation between my brother and me, he gave his consent to my returning again
to philadelphia, advis'd me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor to
obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libeling, to which he thought i
had too much inclination; telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent
parsimony i might save enough by the time i was one-and-twenty to set me up; and
that, if i came near the matter, he would help me out with the rest. this was all i
could obtain, except some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother's love, when i
embark'd again for new york, now with their approbation and their blessing.
17the sloop putting in at newport, rhode island, i visited my brother john, who
had been married and settled there some years. he received me very affectionately,
for he always lov'd me. a friend of his, one vernon, having some money due to him
in pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds currency, desired i would receive it for
him, and keep it till i had his directions what to remit it in. accordingly, he
gave me an order. this afterwards occasion'd me a good deal of uneasiness.
18at newport we took in a number of passengers for new york, among which were
two young women, companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-like quaker woman, with
her attendants. i had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little services,
which impress'd her i suppose with a degree of good will toward me; therefore, when
she saw a daily growing familiarity between me and the two young women, which they
appear'd to encourage, she took me aside, and said: \"young man, i am concern'd for
thee, as thou has no friend with thee, an seems not to know much of the world, or
of the snares youth is expos'd to; depend upon it, those are very bad women; i can
see it in all their actions; and if thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw
thee into some danger; they are strangers to thee, and i advise thee, in a friendly
concern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them.\" as i seem'd at first
not to think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some things she had observ'd
and heard that had escap'd my notice, but now convinc'd me she was right. i thank'd
her for her kind advice, and promis'd to follow it. when we arriv'd at new york,
they told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see them; but i avoided
it, and it was well i did; for the next day the captain miss'd a silver spoon and
some other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin, and, knowing that these
were a couple of strumpets, he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the
stolen goods, and had the thieves punish'd. so, tho' we had escap'd a sunken rock,
which we scrap'd upon in the passage, i thought this escape of rather more
importance to me.
19at new york i found my friend collins, who had arriv'd there some time before
me. we had been intimate from children, and had read the same books together; but
he had the advantage of more time for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius
for mathematical learning, in which he far outstript me. while i liv'd in boston
most of my hours of leisure for conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd
a sober as well as an industrious lad; was much respected for his learning by
several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to promise making a good
figure in life. but, during my absence, he had acquir'd a habit of sotting with
brandy; and i found by his own account, and what i heard from others, that he had
been drunk every day since his arrival at new york, and behav'd very oddly. he had
gam'd, too, and lost his money, so that i was oblig'd to discharge his lodgings,
and defray his expenses to and at philadelphia, which prov'd extremely inconvenient
to me.
20the then governor of new york, burnet (son of bishop burnet), hearing from
the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great many books,
desir'd he would bring me to see him. i waited upon him accordingly, and should
have taken collins with me but that he was not sober. the gov'r. treated me with
great civility, show'd me his library, which was a very large one, and we had a
good deal of conversation about books and authors. this was the second governor who
had done me the honor to take notice of me; which, to a poor boy like me, was very
pleasing.
21we proceeded to philadelphia. i received on the way vernon's money, without
which we could hardly have finish'd our journey. collins wished to be employ'd in
some counting-house, but, whether they discover'd his dramming by his breath, or by
his behaviour, tho' he had some recommendations, he met with no success in any
application, and continu'd lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at
my expense. knowing i had that money of vernon's, he was continually borrowing of
me, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in business. at length he had
got so much of it that i was distress'd to think what i should do in case of being
call'd on to remit it.
22his drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quarrell'd;, for, when a
little intoxicated, he was very fractious. once, in a boat on the delaware with
some other young men, he refused to row in his turn. \"i will be row'd home,\" says
he. \"we will not row you,\" says i. \"you must, or stay all night on the water,\"
says he, \"just as you please.\" the others said, \"let us row; what signifies
it?\"
23but, my mind being soured with his other conduct, i continu'd to refuse. so
he swore he would make me row, or throw me overboard; and coming along, stepping on
the thwarts, toward me, when he came up and struck at me, i clapped my hand under
his crutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the river. i knew he was a
good swimmer, and so was under little concern about him; but before he could get
round to lay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes pull'd her out of his
reach; and ever when he drew near the boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a
few strokes to slide her away from him. he was ready to die with vexation, and
obstinately would not promise to row. however, seeing him at last beginning to
tire, we lifted him in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. we hardly
exchang'd a civil word afterwards, and a west india captain, who had a commission
to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at barbadoes, happening to meet with
him, agreed to carry him thither. he left me then, promising to remit me the first
money he should receive in order to discharge the debt; but i never heard of him
after.
24the breaking into this money of vernon's was one of the first great errata of
my life; and this affair show'd that my father was not much out in his judgment
when he suppos'd me too young to manage business of importance. but sir william, on
reading his letter, said he was too prudent. there was great difference in persons;
and discretion did not always accompany years, nor was youth always without
it. \"and since he will not set you up,\" says he, \"i will do it myself. give me
an inventory of the things necessary to be had from england, and i will send for
them. you shall repay me when you are able; i am resolv'd to have a good printer
here, and i am sure you must succeed.\" this was spoken with such an appearance of
cordiality, that i had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. i had
hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, a secret in philadelphia, and i
still kept it. had lt been known that i depended on the governor, probably some
friend, that knew him better, would have advis'd me not to rely on him, as i
afterwards heard it as his known character to be liberal of promises which he never
meant to keep. yet, unsolicited as he was by me, how could i think his generous
offers insincere? i believ'd him one of the best men in the world.
25i presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house, amounting by my
computation to about one hundred pounds sterling. he lik'd it, but ask'd me if my
being on the spot in england to chuse the types, and see that every thing was good
of the kind, might not be of some advantage. \"then,\" says he, \"when there, you
may make acquaintances, and establish correspondences in the bookselling and
stationery way.\" i agreed that this might be advantageous. \"then,\" says
he, \"get yourself ready to go with annis;\" which was the annual ship, and the
only one at that time usually passing between london and philadelphia. but it would
be some months before annis sail'd, so i continu'd working with keimer, fretting
about the money collins had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of being call'd
upon by vernon, which, however, did not happen for some years after.
26i believe i have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage from boston,
being becalm'd off block island, our people set about catching cod, and hauled up a
great many. hitherto i had stuck to my resolution of not eating animal food, and on
this occasion consider'd, with my master tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of
unprovoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could do us any injury that
might justify the slaughter. all this seemed very reasonable. but i had formerly
been a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the frying-pan, it smelt
admirably well. i balanc'd some time between principle and inclination, till i
recollected that, when the fish were opened, i saw smaller fish taken out of their
stomachs; then thought i, \"if you eat one another, i don't see why we mayn't eat
you.\" so i din'd upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other people,
returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable diet. so convenient a thing
it is to be a reasonable creature, since it enables one to find or make a reason
for everything one has a mind to do.
27keimer and i liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, and agreed tolerably
well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. he retained a great deal of his
old enthusiasms and lov'd argumentation. we therefore had many disputations. i used
to work him so with my socratic method, and had trepann'd him so often by questions
apparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees lead to the
point, and brought him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew
ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common question, without
asking first, \"what do you intend to infer from that?\" however, it gave him so
high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed my
being his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new sect. he was to preach
the doctrines, and i was to confound all opponents. when he came to explain with me
upon the doctrines, i found several conundrums which i objected to, unless i might
have my way a little too, and introduce some of mine.
 28keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in the mosaic law it
is said, \"thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard.\" he likewise kept the
seventh day, sabbath; and these two points were essentials with him. i dislik'd
both; but agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting the doctrine of using
no animal food. \"i doubt,\" said he, \"my constitution will not bear that.\" i
assur'd him it would, and that he would be the better for it. he was usually a
great glutton, and i promised myself some diversion in half starving him. he agreed
to try the practice, if i would keep him company. i did so, and we held it for
three months. we had our victuals dress'd, and brought to us regularly by a woman
in the neighborhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes to be prepar'd for us
at different times, in all which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the
whim suited me the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us
above eighteenpence sterling each per week. i have since kept several lents most
strictly, leaving the common diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly,
without the least inconvenience, so that i think there is little in the advice of
making those changes by easy gradations. i went on pleasantly, but poor keimer
suffered grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the flesh-pots of egypt, and
order'd a roast pig. he invited me and two women friends to dine with him; but, it
being brought too soon upon table, he could not resist the temptation, and ate the
whole before we came.
29i had made some courtship during this time to miss read. i had a great
respect and affection for her, and had some reason to believe she had the same for
me; but, as i was about to take a long voyage, and we were both very young, only a
little above eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent our
going too far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more
convenient after my return, when i should be, as i expected, set up in my business.
perhaps, too, she thought my expectations not so well founded as i imagined them to
be.
30my chief acquaintances at this time were charles osborne, joseph watson, and
james ralph, all lovers of reading. the two first were clerks to an eminent
scrivener or conveyancer in the town, charles brogden; the other was clerk to a
merchant. watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great integrity; the others
rather more lax in their principles of religion, particularly ralph, who, as well
as collins, had been unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer. osborne
was sensible, candid, frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends; but, in
literary matters, too fond of criticising. ralph was ingenious, genteel in his
manners, and extremely eloquent; i think i never knew a prettier talker. both of
them great admirers of poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces. many
pleasant walks we four had together on sundays into the woods, near schuylkill,
where we read to one another, and conferr'd on what we read.
31ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not doubting but he might
become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets
must, when they first began to write, make as many faults as he did. osborne
dissuaded him, assur'd him he had no genius for poetry, and advis'd him to think of
nothing beyond the business he was bred to; that, in the mercantile way, tho' he
had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend himself to
employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own account.
i approv'd the amusing one's self with poetry now and then, so far as to improve
one's language, but no farther.
32on this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at our next meeting,
produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our mutual
observations, criticisms, and corrections. as language and expression were what we
had in view, we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that the task
should be a version of the eighteenth psalm, which describes the descent of a
deity. when the time of our meeting drew nigh, ralph called on me first, and let me
know his piece was ready. i told him i had been busy, and, having little
inclination, had done nothing. he then show'd me his piece for my opinion, and i
much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to have great merit. \"now,\" says
he, \"osborne never will allow the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000
criticisms out of mere envy. he is not so jealous of you; i wish, therefore, you
would take this piece, and produce it as yours; i will pretend not to have had
time, and so produce nothing. we shall then see what he will say to it.\" it was
agreed, and i immediately transcrib'd it, that it might appear in my own hand.
33we met; watson's performance was read; there were some beauties in it, but
many defects. osborne's was read; it was much better; ralph did it justice;
remarked some faults, but applauded the beauties. he himself had nothing to
produce. i was backward; seemed desirous of being excused; had not had sufficient
time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be admitted; produce i must. it was read
and repeated; watson and osborne gave up the contest, and join'd in applauding it.
ralph only made some criticisms, and propos'd some amendments; but i defended my
text. osborne was against ralph, and told him he was no better a critic than poet,
so he dropt the argument. as they two went home together, osborne expressed himself
still more strongly in favor of what he thought my production; having restrain'd
himself before, as he said, lest i should think it flattery. \"but who would have
imagin'd,\" said he, \"that franklin had been capable of such a performance; such
painting, such force, such fire! he has even improv'd the original. in his common
conversation he seems to have no choice of words; he hesitates and blunders; and
yet, good god! how he writes!\" when we next met, ralph discovered the trick we had
plaid him, and osborne was a little laught at.
34this transaction fixed ralph in his resolution of becoming a poet. i did all
i could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling verses till pope cured
him. he became, however, a pretty good prose writer. more of him hereafter. but, as
i may not have occasion again to mention the other two, i shall just remark here,
that watson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the best of our
set. osborne went to the west indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made
money, but died young. he and i had made a serious agreement, that the one who
happen'd first to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and
acquaint him how he found things in that separate state. but he never fulfill'd his
promise.
35the governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his house, and
his setting me up was always mention'd as a fixed thing. i was to take with me
letters recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to
furnish me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc.
for these letters i was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be
ready, but a future time was still named. thus he went on till the ship, whose
departure too had been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. then,
when i call'd to take my leave and receive the letters, his secretary, dr. bard,
came out to me and said the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be
down at newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me.
36ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined to accompany me
in this voyage. it was thought he intended to establish a correspondence, and
obtain goods to sell on commission; but i found afterwards, that, thro' some
discontent with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and
never return again. having taken leave of my friends, and interchang'd some
promises with miss read, i left philadelphia in the ship, which anchor'd at
newcastle. the governor was there; but when i went to his lodging, the secretary
came to me from him with the civillest message in the world, that he could not then
see me, being engaged in business of the utmost importance, but should send the
letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return, etc.
i returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting.
37mr. andrew hamilton, a famous lawyer of philadelphia, had taken passage in
the same ship for himself and son, and with mr. denham, a quaker merchant, and
messrs. onion and russel, masters of an iron work in maryland, had engag'd the
great cabin; so that ralph and i were forced to take up with a berth in the
steerage, and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary persons. but
mr. hamilton and his son (it was james, since governor) return'd from newcastle to
philadelphia, the father being recall'd by a great fee to plead for a seized ship;
and, just before we sail'd, colonel french coming on board, and showing me great
respect, i was more taken notice of, and, with my friend ralph, invited by the
other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there being now room. accordingly, we
remov'd thither.
38understanding that colonel french had brought on board the governor's
despatches, i ask'd the captain for those letters that were to be under my care. he
said all were put into the bag together and he could not then come at them; but,
before we landed in england, i should have an opportunity of picking them out; so i
was satisfied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage. we had a sociable
company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all mr.
hamilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. in this passage mr. denham
contracted a friendship for me that continued during his life. the voyage was
otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather.
39when we came into the channel, the captain kept his word with me, and gave me
an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor's letters. i found none upon
which my name was put as under my care. i picked out six or seven, that, by the
handwriting, i thought might be the promised letters, especially as one of them was
directed to basket, the king's printer, and another to some stationer. we arriv'd
in london the 24th of december, 1724. i waited upon the stationer, who came first
in my way, delivering the letter as from governor keith. \"i don't know such a
person,\" says he; but, opening the letter, \"o! this is from riddlesden. i have
lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and i will have nothing to do with him,
nor receive any letters from him.\" so, putting the letter into my hand, he turn'd
on his heel and left me to serve some customer. i was surprized to find these were
not the governor's letters; and, after recollecting and comparing circumstances, i
began to doubt his sincerity. i found my friend denham, and opened the whole affair
to him. he let me into keith's character; told me there was not the least
probability that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had
the smallest dependence on him; and he laught at the notion of the governor's
giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. on my
expressing some concern about what i should do, he advised me to endeavor getting
some employment in the way of my business. \"among the printers here,\" said
he, \"you will improve yourself, and when you return to america, you will set up to
greater advantage.\"
40we both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer, that riddlesden,
the attorney, was a very knave. he had half ruin'd miss read's father by persuading
him to be bound for him. by this letter it appear'd there was a secret scheme on
foot to the prejudice of hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming over with us); and
that keith was concerned in it with riddlesden. denham, who was a friend of
hamilton's thought he ought to be acquainted with it; so, when he arriv'd in
england, which was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to keith and
riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, i waited on him, and gave him the
letter. he thank'd me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and
from that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage afterwards on many
occasions.
41but what shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful tricks, and
imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! it was a habit he had acquired. he
wish'd to please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave expectations. he
was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor
for the people, tho' not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose
instructions he sometimes disregarded. several of our best laws were of his
planning and passed during his administration.
42ralph and i were inseparable companions. we took lodgings together in little
britain at three shillings and sixpence per week, as much as we could then afford.
he found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. he now let
me know his intentions of remaining in london, and that he never meant to return to
philadelphia. he had brought no money with him, the whole he could muster having
been expended in paying his passage. i had fifteen pistoles; so he borrowed
occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. he first
endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an actor; but
wilkes, to whom he apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that employment,
as it was impossible be should succeed in it. then he propos'd to roberts, a
publisher in paternoster row, to write for him a weekly paper like the spectator,
on certain conditions, which roberts did not approve. then he endeavored to get
employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the
temple, but could find no vacancy.
43i immediately got into work at palmer's, then a famous printing-house in
bartholomew close, and here i continu'd near a year. i was pretty diligent, but
spent with ralph a good deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of
amusement. we had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just rubbed on from
hand to mouth. he seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and i, by degrees, my
engagements with miss read, to whom i never wrote more than one letter, and that
was to let her know i was not likely soon to return. this was another of the great
errata of my life, which i should wish to correct if i were to live it over again.
in fact, by our expenses, i was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.
44at palmer's i was employed in composing for the second edition of wollaston's
religion of nature. some of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, i
wrote a little metaphysical piece in which i made remarks on them. it was
entitled \"a dissertation on liberty and necessity, pleasure and pain.\" i
inscribed it to my friend ralph; i printed a small number. it occasion'd my being
more consider'd by mr. palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho' he seriously
expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear'd
abominable. my printing this pamphlet was another erratum. while i lodg'd in little
britain, i made an acquaintance with one wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at
the next door. he had an immense collection of second-hand books. circulating
libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms,
which i have now forgotten, i might take, read, and return any of his books. this i
esteem'd a great advantage, and i made as much use of it as i could.
45my pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one lyons, a surgeon,
author of a book entitled the infallibility of human judgment, it occasioned an
acquaintance between us. he took great notice of me, called on me often to converse
on those subjects, carried me to the horns, a pale alehouse in—lane, cheapside, and
introduced me to mr. mandeville, author of the fable of the bees, who had a club
there, of which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion.
lyons, too, introduced me to dr. pemberton, at batson's coffee-house, who promis'd
to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing sir isaac newton, of which
i was extreamely desirous; but this never happened.
46i had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was a purse
made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. sir hans sloane heard of it, came to
see me, and invited me to his house in bloomsbury square, where he show'd me all
his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he
paid me handsomely.
47in our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who, i think, had a shop
in the cloisters. she had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most
pleasing conversation. ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew intimate,
she took another lodging, and he followed her. they liv'd together some time; but,
he being still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with
her child, he took a resolution of going from london, to try for a country school,
which he thought himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent
hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. this, however, he deemed a
business below him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should be
unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his
name, and did me the honor to assume mine; for i soon after had a letter from him,
acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in berkshire, i think it
was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence each
per week), recommending mrs. t—to my care, and desiring me to write to him,
directing for mr. franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place.
48he continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an epic poem
which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and corrections. these i gave
him from time to time, but endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceeding. one of
young's satires was then just published. i copy'd and sent him a great part of it,
which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the muses with any hope of
advancement by them. all was in vain; sheets of the poem continued to come by every
post. in the mean time, mrs. t—, having on his account lost her friends and
business, was often in distresses, and us'd to send for me, and borrow what i could
spare to help her out of them. i grew fond of her company, and, being at that time
under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my importance to her, i attempted
familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper resentment, and
acquainted him with my behaviour. this made a breach between us; and, when he
returned again to london, he let me know he thought i had cancell'd all the
obligations he had been under to me. so i found i was never to expect his repaying
me what i lent to him, or advanc'd for him. this, however, was not then of much
consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his friendship i found
myself relieved from a burthen. i now began to think of getting a little money
beforehand, and, expecting better work, i left palmer's to work at watts's, near
lincoln's inn fields, a still greater printing-house. here i continued all the rest
of my stay in london.
49at my first admission into this printing-house i took to working at press,
imagining i felt a want of the bodily exercise i had been us'd to in america, where
presswork is mix'd with composing. i drank only water; the other workmen, near
fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. on occasion, i carried up and down
stairs a large form of types in each hand, when others carried but one in both
hands. they wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the water-
american, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer!
we had an alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply the workmen. my
companion at the press drank every day a pint before breakfast, a pint at breakfast
with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a
pint in the afternoon about six o'clock, and another when he had done his day's
work. i thought it a detestable custom; but it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink
strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. i endeavored to convince him that
the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or
flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there was
more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a
pint of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. he drank on,
however, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every saturday
night for that muddling liquor; an expense i was free from. and thus these poor
devils keep themselves always under.
50watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-room, i left
the pressmen; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded
of me by the compositors. i thought it an imposition, as i had paid below; the
master thought so too, and forbad my paying it. i stood out two or three weeks, was
accordingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of
private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my
matter, etc., etc., if i were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed to
the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that,
notwithstanding the master's protection, i found myself oblig'd to comply and pay
the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live
with continually.
51i was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd considerable
influence. i propos'd some reasonable alterations in their chappel laws, and
carried them against all opposition. from my example, a great part of them left
their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with me
be suppli'd from a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel,
sprinkled with pepper, crumbl'd with bread, and a bit of butter in it, for the
price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence. this was a more comfortable as
well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. those who continued
sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the
alehouse, and us'd to make interest with me to get beer; their light, as they
phrased it, being out. i watch'd the pay-table on saturday night, and collected
what i stood engag'd for them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week
on their account. this, and my being esteem'd a pretty good riggite, that is, a
jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society. my constant
attendance (i never making a st. monday) recommended me to the master; and my
uncommon quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch,
which was generally better paid. so i went on now very agreeably.
Ｗ ww.xiaosh Ｕ otxt.ｎｅｔ t?xt＿小＿说天\堂

第3章

1 由于我住的地方离小不列颠离印刷所太远了，所以我就在公爵街另外找了个住的地方，就在天主教堂的对面。
他位于一栋意大利两层楼货栈的后面。那个货栈由一个寡妇打理，她有一个女儿，一个女佣，还有一个看守货栈
的工人。不过，那个寡妇却住在外面。她到我最后住的那个地方打听我的人品以后就同意我租住在那里，租金是
每星期 3 先令 6 便士。就像她所说的那样，有个男人住在这里她可以获得某种程度上的保护，所以她要的租金很
便宜。她是一个老寡妇，是牧师的女儿，曾经是个新教徒，但后来随她的丈夫改信天主教了。她提起她丈夫的时
候是满怀尊敬的。她在上层社会中生活了好一段时间，因此知道许多有关他们的奇闻逸事，甚至是查理二世那个
时期的事情。她因为膝盖害痛风病，走起路来，一瘸一拐的，因此，她很少走出自己的房间，所以她有的时候想
有个伴。和她在一起是很开心的，所以不管什么时候，只要她愿意，我就会去陪她。我们的晚餐是每人半条风尾
鱼，一小块面包和黄油，以及半品脱的淡啤酒，乐趣就在和她的谈话中。我的作息时间很好，基本上不会打扰她
们，这就让她不愿意我离开。当我对她谈起我听说离我工作不远的地方有个住处（我是想省点钱，所以才向她提
的），每周只要 2 个先令的租金的时候，她就叫我不要考虑那个地方，她会在以后的租金里给我减掉 2 个先令。
这样在我在伦敦的时候我就一直呆在那里，每周的租金是 1 先令 6 便士。
2 在她屋子的顶楼，幽居着一位 70 岁的老处女，她过着离群索居的生活。房东告诉了我有关她的事情。她是
个罗马天主教徒，当她年轻的时候被送到国外，住在一个修道院里成为了一名修女。但那个国家不欢迎她，所以
她就回英国来了，可是英国又没有修道院，她就发誓要在这样一种环境里过一种修女的生活。因此，她把她所有
的财产捐出来做慈善，只留下每年 12 镑的生活费，这其中的大部分她还拿出来做善事，自己只喝稀饭度日，火只
在煮粥的时候才用。她在那个阁楼住了好多年了，房东也信天主教，她认为让她住那里是她的福气。一个神父每
天都来听她的忏悔。房东说：“我问过她，她做的那样好，为什么还有这么多的事情要向神父忏悔？”她说：
“是这样的，人不可能没有坏的思想。”我得到允许去拜访她，她很高兴我的到来，很礼貌地对待我，愉快地同
我交谈。房间很干净，但除了一垫子、一张放着十字架和书的桌子、一张她让我坐的凳子就没有什么东西了。还
有一张画，在壁炉上面。画里圣维朗尼正在展示她的手巾。画里的基督脸上流着血。她很严肃地向我解释那幅画，
她看起来脸色很苍白，但却从来没有病过。我把这当做另外一个例子来证明无论收入多么少都可以过一种健康的
生活。
3 在瓦茨印刷所里，我认识了一个聪明的年轻人，他就是威盖特。他有很富有的亲戚，比印刷所里的其他人受
过更好的教育。他会说法语，拉丁文也还过的去，并且酷爱读书。我教过他和他的一个朋友学游泳，学了两次，
他们就游得很好了。他们两个人就把我介绍给乡下来的一些乡绅们，他是坐船去夏尔西参观大学和丹·沙特罗的珍
品收藏的。在我们回来的路上，威盖特讲的有关我游泳技术的事情激起了大家的好奇，在大家的要求下，我脱掉
衣服跳进河中，从夏尔西附近一直游到布来克夫里亚，一路上玩着水上水下的各种花样，他们从来没有见过这样
的新奇花式，所以感到很惊讶也很开心。
4 我还是在孩子的时候就很喜欢这样的运动，并且曾经研究和实践过色文若提到过的各种动作和姿势，还加入
些自己创造的动作。这样对游泳很实用并且游得很优美。所有这些东西我都趁这个机会显示给我的伙伴们看，他
们的赞赏使我很开心。威盖特很想在这方面成为一个能手，加之我们所学的东西很相近，我们就走得越来越近。
最后，他向我建议一起游遍欧洲，所到之处，靠我们的手艺赚钱维持生活。我一直就有这样的想法，但当我向我
的好朋友德纳姆说起这件事情的时候（我经常有空就去他那里呆上个 1 个钟头），他告诉我不要这样，建议我只
想着回宾西法尼亚的事情。他正要回宾西法尼亚。
5 我得讲讲德纳姆这个好人性格中的一个显著特点。他以前在布里斯托尔做生意，但是生意失败欠了许多人的
债，他只还了一部分就去美洲了。在美洲，他专心做生意，几年之内就赚了一大笔钱。他和我同船回到英国以后，
就把他原来的债主都请来，大加款待，感谢他们昔日对他宽大处理的恩惠。他们原来以为不过是款待他们一顿而
已，但当他们移动自己盘碟的时候，发现每个碟子下面都有一张支票，除了还清他们的欠款外，还有利息。
6 他告诉我他打算回到费城去，并且要带很多货物过去，在那边开个商店。他建议我去给他做店员，管帐（他
会指导我），抄写信函以及照看商店。他还说，当我熟悉这些生意以后，他会升我的职，让我运一船面粉和面包
等货物去西印度群岛，让我从其它方面获得佣金，那是笔很可观的数目。如果我做的好，这将会奠定我自己事业
的基础。这让我很高兴，因为我已经开始厌倦了伦敦，不由得想起来在宾西法尼亚的快乐生活。我希望马上重温
它。因此，我立即同意了每年 50 镑宾西法尼亚币薪金的协议，它确实比我当排字工人的工资少了些，不过前景更
好。
7 我现在离开印刷业了，我当时还以为是永远离开了。我每天忙着我的工作，每天和德纳姆出去，在各种各样
的商人间周旋，购买各种各样的商品，查看货物的包装，出差，叫工人发运货物等等。当所有这些货物都被运上
商船以后，我有几天的休假。在这些天里，有一个我只闻其大名的人——威廉·温德姆，他派人邀请我去他那里。
我很惊讶，于是去拜访他。原来是因为他不知道怎么听说我能从夏尔西游到布来克夫里亚，并且在几小时内教会
了威盖特和另一个年轻人游泳。他有两个儿子，打算不久要去旅行。他希望在他们旅行之前让他们学会游泳。如
果我能教他们的话，他会重谢我的。他们现在还没有来伦敦，并且我也不能确定自己在伦敦还能呆多久，所以我
就应允这件事。但是，从这件事情我想到，如果我留在伦敦的话，我倒可以办个游泳学校，应该可以赚到不少钱。
这种想法使我很动心，如果这个建议早点提出来，可能我就不会这么早返回北美去了。许多年以后，我和威廉·温
德姆爵士两个儿子中的一个联系过比游泳更重要的事情，那个时候，威廉·温德姆爵士已经是挨格蒙的伯爵了，这
件事情，我会在以后再谈。
8 就这样，我在伦敦呆了 18 个月，大部分时间我都在努力工作，小部分时间花在看戏和读书上。我的朋友拉
尔夫让我很穷，他欠了我大概 27 英镑，现在我不可能收回这笔钱了，在我微薄的收入中这是一笔很大的数目。尽
管这样，我仍然喜欢他，因为他有许多好的品质。虽然我没有在这里赚下大钱，但是我结识了一些聪慧的朋友，
和他们的谈话使我受益颇多，并且在这里我还读了不少书。
91726 年 7 月 23 日，我们从格拉尔夫森德开始出发。关于我旅程中的事情，我会在我的日记中提到，我在日
记中详细地记载了那些事情。也许日记中最重要的部分就是我对我未来生活的规划，那都是我在海上期间规划的。
我做出那个规划的时候还很年轻，但是我一直到年老的时候都忠实地执行那个规划，所以值得你特别注意。
10 我们是 10 月 11 日抵达费城的。我发现费城已经发生了不少变化。基思已经不再是州长了，他已经被戈登
少校取代了。我见他像一个普通公民那样在大街上走路。当他见到我的时候，似乎有些惭愧，但什么也没有说，
径自走过去了。我见到里德小姐的时候也应该是一样的惭愧。在接到我的信后，里德小姐的朋友们觉得我没有理
由可能回来，所以她们就劝她嫁给了另外一个人——一个叫做罗杰斯的陶瓷工。但是，和他在一起，里德小姐从
来没有开心过。不久，里德小姐就和他分开了，拒绝和他住在一块，拒绝使用他的姓。现在外面都传他已经有了
另外一个老婆。他是一个卑劣的人，但手艺不错，这就是让里德小姐的朋友们痛心之处。罗杰斯陷入债务危机，
他在 1727 或者 1728 年的时候逃去西印度群岛了，后来死在那里。凯默的铺子扩大了规模，又开了家商品丰富的
文具店，购进了许多新的字盘和技术在行的新伙计，生意好像很不错。
11 德纳姆把他的店开在水街，货物也陈列在店里。我勤恳地工作，学习会计。在不长的时间内，我就很擅长
于销售了。我们在一起吃住，他向父亲一样教导我，对我很真诚。我也很尊敬爱戴他。我们本来可以愉快地合作
下去，但是，1726 或者 1727 年的 2 月，当我刚过完我 21 岁的生日的时候，我们两个都病倒了。我得了肋膜炎，
差点没有命了。我痛苦至极，心里已经放弃了生存的希望。所以，当我病好的时候，我都有些失望，在某种程度
上有点后悔，我知道，总有一天，我还要遭受死亡的痛苦。我忘了德纳姆先生得的是什么病，他病了很长时间，
最后病死了。他在他的口头遗嘱里给我留下了一笔小遗产，算是他对我的友谊的表示，然后他就走了，我再一次
要独自面对这个广阔的世界。他的店由他的遗嘱继承人接管，我在他那里的工作结束了。
 12 我的姐夫霍姆斯那个时候正在费城，他建议我重做我的老本行，凯默也以可观的年薪来诱惑我为他管理印
刷厂，这样他就可以更好地把精力投入到文具店了。我在伦敦的时候，从他夫人和他朋友那里知道他的品德不好，
我不喜欢再给他做事。我想再找个店员的工作，但是，却不是那么容易找到，我只好再次走近凯默。他的印刷所
里有这些人，他们是：休·梅雷迪斯，宾西法尼亚的威尔士人，30 岁，从小做农活，诚实，聪明，有敏锐的观察
力，喜欢读书，但是酗酒；斯蒂芬·波茨，一位年轻的乡下小伙子，也是从小开始干农活，天生聪明，富有智慧和
幽默感，但是就是有点懒。凯默和他们约定一个非常低的周薪工资，但是每隔三个月加 1 个先令的工资，这就由
他们的技术进步所决定。他用这种逐渐涨工资的办法来吸引他们。休·梅雷迪斯负责印刷，斯蒂芬·波茨负责订书。
根据凯默和他们的协议，凯默要教他们，尽管凯默对这两者都是一窍不通。约翰，一个野蛮的爱尔兰人，他什么
事情都不会做，他是凯默从一位船长那里买来的，他要为凯默做四年的事，他也要做印刷工。乔治·韦布，他是牛
津大学的学生，凯默也买了他四年的服务，凯默打算让他排字，我以后还要讲到他。戴维·哈里，也是一个农村来
的孩子，凯默收他当学徒。
13 不久我就发现凯默出比以前高的工资给我的目的。他就是要我来训练这些廉价的劳动力。当他们掌握了这
些技术以后，他就可以不要我了。因为这些人和他都是师徒关系，是有合同的。然而，我还是开心地做事，把印
刷所搞得井井有条，原来这里可是一团糟。我让工人专心工作，他们的技术也不断得到了提高。
14 一个牛津大学的学生卖身为奴，这是非常奇怪的事情。他还不到 18 岁，他告诉了我他的身世。他出生于
格洛斯特，在那里的文法学校学习。当他们演出戏剧的时候，由于他非常突出的演艺才能，他在同学中声名远播。
他是那个地方“幽默社”的成员，他写过不少诗，并印在格洛斯特报上，然后他就因此被送到牛津大学学习。他
在牛津大学呆了一年，但是没有什么满意的，他只想去伦敦和做演员。后来，他获得了 15 几尼的季度奖学金，他
没有用这个奖学金来还债而是离开了学校。他把自己的校服藏在荆豆丛里面，然后徒步到了伦敦。在伦敦，他没
有朋友指点，又结识了坏人，不久就花光了他 15 几尼的季度奖学金，又没有找到进入戏剧界的路子，他成了个穷
鬼，就把衣服当了，面包也没的吃了。当他空着肚子在街上不知道怎么办才好时，一张兵贩子的传单塞到了他手
上，传单上说凡是愿意去美洲服务的人立刻就可以得到食物和奖励。
15 他马上去签了合同，于是上了船。他从来没有写信告诉他的朋友们有关他的事情。他聪明、活泼，品性良
好，是个令人愉快的伙伴。但是他也有某种程度上的懒惰、轻率和不审慎。
16 约翰，那个爱尔兰人，不久就逃跑了。我和其他人都相处愉快，当他们发现凯默不能教导他们，而从我这
里他们每天都能学到东西以后，他们就更加尊敬我了。由于凯默要做礼拜，所以我们星期六不用上班，因此，我
每星期有两天读书的时间。我认识的聪明的城里人越来越多。凯默他自己对我很有礼貌，带着显而易见的尊敬。
我现在没有任何忧心的事情，除了我欠弗农的那笔钱。由于我不善于理财，我现在还没有能力还。不过，弗农倒
是还没有向我要过。
17 我们印刷所里的铅字经常不够，并且那个时候在北美还没有浇铸铅字的人。我在路伦敦詹姆斯的住所看过
人们浇铸铅字，但我那个时候并没有太注意。不过，我现在做了一个铸模，用字母做打印器，打在铸模的铅上。
通过这种方式就很大程度上填补了所有的空缺铅字。我也偶尔刻几块铜板，制造油墨，我还是仓库的管理员等等，
总而言之，我就是一个打杂的。
18 但是，不管我怎么任劳任怨，我发现当其他人的技术不断进步的时候，我的地位也就越来越不重要了。当
凯默付给我第二季度工资的时候，他就让我知道他的负担很重，应该减少点工资。他变得对我没有原来那样客气
了，老摆他的老板架子，经常挑我的错，吹毛求疵，我们之间的战争似乎一触即发。尽管这样，我想他这样部分
可能是因为他经营困难，因此我不断忍耐，继续我的工作。但是，我们之间的战争最终还是因为一件小事爆发了。
那天，法院旁边突然传来吵吵嚷嚷的声音，我就把头伸出窗外看到底发生了什么。凯默那个时候正在大街上，他
看到了我，大声地对我嚷嚷，叫我好好做自己的事情，并说了些责怪的话。他在大家的面前这样对我，我很生气，
这时候，所有往外面看热闹的邻居都看到了他是怎么对待我的。他立即跑到印刷所，继续和我争吵。我们两个人
都高声争吵。他按照我们签定的合同给我一个月的解雇预先通知，并且说他很后悔给我这么长的预先通知时间。
我告诉他，他的担忧是没有必要的，我马上就会走。然后，我戴上帽子，就走出门了，在楼下，我碰到了梅鲁迪
斯，我希望他收拾下我的东西，并且把它们送到我的住处来。
19 梅鲁迪斯晚上就到我这里来了，我们谈论下我以后的去路。他对我很尊敬，他不想我离开印刷所而他还留
下来。当我想要回老家去的时候，他劝我不要去。他提醒我，凯默已经资不抵债了，他的债权人已经不安起来。
他的文具店也经营的很差，为了钱，文具店的东西经常没有利润就卖了，他经常赊卖东西却不记帐，因此他必然
要破产，那样我就可以乘虚而入了。我说，但是我缺少资金。他就说，他父亲对我评价很高，很看好我，他从他
和他父亲的谈话中可以看出，如果我愿意和他一起合伙的话，他父亲就会出钱帮助我们开业。梅鲁迪斯还说：
“到明年春天我和凯默的合同就到期了。到那个时候，我们就可以从伦敦订购印刷机和铅字。我很清楚我自己不
懂技术，如果，你愿意的话，你出技术，我出资金，我们平均分配赚到的利润。”
20 他的提议很好，于是我答应了。他的父亲就在城里，也同意了这个事情。特别是他看到我对他儿子的影响
很大，成功地说服他戒酒了。他希望我们的亲密相处会帮助他儿子改掉所有的不良习惯。我交给他父亲一张清单，
他父亲又将之交给了一个采购商。东西就由那个采购商代买。在东西运来之前，一切要处于保密状态。同时，有
可能的话，我还要去另一家印刷所找事做。但是，我没有找到有地方要人，因此就闲了好几天。凯默那个时候
——有可能获得为新泽西州印钞票的时候，需要雕版和各种各样的铅字，而这只有我才会。凯默怕我被布雷福德
请去而抢了他的生意，就给我写了一封措辞谦恭的信。他在信中说，朋友不应该吵了几句嘴就成了陌路人。他希
望我回到他的印刷所去。梅鲁迪斯也劝我过去，这样他就能在我的知识下获得更多的进步。所以，我又回到了印
刷所，情况比原来好多了。新泽西州印的那个生意接到了，我为之设计了一部铜版印刷机（这在那里还是第一
次），还为钞票设计了一些花纹和字码。我们一起来到伯林顿，在那里，我圆满地完成了任务，各方都满意，凯
默因此得到了一大笔钱，使他很长一段时间免于破产。
21 在伯林顿，我认识了这个州的许多重要人物。他们中的一些人是议会任命来监督印刷工作的，钞票的印刷
数量不得超过法律规定的。因此，这些人经常轮流和我们在一起，一般总是带一两个朋友来做伴。由于书读的多，
我的见识因而比凯默广，我想，正是因为这个原因，他们更喜欢和我谈话。他们把我带到他们的屋子，把我介绍
给他们的朋友。对我很客气。然而，我的老板凯默却有点被忽视了。事实上，凯默是个怪人，他不懂得社交，喜
欢粗暴地反对大家都接受的观点，衣冠不整，邋遢到了极点，是某些宗教观点的狂热信徒，并且有点流氓习气。
22 我们在那里呆了将近三个月，在那段时间里，认识了一些可以称得上朋友的人。他们是法官艾伦；州秘书
塞缪尔·巴斯蒂尔；艾萨克·皮尔逊；约瑟夫·库伯；还有几个史密斯家的人。他们都是州议会议员。还有测量局的
局长萨克·德科。他是一个精明睿智的老人，他告诉我他很年轻的时候就独立生活了——给烧砖工运土。当他长大
以后他就开始写作。他为测量员拿测量链，测量员就教他如何测量。由于他的勤奋工作，他现在已经拥有了不菲
财富。他还说：“我可以预计，你用不了多久就可以将这个人挤出这一行，并在这一行在费城获得一笔财富”。
他说这些话的时候根本不知道我已经打算在这里或者别的地方开业。这些朋友日后对我帮助很大，我也不时帮助
他们。他们终其一生都敬重我。
23 在我讲述我正式开业前，我最好让你知道我那时候对伦理道德的看法，你也可以看得出，那些在很大程度
上影响了我的未来生活。我的父母很早就让我对宗教产生了深刻印象，使我整个童年都虔诚地反对英国国教。但
我那个时候只有 15 岁，当我发现在我读的不同的书里有不同观点以后，我就开始怀疑圣经本身了。一些反自然神
论的书籍被我碰到了，据说博依尔布道的要旨都在里面。它们对我的影响恰恰和它的原意相反，为了反对自然神
论它们引用了自然神论的观点，但那些在我看来，却比驳斥人的理由更有道理。总之，我不久就成了一个完全的
自然神论者。我的观点把一些人，尤其是柯林斯和拉尔夫引入歧途，但是这两个人毫无良心地使我大吃苦头。再
想起基思对我的行为（他也是自由思想者），还有我对弗农和里德小姐的行为，那些都不时引起我的愧疚。我开
始怀疑自然神论的教义。自然神论的教义可能是真理，但却是没有什么用途的。我在伦敦写的小册子中，引用了
德莱顿下面的诗句作为格言。
存在的就是合理的
尽管半盲的人
只看见链条的一部分，最近的那部分
他的眼睛却看不见
那在一切之上的公平那杆秤
24 这本小册子还从上帝的品性，他的无边智慧，他的仁慈与力量得出结论，在这个世界上根本没有可能有错
误的东西，善和恶的区分是没有意义的，根本不存在这样的东西。现在看来，这篇文章并不像我曾经认为的那样
是明智之极的。我开始怀疑，有些错误可能不知不觉地加入了我的观点，以至影响了随之而来的结论，这种情况
在推理过程中是经常发生的。
25 我渐渐地相信，在人与人相处的过程中，对于人的幸福最重要的是真诚与正直。我于是写下了决心书，决
心书还留在我的日记里。我决心终生侍奉它们。圣经本身对我没有什么重要性，但是我有个想法，深以为然，我
们不能认为某件事情因为被禁止去做就认为那是不对的，不能因为某事要求人们去做就认为它是对的。然而，把
所有的情况都考虑进来的话，某些事情之所以被禁止是因为它们对我们是有害处的，某些事情之所以要求人们去
做，是因为那是对人们是有益处的。这种信念，靠着上帝的赐福或者守护天使的保护，或者偶然的有利情形或者
环境，或者三者的合力，保护我度过青年时代的危机；在父亲不在身边，得不到父亲的劝告的时候和陌生人生活
在一起的时候产生的危机。没有因为任性而产生严重的缺德和不义行为，而这些，本来因我缺少宗教信仰而产生。
我说“任性”这个词，是指在前面我所提到的那些事例中，我由于年轻，没有什么经验，包括别人的无赖行为，
都包含了必然性在其中。在我进入社会的时候，我的品德还是可以的。我很珍视它们，并且决心保持它们。
26 我们回到费城不久，新的印刷机就运到伦敦了。我们在凯默知道之前和他算清了帐，得到他的同意离开了
他。我们在市场附近找到了一间出租房，把它租了下来。那个时候房租每年只要 24 镑，后来听说每年要 70 镑，
为了减少房租，我们就让安装玻璃的工人托马斯·戈弗雷一家和我们一起住，他要负担相当一部分的房租，我们还
把伙食包给他们。我们还没有来得及放还印刷机、拆开铅字盒，我们的一个朋友乔治·毫斯就带了一个乡下人来，
他在街上打听印刷东西的地方。我们所有的现金都用于购置各种东西了，我们已经身无分文了，这个乡下人的 5
先令是我们赚到的第一笔收入，它拿的正是时候，它比我以后赚的任何一个 5 先令都令我开心。由于对毫斯的感
激，我更乐意帮助那些刚开业的人，要不是他，我可能不会怎么热心。
27 在每个国家都有预言世界即将毁灭的人。那个时候，在费城就有这样一个人，一个很有名的老头，看上去
很有智慧的样子，讲话的时候态度很严肃，他的名字是塞缪尔·米克尔。这个人，我并不认识他，有一天，他来到
我的门前，问我是不是那个最近开了一家印刷所的年轻人。我回答说是的，他说他很难过听到我这么说，因为开
印刷所要很多钱的，我所花费的这些钱都会没有的。因为费城即将完蛋，人们都处于半破产状态。所以和它相反
的现象，像新建筑物地不断建成，房租不断上涨，这些他认为都是假象。所以这些东西，实际上都属于要毁掉我
们的东西。他非常详细地向我讲述了现存的或者即将出现的一些不幸之事，他说的这些让我十分忧郁。如果我在
创业之前碰到他的话，我可能永远不会做生意的。这个人继续住在这个不断走向毁灭的地方，重复同样的论调。
但是，后来，他买了他第一次悲观预言地方的一所房子，价格是他预言时候的五倍，这让我很高兴。
28 我本应该早就提到一件事情，在上一年的秋天，我把我所认识的大部分聪明的人集合在一起，开了一个俱
乐部，它的名字叫“讲读俱乐部”，俱乐部的宗旨在于相互提高。我们每个星期五的晚上聚在一起。我制定了俱
乐部的规则，要求每一个人应该轮流提出一个或者数个有关道德、政治、自然哲学的问题，大家一起讨论，每三
个月提交一篇自己写的文章，可以是他喜欢的任一问题。我们的讨论在社长的指导下进行，本着探求真理的真诚
精神，不应该有爱争辩或者求胜的心态。为了防止激动，一切过于自信的肯定表述和针锋相对的争辩都是被禁止
的，如果违反规定就要处于小额罚金。
29“讲读俱乐部”的第一个成员是约瑟夫·布赖特纳尔，他是公证事物所的契约抄写员，脾气很好，对人友善，
已经人到中年，特别喜欢诗歌，凡是他能碰到的书他都要拿来看，写了些还行的作品，善于做些小东西，通情达
理。
30 托马斯·戈福雷，一位自学成才的数学家，他对数学方面很有研究，后来他成为“哈德里象限仪”的发明
者。但是除了数学，他对别的基本不知道。他不是一个另人愉快的伙伴，就像我碰到的大多数伟大的数学家一样，
他要求对谈到的每一件事情都要求精确到底，无休止地区别和否定那些琐碎的事情，这样就防碍了大家谈话的进
行。不久，他就退出了俱乐部。
31 尼古拉斯·斯卡尔，一个测量员，后来成为了测量局长，他喜欢读书，有的时候也写点诗。
32 威廉·伯森斯，一个做鞋的，喜欢读书，数学知识挺丰富。他开始学数学是为了学习星象学，但最后他却
嘲笑星象学。他也成为了测量局长。
33 威廉·麦格里奇，一个工匠，一个技艺非常精巧的工匠，老实聪明。
34 林·梅雷迪斯，斯蒂芬·波茨，乔治·韦布，这些人我前面都谈过。
35 罗伯特·格雷斯，一个家境富裕的年轻绅士，慷慨大方，活泼聪明，爱讲双关语，爱朋友。
36 还有个叫威廉·科尔曼的，他是一个商店的店员，大概和我年龄差不多，他是我所见过的人里面头脑最冷
静，心肠最好，品行最端庄的人。他后来成为了一个著名的商人，也是我们州的一个法官。我们的友谊一直持续
到他去世，前后有 40 年的时间，“讲读俱乐部”也延续了那样长的时间，它是我们州最好的一个研究哲学、道德
和政治的学术团体。我们讨论前的一星期提出问题，围绕提出的几个问题去阅读，这样在讨论中就可以针对问题
发言。我们也在讨论中养成了良好的习惯。所有的事情都控制在规则之内，这就防止了相互之间的冲突。正因为
这样，这个俱乐部才能长期存在，关于它，我以后还会不时提到。
37 我在这里讲这个俱乐部的事情是为了让你知道我当时的目的是什么。俱乐部里的每一个人都尽力为我招揽
生意。布赖特纳尔特别从教友会为我们拉到一笔印刷 40 印张教友会历史的活，其余的则由凯默印刷。这笔生意我
做的非常辛苦，因为它的价格很低。要用 12 点活字印成《为祖国》式的对开本，还有很长的用小字号印刷的注释。
我每天排一张的版，梅鲁迪斯就在印刷机上把它印出来，等我为第二天工作做好排版的时候，这样常常工作到晚
上 11 点，有的时候甚至更晚，因为我的朋友们不时给我们介绍的小生意耽误了进度。
38 但我决定每天完成一张。一天晚上，当我排好版的以后，我以为今天的工作总算结束了，可是一不小心弄
乱了两个字版中的一个，有两页的铅字乱成了一堆，我马上拆了版，重新再排，然后才上床睡觉。我的勤劳都看
在邻居们的眼里，我的名声和信誉也就随之而增加。特别是当我听说，商人的晚间俱乐部提到我们这家新开的印
刷所的时候，大家普遍认为这家印刷所一定会倒闭，因为这个地方已经有两家印刷所了，凯默印刷所和布雷福德
印刷所。但是，贝尔德博士（许多年以后，我们在他的家乡圣安德鲁斯见过他）持相反的意见，他说：“那个富
兰克林的勤奋是我从来没有见过的。当我晚上从俱乐部回家的时候，我看到他还在工作。周围邻居还在床上睡觉
的时候，他已经起来工作了。”他的话打动了大家，不久，一个文具商要供货给我们代销，但我们那个时候还没
有决定开文具店。
39 我这样详细地强调勤劳，好像我在自己吹嘘自己，我的目的是当我的后代读到这本书的时候能够了解勤劳
给我带来的好处的时候能够明白这一美德的价值。
40 乔治·韦布，她有个女朋友，她借给韦布一笔钱，这样韦布就用这笔钱买回同凯默签定合同时限定的时间。
现在韦布来找我，希望来我这里工作。我那个时候不能雇佣他，但我愚蠢地告诉了他我不久打算办一张报纸的秘
密，那个时候也许我可以用他。我告诉他，我有希望成功，因为布雷福德印刷的城里的惟一的那张报纸实在没有
什么好说的，管理的很差，枯燥无味，但是却有利润。因此，我想到办份好的报纸一定可以赚大钱。我叫韦布不
要让别人知道这件事情，但是他却告诉了凯默。凯默就抢在我之前，登出了他要办报纸的事情。韦布也因此被雇
佣。我很生气这件事情，但我那个时候还没有力量办报纸。为了对付他们，我写了几篇有趣的文章发表在布雷福
德印刷的那个报纸上，文章署名“爱管闲事的人”，后来布雷福德把它延续了好几个月。这样，公众的注意力都
转到这个报纸上，凯默的办报计划由于我们的冷嘲热讽就没有人注意了。然而，他还是开始办他的报纸，九个月
以后，他的订户最多也只有 90 户。最后，他只好把这份报纸贱价卖给我，我早就准备好了要接管这个报纸，就马
上买过来了。在几年之内，这份报纸就成了我十分赚钱的生意。
41 尽管我和梅鲁迪斯的合作还在进行，但我感到我说话的时候更倾向于只提我自己。原因在于，事实上，所
有的经营和管理都是我在负责。梅鲁迪斯不懂排版，印刷也不在行，头脑也很少有清醒的时候。朋友们都很惋惜
我和他合作，不过我还是尽量搞好我们的合作。
42 我们出版的首张报纸和这里以前出版的报纸有很大不同。字迹更清楚，印刷更精美。我针对伯内尔州长和
马塞诸塞州议会之间正在进行的争论写了一篇观点偏激的文章，引起了一些重要人物的关注，使得这个报纸和他
的主办人成了人们经常议论的话题。几个星期以后，他们就成了我们的订户。
43 他们成为了其他人的榜样，大家都来订我们的报纸，我们的订户在不断地增加。这是我学写小文章以来，
获得的第一个小成果。另一成果是，一些重要人物看到报纸掌握在一个能动笔写文章的人的手里，应该给予资助
和鼓励。布雷福德还在印刷选举票、法律文本以及其它的公家生意。他印了一份给州长的呈文，印刷的很粗糙，
有很多错误。我们精美而又正确地重印了它，然后发给每一个人。这样差别就一目了然了，就增加了我在议会中
的支持者说话的分量。所以，议会就通过了决议，把下一年的印刷业务给我们做。
44 在这些议会的朋友们里面，我绝对不会忘记的是我前面提到的汉密尔顿先生。他是州议会的议员，他那个
时候回到了英国。他在这件事情上大大地帮了我一把，像他以后在其它事情上一样，他一生都在帮助我。
45 弗农先生这个时候提醒我欠他的那笔债，但并没有催我还。我写了一封坦率的信给他，希望他再宽限一点
时间，等我有钱还的时候，我会连本带利还给他，并不断地表示感谢，他同意了。我的错误预算在某种程度上得
到了纠正。
46 但是现在我从来没有想到过的麻烦来了。梅鲁迪斯父亲按照他对我们的承诺，他要为我们支付开办印刷所
的费用。他预付了 100 镑，也只能付 100 镑，我们还欠设备商人 100 镑，商人变的没有耐心，等不及了，就去法
院告了我们。我们交纳了保释金，但是如果我们不能按时还钱的话，法院就要宣判强制执行，我们美好的愿望也
就要完蛋了，因为印刷机和铅字都要卖了抵债，也许只能卖个半价。
 47 在这个生死系于一线的时候，我两个真正的朋友分别来找我。他们的情义我永远不会忘记，只要我还能记
起任何事情我就不会忘记。他们相互间并不认识，也没有我的要求，他们志愿为我垫付所有的款项，这样我就可
以单独经营这个印刷所了，如果可以的话。他们不喜欢我继续和梅鲁迪斯合作。就像他们说的那样，梅鲁迪斯经
常在大街上醉熏熏的，在啤酒店里玩些低级游戏，这对我们的名声不好。这两个朋友是威廉·科尔曼和罗伯特·格
雷斯。如果梅鲁迪斯他们能根据协议完成他们那一部分任务的话，我不能提出单独干的建议。因为，我认为只要
他们能履行合同的话，我就有义务遵守合同。如果他们不能履行合同的话，那么我们的合作关系才可以解除，那
我就可以自由地接受我朋友的帮助。
48 事情就这样，过了一段时间，我对我的合伙人梅鲁迪斯说：“也许你父亲并不想你参加我们的这个生意，
他可能不愿意为你和我垫钱，也可能他愿意为你出钱，但不愿意为我出。如果是这样的情况的话，那么告诉我，
我会把整个生意给你，我去做我自己的生意”。梅鲁迪斯说：“不，事情不是这样的。我父亲确实很失望，但他
是真的没有钱。我也不愿意为难他老人家。我知道这个生意不适合我做。我从小就是干农活的，我 30 岁的时候到
城里来当学徒，简直就是对我的嘲弄。我们许多威尔士的人都去北卡罗莱那州定居了。那个地方地价便宜，我想
和他们一起去那里，干我的老本行。你可以找你的朋友帮你一把，如果你能负责印刷所的债务，还我父亲原来垫
付的 100 英镑，还掉我的那点私人债务，给我 30 镑和一副新的马鞍，我就退出我们的合伙，整个印刷所就是你的
了。”我同意了他开出的条件，我们就起草了一份协议，然后签字。我把他所要求的东西都给了他。不久以后，
他就去北卡罗莱那了。第二年，他寄了两封长信给我，其中一封是有关那地方的最好叙述。信里提到了当地的气
候、土壤、农业等，他对这些很熟悉。我把他的信在报纸上发表了，公众对之很满意。
49 他一走，我就去找那两位朋友。我不想显出对谁有偏爱，所以从他们给的钱中各取了一半，还清了债务，
公开对外宣布结束合伙，开始由我独立经营。我想这大概是 1729 年的事情。
50 大概也就是这个时候，人们要求发行更多的纸币，因为当时州里只有 1.5 万镑的纸币，而且还在不断减少。
富人反对纸币的任何增加，因为他们担心那样的话会像新英格兰那样，纸币增加而导致纸币的贬值。我们在我们
的“讲读俱乐部”讨论了这一观点。我站在增加纸币的那边，因为 1723 年第一次发行了数额不大的纸币以后，促
进了商业的繁荣，增加了就业机会，州里的居民人数也增加了。我看到所有的老房子都住了人，许多新的房子也
在建造之中，我很清楚地记得，当我第一次走在费城大街上的时候，我啃着我的松卷，看到胡桃街，第二大街，
前大街的房子上都贴着招租的条子，我那个时候就想，这个城市的居民在不断地逃离这个地方。
51 我们之间的争论使我全身心地投入到这个问题上去，我还写了一篇匿名的小册子，名字就叫《试论纸币的
性质和必要性》。它在普通老百姓那里得到了很好的反响，但是富人们不喜欢它，因为它增强了增加纸币的呼声，
他们之中恰好又没有人写文章来反驳它，所以反对增加纸币的意见的声音就小下去了。我的观点得到了议会多数
的赞同。我在议会中的朋友们觉得把印刷纸币的业务交给我是我应得的奖赏，那是个非常有利润的生意，对我帮
助很大。这是我写作带来的又一个好处。
52 增加纸币的效用随着时间的过去是如此的明显，以后就再也没有争辩了。纸币的数量很快增加到了 5.5 万
镑，1739 年则增加到了 8 万镑，在战争时期则达到了 35 万镑。商业、建筑、居民人数都在增长。虽然我现在想，
发行纸币也有个限度，超过这个限度也可能是有害的。
53 不久，我通过朋友汉密尔顿的帮助拿到了印刷纽卡斯尔纸币的业务，在我看来，那又是一笔利润丰厚的生
意。对于做小本生意的人来说，一些小事情也显得很重大。这些生意使我大受鼓舞，也确实利润不少。他还帮我
得到了印刷那个州的法律文件和选票的业务，这项业务一直持续到我从事印刷业的所有时间。
54 我现在开了一家小小的文具店。店里有各种各样的发票，在当时，是式样最齐全的。能够做到这个样子，
多亏了朋友布赖恩特纳尔的帮助。怀特马施是我在伦敦的时候认识的排字工，一个非常优秀的工人，他这个时候
来到了我这里，和我一起工作，人很勤奋。我还收了一个学徒，就是阿奎那·罗斯的儿子。
55 我现在开始逐步偿还印刷所的债务。为了商人的信誉和品行，我小心谨慎，勤俭节约，避免一切与之相反
的东西。我穿着朴素，我从不在无益的娱乐场所出现，也不出去钓鱼或者打猎。确实，有的时候，因为读书使我
耽误了工作，但那是极少数情况下的事，而且是秘密的，没有闲话。为了显示我并不是高高在上，我有的时候就
推着一辆小车把买来的报纸运回家。这样大家认为我是一个勤劳上进、又守信用的年轻人。我从不拖欠，所有文
具批发商都拉我做他们的生意，其他商家也主动要求我替他们代销书籍。我可真是一帆风顺。同时，凯默的信用
和生意却每况愈下，最终被迫把他的印刷所卖了来还债。他去了巴巴多斯，在那里住了些个年头，穷困潦倒。
56 凯默有个学徒，他的名字是大卫·哈里，我在那里工作的时候指导过他。他买下了凯默的机器设备，在费
城开起了印刷厂。我开始担心他会成为我强有力的竞争对手，因为他的朋友能干又有势力。因此，我提议和他合
伙，幸运的是他轻蔑地拒绝了我。他这个人很狂傲，穿的像个绅士，生活奢侈，经常在外面寻欢作乐，债务缠身，
疏于管理他的生意，因此也没有业务可做，最后他带上他的机器，也和凯默一样去了巴巴多斯。在巴巴多斯，他
雇佣了他原来的老板做工人。他们经常吵架。哈里仍然不断地负债，最后被迫把机器变卖了，返回宾西法尼亚种
田去了。那个买下哈里机器的人继续雇佣凯默操作这些机器，几年以后他就去世了。
57 现在，费城除了一个老对手布雷福德就没有人和我竞争了。布雷福德现在生活富裕舒适，他只是雇些零工
偶尔干些散活，对生意不是很担心。但是，由于他负责管理邮局，人们认为他有更多的机会得到新闻，他的报纸
在投放渠道上也比我有优势，他的广告业务也比我多，这对他很有利却对我不利。事实上，我也通过他的邮局收
发报纸，但是大家并不知道，我们是私下里秘密进行的，我是通过贿赂邮局的骑师来进行的。布雷福德知道了就
会毫不留情地禁止，这种行为使我大为恼怒，也因此有点鄙视他。因此，当日后我处在他的位置时我从不学他那
样。
part 3
1my lodging in little britain being too remote, i found another in duke-street,
opposite to the romish chapel. it was two pair of stairs backwards, at an italian
warehouse. a widow lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and
a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. after sending to
inquire my character at the house where i last lodg'd she agreed to take me in at
the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she
expected in having a man lodge in the house. she was a widow, an elderly woman; had
been bred a protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was converted to the
catholic religion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much
among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as
the times of charles the second. she was lame in her knees with the gout, and,
therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company; and hers
was so highly amusing to me, that i was sure to spend an evening with her whenever
she desired it. our supper was only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of
bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in
her conversation. my always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the
family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when i talk'd of a lodging i
had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as i now
was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she
would abate me two shillings a week for the future; so i remained with her at one
shilling and sixpence as long as i staid in london.
2in a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in the most
retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this account: that she was a roman
catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent
of becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to england,
where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the life of a nun, as near as
might be done in those circumstances. accordingly, she had given all her estate to
charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of this
sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and
using no fire but to boil it. she had lived many years in that garret, being
permitted to remain there gratis by successive catholic tenants of the house below,
as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. a priest visited her to confess her
every day. \"i have ask'd her,\" says my landlady, \"how she, as she liv'd, could
possibly find so much employment for a confessor?\" \"oh,\" said she, \"it is
impossible to avoid vain thoughts.\" i was permitted once to visit her, she was
chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. the room was clean, but had no other
furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave
me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney of saint veronica displaying her
handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of christ's bleeding face on it, which she
explained to me with great seriousness. she look'd pale, but was never sick; and i
give it as another instance on how small an income life and health may be
supported.
3at watts's printing-house i contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious young
man, one wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better educated than most
printers; was a tolerable latinist, spoke french, and lov'd reading. i taught him
and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became
good swimmers. they introduc'd me to some gentlemen from the country, who went to
chelsea by water to see the college and don saltero's curiosities. in our return,
at the request of the company, whose curiosity wygate had excited, i stripped and
leaped into the river, and swam from near chelsea to blackfryar's, performing on
the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that surpris'd and
pleas'd those to whom they were novelties.
4i had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise, had studied and
practis'd all thevenot's motions and positions, added some of my own, aiming at the
graceful and easy as well as the useful. all these i took this occasion of
exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter'd by their admiration; and wygate,
who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on that
account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. he at length proposed to me
travelling all over europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at
our business. i was once inclined to it; but, mentioning it to my good friend mr.
denham, with whom i often spent an hour when i had leisure, he dissuaded me from
it, advising me to think only of returning to pennsilvania, which he was now about
to do.
5i must record one trait of this good man's character. he had formerly been in
business at bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went
to america. there, by a close application to business as a merchant, he acquir'd a
plentiful fortune in a few years. returning to england in the ship with me, he
invited his old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the
easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the
treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a banker for
the full amount of the unpaid remainder with interest.
6he now told me he was about to return to philadelphia, and should carry over a
great quantity of goods in order to open a store there. he propos'd to take me over
as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters,
and attend the store. he added that, as soon as i should be acquainted with
mercantile business, he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and
bread, etc., to the west indies, and procure me commissions from others which would
be profitable; and, if i manag'd well, would establish me handsomely. the thing
pleas'd me; for i was grown tired of london, remembered with pleasure the happy
months i had spent in pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it; therefore i
immediately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, pennsylvania money; less,
indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect.
7i now took leave of printing, as i thought, for ever, and was daily employed
in my new business, going about with mr. denham among the tradesmen to purchase
various articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing errands, calling upon workmen to
dispatch, etc.; and, when all was on board, i had a few days' leisure. on one of
these days, i was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man i knew only by name, a
sir william wyndham, and i waited upon him. he had heard by some means or other of
my swimming from chelsea to blackfriar's, and of my teaching wygate and another
young man to swim in a few hours. he had two sons, about to set out on their
travels; he wish'd to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me
handsomely if i would teach them. they were not yet come to town, and my stay was
uncertain, so i could not undertake it; but, from this incident, i thought it
likely that, if i were to remain in england and open a swimming-school, i might get
a good deal of money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been
sooner made me, probably i should not so soon have returned to america. after many
years, you and i had something of more importance to do with one of these sons of
sir william wyndham, become earl of egremont, which i shall mention in its place.
8thus i spent about eighteen months in london; most part of the time i work'd
hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing plays and in
books. my friend ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds,
which i was now never likely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! i
lov'd him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. i had by no means
improv'd my fortune; but i had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose
conversation was of great advantage to me; and i had read considerably.
9we sail'd from gravesend on the 23d of july, 1726. for the incidents of the
voyage, i refer you to my journal, where you will find them all minutely related.
perhaps the most important part of that journal is the plan to be found in it,
which i formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. it is the more
remarkable, as being formed when i was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully
adhered to quite thro' to old age.
10we landed in philadelphia on the 11th of october, where i found sundry
alterations. keith was no longer governor, being superseded by major gordon. i met
him walking the streets as a common citizen. he seem'd a little asham'd at seeing
me, but pass'd without saying anything. i should have been as much asham'd at
seeing miss read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of my return after
the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one rogers, a potter,
which was done in my absence. with him, however, she was never happy, and soon
parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his name, it being now said
that he bad another wife. he was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent workman,
which was the temptation to her friends. he got into debt, ran away in 1727 or
1728, went to the west indies, and died there. keimer had got a better house, a
shop well supply'd with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho'
none good, and seem'd to have a great deal of business.
11mr. denham took a store in water-street, where we open'd our goods; i
attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time,
expert at selling. we lodg'd and, boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father,
having a sincere regard for me. i respected and lov'd him, and we might have gone
on together very happy; but, in the beginning of february, 1726-7, when i had just
pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. my distemper was a pleurisy,
which very nearly carried me off. i suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my
own mind, and was rather disappointed when i found myself recovering, regretting,
in some degree, that i must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable
work to do over again. i forget what his distemper was; it held him a long time,
and at length carried him off. he left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as
a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the
store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.
12my brother-in-law, holmes, being now at philadelphia, advised my return to my
business; and keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come
and take the management of his printing-house, that he might better attend his
stationer's shop. i had heard a bad character of him in london from his wife and
her friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. i tri'd for
farther employment as a merchant's clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, i
clos'd again with keimer. i found in his house these hands: hugh meredith, a welsh
pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a
great deal of solid observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink.
stephen potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the same, of uncommon
natural parts, and great wit and humor, but a little idle. these he had agreed with
at extream low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as they
would deserve by improving in their business; and the expectation of these high
wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. meredith was to
work at press, potts at book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them,
though he knew neither one nor t'other. john, a wild irishman, brought up to no
business, whose service, for four years, keimer had purchased from the captain of a
ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. george webb, an oxford scholar, whose
time for four years he had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom
more presently; and david harry, a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice.
13i soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages so much higher
than he had been us'd to give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form'd thro' me;
and, as soon as i had instructed them, then they being all articled to him, he
should be able to do without me. i went on, however, very cheerfully, put his
printing-house in order, which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands
by degrees to mind their business and to do it better.
14it was an odd thing to find an oxford scholar in the situation of a bought
servant. he was not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of
himself; that he was born in gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had
been distinguish'd among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing
his part, when they exhibited plays; belong'd to the witty club there, and had
written some pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the gloucester
newspapers; thence he was sent to oxford; where he continued about a year, but not
well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see london, and become a player. at
length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of
discharging his debts he walk'd out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and
footed it to london, where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad
company, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being introduc'd among the
players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths, and wanted bread. walking the street
very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into
his hand, offering immediate entertainment and encouragement to such as would bind
themselves to serve in america.
15he went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship, and came
over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become of him. he was
lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and
imprudent to the last degree.
16john, the irishman, soon ran away; with the rest i began to live very
agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found keimer incapable of
instructing them, and that from me they learned something daily. we never worked on
saturday, that being keimer's sabbath, so i had two days for reading. my
acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased. keimer himself treated me
with great civility and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt
to vernon, which i was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor economist. he,
however, kindly made no demand of it.
17our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in
america; i had seen types cast at james's in london, but without much attention to
the manner; however, i now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as
puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, and thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way
all deficiencies. i also engrav'd several things on occasion; i made the ink; i was
warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum.
18but, however serviceable i might be, i found that my services became every
day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the business; and, when
keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy,
and thought i should make an abatement. he grew by degrees less civil, put on more
of the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an
outbreaking. i went on, nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that
his encumber'd circumstances were partly the cause. at length a trifle snapt our
connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, i put my head out
of the window to see what was the matter. keimer, being in the street, look'd up
and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business,
adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all
the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how i was
treated. he came up immediately into the printing-house, continu'd the quarrel,
high words pass'd on both sides, he gave me the quarter's warning we had
stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a warning. i
told him his wish was unnecessary, for i would leave him that instant; and so,
taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desiring meredith, whom i saw below, to take
care of some things i left, and bring them to my lodgings.
19meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair over. he
had conceiv'd a great regard for me, and was very unwilling that i should leave the
house while he remain'd in it. he dissuaded me from returning to my native country,
which i began to think of; he reminded me that keimer was in debt for all he
possess'd; that his creditors began to be uneasy; that he kept his shop miserably,
sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without keeping
accounts; that he must therefore fall, which would make a vacancy i might profit
of. i objected my want of money. he then let me know that his father had a high
opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had pass'd between them, he was sure
would advance money to set us up, if i would enter into partnership with him. \"my
time,\" says he, \"will be out with keimer in the spring; by that time we may have
our press and types in from london. i am sensible i am no workman. if you like it,
your skill in the business shall be set against the stock i furnish, and we will
share the profits equally.\"
20the proposal was agreeable, and i consented; his father was in town and
approv'd of it; the more as he saw i had great influence with his son, had
prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop'd might break him
off that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. i gave
an inventory to the father, who carry'd it to a merchant; the things were sent for,
the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time i was to
get work, if i could, at the other printing-house. but i found no vacancy there,
and so remain'd idle a few days, when keimer, on a prospect of being employ'd to
print some paper money in new jersey, which would require cuts and various types
that i only could supply, and apprehending bradford might engage me and get the
jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a
few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. meredith
persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under
my daily instructions; so i return'd, and we went on more smoothly than for some
time before. the new jersey jobb was obtain'd, i contriv'd a copperplate press for
it, the first that had been seen in the country; i cut several ornaments and checks
for the bills. we went together to burlington, where i executed the whole to
satisfaction; and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby
to keep his head much longer above water.
21at burlington i made an acquaintance with many principal people of the
province. several of them had been appointed by the assembly a committee to attend
the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed.
they were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended,
brought with him a friend or two for company. my mind having been much more
improv'd by reading than keimer's, i suppose it was for that reason my conversation
seem'd to he more valu'd. they had me to their houses, introduced me to their
friends, and show'd me much civility; while he, tho' the master, was a little
neglected. in truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely
opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some
points of religion, and a little knavish withal.
22we continu'd there near three months; and by that time i could reckon among
my acquired friends, judge allen, samuel bustill, the secretary of the province,
isaac pearson, joseph cooper, and several of the smiths, members of assembly, and
isaac decow, the surveyor-general. the latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who
told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the brick-
makers, learned to write after be was of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who
taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd a good estate; and
says he, \"i foresee that you will soon work this man out of business, and make a
fortune in it at philadelphia.\" he had not then the least intimation of my
intention to set up there or anywhere. these friends were afterwards of great use
to me, as i occasionally was to some of them. they all continued their regard for
me as long as they lived.
23before i enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well to let
you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that
you may see how far those influenc'd the future events of my life. my parents had
early given me religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously
in the dissenting way. but i was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of
several points, as i found them disputed in the different books i read, i began to
doubt of revelation itself. some books against deism fell into my hands; they were
said to be the substance of sermons preached at boyle's lectures. it happened that
they wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the
arguments of the deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much
stronger than the refutations; in short, i soon became a thorough deist. my
arguments perverted some others, particularly collins and ralph; but, each of them
having afterwards wrong'd me greatly without the least compunction, and
recollecting keith's conduct towards me (who was another freethinker), and my own
towards vernon and miss read, which at times gave me great trouble, i began to
suspect that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was not very useful. my london
pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of dryden:
whatever is, is right.
though purblind man
sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link,
his eyes not carrying to the equal beam,
that poises all above.
24and from the attributes of god, his infinite wisdom, goodness and power,
concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and
virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing, appear'd now not so clever
a performance as i once thought it; and i doubted whether some error had not
insinuated itself unperceiv'd into my argument, so as to infect all that follow'd,
as is common in metaphysical reasonings.
25i grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between man
and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of life; and i form'd written
resolutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice them ever while i
lived. revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such; but i entertain'd an
opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were forbidden
by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions might be
forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were beneficial
to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things considered. and this
persuasion, with the kind hand of providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental
favorable circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this
dangerous time of youth, and the hazardous situations i was sometimes in among
strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross
immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of religion. i
say willful, because the instances i have mentioned had something of necessity in
them, from my youth, inexperience, and the knavery of others. i had therefore a
tolerable character to begin the world with; i valued it properly, and determin'd
to preserve it.
26we had not been long return'd to philadelphia before the new types arriv'd
from london. we settled with keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of
it. we found a house to hire near the market, and took it. to lessen the rent,
which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, tho' i have since known it to let for
seventy, we took in thomas godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a
considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. we had scarce opened our
letters and put our press in order, before george house, an acquaintance of mine,
brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer.
all our cash was now expended in the variety of particulars we had been obliged to
procure, and this countryman's five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming
so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown i have since earned; and the
gratitude i felt toward house has made me often more ready than perhaps i should
otherwise have been to assist young beginners.
27there are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. such a one then
lived in philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a
very grave manner of speaking; his name was samuel mickle. this gentleman, a
stranger to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me if i was the young man who
had lately opened a new printing-house. being answered in the affirmative, he said
he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would
be lost; for philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half-bankrupts,
or near being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the
rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact,
among the things that would soon ruin us. and he gave me such a detail of
misfortunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that he left me half
melancholy. had i known him before i engaged in this business, probably i never
should have done it. this man continued to live in this decaying place, and to
declaim in the same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there, because
all was going to destruction; and at last i had the pleasure of seeing him give
five times as much for one as he might have bought it for when he first began his
croaking.
28i should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the preceding year, i
had form'd most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement,
which we called the junto; we met on friday evenings. the rules that i drew up
required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any
point of morals, politics, or natural philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company;
and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any
subject he pleased. our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and
to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness for
dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of
positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made
contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties.
29the first members were joseph breintnal, a copyer of deeds for the
scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man, a great lover of poetry,
reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious
in many little nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation.
30thomas godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward
inventor of what is now called hadley's quadrant. but he knew little out of his
way, and was not a pleasing companion; as, like most great mathematicians i have
met with, he expected universal precision in everything said, or was for ever
denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. he
soon left us.
31nicholas scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov'd books, and
sometimes made a few verses.
32william parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had acquir'd a
considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology,
that he afterwards laught at it. he also became surveyor-general.
33william maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible
man.
34hugh meredith, stephen potts, and george webb i have characteriz'd before.
35robert grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty;
a lover of punning and of his friends.
36and william coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age, who had the
coolest, dearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man i
ever met with. he became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our
provincial judges. our friendship continued without interruption to his death,
upward of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best
school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for
our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us upon
reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the
purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, every thing
being studied in our rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. from
hence the long continuance of the club, which i shall have frequent occasion to
speak further of hereafter.
 37but my giving this account of it here is to show something of the interest i
had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending business to us.
breintnal particularly procur'd us from the quakers the printing forty sheets of
their history, the rest being to be done by keimer; and upon this we work'd
exceedingly hard, for the price was low. it was a folio, pro patria size, in pica,
with long primer notes. i compos'd of it a sheet a day, and meredith worked it off
at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before i had finished
my distribution for the next day's work, for the little jobs sent in by our other
friends now and then put us back.
38but so determin'd i was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that
one night, when, having impos'd my forms, i thought my day's work over, one of them
by accident was broken, and two pages reduced to pi, i immediately distributed and
compos'd it over again before i went to bed; and this industry, visible to our
neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly, i was told, that
mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants' every-night club,
the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the
place, keimer and bradford; but dr. baird (whom you and i saw many years after at
his native place, st. andrew's in scotland) gave a contrary opinion: \"for the
industry of that franklin,\" says he, \"is superior to any thing i ever saw of the
kind; i see him still at work when i go home from club, and he is at work again
before his neighbors are out of bed.\" this struck the rest, and we soon after had
offers from one of them to supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse
to engage in shop business.
39i mention this industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho' it
seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall read
it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see its effects in my favour
throughout this relation.
40george webb, who had found a female friend that lent him wherewith to
purchase his time of keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. we
could not then employ him; but i foolishly let him know as a secret that i soon
intended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. my hopes of
success, as i told him, were founded on this, that the then only newspaper, printed
by bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet
was profitable to him; i therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good
encouragement. i requested webb not to mention it; but he told it to keimer, who
immediately, to be beforehand with me, published proposals for printing one
himself, on which webb was to be employ'd. i resented this; and, to counteract
them, as i could not yet begin our paper, i wrote several pieces of entertainment
for bradford's paper, under the title of the busy body, which breintnal continu'd
some months. by this means the attention of the publick was fixed on that paper,
and keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, were disregarded. he
began his paper, however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with
at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and i, having
been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov'd in a
few years extremely profitable to me.
41i perceive that i am apt to speak in the singular number, though our
partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that, in fact, the whole management
of the business lay upon me. meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and
seldom sober. my friends lamented my connection with him, but i was to make the
best of it.
42our first papers made a quite different appearance from any before in the
province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited remarks of my
writing, on the dispute then going on between governor burnet and the massachusetts
assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned the paper and the manager of it
to be much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them all to be our subscribers.
43their example was follow'd by many, and our number went on growing
continually. this was one of the first good effects of my having learnt a little to
scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of
one who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me.
bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. he had
printed an address of the house to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner, we
reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. they were
sensible of the difference: it strengthened the hands of our friends in the house,
and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing.
44among my friends in the house i must not forget mr. hamilton, before
mentioned, who was then returned from england, and had a seat in it. he interested
himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward,
continuing his patronage till his death.
45mr. vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt i ow'd him, but did
not press me. i wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his
forbearance a little longer, which he allow'd me, and as soon as i was able, i paid
the principal with interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in some degree
corrected.
46but now another difficulty came upon me which i had never the least reason to
expect. mr. meredith's father, who was to have paid for our printing-house,
according to the expectations given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds
currency, which had been paid; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew
impatient, and su'd us all. we gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be
rais'd in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our
hopeful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be sold
for payment, perhaps at half price.
47in this distress two true friends, whose kindness i have never forgotten, nor
ever shall forget while i can remember any thing, came to me separately, unknown to
each other, and, without any application from me, offering each of them to advance
me all the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole business
upon myself, if that should be practicable; but they did not like my continuing the
partnership with meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets,
and playing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. these two friends
were william coleman and robert grace. i told them i could not propose a separation
while any prospect remain'd of the merediths' fulfilling their part of our
agreement, because i thought myself under great obligations to them for what they
had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally fail'd in their
performance, and our partnership must be dissolv'd, i should then think myself at
liberty to accept the assistance of my friends.
48thus the matter rested for some time, when i said to my partner, \"perhaps
your father is dissatisfied at the part you have undertaken in this affair of ours,
and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he would for you alone. if that is
the case, tell me, and i will resign the whole to you, and go about my
business.\" \"no,\" said he, \"my father has really been disappointed, and is
really unable; and i am unwilling to distress him farther. i see this is a business
i am not fit for. i was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town,
and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. many of
our welsh people are going to settle in north carolina, where land is cheap. i am
inclin'd to go with them, and follow my old employment. you may find friends to
assist you. if you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father
the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty
pounds and a new saddle, i will relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole in
your hands.\" i agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in writing, sign'd, and
seal'd immediately. i gave him what he demanded, and he went soon after to
carolina, from whence he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best
account that had been given of that country, the climate, the soil, husbandry,
etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. i printed them in the papers, and
they gave great satisfaction to the publick.
49as soon as he was gone, i recurr'd to my two friends; and because i would not
give an unkind preference to either, i took half of what each had offered and i
wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company's debts, and went on
with the business in my own name, advertising that the partnership was dissolved. i
think this was in or about the year 1729.
50about this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only
fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. the
wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being against all paper currency, from an
apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in new england, to the
prejudice of all creditors. we had discuss'd this point in our junto, where i was
on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723
had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants
in the province, since i now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones
building; whereas i remembered well, that when i first walk'd about the streets of
philadelphia, eating my roll, i saw most of the houses in walnut-street, between
second and front streets, with bills on their doors, \"to be let\"; and many
likewise in chestnut-street and other streets, which made me then think the
inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another.
51our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that i wrote and printed an
anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled the nature and necessity of a paper currency. it
was well receiv'd by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it,
for it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to
have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition slacken'd,
and the point was carried by a majority in the house. my friends there, who
conceiv'd i had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in
printing the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. this was another
advantage gain'd by my being able to write.
52the utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident as
never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand
pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to
upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building, and
inhabitants all the while increasing, till i now think there are limits beyond
which the quantity may be hurtful.
53i soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend hamilton, the printing of the
newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as i then thought it; small things
appearing great to those in small circumstances; and these, to me, were really
great advantages, as they were great encouragements. he procured for me, also, the
printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in my hands as
long as i follow'd the business.
54i now open'd a little stationer's shop. i had in it blanks of all sorts, the
correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in that by my friend
breintnal. i had also paper, parchment, chapmen's books, etc. one whitemash, a
compositor i had known in london, an excellent workman, now came to me, and work'd
with me constantly and diligently; and i took an apprentice, the son of aquila
rose.
55i began now gradually to pay off the debt i was under for the printing-house.
in order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, i took care not only to
be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearances to the contrary.
i drest plainly; i was seen at no places of idle diversion. i never went out a
fishing or shooting; a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but that
was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that i was not above my
business, i sometimes brought home the paper i purchas'd at the stores thro' the
streets on a wheelbarrow. thus being esteem'd an industrious, thriving young man,
and paying duly for what i bought, the merchants who imported stationery solicited
my custom; others proposed supplying me with books, and i went on swimmingly. in
the mean time, keimer's credit and business declining daily, he was at last forc'd
to sell his printing house to satisfy his creditors. he went to barbadoes, and
there lived some years in very poor circumstances.
56his apprentice, david harry, whom i had instructed while i work'd with him,
set up in his place at philadelphia, having bought his materials. i was at first
apprehensive of a powerful rival in harry, as his friends were very able, and had a
good deal of interest. i therefore propos'd a partner-ship to him which he,
fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. he was very proud, dress'd like a
gentleman, liv'd expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt,
and neglected his business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing
to do, he followed keimer to barbadoes, taking the printing-house with him. there
this apprentice employ'd his former master as a journeyman; they quarrel'd often;
harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his types and
return to his country work in pensilvania. the person that bought them employ'd
keimer to use them, but in a few years he died.
57there remained now no competitor with me at philadelphia but the old one,
bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling
hands, but was not very anxious about the business. however, as he kept the post-
office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper
was thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had
many, more, which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for,
tho' i did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion was
otherwise, for what i did send was by bribing the riders, who took them privately,
bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some resentment on my
part; and i thought so meanly of him for it, that, when i afterward came into his
situation, i took care never to imitate it.
www.xia ＯＳ hu Ｏ tx Ｔ.Ｎｅ tt××xt×小×说××天×堂

第4章

1 一直到这个时候为止，我都和戈雷弗一家一起搭膳。他和他的妻子、孩子住了房子的一部分。他在我印刷所
的一边开了一家玻璃铺，但他很少管它，他的人都被数学吸引住了。戈雷弗太太想把我介绍给她一个亲戚的女儿，
她经常创造机会让我们在一起，终于有一天我对她产生了感情，这个女孩确实有我值得爱慕的地方。老人家不断
地鼓励我们，经常邀请我去吃晚饭，让我们单独在一起，最后终于到了谈婚论嫁的时候了。戈雷弗太太在其中替
我们传话撮合。我告诉她，我想从女方那里拿到一笔钱，这个钱可以还清我印刷还没有还的债，我觉得那笔钱不
会超过 100 镑。她带来的回话说，她们没有这笔钱。我说她们可以把房子抵押给银行。几天以后她们的回复是她
们不赞成这门亲事。因为她们问过布雷福德，开印刷所并不赚钱，铅字会不断地损耗，要经常更新，凯默和哈里
就相继失败了，我也将和他们一样，因此，她们不再让我到她们家里去，她女儿也被她们关起来了。
2 究竟是不是他们真的改变了主意，还是只是一个计谋，这我就不知道了。她们认为我们的感情已经很深了，
因此我们两个人就会私奔，这样她们就可以不给嫁妆或者随便给点。我怀疑这是她们设的计，因此很生气，就再
也不去她们家了。后来，戈雷弗太太告诉我他们态度有了好转，想让我重新回头。但我说我决定不再和她们家有
联系了。这让戈雷弗太太很不高兴，我们的意见不一样，她们就搬走了，把整个房子都留给了我，我也再没有和
别人同住。
3 但是这件事情却使我考虑起自己的婚姻问题。我四下寻觅，托人提亲，但我不久就发现，因为人们大都认为
印刷行业不是一个赚钱的行当，我不可能从女方那里获得嫁妆，除非找一个我看不上眼的。同时，那些难于抑制
的青春躁动经常使我跟那些我遇到的轻浮女子鬼混。这既花钱，又非常麻烦，我还得时常担心自己会染上我最害
怕的疾病，尽管我还算幸运没有染上这种病。作为邻居和朋友，我和里德一家保持友好的通信关系。从我第一次
寄宿在他们家时起，他们就很尊重我。他们经常邀请我去她们家，商讨他们的问题，有的时候我也可以出出主意。
我同情里德小姐的不幸遭遇，她经常是一幅灰心丧气的样子，很少有快乐的时候，并且刻意不和别人在一起。我
认为自己在伦敦的轻浮与变心应该对她的不幸遭遇负很大的责任，尽管她母亲说过错主要在她，因为是她阻止我
们结婚，又劝她在我不在的时候嫁给别人的。我和里德小姐又旧情复燃了，但是我们的结合还有很多困难。她和
罗杰斯的婚姻事实确实是没有效力的，因为听说罗杰斯的前妻还在英国，但是这并不容易得到证实，因为相隔太
远了。尽管有报告说罗杰斯已经死了，但并不是很确定。就算罗杰斯真的去世了，他还留下了一屁股债，他的继
承人可能会被要求清还这些债务。但我还是克服种种困难娶了里德小姐，时间是 1730 年的 9 月 1 日。我们意料中
的那些麻烦事情竟然没有发生，里德小姐也被证明是一个忠诚的好伴侣。她协助我打理店铺，我们一起很开心，
尽量使对方高兴。这样，我总算尽可能地改正了那个错误。
4 大概也就是从这个时候开始，我们俱乐部的会不再在酒馆里面开，而转到了格雷斯先生的小房间里面。既然
在我们讨论问题的时候，经常要引用书中的东西，于是我建议把书放在我们聚会的地方也许更方便，需要的时候
可以随时拿来参考。书籍就这样凑集起来，成为一个公共图书馆。只要我们愿意把书放在一起，我们每个人都可
以充分利用其他人的书。这样就像每一个人都拥有全部书籍一样，很有益处。大家都喜欢我这个想法就同意了，
我们把我们能共享的书都放在房间的一边，但是数量并没有我们想的那么多；虽然这些书放在一起有很多好处，
但由于疏于管理，也产生了不少麻烦。大概一年以后，这些书又拆散了，又回到了各人的手中。
5 现在我正式着手实施一个具有公共性质的工程，就是建立订阅图书馆。我起草了计划书，然后找来了我们伟
大的公证人布罗克登修改成文。在“讲读俱乐部”的帮助下，我们征集了 50 个订阅者，每一位订阅者先交 40 先
令，以后每年还要交 10 先令，共交 50 年，50 年就是我们这个图书馆存在的期限。后来，我们这个图书馆的订阅
者增加到了 100 人的时候，我们取得了一张许可证。这就是北美订阅图书馆的鼻祖，现在这样的图书馆到处都是。
图书馆是一个伟大的事业，它的数目还在不断上升。图书馆改善了人们的日常会话水平，它使得普通商人、农民
和这个国家的大多数绅士一样文明、聪明，并且可能在某种程度上帮助殖民地人民广泛地开展保卫自身权利的斗
争做出了贡献。
6 备注：什么的叙述是为了达到本文开头所提出的目的而写成的，因此包括对其他人没有什么重要性的家庭琐
事。下面所写的这些东西是许多年以后，应下面这些中所蕴涵的建议而写的。因此，他的目的是为公众服务的。
独立革命爆发以后，写作也就中断了。
7 艾贝尔·詹姆斯先生的来信，附我的自传摘录（在巴黎收到此信）。
尊敬的朋友：
我常想给你写信，但是总是忍不住会想到这信可能会落入英国人之手，某些印刷商或者一些好事者会出版其
中的一些内容，从而给我的朋友带来痛苦，给自己带来责备。
不久前，令我十分高兴的事情是我得到了你的手稿，大概 23 张，是你写给你儿子的，其中讲述了你的出身还
有生平，一直到 1730 年为止，其中还附有你的亲笔注释。我现在附上抄件，一并给你寄去。我希望如果你以后继
续写的话，它可以帮助你把前后两部分连接起来。如果你还没有继续写的，我希望你不要耽搁。正像布道者说的
那样，生命是不确定的。如果和蔼、仁慈的本杰明·富兰克林一旦与世长辞，那么这个世界就缺少了一部给人教益、
让人愉悦的作品了，一部不仅对少数人，而是对成千上万的人都有用又有趣的作品。这一类作品对青年的影响是
巨大的，在我看来，公众领袖的日记对青年的影响更大。它几乎是在不知不觉中引导读者成为和作者一样杰出和
善良的人。如果你的作品出版以后，我想它是一定能出版的，能够引导青年像你早年一样勤奋和节俭的话，那是
多么值得庆幸的事啊！我不清楚，在这些活着的人中，有哪一位，或是哪几位，能够和你一样，在促进美国人的
勤劳、节俭、节制和尽早地关注事业等方面对年青人有这样重大的影响。我并不是说你的作品在这个世界上没有
其它的优点和作用，但是它的第一点功用就是如此的重大，据我所知，还没有什么东西可以与之媲美。
艾贝尔·詹姆斯（签名）
8 我把上面的这封信和随信附上的我的自传给一个朋友看，然后我收到了他下面的回信。
9 本杰明·沃恩先生的来信（巴黎，1783 年 1 月 31 日）。
亲爱的富兰克林先生：
当我读完由你教友会的朋友找到的，讲述你一生大事的自传的时候，我就告诉你我会写封信给你，说明为什
么我认为你完成这部传记并且发表它是十分有用的、有意义的。前一段时间由于各种各样的事情使我没有完成这
封信，而且我也不知道是否这封信会使你失望。不过，我现在正好有空闲的时间，我写这封信正好可以让自己高
兴高兴，也可以使自己从中受到教益。但是我想使用的那些词汇可能会冒犯你，因此我能告诉你的是，如果我给
另外一个像你这样伟大的但缺乏自信的人写信，我会怎样对他说。我会告诉他，我恳请你写下你的生平出于以下
动机。你的生平太不平凡了，如果你不写，那么别的人就会去写，那是一定的。别人来写给你造成的伤害可能大
于你自己来写，与其这样，你自己来写可能更好点。你的传记此外还可以展示你们国家的国内情况，那将吸引那
些善良勇敢的人移居贵国。考虑到他们是如此热切地想了解这些情况，以及你的声望，我想象不出还有什么广告
比你的自传更有效。你的经历也是和一个蒸蒸日上的民族的生活方式和生活环境相联系的。从这个角度来看，我
认为凯撒和塔西陀的作品并不比那些正确评述人性和人类社会的作品更有意思。但是，先生，在我看来，这些理
由都是微不足道的，如果跟你的作品对未来伟大任务的形成，以及你的美德艺术（你打算发表）对个人德性的提
升，增进家庭和公众的幸福来比的话。先生，我提到的这两部作品特别会成为自学的崇高法则和典范。学校教育
和其它教育通常都是建立在错误的观念之上，用笨拙的方法把学生导向一个错误的目标。但是，你的方法简单，
目标正确。当年轻人和他们的父母因为找不到正确的方法而感到茫然失措的时候，不知道对未来一生中合理的道
路进行估计和准备的时候，你发现了许多人力所不能及的东西，那是多么了不起啊。对一个成年人的影响不仅为
时已晚，而且没有什么成效。正是在青年时代，我们形成了我们主要的习惯和偏见，我们也是在青年时代选择我
们的工作、职业和配偶。因此，青年时代是个转折点。青年时代甚至确定了下一代人的教育，还确定了一个人的
公德和私德。人的一生是从青年扩展到老年，因此我们应该好好地从青年开始，特别是在我们确定人生的主要目
标之前。你的自传不仅仅讲述自我教育，还教人如何成为一个智者。最有智慧的人将从另一个有智慧的人详细记
述的东西中受到启迪，取得进步。当我们看看人类从远古以来，就在黑暗中摸索，没有任何指引的历史轨迹的时
候，我们不禁要问，为什么弱者就不能得到帮助？所以，先生，请你指引父亲和儿子们应该怎么做吧，让所有智
慧的人成为和你一样的人，让其他所有的人成为聪明的人。当我们看到政客和战争狂们如此残酷地对待人类，那
些可笑的名人对待他们的朋友的时候，看到温良谦恭的风气日盛、伟大和善于治家的品行与随意没有的特点共存
在一块，那对人是十分有益的。
你也会讲述一些私人琐碎的小事情，这也是很有用的。因为我们首先需要的就是日常生活的谨慎法则。人们
会很好奇的想知道你是怎么处理日常事物的。这是通往生活的一把钥匙，解释早就应该有人向他们解释的问题，
使他们成为有见识的聪明人。和我们亲身经历最相近的是阅读别人生动有趣的生活经历。我敢断定你的自传是这
样的。一件事情如果简单明了或者重要至极那么它肯定会吸引人们，我相信你在记述你的亲身经历的时候会像你
在支持政治或者哲学讨论的时候一样，别出心裁。还有没有什么比人生更值得人们去进行试验和计划（如果考虑
到生命的重要性和过失）的呢？
有些人泯灭了天良，有些人则想入非非，还有些人则玩弄他们的聪明。但是，对于先生你，我确信，出自你
手的东西必然是充满智慧、切实可行的良善之物。你的自传（我想我正在描述的这个和富兰克林博士相似的人，
不但在性格上而且在个人经历上都是和富兰克林相似的）显示出你不以自己的出身为耻，这一点是非常重要的，
就像你已经证明的那样出身对幸福、美德、伟大的影响是基本不重要的。但是要达到一个目的也需要具体方法，
我们也发现，先生你就是在成为一个了不起的人之前也制定了一套计划，也正是凭着这个计划，你成为另外一个
相当了不起的人。但是，同时我们也可以看到，你所做的事情很令人赞叹，但是你所使用的方法却很简单，很有
智慧，那就是依靠本性、德行、思想和习惯。另外一件需要说明的事情是，每一个人要等待他在世界舞台上显现
的时机。我们的感情总是过多地锁定在眼前的事情身上，我们会忘记眼前事情以后的更长远的事情。因此，一个
人应该对其行为进行计划以适合他的整个人生。看来你的一生都是成功的，你生命已经过去的每个瞬间都是生机
勃勃的，充满了满足与快乐，而不是因为愚蠢的不耐烦和悔恨而饱受折磨。对于那些想以真正伟大人物为楷模并
想借此提高德行的人，这种方法是很容易的，因为忍耐就常常是这些人的个性。那位和你通信的教友会的先生
（在这个地方，我又把我写信的对象想象成和富兰克林博士相似的人）称赞了你的节俭、勤奋和节制，他认为那
是所有年轻人的样板。但是，非常奇怪的是他竟然忘记了你的谦逊和淡泊名利。没有这两个优点，你根本不可能
耐心等待，取得进步，或者在贫困的时候随遇而安。这是一个很有说服力的事例，说明淡泊名利和调节心理的重
要性。如果这位和你通信的先生能够和我一样了解你名望的本性的话，他就会说到这些的。你以前所写的东西和
所使用的方法会使人注意到你的自传和德行的艺术。你的自传和德行的艺术反过来，也会吸引他们的目光。这就
是一个具有多样性格的人的优势，所有这些都会得到他们应该得的东西。这样你的自传就会更加有用，因为不知
道怎么改进自己思想和品行的人，可能比没有时间或者没有兴趣去做这种事的人更多。但是，先生，我还有一个
感想，将会证明你的经历，作为一篇自传有什么用途。自传这种文体好像已经不时髦了，但它还是很有用的。你
的范本也许特别有用，因为它可以用来和社会上许多知名的凶手和阴谋家的自传作比较，也可以用来和那些荒谬
的自我折磨的苦行僧和自以为是的无聊文人的传记作个比较。如果你的自传能够鼓励人们写出更多和你的自传一
样的传记，引导人们去过和你自传中生活一样的生活，那它的价值就等于所有比鲁塔克传记的总和。但是，我已
经厌倦于想象这样一个人，他的特点只适合这世界上的某一个人，这种特点我们是不能给予它赞颂的。所以，富
兰克林博士，在我将要结束这封信的时候，我个人向你提一个要求。我恳切的希望，亲爱的富兰克林博士，你应
该让这个世界了解你真实个性的所有特点，因为公开的争论可能会歪曲或者中伤你的真实品性。考虑到你已人到
老年，你的谨慎品格，和你独特的思考方式，除了你自己以外可能没有人对你的一生或者思想意图有真正的了解
和把握。除此之外，现阶段的伟大革命必然会把我们的目光转向革命首倡者。既然革命是附着在某些道德的原则
之下，那么指出这些道德原则是如何真的影响了革命就非常重要。因为你自己的品行是首先要受到仔细审查的，
你的品行就应该是（就算是为了你那蒸蒸日上的大国，还有英国和欧洲）值得尊敬的和经得住时间考验的。为了
人类未来的幸福，我一直觉得证明人类一直就是（而不仅仅是现在的人类）恶毒令人生厌的动物是十分必要的，
还要证明好的管理可以极大的对之进行修正。为了同样的原因，我很想使大家都觉得在人类社会里个别的人还是
具有高尚品德的。如果我们认为所有的都是毫无例外不可救药的，那么善良的人们就会放弃徒劳无益的努力，可
能会只想在这纷乱的世界强夺一杯羹，或者至少会想为自己营造一个安乐窝就行了。那么，亲爱的先生，你的作
品必须写出来，显示你的善良本性，你就是那样的，显示你是个节制的人，你就是那样的。最重要的是，显示你
从小就是个热爱正义、自由和和谐的人。这种品性使你自然而然地一贯不变地按照自己的本性行事，就像我们在
你最近的 17 年看到的你的行为一样。让英国人不但尊敬你，甚至要让他们爱你。当他们对贵国的某个人物高度评
价的时候，他们就会对贵国高度评价了。同样，当你们国家的人看到自己被英国人高度评价的时候，他们也就会
高度评价英国了。把你的目光放的更远一些，不要仅仅停留在说英语的人身上，在你解决了如此多的有关人性和
政治的问题之后，你就应该想办法改造全人类了。因为我还没有在你的自传中读到有关这方面问题的叙述，我只
知道这部自传的主人，所以走得有点远了。但是，我确信，我所提及的自传和德行艺术的论文一定会满足我的主
要期望。如果你能在写作的时候采用我里面讲到的几点意见的话，那我就更是心满意足了。退一步来讲，就算你
的这部自传不能满足你的满怀期望的赞美者的希望的话，至少你已经写出了使人们内心感到欣慰的作品，能给人
带来纯洁的快感，增加了人们生活的幸福感，要不然就会是由于焦虑而产生的黑暗，由于痛苦而产生的煎熬。因
此，我希望，你能够听听我在这封信里对你的期求。我最亲爱的富兰克林先生。
本杰明·沃恩（签名）
10 自传续篇（1784 年开始写于巴黎附近的帕西）
我收到上面的信已经有好些时间了，但我一直很忙，直到现在才想起满足他们在信中提起的要求。如果我在
家里，手头有我原来的稿子，可以帮助我回忆，确定日期那就好多了，但是我也不知道自己什么时候可以回去，
我现在又有点时间，我就尽力去回忆，尽我所能去写。如果我能活着回家，就可以更正修饰一下。
11 我这里没有原来写的东西的任何副本，我不知道我是不是已经讲了我在费城建立公共图书馆的方法。图书
馆刚开始的时候规模很小，现在已经有了相当的规模了。我记得已经讲到靠近创办图书馆的时间 1730 年了。因此，
我就从这里开始我的记述。如果以后发现已经讲过了，就删掉它了。
12 那个时候，我在宾西法尼亚开业的时候，在波士顿以南的任何一块殖民地都没有一家像样的书店。在纽约
和费城印刷所实际上还是文具店，它们只卖些纸张、历书、民谣以及一些普通的教科书等。那些喜爱读书的人就
得从英国邮购书籍。“讲读俱乐部”的成员每个人都有一些书，但数量不多。我们离开第一次聚会的啤酒屋以后
就租了间房子作为俱乐部的场所。我建议把我们大家的书都放到那个房子里去。这样大家聚会的时候不仅方便个
人参考，还对大家都有好处。每个人都可以自由地把自己喜欢的书带到家里去看。这样子做了一段时间，大家都
很满意。
13 发现这批数量不多的聚集过来的书的作用以后，我就建议成立一个公共订阅图书馆，这样从书中受益的人
就会更多。我拟订了必要的计划和规则草案，然后去找了资深公证人查尔斯·布罗克登先生按照草案形成协议，征
集订阅者。根据协议，每一个入会的人要付一定数量的英镑用于第一次购书，以后每年再交一笔钱，用来增加书
籍。那个时候费城基本上没有读书的人，我们中的绝大多数人都很穷，没有什么能力，经过极大的努力之后，好
不容易找到了 50 个订阅者，其中绝大数是商人，他们愿意支付 40 镑，每年再支付 10 镑。我们的图书馆就是靠着
这些微薄的资金起家的。书购进来了，图书馆一周开放一次，以把书借给订阅人。按照协议，如果他们到期不还
的话就要付双倍的钱。图书馆很快就显示出了它的作用，在我们州里被其它城市争相效仿。由于捐赠，图书馆扩
大了规模，读书也变的时髦起来。那个时候，人们没有什么公共娱乐，就把他们的兴趣转到了读书上来。大家对
书就更熟悉了。几年以后，人们认为他们所受到的教育和智力水平比其它国家的同一层次的人更好。
14 当我们签署上述协议的时候（那些协议对我们自己以及我们的继承人都有效力，协议的期限是 50 年），
布罗克登先生，那个公证人，对我们说：“你们都是年轻人，但是你们中的任何一个人都很难活到协议规定的期
限。”然而。我们中一些人，到今天为止还活着。但是，图书馆几年以后得到了一张特许状成为了政府一部分，
上述文件也就没有法律效力了。
 15 当我在邀请人们加入图书馆碰到反对和勉强意见的时候，我就觉得标榜自己是某个有用计划的倡导者是不
明智的。当你需要别人的帮助来完成某项计划的时候，标榜自己会被认为是提高某人的名望，至少也显示出你是
在某种程度上比你身边的人要高明。我因此尽力不太过张扬，只是说这个计划是朋友们提出来的。是他们要求我
四处去看看那些喜欢读书的人，并邀请他们参加。通过这样的方式，我的计划进展的很顺利。我以后也是这样做
的，屡试不爽，我诚心向大家推荐这种方法。你现在付出的一点牺牲以后会完全回报给你的。有些时候不能确定
功劳属于谁，有些爱慕虚荣的人会站出来说功劳是他们的，到时候，就是心怀嫉妒的人也会把公正的评价还给你，
把功劳还给真正的主人。
16 这个图书馆给我了不断提高自己的条件。我不断学习，我每天抽出 1 到 2 个小时的时间来读书，这就在某
种程度上弥补了父亲最初打算让我接受的，后来又最终失去的学校教育。读书是我为自己规定的惟一娱乐。我从
不把时间花在酒馆、游戏、赌博以及其它的任何嬉戏事物之上。我对待生意非常勤奋，好像自己不会疲倦似的，
好像自己必须这样做。那个时候，印刷所还欠着债。我有了家庭，孩子也要去读书了，我还得和本地早在我之前
就建立了的印刷所竞争。但是，我的环境还是一天比一天好起来了。我天生的节俭习惯还在继续着，当我还是个
孩子的时候，父亲就经常用所罗门的一句格言来教导我，那就是：“如果一个人勤俭做事，他就不会站在普通人
的面前，而是站在国王面前。”因此，我认为勤劳是一个获得财富和名声的手段。这种思想时时在激励着我，虽
然我并不认为我要站在国王面前。事实上，那些真的成为了现实。我就曾经站在五位国王面前，甚至还有幸和丹
麦的一位国王坐在一起进餐。
17 有句英国谚语说：“要想繁荣兴旺就要请教妻子。”我很幸运地找到了一位像我一样勤快节俭的妻子。她
很乐意帮我照看生意，装订小册子，打理商店，收购破布用于造纸，诸如此类的事情等等。我们没有请仆人，我
们的饭菜简单朴实，我们的家具是最便宜的。比如，我们的早餐就只有面包和牛奶（没有茶），用的是 2 便士的
陶制粥碗和汤勺。但是请注意奢侈是怎样侵入家里并且扩展开来的，尽管有原则在先。一天早上我去吃饭的时候，
我发现在一只中国碗里有把银勺子。它们就是我妻子背着我买的，花了她 33 先令这么一大笔钱。对此，她没有做
任何解释，也没有任何歉意。她只是认为她的丈夫应该和她的邻居一样使用银勺子和中国碗。这是第一次在家里
出现了银器和瓷器。在随后的几年里，随着我们财富的增加，餐具的价值也逐渐增加到几百镑了。
18 我从小就受到长老会的宗教教育，虽然这个教派的某些教义，比如上帝的永恒法，上帝的选民，上帝的惩
罚等，看起来莫名其妙。其它一些我对之则是半信半疑，并且我很早就不去长老会的教堂做礼拜了，星期六是我
学习的日子。但是我一直保持着宗教信仰，比如，我从来不怀疑上帝的存在；上帝创造了世界；上帝按照自己的
意思来治理这个世界；上帝最喜欢接受的就是对人行善；我们的灵魂是不朽的；善有善报，恶有恶报，终有一报，
不是今生就是来世。这就是我尊重的每一个宗教的精髓。这些精髓在我们国家的所有宗教里面都可以找到。我们
尊重所有的这些宗教，尽管尊敬的程度有所不同，因为我发现它们或多或少的和别的一些观点相混杂在一起，这
些东西不可能鼓舞、促进或者确立德性，它们主要的目的在于分化我们，使我们之间相互敌对。我对所有宗教敬
重，我认为即使是最坏的宗教里面也有好的东西、好的观点，使得我在和别人谈话的时候不去损害别人对自己所
信仰的宗教的良好意见。随着我们这个州人口的不断增加，需要不断建立新的教堂。这些新的教堂都是通过自愿
捐款建立的，无论是哪个教派要求捐款，我都愿意尽自己的绵薄之力，从不拒绝。
19 尽管我很少参加公共的礼拜活动——我仍然认为，礼拜活动是适宜而有用的，如果举行得当的话，但为了
支持费城惟一的长老会活动，我每年都会定期捐款。牧师常常以一个朋友的身份来拜访我，并请我参加他主持的
礼拜。于是我不时地去看看，有一次连续去了 5 个星期。如果他是一个好的牧师的话，也许我会继续去的，而把
我星期六的学习放在一边，但是他的言谈主要不是攻击性的言论，就是对本门教派特别教义的辩护。那些东西对
我来说是太枯燥、太乏味了，是没有丝毫启发意义的。因为这种布道从来不接受一条道德原则，好像只想人们做
个长老会的好教徒，而不是做个好公民。
20 最终，有一次，他开讲腓力比第四章中的一节诗文，“最后，兄弟们，凡是真实的、诚实的、公正的、纯
洁的、可爱的、荣誉的，只要有德行和赞美的地方，你们都要去思考。”我想，通过宣讲这样的诗文来布道，里
面不可能讲不到道德。但是，他却把自己限定在 5 个方面，那就是：1、虔守安息日；2、勤读《圣经》；3、按时
出席礼拜；4、参加圣典；5、尊重上帝下派的牧师。这些也许都是没有问题的，但都不是我希望从中得到的那个
东西。我对从他主持的其它礼拜上得到这些我想得到的也绝望了，我再也不参加他的礼拜会了。几年前（1728
年），我自己搞了个礼拜仪式，供自己私人使用，我把它命名为《宗教信仰和行动条例》。我再也不无参加公共
的礼拜，而是使用自己搞的这一套仪式。我的这些行为也许应该受到指责，但我不管这些，我也不想去作进一步
的辩解。我的目的就是讲求实际，而不是为了去解释它们。
21 大概就是在这个时候，我想出了一个获得完美品德的、大胆而又艰巨的计划。我希望我活着的任何时候都
不要犯任何错误。我要征服所有的缺点，不管它们是天生的还是后天的，或者是由于交友不善而引起的。因为我
知道，或者我想我知道，什么是对的，什么是错的，这样我就可以只做对的而避免错的。但是，不久我就发现我
正在做的事情其难度远远大于我想象的。当我小心翼翼地避免犯一个错误的时候，另一个却又莫名其妙地出现了。
习惯利用了一时的疏忽，偏好对于理智来说有时候太强大了。最后，我得出了一个结论，光是嘴巴上觉得完美的
品德对我们是有益的，还不足以防止过失的产生，坏的习惯必须被打破，好的习惯必须建立。这样我们才能相信
我们的行为能够始终坚定不移的正确。为了达到这个目的，我设计了下面的方法。
22 我在阅读的过程中遇到了各种各样的道德规范，但是我发现不同的作者在同一个词目下包含的意思并不一
样，有多有少。比如，节制这个词目，被一些人限定在吃喝上面，而其他人就把它延伸到其它方面，诸如快乐、
欲望、嗜好、激情，生理上或者精神上，甚至延伸到人们的贪婪和野心上面。我就自己对自己说，为了清楚起见，
多用词目，下面少跟意思，而不只列几个词目，附上更多的意思。我列出了 13 个词目，那是我当时认为必须做的
或者说是希望做到的。并且在每一个词目下面附上了一个短的诫言，充分表达了我认为的该词目的意思。
下面就是这些词目，并附有诫言：
一、节制：食不过饱，酒不过量。
二、缄默：避免空谈，言必对己或对人有益。
三、秩序：放东西的地方，做事情的时间要心中有数。
四、决心：该做的一定要做，做就要做好。
五、节俭：对人或对己有益才可用钱，决不浪费。
六、勤奋：珍惜光阴，做有益之事，避无谓之举。
七、真诚：不欺骗，有良知，为人厚道，说话实在。
八、正义：不做不利于人的事，不逃避自己的义务。
九、中庸：避免走极端，容忍别人给你的伤害，认为是你应该承受之事。
十、整洁：保持身体，衣服和住所的整洁。
十一、冷静：不因小事，寻常之事，不可避免之事而慌乱。
十二、节欲：少行房事，除非考虑到身体健康或者延续子嗣；不要房事过度，伤害身体或者损害自己或他人
的安宁与名誉。
十三、谦逊：效法耶稣和苏格拉底。
23 我的目的是为了获得这些美好的德性，我觉得最好不要分散自己的注意力一次同时关注所有以上的德性，
一次就固定在一项德性上。当我掌握了其中一个的时候，然后在攻下另外一个，依此类推，直到我把 13 个都掌握
为止。由于先获得的美德会有利于以后美德的形成，所以我就按照上面的顺序把他们排列起来。节制放在第一位，
因为节制可以使大脑清醒，条理清楚。为了经常保持警惕，抵抗旧习惯的不断侵袭和无休止的引诱，这种清醒的
头脑是必须具备的。“节制”这个美德确立以后，“缄默”就容易多了。由于我的目的是在提高德性的同时获得
知识。同时考虑到，在交谈的时候与其用嘴巴去说，不如用耳朵去听更能获得知识，因此我就希望去掉喋喋不休、
爱说俏皮话、爱开玩笑的习惯，那些习惯只会让我和一些轻浮的人为伍。因此，我把“缄默”放在第二的位置。
在获得了这一项美德和下一项美德（“秩序”）以后，我估计自己会有更多的时间用在读书上和我的计划上面。
“决心”一旦成为习惯以后就可以让我意志坚定去获得下面的美德。“节俭”和“勤奋”将使我从债务中解脱出
来，并且变得富裕和独立，就更易于获得“真诚”和“正义”等等美德。然后，按照毕达哥拉斯在他的《黄金诗
集》中的告诫，每天进行测验是必须的，所以我就设计了下面的方法来检查自己的成果。
24 我做了个小本子，在每页上面写上一个美德，每页上面用红墨水划成 7 行，每一行为一星期中的一天，并
标上星期几。然后用红线把这些直行划成 13 横格，并且在每一格的头上标上每一项美德的第一个字母。在每行的
适当栏目里面划上一个小黑点，代表在那天检查时发现的缺失。
样表如下：
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
 ★★★★
★★★★
25 我决定对每一项美德用一星期的时间依次做一个严格的考察。因此，在第一个星期里，我只需要注意自己
有没有违反节制的过失，对于其它美德只需要和平常那样每天晚上把过失用黑点标上就可以了。这样，在第一个
星期里面，我只要使标着“节制”的这一行里没有黑点，我就认为这一美德加强了，它的反面则被削弱了，这样
我就可以把我的注意力转移到下一项了，下一星期保持两行内都没有黑点，这样下去一直到最后一项，就可以在
13 个星期内完成一轮。一年之内可以循环 4 次。这就像一个人在花园里拔草，不可能一次拔掉所有的草，那样就
会超过他的能力，他总是先拔一个花坛里的，然后再拔第二个，依此类推。因此，我希望像他一样，令人欣慰地
看到我在德行上的进步，把每一行里的黑点削掉，一直到最后，经过无数次的循环以后，在 13 个星期的逐日检查
以后，我就可以高兴地看到一个整洁的本子。
26 我在爱迪生的《卡托》里面引用了几句话作为这个小本子的题句：
我将坚持到底。假如真有上帝，
（世间万物都在大声呼喊上帝的存在），
上帝必定因为美德的存在而欢呼雀跃。
上帝因之而愉悦的人必定十分开心。
27 还有一段是摘自西塞罗的：
啊！哲学！你是生命的向导！你是美德的探路人！你是罪恶的消除器！按照你的行为规则，好好地度过每一
天，胜过罪恶的一百年！
28 还有一个是摘自所罗门论述智慧美德的格言：
他左手握着生命，右手把着财富与荣光。他的道路是快乐之旅，他的路途是和平之路。
29 我觉得上帝是智慧的源泉，获得智慧必须得到他的帮助。为了这个目的，我写下了下面的诗句，放在检查
表格的前面，以便每天使用。
哦，万能的上帝啊！仁慈的天父，世间的指路人！
增添我的智慧，使我能看清我真正的利益。
增强我的决心，使我能执行智慧的命令。
请接受我对您的其他子民的衷心服役，作为您对我不断福佑的报答。
30 有的时候，我还引用汤姆森的诗：
光明与生命之父，至高无上的神！
教我认识美德！
使我脱离荒唐、虚荣与罪恶，
远离一切卑贱的追求，
让我的心灵充满知识、心神的安宁和纯洁的德性，
以及圣洁，真实和永不消失的福气。
part 4
1i had hitherto continu'd to board with godfrey, who lived in part of my house
with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier's
business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. mrs.
godfrey projected a match for me with a relation's daughter, took opportunities of
bringing us often together, till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl
being in herself very deserving. the old folks encourag'd me by continual
invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to
explain. mrs. godfrey manag'd our little treaty. i let her know that i expected as
much money with their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt for the printing-
house, which i believe was not then above a hundred pounds. she brought me word
they had no such sum to spare; i said they might mortgage their house in the loan-
office. the answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve the
match; that, on inquiry of bradford, they had been inform'd the printing business
was not a profitable one; the types would soon be worn out, and more wanted; that
s. keimer and d. harry had failed one after the other, and i should probably soon
follow them; and, therefore, i was forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up.
2whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice, on a supposition
of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that we should
steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they
pleas'd, i know not; but i suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more.
mrs. godfrey brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their
disposition, and would have drawn me on again; but i declared absolutely my
resolution to have nothing more to do with that family. this was resented by the
godfreys; we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole house, and i resolved
to take no more inmates.
3but this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, i look'd round me and
made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon found that, the business
of a printer being generally thought a poor one, i was not to expect money with a
wife, unless with such a one as i should not otherwise think agreeable. in the mean
time, that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me frequently into
intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense
and great inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by a distemper
which of all things i dreaded, though by great good luck i escaped it. a friendly
correspondence as neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between me and mrs.
read's family, who all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in
their house. i was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein i
sometimes was of service. i piti'd poor miss read's unfortunate situation, who was
generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. i considered my giddiness
and inconstancy when in london as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness,
tho' the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she
had prevented our marrying before i went thither, and persuaded the other match in
my absence. our mutual affection was revived, but there were now great objections
to our union. the match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding wife being
said to be living in england; but this could not easily be prov'd, because of the
distance; and, tho' there was a report of his death, it was not certain. then, tho'
it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be call'd upon
to pay. we ventured, however, over all these difficulties, and i took her to wife,
september 1st, 1730. none of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended,
she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we
throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. thus i
corrected that great erratum as well as i could.
4about this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of
mr. grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since
our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it might be
convenient to us to have them altogether where we met, that upon occasion they
might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we should,
while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the
books of all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each
owned the whole. it was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one end of the room with
such books as we could best spare. the number was not so great as we expected; and
tho' they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring for want of due
care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his
books home again
5and now i set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a
subscription library. i drew up the proposals, got them put into form by our great
scrivener, brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the junto, procured fifty
subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for
fifty years, the term our company was to continue. we afterwards obtain'd a
charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the
north american subscription libraries, now so numerous. it is become a great thing
itself, and continually increasing. these libraries have improved the general
conversation of the americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent
as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree
to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies in defense of their
privileges.
6memo: thus far was written with the intention express'd in the beginning and
therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. what
follows was written many years after in compliance with the advice contain'd in
these letters, and accordingly intended for the public. the affairs of the
revolution occasion'd the interruption.
7letter from mr. abel james, with notes of my life (received in paris).
my dear and honored friend:
i have often been desirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to
the thought that the letter might fall into the hands of the british, lest some
printer or busy-body should publish some part of the contents, and give our friend
pain, and myself censure.
some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy, about twenty-three
sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account of the parentage and life of
thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730, with which there were notes,
likewise in thy writing; a copy of which i inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if
thou continued it up to a later period, that the first and latter part may be put
together; and if it is not yet continued, i hope thee will not delay it. life is
uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if kind, humane,
and benevolent ben. franklin should leave his friends and the world deprived of so
pleasing and profitable a work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not
only to a few, but to millions? the influence writings under that class have on the
minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me so plain, as in our
public friend's journals. it almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution
of endeavoring to become as good and eminent as the journalist. should thine, for
instance, when published (and i think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to
equal the industry and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that
class would such a work be! i know of no character living, nor many of them put
together, who has so much in his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of
industry and early attention to business, frugality, and temperance with the
american youth. not that i think the work would have no other merit and use in the
world, far from it; but the first is of such vast importance that i know nothing
that can equal it.
signed, abel james
8the foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being shown to a friend,
i received from him the following:
9letter from mr. benjamin vaughan. paris, january 31, 1783.
my dearest sir:
when i had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your
life, recovered for you by your quaker acquaintance, i told you i would send you a
letter expressing my reasons why i thought it would be useful to complete and
publish it as he desired. various concerns have for some time past prevented this
letter being written, and i do not know whether it was worth any expectation;
happening to be at leisure, however, at present, i shall by writing, at least
interest and instruct myself; but as the terms i am inclined to use may tend to
offend a person of your manners, i shall only tell you how i would address any
other person, who was as good and as great as yourself, but less diffident. i would
say to him, sir, i solicit the history of your life from the following motives:
your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, somebody else will
certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own
management of the thing might do good. it will moreover present a table of the
internal circumstances of your country, which will very much tend to invite to it
settlers of virtuous and manly minds. and considering the eagerness with which such
information is sought by them, and the extent of your reputation, i do not know of
a more efficacious advertisement than your biography would give. all that has
happened to you is also connected with the detail of the manners and situation of a
rising people; and in this respect i do not think that the writings of caesar and
tacitus can be more interesting to a true judge of human nature and society. but
these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance which your
life will give for the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your
art of virtue (which you design to publish) of improving the features of private
character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. the
two works i allude to, sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of
self-education. school and other education constantly proceed upon false
principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false mark; but your apparatus
is simple, and the mark a true one; and while parents and young persons are left
destitute of other just means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable
course in life, your discovery that the thing is in many a man's private power,
will be invaluable! influence upon the private character, late in life, is not only
an influence late in life, but a weak influence. it is in youth that we plant our
chief habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to
profession, pursuits and matrimony. in youth, therefore, the turn is given; in
youth the education even of the next generation is given; in youth the private and
public character is determined; and the term of life extending but from youth to
age, life ought to begin well from youth, and more especially before we take our
party as to our principal objects. but your biography will not merely teach self-
education, but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights
and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man. and
why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, when we see our race has been
blundering on in the dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the
farthest trace of time? show then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and
fathers; and invite all wise men to become like yourself, and other men to become
wise. when we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race, and
how absurd distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive
to observe the instances multiply of pacific, acquiescing manners; and to find how
compatible it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.
the little private incidents which you will also have to relate, will have
considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary
affairs; and it will be curious to see how you have acted in these. it will be so
far a sort of key to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have once
explained to them, to give, them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. the
nearest thing to having experience of one's own, is to have other people's affairs
brought before us in a shape that is interesting; this is sure to happen from your
pen; our affairs and management will have an air of simplicity or importance that
will not fail to strike; and i am convinced you have conducted them with as much
originality as if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy;
and what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance and its errors
considered) than human life?
some men have been virtuous blindly, others have speculated fantastically, and
others have been shrewd to bad purposes; but you, sir, i am sure, will give under
your hand, nothing but what is at the same moment, wise, practical and good, your
account of yourself (for i suppose the parallel i am drawing for dr. franklin, will
hold not only in point of character, but of private history) will show that you are
ashamed of no origin; a thing the more important, as you prove how little necessary
all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. as no end likewise happens
without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by
which you became considerable; but at the same time we may see that though the
event is flattering,the means are as simple as wisdom could make them; that is,
depending upon nature, virtue, thought and habit. another thing demonstrated will
be the propriety of everyman's waiting for his time for appearing upon the stage of
the world. our sensations being very much fixed to the moment, we are apt to forget
that more moments are to follow the first, and consequently that man should arrange
his conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. your attribution appears to have
been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened with
content and enjoyment instead of being tormented with foolish impatience or
regrets. such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and themselves in
countenance by examples of other truly great men, of whom patience is so often the
characteristic. your quaker correspondent, sir (for here again i will suppose the
subject of my letter resembling dr. franklin), praised your frugality, diligence
and temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all youth; but it is singular
that he should have forgotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, without
which you never could have waited for your advancement, or found your situation in
the mean time comfortable; which is a strong lesson to show the poverty of glory
and the importance of regulating our minds. if this correspondent had known the
nature of your reputation as well as i do, he would have said, your former writings
and measures would secure attention to your biography, and art of virtue; and your
biography and art of virtue, in return, would secure attention to them. this is an
advantage attendant upon a various character, and which brings all that belongs to
it into greater play; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a
loss for the means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the
time or the inclination to do it. but there is one concluding reflection, sir, that
will shew the use of your life as a mere piece of biography. this style of writing
seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one; and your
specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make a subject of
comparison with the lives of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and with
absurd monastic self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. if it encourages more
writings of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives fit to
be written, it will be worth all plutarch's lives put together. but being tired of
figuring to myself a character of which every feature suits only one man in the
world, without giving him the praise of it, i shall end my letter, my dear dr.
franklin, with a personal application to your proper self. i am earnestly desirous,
then, my dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits of your genuine
character, as civil broils nay otherwise tend to disguise or traduce it.
considering your great age, the caution of your character, and your peculiar style
of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently
master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your mind. besides all this,
the immense revolution of the present period, will necessarily turn our attention
towards the author of it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended in it,
it will be highly important to shew that such have really influenced; and, as your
own character will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even
for its effects upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon england and upon
europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. for the furtherance of human
happiness, i have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not
even at present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to prove that good
management may greatly amend him; and it is for much the same reason, that i am
anxious to see the opinion established, that there are fair characters existing
among the individuals of the race; for the moment that all men, without exception,
shall be conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless,
and perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at least of
making it comfortable principally for themselves. take then, my dear sir, this work
most speedily into hand: shew yourself good as you are good; temperate as you are
temperate; and above all things, prove yourself as one, who from your infancy have
loved justice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it natural and
consistent for you to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen
years of your life. let englishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love
you. when they think well of individuals in your native country, they will go
nearer to thinking well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves
well thought of by englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking well of england.
extend your views even further; do not stop at those who speak the english tongue,
but after having settled so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering
the whole race of men. as i have not read any part of the life in question, but
know only the character that lived it, i write somewhat at hazard. i am sure,
however, that the life and the treatise i allude to (on the art of virtue) will
necessarily fulfil the chief of my expectations; and still more so if you take up
the measure of suiting these performances to the several views above stated. should
they even prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours hopes from
them, you will at least have framed pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever
gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, has added so much to the fair
side of a life otherwise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain.
in the hope, therefore, that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in this
letter, i beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc
signed, benj. vaughan.
10continuation of the account of my life, begun at passy, near paris, 1784
it is some time since i receiv'd the above letters, but i have been too busy
till now to think of complying with the request they contain. it might, too, be
much better done if i were at home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and
help to ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain and having just now a little
leisure, i will endeavor to recollect and write what i can; if i live to get home,
it may there be corrected and improv'd.
11not having any copy here of what is already written, i know not whether an
account is given of the means i used to establish the philadelphia public library,
which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable, though i remember to
have come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). i will therefore begin
here with an account of it, which may be struck out if found to have been already
given.
12at the time i establish'd myself in pennsylvania, there was not a good
bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward of boston. in new york
and philad'a the printers were indeed stationers; they sold only paper, etc.,
almanacs, ballads, and a few common school-books. those who lov'd reading were
oblig'd to send for their books from england; the members of the junto had each a
few. we had left the alehouse, where we first met, and hired a room to hold our
club in. i propos'd that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where
they would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but become a common
benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd to read at home.
this was accordingly done, and for some time contented us.
13finding the advantage of this little collection, i propos'd to render the
benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription library. i drew
a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful
conveyancer, mr. charles brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of
agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum
down for the first purchase of books, and an annual contribution for increasing
them. so few were the readers at that time in philadelphia, and the majority of us
so poor, that i was not able, with great industry, to find more than fifty persons,
mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each,
and ten shillings per annum. on this little fund we began. the books were imported;
the library wag opened one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their
promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. the institution soon
manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. the
libraries were augmented by donations; reading became fashionable; and our people,
having no publick amusements to divert their attention from study, became better
acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better
instructed and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other
countries.
14when we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which were to be
binding upon us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, mr. brockden, the scrivener,
said to us, \"you are young men, but it is scarcely probable that any of you will
live to see the expiration of the term fix'd in the instrument.\" a number of us,
however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null by
a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company.
15the objections and reluctances i met with in soliciting the subscriptions,
made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one's self as the proposer of any
useful project, that might be suppos'd to raise one's reputation in the smallest
degree above that of one's neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to
accomplish that project. i therefore put myself as much as i could out of sight,
and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about
and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading. in this way my affair
went on more smoothly, and i ever after practis'd it on such occasions; and, from
my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. the present little sacrifice of
your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. if it remains a while uncertain to
whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged to
claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those
assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner.
16this library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for
which i set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in some degree the
loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. reading was the only
amusement i allow'd myself. i spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any
kind; and my industry in my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was
necessary. i was indebted for my printing-house; i had a young family coming on to
be educated, and i had to contend with for business two printers, who were
established in the place before me. my circumstances, however, grew daily easier.
my original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his
instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of solomon, \"seest
thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand
before mean men,\" i from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth
and distinction, which encourag'd me, tho' i did not think that i should ever
literally stand before kings, which, however, has since happened; for i have stood
before five, and even had the honor of sitting down with one, the king of denmark,
to dinner.
17we have an english proverb that says, \"he that would thrive, must ask his
wife.\" it was lucky for me that i had one as much dispos'd to industry and
frugality as myself. she assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and
stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags for the papermakers,
etc., etc. we kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture
of the cheapest. for instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no
tea), and i ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. but
mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle:
being call'd one morning to breakfast, i found it in a china bowl, with a spoon of
silver! they had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost
her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other
excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her husband deserv'd a silver spoon
and china bowl as well as any of his neighbors. this was the first appearance of
plate and china in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth
increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in value.
18i had been religiously educated as a presbyterian; and tho' some of the
dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of god, election,
reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and i early
absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, sunday being my studying
day, i never was without some religious principles. i never doubted, for instance,
the existence of the deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his
providence; that the most acceptable service of god was the doing good to man; that
our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded,
either here or hereafter. these i esteem'd the essentials of every religion; and,
being to be found in all the religions we had in our country, i respected them all,
tho' with different degrees of respect, as i found them more or less mix'd with
other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm
morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another.
this respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induc'd
me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might
have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd in people, and new places
of worship were continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary
contributions, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never
refused.
19tho' i seldom attended any public worship, i had still an opinion of its
propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and i regularly paid my
annual subscription for the support of the only presbyterian minister or meeting we
had in philadelphia. he us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to
attend his administrations, and i was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for
five sundays successively. had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps i
might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion i had for the sunday's leisure
in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or
explications of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry,
uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or
enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us presbyterians than good
citizens.
20at length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of
philippians, \"finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure,
lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these
things.\" and i imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having
some morality. but he confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the
apostle, viz.: 1. keeping holy the sabbath day. 2. being diligent in reading the
holy scriptures. 3. attending duly the publick worship. 4. partaking of the
sacrament. 5. paying a due respect to god's ministers. these might be all good
things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that i expected from that
text, i despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and
attended his preaching no more. i had some years before compos'd a little liturgy,
or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, articles of
belief and acts of religion. i return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the
public assemblies. my conduct might be blameable, but i leave it, without
attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not
to make apologies for them.
21it was about this time i conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of arriving
at moral perfection. i wish'd to live without committing any fault at any time; i
would conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me
into. as i knew, or thought i knew, what was right and wrong, i did not see why i
might not always do the one and avoid the other. but i soon found i had undertaken
a task of more difficulty than i had imagined. while my care was employ'd in
guarding against one fault, i was often surprised by another; habit took the
advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. i
concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest
to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the
contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we
can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. for this purpose
i therefore contrived the following method.
22in the various enumerations of the moral virtues i had met with in my
reading, i found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different writers included
more or fewer ideas under the same name. temperance, for example, was by some
confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the
moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or
mental, even to our avarice and ambition. i propos'd to myself, for the sake of
clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few
names with more ideas; and i included under thirteen names of virtues all that at
that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short
precept, which fully express'd the extent i gave to its meaning.
these names of virtues, with their precepts, were:
temperance: eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.
 silence: speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling
conversation.
order: let all your things have their places; let each part of your business
have its time.
resolution: resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you
resolve.
frugality: make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; i.e., waste
nothing.
industry: lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all
unnecessary actions.
sincerity: use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you
speak, speak accordingly.
justice: wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your
duty.
moderation: avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think
they deserve.
cleaniness: tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.
tranquillity: be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or
unavoidable.
chastity: rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness,
weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation.
humility: imitate jesus and socrates.
23my intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, i judg'd it
would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to
fix it on one of them at a time; and, when i should be master of that, then to
proceed to another, and so on, till i should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as
the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain
others, i arrang'd them with that view, as they stand above. temperance first, as
it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary
where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the
unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations.
this being acquir'd and establish'd, silence would be more easy; and my desire
being to gain knowledge at the same time that i improv'd in virtue, and considering
that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the
tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit i was getting into of prattling,
punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, i gave
silence the second place. this and the next, order, i expected would allow me more
time for attending to my project and my studies. resolution, once become habitual,
would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; frugality
and industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and
independence, would make more easy the practice of sincerity and justice, etc.,
etc. conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of pythagoras in his golden
verses, daily examination would be necessary, i contrived the following method for
conducting that examination.
24i made a little book, in which i allotted a page for each of the virtues. i
rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the
week, marking each column with a letter for the day. i cross'd these columns with
thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one
of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, i might mark, by a little
black spot, every fault i found upon examination to have been committed respecting
that virtue upon that day.
form of the pages:
★★★★
★★★★
 ★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
25i determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues
successively. thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least
offence against temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance,
only marking every evening the faults of the day. thus, if in the first week i
could keep my first line, marked t, clear of spots, i suppos'd the habit of that
virtue so much strengthen'd and its opposite weaken'd, that i might venture
extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both
lines clear of spots. proceeding thus to the last, i could go thro' a course
compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. and like him who, having a
garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which
would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time,
and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so i should have, i
hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress i made in
virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a
number of courses, i should he happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen
weeks' daily examination.
26this my little book had for its motto these lines from addison's cato:
here will i hold. if there's a power above us
(and that there is all nature cries aloud
thro' all her works), he must delight in virtue;
and that which he delights in must be happy.
27another from cicero:
o vitae philosophia dux! o virtutum indagatrix expultrixque vitiorum! unus
dies, bene et ex praeceptis tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus.
28another from the proverbs of solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue:
length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honours.
her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. (iii,. 16, 17).
29and conceiving god to be the fountain of wisdom, i thought it right and
necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end i formed the
following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of examination, for daily
use.
o powerful goodness! bountiful father! merciful guide!
increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest.
strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates.
accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for
thy continual favors to me.
30i used also sometimes a little prayer which i took from thomson's poems,
viz.:
father of light and life, thou good supreme!
o teach me what is good; teach me thyself!
save me from folly, vanity, and vice,
from every low pursuit; and fill my soul
with knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;
sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!
ww Ｗ．xia Ｏ shuo txt.nett!xt-小说天\堂

第5章
 1“秩序”这一美德要求每件事情都有其分配的时间，我的小本子里有一页记载有一天 24 小时的作息时间表。
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
2 我每天按照这个计划进行自我检视，坚持了一段时间，只是偶尔有所间断。我很惊讶地发现我自己的缺点比
我想象的多多了，但是我也很开心地看到它们慢慢地变少了。为了避免不断地制作小册子的麻烦，我就把纸上的
老过失擦掉以便腾出空地方来进行新的循环。这样，小本子就变的到处是洞了。我把画有表格和写有诫言的纸换
成备忘录用的厚纸。线是用红墨水画的，这样就更经久耐用，我用黑色的铅笔在上面记录我的过失，可以很容易
就用海绵擦掉。一段时间以后，在一年内我完成了一个循环，后来几年才完成一个循环，最后，我就完全废弃了
这种做法。因为在外旅行或者出国公干的时候，有很多事情要做，但我总是把那本小本子带在身边。
3 我那个“秩序”的计划给我带来的麻烦最多。我发现，对一个能够支配自己时间的人来说，这个计划是可行
的，比如，一个印刷工；但对一个生意人来说，就不太可行了，因为他要到处出差，接见随时来访的客人。秩序，
对于东西的摆放来说，我发现也是很难做到的。我早年的时候，拥有超过常人的记忆力，我还感觉不到没有秩序
乱放东西的不便。因此，这项计划花了我不少心血。我在它上面所犯的错误让我很恼怒，我在这方面的进步也非
常小，而且老毛病老是复发，我都几乎想放弃这个计划了，而满足于在那个方面有缺陷的品德了。这就像我的邻
居买了一把斧头，他希望斧身和斧刃一样亮。铁匠答应如果他愿意摇砂轮的话，他就替他把斧身磨的和斧刃一样
亮。于是，我的邻居就去摇那个砂轮，由于铁匠把斧头的宽面紧紧地压在旋转的砂轮上，摇那个砂轮就很费力了。
那个人不时地从砂轮那头跑过来看下进度到哪里了，最后他宁愿不磨了，就把那个斧头拿走。铁匠说：“不行，
继续，继续，再摇下，我们马上就可以把它磨亮了。现在只有一点斑点了。” “但我想有斑点的斧头是最好的”，
邻居回答铁匠道。我想许多人都是这样的，由于他们没有使用我上面使用的方法，他们发现要破除坏习惯，获得
好品性是很难的，最终他们就放弃努力了，给出的结论是“有斑点的斧头是最好的”。某些似乎是理智的东西不
时在提醒我，像我这样对美德的吹毛求疵可能是一种道德上的纨绔习气，如果大家知道了的话，会认为我是很可
笑的。这种所谓的完美品格还可能招致妒忌和怨恨。一个仁慈的人应该允许在他身上有些瑕疵，以固全他朋友的
颜面。
4 事实上，我发现我自己在“秩序”这方面实在是不可救药。我现在人老了，记忆力也衰退了，我感觉自己很
需要“秩序”这个东西。但是，总的说来，我从来没有达到我想要达到的那个程度，而且差的很远。但是，通过
努力，我现在却比我没有努力前更快乐，更好。这就像那些为了获得完美书法而临帖写字的人，尽管他们从来达
不到他们所临帖的那样好，但是，通过努力，他们的书法得到了改进，字写的不错了，而且还越来越清晰好看。
5 我的子孙如果知道他的祖先就是靠了这个小计划，在上帝的庇佑下而获得了一生的幸福，到今天他已经 79
岁了，还在写他的自传，那我就很欣慰了。至于我晚年还会遭遇什么厄运，那就只有天知道了，但是，就算厄运
真的临头，他过去的岁月中所享有的快乐也足以让他顺天由命了。
6“节制”使他长寿，到现在他的身体还很不错。“勤奋”与“节俭”使他很早就有个好的环境，拥有不菲的
财富。拥有知识使他成为一个有用的公民，使他在知识界拥有一定的知名度。“真诚”与“正义“使他得到了国
家的信任，让他担任种种体面的职位。这些美德加起来的总影响就算不能达到一种完美的境界，也可以使他的谈
吐平和、愉悦。那些都使他的伙伴们很喜欢他，甚至也俘获了年轻人的心。因此，我希望，我的后代能够遵循这
些教导，收获利益。
7 我现在想说的是，尽管我的计划并不是完全没有宗教成分，但是在其中，绝对没有任何个别宗教的特殊教义。
我是有意避免这样做，因为我充分相信我这样做的效用和优势。那样就对所有的教派都是适用的。由于我还打算
什么时候把它拿去出版，我绝不能允许在里面有对其他教派的偏见，以至被人反对。我还打算为每一项美德写点
评注，以向人展示拥有这项美德的好处，走向其反面的坏处。并且我会把我的这本是取名为《德性的艺术》，因
为它会告诉人们获得美德的方法和方式。这将使它和那些仅仅告诉人们什么是好，却不告诉人们怎么样才可以
“好”的书区分开来。就像那些口头上的慈善家，他们只会对那些没有衣服穿，没有饭吃的人说“要吃好穿好”，
却不告诉人们怎么样到那里可以得到这些。
 8 但是我打算撰写和出版这些评注的计划从来没有实现。事实上，我确实不时记下自己的一点感想、评论等，
以备以后使用，其中的一些东西还在我手上。但是，由于我早年必须要密切注意我的生意，其后又有很多公务，
这样我就时常把它往后拖。我觉得这是一个非常宏大的计划，要求一个人投入全部的精力去做才行。一连串没有
预料的事情把这件事情拖延了下来，因此到现在为止还没有完成。
9 在这一部分，我本来打算阐释和强调这样一个理论，那就是，邪恶的东西有害并不是因为它在被禁止之列；
它之所以被禁止，是因为它本身是有害的。单从人性方面来考虑，就算是在这个凡间，利益和美德也是统一的。
因此，从这一点出发（在这个世界上总是有许多富商、贵族、国家和王侯需要诚实的人去做管理工作，而这种诚
实又太罕见了。），我努力使年轻人相信世间上除了诚实和正直没有什么东西可能使一个穷人变得富有。
我开始所列的美德只有 12 项，但是后来一个教友会的朋友好心告诉我，大家普遍都觉得我很骄傲。我的骄傲
时时在我们的谈话中表现出来。当我在讨论问题的时候，我不满足于仅仅正确，还很盛气凌人，甚至还有点傲慢
无礼。他给我举了几个事例来证实。我决心下苦功在克服其它缺点的同时克服这个缺点或者说愚蠢的行为。于是，
我把谦逊加到我的计划里去，并且赋予其广泛的内涵。
10 我不敢吹嘘自己在“谦逊”方面取得了多么了不起的成就，但从表面上看来我却进步不小。我绝不说出直
接和别人意见相反的话，绝不断然肯定自己的意见，这是我给自己定的铁律。我甚至照搬“讲读俱乐部”的老办
法来规制自己，不得使用诸如“肯定”、“毫无疑问”等等表示肯定的词。我使用的替代词汇是“我认为”、
“按我的理解来看”、“我觉得这件事情是这样的”或者“我现在觉得”等等。当一个所说的东西我觉得是错误
的时候，我并不粗暴地驳斥他的意见以得到驳斥的快感。我也不会立即指出他的陈述里面荒谬的东西。我会对他
说，据考察，他的论点在一定情况和环境里可能是正确的，但是，在目前条件下，好像似乎有点问题等等。我不
久就发现改变说话方式带来的好处了。我和别人的谈话进行的更愉快了。我谦逊的谈话态度使得我的意见更容易
获得他们的接受和更少的抵触。我讲错话了也不会引起什么羞辱。当我的意见碰巧正确的话，我就更加容易让对
方放弃了他们的错误，而和我站在一起。
11 这种方式，起初做起来觉得十分别扭，后来渐渐适应，渐渐习惯了，这或许是因为在过去的 50 年没有人
听我说过一句武断的话吧。在我早年，我提出一个建立新制度的建议，或者修改旧制度都能获得大家的采纳，后
来成为议员后，这个建议在公众中也颇有影响，我想这主要应该归功于我谦逊的品质（抛开我诚实正直的品质来
讲）因为我不是个雄辩演说家，选词造句总犹豫不决，在言语上很难表达我正确的思想，尽管如此，我的主张仍
然得到人们的支持。
12 其实在现实中，人类的自然情感没有一种比骄傲更难驯服的了，尽管我们欺骗它，与它斗争，把它打倒，
闷死它，高兴的时候想怎么修理就怎么修理它，可是它却依然存在，还不时地冒出来炫耀炫耀，简直难断其根。
比如，甚至像我这样自认为已经完全克服了骄傲的人也许由于我的谦卑而又骄傲起来。
（以上写于帕西，1741 年）
131788 年 8 月，现在我在家里开始动笔了，许多笔记大多已在战争中散失，因而不能写的像我想象中的那么
好。然而，所幸还是找到了下面这一些。
就这里所给出的计划和对象而言，这个计划看起来是正确的。它第一次出现在我的脑海里，是以下的片断，
我把它们偶然地保存了下来。
1731 年 5 月 19 日，在图书馆，我观察到我所阅读的历史。
14 世界上的重大事件如战争，革命等大都由政党推进或影响。
这些政党的见解大都代表了他们当前大部分人的利益，或者正是他们要着手获取的。
不同政党之间的不同政见是混乱之源。
15 当一个政党在实施他伟大的蓝图时，党内每个成员心目中都有权保留他独特的个人利益。
在政党获得他的较大的目标后，每个成员如果都坚持要求得到他的那份利益甚至不惜践踏他人的利益，这就
会给党造成分裂，因而也会引起更大的混乱。
不管他们嘴上怎么说，政界中的人是很少只从国家利益这一目的来做事的。尽管他们的行为对他们的国家有
真正的好处，但是人们仍然会从整体上看待个人和国家利益的，并不纯粹是出于爱国热诚。
16 在政界中能为人类利益服务的几乎少得可怜。
在我看来，当前很有必要把各国有德行而又善良的人组成一个正规的团体，名为“联合道德党”，由明智的、
恰当的理论来领导，党员们要服从这样的党章。这些善良而又明智的人，如果和普通人遵守普通法相比，当然能
更自觉地遵守党章了。
目前我认为假如有一个德高望重的人来试办这样的党，他必然会得到上帝的赐福，一定会办成功！！
本杰明·富兰克林
17 我常在心里寻思，当我一有空闲的时间就从事这一工作。因而在筹划前期我就不时地把那些偶尔出现在我
脑海里的构想记下来。可惜的是，这些笔记大部分也遗失了。但我找到了一个原拟为教条草案要旨的文件，其中
包含了一些我当时认为是各派宗教的精髓的东西，它摈弃了一切引起各教派信徒都反对的东西。原文如下：
天地万物皆由上帝创造。
上帝以天道总控万物。
世人应对上帝充满崇拜，感恩之情，祈祷上帝庇佑。
但是上帝最喜欢对人行善。
灵魂永存。
不管在今生或来世，上帝都惩恶扬善。
18 当时我的这一理念还是个秘密，只对年青的单身汉宣传，每一个加入的信徒不但要宣布接受这些教条，而
且应当按照前述方式，对于那些美德要接受 13 个星期的考查和实践。这一组织的存在应当暂时保密，直到信徒增
加到相当人数时为止，以防坏人申请入教，但是信徒们应当在友人中物色悟性较强、性情温和的青年，逐步审慎
地告诉他们关于这一组织的计划。信徒们应当保证在个人的利益、事业和发展中互相劝勉、协助和支持。这一组
织将定名为“自由自如会”所谓自由，系指由于普遍地养成了实践美德的习惯以后人们能脱离罪恶的统治而言，
特别是只在养成了勤俭的美德后人们可以避免负债，负债使人有遭受拘禁和成为债主奴隶的危险。
19 关于这一计划我所能记起来的就只有这些了。我记得我曾经把一部分计划告诉过两个年轻人，他们相当热
情地支持这样做；但是由于我当时境遇困顿，必须兢兢业业地操持业务，因此当时不得不把这计划的进一步执行
留待日后。后来又由于千头万绪的公私事物缠身，使我一再延期，直到后来我已没有足够的精力和时间来从事这
一事业。可是，至今为止我还认为这是一个切实可行的计划，如果能够把许多好公民组织起来，可能是一件十分
有益的事。同时，我也没有被这件事的外在艰巨所吓倒。而我一向认为一个人只有具有坚忍的能力才能促成伟大
的变革，才能在人世间做一番伟大的事业，假如他一开始就能制定一个好的行动计划，摈弃一切足以分散他注意
力的娱乐和其它工作，把执行计划当做他惟一的目标和工作。
20 在 1732 年我第一次使用了理查德·桑得斯的名字出版了我的历书。一直持续了 25 年之久，一般叫做《穷
理查德历书》。我设法使它既有趣又有用，因此它大受欢迎，使我从中获利不少，每年的销售量高达一万册。大
多数人都在读这本书，在宾西法尼亚以及附近几个州几乎每几家中就有一本，因而我就认为这是在普通人民中间
进行教育的一种恰当的工具，那时的人几乎就只买这本书。因此我把成语箴言印在历书中重要的日子空白处，这
些箴言主要是关于勤俭致富而获得美德之类的，因为一个人要长期坚持诚实廉洁是比较困难的，在这里引用一句
成语来说吧：“一只空袋子是不容易站的笔直的。
21 这些谚语，来自各个民族、各个时代智慧的精华，我把它们收集起来写成一篇文章印在了 1757 年的历书
首页，作为一个明智的老人在参加一个拍卖活动时向公众所做的一篇长篇大论。将这些分散的箴言收集在一起相
信能对人们产生更大的影响。因此这篇文章受到了普遍的好评，几乎美洲的所有报纸都全篇转载它，在英国，人
们用巨幅的纸张翻印了它，并把它张贴在家里以示警戒，在法国，它有两个译本，贵族和牧师们也大量购买并把
它们免费赠送给贫苦的教区居民和佃户们。在宾西法尼亚，因为它反对把钱财浪费在外国奢侈品上，因而人们认
为在它出版后的几年里市场上的货币的增长跟它的影响是分不开的。
22 我的报纸，我认为也是进行教育的一种手段，因此我常在报上转载《旁观者》或其他有关伦理道德的文章
摘要。有时候我也发表一些我自己的短文，它们原先是为“密社”中讨论而撰写的。我的文章有一篇是用苏格拉
底式的对话体写成的，旨在证明一个坏人不管他的资质和才能如何，如果道德品质低劣，他就不能真正成为一个
明达的人。另一篇论自制克己，指出在培养某种品德时，要直到该美德成为一种习惯，而且还不能受与它相反的
嗜好干扰时才算成功。这些文章大约可以在 1735 年初的报上找到。
23 在经营我的报纸过程中，我小心地避免登载一切诽谤性的和带有人身攻击意味的文章，这种诽谤和污蔑近
年来已成为我们国家一种莫大的耻辱。当人们要求我刊登这一类的东西时，作者也总理直气壮地说，我们有出版
自由，报纸有如公共马车，任何人只要他愿意出钱都可以在上面占一个位子。我也不客气地回敬：假如他愿意，
我可以为他单独发行，但由他自己分发，他需要多少份我都可以办到，而我没有义务替他散播毁谤。因为既然我
跟我的订户订了合同，承诺向他们提供一些有益或是有趣的东西，那么我就不能在他们的报纸上刊登与他们无关
的私人口角。假如我这样做，我就是违约的，虽然他们不会责备我，而显然这样是对他们不公道的。眼下在我们
报纸发行这个行业中有许多人，为了满足个别人士发泄怨恨的要求，毫不犹豫地刊登一些无事生非的污蔑性的文
章，毁谤我们中间一些品德最优秀的人，挑拨是非，甚至引起决斗。此外，有些报纸甚至随便地刊登一些文章指
责和评判邻国政府和我国最好的盟国政府的政治措施，而这些评论又是非常愚蠢粗鄙的，这种举动可能会引起巨
大的灾难性的后果。我提这些事，是为了告诫年轻的报纸发行人，切不可贪眼前的一时痛快而毁掉自己报纸的前
程。他们应当坚决地抵制这样病态的要求，因为从我的例子中可看到：拒绝刊登侮辱性的文章从长远来看，是不
会和他们的利益相违背的。
241733 年我派了我的一个职工去南卡罗来纳州的查里斯顿，因为那里需要一家印刷铺。我向他提供了一架印
刷机和一些铅字，跟他订了一个合伙合同，我担负三分之一的开销，同时他要向我缴纳三分之一的利润。他是个
博学的人，诚实廉洁，但美中不足的是不懂会计。所以有时候他会汇款给我，但我却得不到他详细的财务账目。
甚至到他死都没得到过一个令人满意的、有关我们合伙情况的账目报告。在他死后，他的遗孀继续管理印刷所的
事物。她是荷兰人，且在荷兰长大。据说，在荷兰会计是妇女受教育的一部分。她不但对以往的收支做了一个尽
可能清楚详细的报告，并且以后每季按时寄来十分精确的报告。在她的管理下，印刷所的事业相当成功，而且，
她不但把一家孩子都养育成人，在合伙期满后，还能够把印刷所从我这盘了过去，令她的儿子继续经营。
25 我提这件事旨在向我们女性推荐这门学科，万一以后不幸寡居，这门知识比起那些音乐或者舞蹈对她们和
她们的子女来说应该更有用。它使她们不至于受坏人的欺骗而遭受损失，甚至使她们能够靠着已经建立起来的通
信关系继续管理一家赚钱的商店，直到她们的儿子长大后，能够继续经营事业时为止，这样对家庭只有好处没有
坏处。
26 约在 1734 年一个叫韩博希的年轻传教士从爱尔兰跑到我们这里来传道。他声音洪亮，而且讲起道来，即
使没有准备也能讲得口若悬河，头头是道。他的讲道吸引了相当数量不同教派的人，他们异口同声地赞美他，我
跟那些人一样，经常去听他讲道。我喜欢他的传教，因为他不会照本宣科，而是以生动的例子来劝人为善、广积
功德。但是我们信徒当中有些自命为正统派长老会信徒的人，强烈反对他的看法；大多数年长的牧师都参加了这
一派，并且向长老会的宗教议会提出控告，指责他为异端学说，并要禁止他在这里传教。我那时也是他热烈的拥
护者，并且尽我的力量来协助他，把拥护他的人组织起来，我们为他战斗了一个时期，那时候倒满怀胜利的希望！
双方都在这时候进行了不少笔战。我发现虽然他是一个极其雄辩的传教士但文章写的却不行，因此我替他捉刀，
代他写了两三本小册子和一篇论文，于 1735 年 4 月在《公报》上发表。这些小册子像其它的普通争论性文章一样，
虽然当时风行一时，事后却很快无人问津了。我想，现在可能连一本也找不到了吧。
27 在论争中发生了一件不幸的事，极大地损害了他的形象。对方有一个人，在听完他的一篇大受人们赞美的
讲道以后，觉得以前在什么地方读到过类似的文章，至少有一部分曾经见过。经过一番搜索后，那人在一本英国
的评论中找到了那段说教的详细引文，原来这是引自浮士德博士的讲道文，这一发现使我们当中许多人看不起他，
因此不再支持他了，这样我们在宗教议会中的斗争很快失败了。但我始终支持他，因为我宁可听他念别人写的优
秀的讲道文，也不愿听他自己杜撰的恶劣的说教，尽管我们普通的传教士都是自己写讲道文。后来他向我坦白说
他的说教全都不是自己写的，他还说他的记忆力过人，任何讲道文一经过目，就能成诵。我们被击溃后，他就离
开了这里，到别处碰运气去了，我也离开了这个教会，以后再也没加入这一教会了，可多年以来，我依然捐献维
持这一教会的牧师们。
281733 年我开始学习法语。不久我便获得了足够的法语知识，能够顺利地阅读法语书籍。接着我又学习意大
利语。当时一个朋友也在学习意大利语，他常约我下棋。可这下棋的时间超过了我原定的学习时间，我不得不拒
绝再跟他下棋了，除非有个这样的条件，那就是：每盘棋的胜利者有权指定一种作业，不论是语法方面的背诵还
是句子的翻译，失败的一方要保证在我们下次下棋之前做好作业。因为我们的棋艺不相上下，这样我们就相互把
意大利语灌输到各人的头脑中去了。以后我又花了点时间去学西班牙语，也能阅读西班牙语书籍了。
29 我在上面已经提到过，在我幼年时曾在拉丁语学校里学过一年拉丁文，后来我就完全把它置之脑后了。但
当我熟悉了法语，意大利语和西班牙语后，再翻阅一本拉丁文圣经时，我出乎意料地发现，我所掌握的拉丁文远
比我想象的多，这就鼓励了我再去专心学习拉丁文，我的收获很大，因为以前学过的几种语言大大地替我铺平了
道路。
30 从这种情况来看，我觉得我们通常教外语的方式有些问题。有人建议，我们学习语言应从拉丁文开始，在
学会了拉丁文后再学习由拉丁文演变而来的现代语言就会容易得多了。这种方法未尝不合理。但是，为了更顺利
地学习拉丁文，我们为什么不可以从希腊文或其它的什么文开始呢？当然，假如你能不用台阶就能攀到顶点，然
后再从顶端往下走是比较容易的。但是毫无疑问，假如你从最简单的部分开始学习，循序渐进，那样也很容易攻
克最难的部分。许多人学拉丁文，学了几年后毫无成绩就把它丢开了，他们所学的几乎没什么用处，还白白浪费
了几年光阴。因此，我就建议主管我们青年教育的当局考虑是否应当从个别的语言开始，比如法语，意大利语等
等，然后再学拉丁语。就这两种情况我们可以设想一下：假如花同样的时间，虽然都没有把拉丁语学好，但后一
种情况我们至少可以学会一种或两种外语，而这些语言是现代社会通用的，所以即使没有学会拉丁文，我们在日
常生活中还是可以用到它们，而不比前一种方法——时间花了却什么也没学到。
31 我离开波士顿已经 10 年了，现在我的生活也较宽裕了，因此，我回了一趟老家，故地重游，走亲访友。
在这以前我还没有充裕的财力做这样的旅行，这一次也算荣归故里吧！在回来的路上，我又去新港看了一下哥哥，
这时他已经把他的印刷铺搬到那里去了。一见面，过去的旧嫌宿怨统统冰释了，真是相逢一笑泯千仇啊！兄弟毕
竟是兄弟！哥哥的身体已不如从前了，他的健康每况愈下。他可能预料到自己的大限已不远了，对我有个请求，
也算临终遗愿吧，让我在他死后照顾好他年仅 10 岁的儿子，并使之子继父业。我答应了，我先送他读了几年书，
然后再让他学印刷业。他母亲那时继续经营印刷所的业务，直到他成年。他成年后，我送了一套新铅字给他，因
为他父亲留下来的铅字有点磨损了。这样我也终于能弥补当初，我过早地离开哥哥而给他带来的种种损失了。
321736 年，我一个可爱的儿子，那时才 4 岁，因感染天花而夭折了。在相当长的一段时期内，我痛心疾首，
陷在深深的悔恨当中，直到现在，我都无法原谅自己为什么不给他事先种痘。提这件伤心的往事，是为了提醒那
些不替孩子们种痘的父母。万一孩子因种痘而死，做父母的当然无法原谅自己，可是不种痘，我的例子业已证明，
孩子也有同样的危险！种痘比不种痘来说，相对生的机会大一些，因此，他们理应选择一条危险较少的道路。
33 我们的这个社团，是一个非常有益的组织，她的会员们也十分满意。有些会员就想介绍他们的朋友来入会，
但是假如这样做，那就会超过我们早先决定的适当限额，也就是，12 人。从一开始我们的社团就是秘密的，这一
点我们都信守承诺。这样做是为了我们社团的纯洁，免得坏人混进社团，可是有些人我们难以拒绝。我，作为反
对放宽限额的人员之一，折中了一下做了书面建议，提议每个会员应该分头组织一个附属社团，拟订相同的讨论
规则，但是不得泄露它与本社团的联系。这个办法的优点是：更多的青年公民可以利用我们的社团获得提高，在
任何时候，我们也可以更好地了解一般民众的意见，因为我们社团的会员可以在分社中提出我们研究的论题，并
且把各分社讨论的经过、结果向社团报告；通过这样集思广益的方式，我们社团每个人在事业上都可以得到提高。
而且我们还可以把社团的主张和看法辐射到各分社中去，这样一来，我们的政治影响和为社会服务的力量也得到
了加强。
34 这个建议被采纳了，每个会员就开始组织他的分社团，但是也并不是每个人都能成功，只有 5、6 个分社
组织起来了，它们的名称五花八门，像“葛藤社”、“协会”、“群社”等。他们不但对会员自己有益，而且给
了我们不少的好处，比如提供消遣，扩大信息量，增加教益等，同时，在很大程度上与我们原先的期望相去不远，
在某些特殊的事件上对公众的舆论也有相当的影响，以后在适当时候我还要举出一些这类的事例。
351736 年，我当选为州议会秘书，这是我生平第一次获得升迁。第一年我倒是获得了一致通过，但到了第二
年，当我又一次被提名时（秘书的任期，跟议员的任期一样都是一年），一个新议员，为了另一个候选人的当选，
发表了一篇长篇演说反对我，但我最后还是当选了。我心里自然很高兴，因为除了秘书职位本身的薪水外，我还
可以利用这个职位做些生意，赚些外快。比如我可以同那些议员保持联系，进而招揽印刷选举票、法律条文、纸
币和其它零星的公家生意。这些生意，总的来说，利润是相当丰厚的。
36 我由衷地宁愿这位议员没有反对过我，因为他不但是个财主，受过教育，而且还很能干，日后必定成为议
会中很有影响的人物。后来事实果然印证了这点。我不想对他阿谀奉承以期获得他的青睐，但也不想和他就此结
怨下去。后来我采取了另一种方案。我听说他的藏书中有一本稀珍，当时就写了一张便笺给他，表示我很想看那
本书，希望他能借给我看几天。他立刻把它寄来了，大约过了一星期我把书还给他，并附了一张便笺，热烈地表
示我的谢意。至此以后，我和他的关系有了转机，后来我们在议会中见面时，他还跟我打招呼了（他以前从不如
此），而且十分殷情有礼。从此以后，他在任何时候都愿意帮我，我们也因此成了知己，我们的友谊一直持续到
他生命结束。这又一次证明了我以前听到的一句古老的格言，它说：“假如一个人帮了你一次忙，那么以后他会
比受过你恩惠的人更乐意帮助你。”同时，这件事也表明冤家宜解不宜结。
371737 年，施保次乌上校，维吉尼亚的前任州长，当时的邮政总局局长，因不满意费城邮务代办在处理帐册
方面的疏忽失职，而革了他的职，之后提议我继任。我欣然接受了。后来发现这个职位对我大有裨益，虽然它的
薪水很少，但是它方便了通信的往来，间接地改进了报纸，因而使得报纸的发行量增加了，进而也招来了更多的
广告，结果这一连锁好的反应，使得这一职位大大地增加了我的收入。而作为我多年劲敌的那家报馆，却相应地
衰败了，当年他在当邮务代办期间不允许骑师给我递送报纸。我对他这行为没有采取打击报复，因为这职位所带
来的收益已使我心满意足了。会计在生活中是相当有用的，这个费城邮务代办没有对会计给予相当的重视，而给
自己带来了无尽的麻烦就是个很好的例子。年轻人应该谨记这个教训，我们将来如果替别人做事，就该把财务理
得一清二楚，规规矩矩地上缴款额。做到这一点，他的品德就是他最有力的推荐书，可以为他谋到更好的职位，
招来更多的生意。
38 我开始把精力稍稍转到公共性质的事物上了。我先从小事入手。费城的巡逻制度是我认为急需加以整顿的
事项之一。巡逻原由各区的警官轮流负责，警官预先通知若干户主在夜里跟他一起巡逻，那些不愿巡逻的人每年
必须出 6 先令，才可以免去这一差事。这些钱原定是雇佣代替人来巡逻的，但是实际上，却远远超过了现实的需
要，这就使得警官这一职位成为一个肥缺。警官们常常收罗一些乞丐无赖，给他们喝点酒，就叫他们一起去巡逻，
但有一定地位的户主却不愿与他们为伍。巡逻制度也常常被忽略了，那些巡逻的人大多数的夜晚是在喝酒中度过
的。为此我写了一篇论文，准备在社团内宣读，指出这些不正常的情况，特别强调警察征税的问题，他们征税的
时候不问纳税人的经济情况，一律征收 6 先令，这样一来就不公平了，因为一个穷苦的寡妇，她需要保护的全部
财产加起来恐怕也超不出 50 磅，而她所付的巡逻税却和一个万贯家财的富商是一样的。
39 总得来说，我提出了一个较为有效可行的巡逻制度：即雇佣适当的人经常从事巡逻工作；对费用问题我也
提出了较为公平的解决办法，就是按照财产的比例课税。经过社团内部会员同意后，这一观点下传给各分社团，
作为各分社的提议。虽然这一计划并未立刻实行，但在变革人们的思想观点上我们做了准备，也为日后那条法律
的通过铺平了道路。那条法律通过后，我们社会员的地位已经日渐重要了。
40 大概就在这时候我写了一篇论文（先在社团内部宣读，后来发表了），论及酿成火灾的各种疏忽和防火须
知，并劝人们小心火烛，大家都认为这是一篇好文章。因此，为了迅速扑灭火灾以及在发生危险时相互协助搬运
和保管货物起见，就产生了组织消防队的一个计划。不久有 13 个人愿意参加这一组织。根据我们的协议，每一队
员必须经常保持一定数量适用的皮水桶，结实的袋子和筐子（以便装货物）；一有火灾就必须立刻把它们运到现
场。我们还决定每月开一次讨论会，讨论和交换我们所想出的有关防火的意见和想法，这些对我们在救灾时或许
有用。
41 消防队的作用不久就很明显了。愿意加入的人大大地超过了我们预想每队的适当人数。因此，我们就建议
他们另外再组织一个，他们照办了。这样新的消防队组织一个接一个地多了起来，大多有房产的居民都加入了进
来，真的有如雨后春笋！截止到我写本文的这个时候，这个叫做“联合消防队”的组织已经有 50 多年了，现在它
还很活跃，即使第一批队员大部分都已过世，只剩下我和另外年纪较我长一岁的人还在。队员因不出席每月的例
会而交纳的小额罚金都用来购置救火车、消防梯和其它对消防队员有用的器械。我猜想世界上不会有其它比费城
扑灭火灾更为迅速的城市了。事实上，自从组织了这些消防队后，费城从未有过烧毁一两间住房以上的大火灾了，
通常也只在起火的房屋烧掉一半以前，火焰就被扑灭了。
421739 年，怀特菲尔德牧师从爱尔兰来到我们这里，他是那儿的著名的巡回传教士。一开始他还被允许在这
里的某些教堂传教，但是牧师们相当讨厌他，不久就禁止他在我们这讲道了，所以他就不得不在露天场合传教了。
千千万万不同教派的人都去听他传道，我也是其中之一。他的演说对听众具有非常巨大的影响，而且尽管他常常
辱骂他们，说他们天生是一半畜生一半魔鬼，但他们还是非常赞美和尊敬他。这点我真是有点百思不得其解。他
的传教对我们当地风俗习惯的变化起了极大的作用，真令人惊叹！原来我们这些人认为宗教是无足轻重、可有可
无的，现在全转变过来了，好像人人都是宗教迷了；每当夕阳西下，假如这时候你到城里各处走一遭，就会听到
每条街上，每个家庭都在唱赞美诗。
43 露天集会常受天气的影响，很不方便，所以就有人提出了建造教堂的主张，这主张一提出，筹款人一定，
马上就筹到了购买地皮修建教堂的足够款项。这个教堂长 100 英尺，宽 70 英尺，面积大约与威斯敏斯忒教堂相当。
这项工程做的热火朝天，建得相当神速，短时期内便完工了。全部房产一概归教堂董事会管理，并且明文规定，
不管是信仰何种宗教的教士，只要是对费城人民传教时，就都可以使用该教堂，因为该教堂的修建原不是为了某
一教派的方便而是为了全体人民的利益。所以假使君士坦丁堡的伊斯兰教要派一个传教士向我们宣扬伊斯兰教，
他也可以使用这个教堂。
 44 怀特菲尔德先生离开我们以后沿路布道，经过各个殖民地直到佐治亚，佐治亚的殖民地刚建不久，那里的
移民大多不是吃苦耐劳的庄稼汉，而是惟一不得不忍受垦殖艰苦的那些破产的商人以及他们的家属，还有其他的
破产的债务人。其余的便是一些好吃懒做的或者刚从监狱里放出来的人，这些人住在荒天野地后，因为不善垦殖，
不能忍受开荒的艰苦生活，大批地死亡了，留下了一大群孤苦无依的儿童。看到这种悲惨的情况后，怀特菲尔德
先生仁慈的心大受震动，就想在那里开办一个孤儿院来抚养和教育这些孩子。因此他就北上宣传这一慈善事业并
且募捐，因为他仁慈的心，天才的演讲，听众除了心悦诚服地慷慨解囊别无他法，我就是其中一个。所以他募集
了大量的捐款。
45 我并不反对他这个计划，但是因为佐治亚在那时缺乏建筑材料和工人，有人提议花钱把材料和工人从费城
运过去。我想假如把孤儿院建在这里，把孩子们接过来不是更好吗？于是我就向他提出这个建议，可是遗憾的很，
他还是坚持原先的计划，不听我的劝告。因此我就拒绝捐款。不久后，我有一次偶尔听到他为筹款而布道，就暗
地里下了个决心，一个小钱也不给，那时我口袋中有少量的铜币，3、4 块银圆和 5 块金币。当他讲的时候，我开
始软化了，我决定把铜币给他。接着他的三寸不烂之舌又使我感到惭愧，觉得铜币太少了，就决心把银币给他，
但是当他结束时，我把口袋里的钱如数倒入捐盘中，包括金币和其它的一切。同时听道的还有我们社团的一个会
员，他也像我一样，不赞成在佐治亚修建孤儿院，他猜想也许会被感动而捐款，所以为了预防起见，他从家里出
来之前把口袋里的钱全倒出来了。不过在传道快要结束的时候，他十分想捐点钱，他就请站在他旁边的一个邻居
借钱给他捐。但是不幸的是他的邻居也许是吃了秤砣铁了心，完全不为怀特菲尔德先生的演讲所动，并且说：
“在任何时候，霍布金逊兄，您要借多少，我都借给你，但是现在不行，因为您好像中了蛊惑了！”
46 怀特菲尔德先生的某些对头故意宣称他是想把这些捐款占为己有，但是我和怀特菲尔德先生很熟（他常叫
我替他印刷讲道文，日记等），我从不怀疑他诚实廉洁的品质，直到今天，我仍坚信他的所作所为是诚实的。我
想我为他作证，人们应当更加相信，因为我和他不属于同一教派。虽然他也曾经为我的改变信教而祈祷过，但是
这祈祷好像从来没有奏效过，但这丝毫没影响我们之间的关系。我们的关系仅仅是一种世俗的友谊关系，双方都
诚恳相处，这种友谊一直持续到他死为止。
47 接下来的事例或许可以说明我和他之间的关系仅仅是世俗的友谊，他有一次从英国到了波士顿，写信给我
说不久要到费城来，但是不知道在费城的逗留期间内可以在什么地方落脚，因为他听说从前招待他的老朋友——
贝内舍先生已经搬到日尔曼镇去了。我在回信上说：“你知道我的住址，假如你不嫌简陋的话，欢迎光临！”他
回信说：“假如你是看在基督的面上愿意竭诚招待我，上帝一定会祝福酬劳你。”我回答他说：“不要把我弄错
了，我不是看在基督的面上，而是看在你的面子上。”我们的一个熟人知道后开玩笑道：“按圣徒们的习惯，他
们受了别人的恩惠的时候，总把人情记在天上，不愿说他们自己领了情，而你呢，却偏把它记在地上”。
48 上次在伦敦遇见了怀特菲尔德先生时候，他跟我谈起了孤儿院房屋的问题，他说他打算把这些建筑用来开
办一所大学。
49 他讲话时声音洪亮清晰，每字每句的发音十分清晰，站在老远地方的人也可以听得清楚他的话，特别是不
管他的观众多么多的时候，人们都鸦雀无声地听着。有天晚上，他站在法院台阶上面传道，法院位于市场街中段
和第二街西段，这两条街成直角。当时两条街上远远地站满了人。我站在市场街的末端，我想知道他的声音究竟
可以传得多远，我一直向河边、向反方向走，我发现他的声音一直到离前街不远的地方还可以听得清楚，当我跑
到前街时，街上的嘈杂声才把它盖住了。当时我就想：假如以我和他的距离作一个半圆，当中站满听众，假定每
人占地两平方英尺，我算了一下，至少有 3 万人可以听到他的讲话。这时我才相信报纸的记载，说他曾经在旷野
里对 2.5 万人传道。古代历史中也曾记载着将军们向全军作全军动员的演说，过去我也将信将疑，这时我终于相
信了。
50 因为我经常听他讲道，所以我能很好地分清哪些是他刚写好的说教，哪些是他在旅行中已经讲过多次的稿
子。因为讲过很多次，所以他用后一类稿子传教的话，讲演的效果就会很好。每个词的重音和每一句的重音把握
的十分恰当，声调抑扬顿挫，十分优美，即使一个人对他演讲的内容不感兴趣，也会对他那种语调感到赏心悦目，
这种赏心悦目恰如优美的音乐带给我们的感觉一样。这是云游牧师比住家牧师有利的地方，因为后者不能反复使
用同样的一篇稿子来说教，藉此来改进他演讲时的声调和姿态。
51 他偶尔发表的一些文章却大大地助长了他对手的气焰。假如在演讲时不小心说错了或者甚至提出了错误的
观点，以后还可以解释，或是因上下文的关系而对它的意义加以限制，或者直接加以否认，但是文字的证据是很
难磨灭的。他的对手就猛烈地攻击他的文章，他们的批评似乎也很有道理，这样他的信徒就减少了，他们的人数
也不再增长了。因此我认为假如他不曾发表什么文章，他的信徒一定会多得多，他建立的教派一定会更重要，同
时他的声誉即使在他死后也许还会不断增长，因为没有文章就没有什么证据，也无从加以谴责和毁谤，他的信徒
们就可以任意想象他具有一连串的优秀品质，因为他们热烈地崇拜他，当然希望他具有这些高贵品质了。
part 5
1the precept of order requiring that every part of my business should have its
allotted time, one page in my little book contain'd the following scheme of
employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day:
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
★★★★
2i enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and continu'd
it with occasional intermissions for some time. i was surpris'd to find myself so
much fuller of faults than i had imagined; but i had the satisfaction of seeing
them diminish. to avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which,
by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a
new course, became full of holes, i transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory
leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made
a durable stain, and on those lines i mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil,
which marks i could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. after a while i went thro'
one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length
i omitted them entirely, being employ'd in voyages and business abroad, with a
multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but i always carried my little book with
me.
3my scheme of order gave me the most trouble; and i found that, tho' it might
be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the disposition of
his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be
exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people
of business at their own hours. order, too, with regard to places for things,
papers, etc., i found extreamly difficult to acquire. i had not been early
accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, i was not so sensible of
the inconvenience attending want of method. this article, therefore, cost me so
much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and i made so little
progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that i was almost ready to
give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect,
like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neighbour, desired to have the
whole of its surface as bright as the edge. the smith consented to grind it bright
for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad
face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very
fatiguing. the man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went
on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. \"no,\"
said the smith, \"turn on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it
is only speckled.\" \"yes,\" said the man, \"but i think i like a speckled ax
best.\" and i believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for want
of some such means as i employ'd, found the difficulty of obtaining good and
breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle,
and concluded that \"a speckled ax was best\"; for something, that pretended to be
reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as i
exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known,
would make me ridiculous; that a perfect character might be attended with the
inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a
few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance.
4in truth, i found myself incorrigible with respect to order; and now i am
grown old, and my memory bad, i feel very sensibly the want of it. but, on the
whole, tho' i never arrived at the perfection i had been so ambitious of obtaining,
but fell far short of it, yet i was, by the endeavour, a better and a happier man
than i otherwise should have been if i had not attempted it; as those who aim at
perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-
for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is
tolerable while it continues fair and legible.
5it may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice,
with the blessing of god, their ancestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life,
down to his 79th year, in which this is written. what reverses may attend the
remainder is in the hand of providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past
happiness enjoy'd ought to help his bearing them with more resignation.
6to temperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what is still left to
him of a good constitution; to industry and frugality, the early easiness of his
circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that enabled
him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among
the learned; to sincerity and justice, the confidence of his country, and the
honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the joint influence of the whole
mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all
that evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his
company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. i hope,
therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit.
7it will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without religion,
there was in it no mark of any of the distingishing tenets of any particular sect.
i had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and
excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all
religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, i would not have any
thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. i purposed
writing a little comment on each virtue, in which i would have shown the advantages
of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and i should have
called my book the art of virtue, because it would have shown the means and manner
of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to
be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's
man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or
where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.—
james ii: 15, 16.
8but it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment
was never fulfilled. i did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the
sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which i have still
by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of
thy life, and public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it
being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project, that required the
whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my
attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd.
9in this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that
vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because
they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, every
one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even in this world; and i
should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich
merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for
the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to
convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's
fortune as those of probity and integrity.
my list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a quaker friend having
kindly informed me that i was generally thought proud; that my pride show'd itself
frequently in conversation; that i was not content with being in the right when
discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he
convinc'd me by mentioning several instances; i determined endeavouring to cure
myself, if i could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and i added humility to
my list giving an extensive meaning to the word.
 10i cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but i
had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. i made it a rule to forbear
all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of
my own. i even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our junto, the use of
every word or expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as
certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and i adopted, instead of them, i conceive, i
apprehend, or i imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears to me at present.
when another asserted something that i thought an error, i deny'd myself the
pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity
in his proposition; and in answering i began by observing that in certain cases or
circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear'd or
seem'd to me some difference, etc. i soon found the advantage of this change in my
manner; the conversations i engag'd in went on more pleasantly. the modest way in
which i propos'd my opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less
contradiction; i had less mortification when i was found to be in the wrong, and i
more easily prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when i
happened to be in the right.
11and this mode, which i at first put on with some violence to natural
inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for
these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. and
to this habit (after my character of integrity) i think it principally owing that i
had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when i proposed new institutions,
or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when i became a
member; for i was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in
my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet i generally carried my
points.
12in reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to
subdue as pride. disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it
as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and
show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if i could
conceive that i had compleatly overcome it, i should probably be proud of my
humility.
（thus far written at passy, 1741.）
13i am now about to write at home, august, 1788, but can not have the help
expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. i have, however, found
the following.
having mentioned a great and extensive project which i had conceiv'd, it seems
proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. its
first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally
preserv'd, viz.:
observations on my reading history, in library, may 19th, 1731.
14that the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried
on and affected by parties.
that the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they
take to be such.
that the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion.
15that while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his
particular private interest in view.
that as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member becomes
intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks that party
into divisions, and occasions more confusion.
that few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of their country,
whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring real good to their
country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country's interest
was united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence.
 16that fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind.
there seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a united party
for virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular
body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may
probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than common people are to common
laws.
i at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well qualified,
can not fail of pleasing god, and of meeting with success.
b. f.
17revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my
circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, i put down from time to time,
on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me respecting it. most of these
are lost; but i find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed)
containing, as i thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of
every thing that might shock the professors of any religion. it is express'd in
these words, viz.:
that there is one god, who made all things.
that he governs the world by his providence.
that he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving.
but that the most acceptable service of god is doing good to man.
that the soul is immortal.
and that god will certainly reward virtue and punish vice either here or
hereafter.
18my ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at first
among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated should not only
declare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the
thirteen weeks' examination and practice of the virtues) as in the before-mention'd
model; that the existence of such a society should he kept a secret, till it was
become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper
persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for
ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should
be gradually communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice,
assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests,
business, and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd the
society of the free and easy: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of
the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of
industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a
species of slavery to his creditors.
19this is as much as i can now recollect of the project, except that i
communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but
my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity i was under of sticking close to my
business, occasion'd my postponing the further prosecution of it at that time; and
my multifarious occupations, public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing,
so that it has been omitted till i have no longer strength or activity left
sufficient for such an enterprise; tho' i am still of opinion that it was a
practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of
good citizens; and i was not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude of the
undertaking, as i have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work
great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good
plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his
attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business.
20in 1732 i first publish'd my almanac, under the name of richard saunders; it
was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly call'd poor richard's
almanac. i endeavor'd to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly
came to be in such demand, that i reap'd considerable profit from it, vending
annually near ten thousand. and observing that it was generally read, scarce any
neighborhood in the province being without it, i consider'd it as a proper vehicle
for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other
books; i therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr'd between the
remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as
inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby
securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly,
as, to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand up-
right.
21these proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, i
assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the almanac of 1757, as
the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. the bringing all
these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression.
the piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the
continent; reprinted in britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two
translations were made of it in french, and great numbers bought by the clergy and
gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. in
pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some
thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money
which was observable for several years after its publication.
22i considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating
instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the
spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little pieces of my
own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our junto. of these are a
socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and
abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a
discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice
became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. these
may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.
23in the conduct of my newspaper, i carefully excluded all libelling and
personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country.
whenever i was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded,
as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a
stagecoach, in which any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was,
that i would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as
many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that i would not take upon me
to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to
furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, i could not fill
their papers with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing
them manifest injustice. now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying
the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among
ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover,
so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring
states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended
with the most pernicious consequences. these things i mention as a caution to young
printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace
their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see
by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to
their interests.
24in 1733 i sent one of my journeymen to charleston, south carolina, where a
printer was wanting. i furnish'd him with a press and letters, on an agreement of
partnership, by which i was to receive one-third of the profits of the business,
paying one-third of the expense. he was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant
in matters of account; and, tho' he sometimes made me remittances, i could get no
account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. on
his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in
holland, where, as i have been inform'd, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of
female education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the
transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity and
exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success,
that she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the expiration
of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son
in it.
25i mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch of
education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them and their
children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by preserving them
from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a
profitable mercantile house, with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown
up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of
the family.
26about the year 1734 there arrived among us from ireland a young presbyterian
preacher, named hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently
extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together considerable numbers of
different persuasion, who join'd in admiring them. among the rest, i became one of
his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical
kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious
stile are called good works. those, however, of our congregation, who considered
themselves as orthodox presbyterians, disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by
most of the old clergy, who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order
to have him silenc'd. i became his zealous partisan, and contributed all i could to
raise a party in his favour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes of
success. there was much scribbling pro and con upon the occasion; and finding that,
tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, i lent him my pen and wrote for
him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the gazette of april, 1735. those
pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read
at the time, were soon out of vogue, and i question whether a single copy of them
now exists.
27during the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly. one of
our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he
had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. on search he found
that part quoted at length, in one of the british reviews, from a discourse of dr.
foster's. this detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned
his cause, and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. i stuck by
him, however, as i rather approv'd his giving us good sermons compos'd by others,
than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho' the latter was the practice of our
common teachers. he afterward acknowledg'd to me that none of those he preach'd
were his own; adding, that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat
any sermon after one reading only. on our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of
better fortune, and i quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho' i
continu'd many years my subscription for the support of its ministers.
28i had begun in 1733 to study languages; i soon made myself so much a master
of the french as to be able to read the books with ease. i then undertook the
italian. an acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd often to tempt me to play
chess with him. finding this took up too much of the time i had to spare for study,
i at length refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in
every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to
be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to
perform upon honour, before our next meeting. as we play'd pretty equally, we thus
beat one another into that language. i afterwards with a little painstaking,
acquir'd as much of the spanish as to read their books also.
29i have already mention'd that i had only one year's instruction in a latin
school, and that when very young, after which i neglected that language entirely.
but, when i had attained an acquaintance with the french, italian, and spanish, i
was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a latin testament, that i understood so much
more of that language than i had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself
again to the study of it, and i met with more success, as those preceding languages
had greatly smooth'd my way.
30from these circumstances, i have thought that there is some inconsistency in
our common mode of teaching languages. we are told that it is proper to begin first
with the latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain those
modern languages which are deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the greek,
in order more easily to acquire the latin. it is true that, if you can clamber and
get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain
them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more
ease ascend to the top; and i would therefore offer it to the consideration of
those who superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who
begin with the latin quit the same after spending some years without having made
any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that
their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the
french, proceeding to the italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same time,
they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the latin, they would,
however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be
serviceable to them in common life.
31after ten years' absence from boston, and having become easy in my
circumstances, i made a journey thither to visit my relations, which i could not
sooner well afford. in returning, i call'd at newport to see my brother, then
settled there with his printing-house. our former differences were forgotten, and
our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. he was fast declining in his health,
and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far
distant, i would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to
the printing business. this i accordingly perform'd, sending him a few years to
school before i took him into the office. his mother carried on the business till
he was grown up, when i assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his
father being in a manner worn out. thus it was that i made my brother ample amends
for the service i had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early.
32in 1736 i lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the small-
pox, taken in the common way. i long regretted bitterly, and still regret that i
had not given it to him by inoculation. this i mention for the sake of parents who
omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves
if a child died under it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either
way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.
33our club, the junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction to
the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could
not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number,
viz., twelve. we had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a
secret, which was pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of
improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult
to refuse. i was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but,
instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately should
endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc.,
and without informing them of the connection with the junto. the advantages
proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our
institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the
inhabitants on any occasion, as the junto member might propose what queries we
should desire, and was to report to the junto what pass'd in his separate club; the
promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation,
and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by
spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the junto.
34the project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club, but
they did not all succeed. five or six only were compleated, which were called by
different names, as the vine, the union, the band, etc. they were useful to
themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction,
besides answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public
opinion on particular occasions, of which i shall give some instances in course of
time as they happened.
35my first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the general
assembly. the choice was made that year without opposition; but the year following,
when i was again propos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a
new member made a long speech against me, in order to favour some other candidate.
i was, however, chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for
the immediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping
up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me the business of printing the
votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the
whole, were very profitable.
36i therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a
gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to give him, in
time, great influence in the house, which, indeed, afterwards happened. i did not,
however, aim at gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to him, but, after
some time, took this other method. having heard that he had in his library a
certain very scarce and curious book, i wrote a note to him, expressing my desire
of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of lending it to me
for a few days. he sent it immediately, and i return'd it in about a week with
another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favour. when we next met in the
house, he spoke to me (which he had never done before), and with great civility;
and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we
became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. this is another
instance of the truth of an old maxim i had learned, which says, \"he that has once
done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself
have obliged.\" and it shows how much more profitable it is prudently to remove,
than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings.
37in 1737, colonel spotswood, late governor of virginia, and then postmaster-
general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at philadelphia,
respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, took
from him the commission and offered it to me. i accepted it readily, and found it
of great advantage; for, tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the
correspondence that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number demanded, as well
as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable
income. my old competitor's newspaper declin'd proportionably, and i was satisfy'd
without retaliating his refusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being
carried by the riders. thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting;
and i mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ'd in managing
affairs for others, that they should always render accounts, and make remittances,
with great clearness and punctuality. the character of observing such a conduct is
the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of
business.
38i began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning,
however, with small matters. the city watch was one of the first things that i
conceiv'd to want regulation. it was managed by the constables of the respective
wards in turn; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the
night. those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd,
which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more
than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit;
and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a
watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. walking the
rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. i
thereupon wrote a paper, to be read in junto, representing these irregularities,
but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the
constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow
housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed
the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had
thousands of pounds worth of goods in his stores.
39on the whole, i proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men
to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable way of supporting the
charge the levying a tax that should be proportion'd to the property. this idea,
being approv'd by the junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in
each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet,
by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law
obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more
influence.
40about this time i wrote a paper (first to be read in junto, but it was
afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses
were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of avoiding them.
this was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon
followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and
mutual assistance in removing and securing the goods when in danger. associates in
this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. our articles of agreement
oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain
number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and
transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to
meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and
communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be
useful in our conduct on such occasions.
41the utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be
admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form
another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed
after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants
who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of
fifty years since its establishment, that which i first formed, called the union
fire company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members are all
deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year than i am. the small fines that
have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to
the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for
each company, so that i question whether there is a city in the world better
provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in
fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or
two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house
in which they began has been half consumed.
42in 1739 arrived among us from ireland the reverend mr. whitefield, who had
made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. he was at first permitted
to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon
refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. the
multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his sermons were enormous,
and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the
extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir'd
and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them that
they were naturally half beasts and half devils. it was wonderful to see the change
soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. from being thoughtless or indifferent
about religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so that one
could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in
different families of every street.
43and it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its
inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner propos'd, and
persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon receiv'd
to procure the ground and erect the building, which was one hundred feet long and
seventy broad, about the size of westminster hall; and the work was carried on with
such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected.
both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any
preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the
people at philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any
particular sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the mufti of
constantinople were to send a missionary to preach mohammedanism to us, he would
find a pulpit at his service.
44mr. whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro' the colonies
to georgia. the settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of
being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people
fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other
insolvent debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who,
being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure
the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless
children unprovided for. the sight of their miserable situation inspir'd the
benevolent heart of mr. whitefield with the idea of building an orphan house there,
in which they might be supported and educated. returning northward, he preach'd up
this charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power
over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which i myself was an instance.
45i did not disapprove of the design, but, as georgia was then destitute of
materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from philadelphia at a
great expense, i thought it would have been better to have built the house here,
and brought the children to it. this i advis'd; but he was resolute in his first
project, rejected my counsel, and i therefore refus'd to contribute. i happened
soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which i perceived he
intended to finish with a collection, and i silently resolved he should get nothing
from me, i had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver
dollars, and five pistoles in gold. as he proceeded i began to soften, and
concluded to give the coppers. another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of
that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that i
empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. at this sermon
there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building
in georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution,
emptied his pockets before he came from home. towards the conclusion of the
discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour,
who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. the application was
unfortunately （made） to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness
not to be affected by the preacher. his answer was, \"at any other time, friend
hopkinson, i would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of
thy right senses.\"
46some of mr. whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would apply
these collections to his own private emolument; but i who was intimately acquainted
with him (being employed in printing his sermons and journals, etc.), never had the
least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he
was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man, and methinks my testimony in his
favour ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. he us'd,
indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of
believing that his prayers were heard. ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on
both sides, and lasted to his death.
47the following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood.
upon one of his arrivals from england at boston, he wrote to me that he should come
soon to philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he
understood his old friend and host, mr. benezet, was removed to germantown. my
answer was, \"you know my house; if you can make shift with its scanty
accommodations, you will be most heartily welcome.\" he reply'd, that if i made
that kind offer for christ's sake, i should not miss of a reward. and i
returned, \"don't let me be mistaken; it was not for christ's sake, but for your
sake.\" one of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be
the custom of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the
obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, i had contriv'd to
fix it on earth.
48the last time i saw mr. whitefield was in london, when he consulted me about
his orphan house concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment
of a college.
49he had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so
perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as
his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact silence. he preach'd one
evening from the top of the court-house steps, which are in the middle of market-
street, and on the west side of second-street, which crosses it at right angles.
both streets were fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. being among
the hindmost in market-street, i had the curiosity to learn how far he could be
heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and i found his
voice distinct till i came near front-street, when some noise in that street
obscur'd it. imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the
radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom i allow'd two square
feet, i computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. this
reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five
thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing
whole armies, of which i had sometimes doubted.
50by hearing him often, i came to distinguish easily between sermons newly
compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of his travels. his
delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent,
every emphasis, every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well
plac'd, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being
pleas'd with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd
from an excellent piece of musick. this is an advantage itinerant preachers have
over those who are stationary, as the latter can not well improve their delivery of
a sermon by so many rehearsals.
51his writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his
enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in
preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by supposing others
that might have accompani'd them, or they might have been deny'd; but litera
scripta monet. critics attack'd his writings violently, and with so much appearance
of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so
that i am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind
him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in that case
have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his
writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes
would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellence as their
enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed.
www.xiaoshuotxt.nett*xt-小%说^天.堂!

第6章

1 我的生意越来越多了，我的生活状况也一天比一天富裕了，因为我的报纸利润丰厚，有一段时期它是本州和
邻近各州惟一的报纸。我的经历再次证明这句格言：“获得第一桶金后，赚第二桶就轻而易举”，资本会自己增
殖的。
2 在卡莱罗纳州建立成功的合作关系后，我大受鼓舞，在其它州也尝试着这样做，并且提升一些做的好的工人，
给他们提供一些资源，让他们按卡莱罗纳州的合作模式在其它殖民地建立印刷所。他们中的大多数都做的很成功，
且在六年的合同期满后能从我这里购买铅字继续经营，许多的家庭也因此过的还好。许多合作关系最后都是在争
吵中结束的，我很庆幸我的合作都在友善的氛围中进行，结局也很令人欣慰。我想这应归功于我的未雨绸缪，事
先签订合同，在合同中非常明确地说明双方应尽的义务和应有的权利，这样发生争执的情况就很少了。因此，我
想劝所有合伙创业的人都采取这种方式来预防争执，因为不管当初合作时双方多么尊敬，多么信任，日后也免不
了小小的猜忌和抱怨，以及在照料业务和承担事物方面所产生的不平等之感等等，这样很容易引起友谊和合作关
系的破裂，甚至发展到对簿公堂等其它不愉快的境地。
 3 总体上来说，我对我在宾西法尼亚建立的一切事业感到还算满意，不过，有两件事我觉得比较遗憾，那就是：
这里没有安全防务，也没有一所教育青年的高等学府；没有民兵队，也没有大学。因此，1734 年我就提议建立一
所高等学校，当时有一个彼得斯牧师正失业，我就想，他当然会是管理这样一个学校的适当人选，所以就把这个
计划告诉了他，但是他想替地主服务，赚大钱，而且成功地谋到了一个这样的职位，所以他拒绝了我的请求。因
为当时想不出其他适合这个职位的人选，所以就把这个计划暂时搁置下来了。第二年，也就是 1744 年，我提议成
立了一个哲学研究会，为此还写了篇论文，将来我的文集出版的时候你们会看到它。
4 至于防务问题，西班牙跟大不列颠打了几年仗，最后法国终于也参加到西班牙那边去了，这使得我们的处境
十分险恶。我们的州长托马斯曾经不辞辛劳地试图说服在教会控制下的州议会，通过一条民兵法和制定一些保障
本州的安全措施，但是他的努力都付之东流。因此我就设法试着从民间征募义勇军。为了推进这件事，我首先撰
写并发表了一本小册子，定名为《平凡的真理》。在这本小册子里我强调指出我们毫无防备的情形，指出为了我
们的州防，我们必须征兵和训练军队，并且相约在几天之内组建义勇军，广泛征求队员来加强国防。这本小册子
产生了令人意想不到的惊异的效果。有人向我提交要加入义勇军的志愿书，我跟几个朋友商定了一个志愿书草样
后，就在前面提过的大教堂里召开了一个市民会议。教堂里差不多坐满了人。我预先印好了入队志愿书，在教堂
各处也预备了笔墨。我向他们做了一些关于国防讲话，读了志愿书上的项目并加以解释，之后就把它们分发出去，
大家便在志愿书上踊跃签名，一点反对的意思都没有。
5 散会以后，志愿书收了上来，我们数了一下，大概有 1200 张以上。另外还有分发到其它各地去的志愿书，
这样加起来大概有 1 万张以上。这些人尽速地自备枪械，自己编队，自选长官，每周集合一次，进行体力训练和
其它的军事训练。妇女们自发捐献丝绸军旗，并在上面绣上了各种不同的图案和格言，这些图案和格言都是我提
供的。
6 组成费城联队的各团军官推举我做他们的团长，考虑到我对这个位置不合适，我就拒绝了他们的盛情，之后
我推荐了劳伦斯，一个非常棒，且相当有影响力的人！于是军官们采纳了我的意见，请他做他们的长官。接着我
提议发行奖券集资，在城南修建炮台和装配大炮。资金迅速地凑足了，炮台也不日完工，墙垛是用原木做成的，
里面填上泥土。我们从波士顿买来了几尊旧大炮，光这几尊还是远远不够的，因此我们写信到英国去订购，同时
向私人军火商求援，当然我们对此也没抱有太大的希望。
7 同时，我和劳伦斯将军、威廉·艾伦先生、亚布拉罕·泰勒先生被派到纽约向克林顿州长借几尊大炮。他一
开始坚决地拒绝了我们。后来按照当地的风俗，我们宴请了他和他的顾问班子，在餐桌上几杯烈性的白葡萄酒下
肚后，他的态度逐步地软化了下来，他说愿意借给我们 6 尊。接着满饮几杯后，他把数目增至 10 尊，最后他十分
优厚地答应让给我们 18 尊。他借给我们的是质地上乘的可以发射 18 磅的重磅大炮，还包括坚固的炮架。没过多
久。我们便把它们运回来装在我们的炮台上。在战争期间，联合部队每夜在炮台上放哨守望，我跟其他队员像一
个普通的士兵一样按时轮班值勤。
8 我在这些活动中的表现受到了州长和他参议会的嘉许和欢迎。他们对我相当信任，总向我咨询有关有益于军
团训练的措施。为了在宗教上得到支持，我建议他宣布一个斋戒日，以促进军队的改良和祈求上帝对我们所进行
的事业的祝福。他们很拥护这一主张，但是因为在宾西法尼亚历史上没有举行过斋戒日，所以秘书找不到前例可
循，不知道应该怎样起草这个文告。我在新英格兰求过学，在那里每年都会举行一个斋戒日，这点好处正好可以
利用一下。所以，我就按那里的传统格式起草了一篇文告，译成德文，用德英两种文字印刷出来，向全州公布。
这也就给各教派的牧师们提供了一个机会去鼓励他们的信徒们参加联合军队。假如不是因为战事很快地结束了的
话，也许除了教友会以外的各个教派都会积极地参加联合军队呢！
9 我的一些朋友认为，我在那些事件中的活动，会冒犯宗教，这样的话会丧失我在议会中的地位，因为教会的
人在议会中占大多数。有一个年轻的绅士，在州议会里有些朋友，因而想把我挤走，继任我那个议会秘书的职位，
于是就对我说，议员们已经决定在下次选举时把我免职，他好意劝我辞职，因为辞职比免职要体面些。我礼貌地
回敬他：我曾经听说过一个政治家，他有一个处事原则，即他从不谋求职位，但是当别人请求他任职时，他也从
不拒绝。我赞成他的原则只是还得往上再加一小点：我从不请求职位，从不拒绝职位，同时也从不辞职。假如他
们把我这个秘书的职位交给别人，他们有权免我的职，我也不会因此感到难为情，但是我坚决不辞职，而放弃在
适当时候向我的对手报复的权利。后来再也没听到过这样的事了，在接下来的选举中我还是当选了，而且像往常
一样全体一致通过的。这件事我想可能是州议会的议员们不喜欢我近来跟州长的参议会走得太近，因为历任州长
与他的参议会在军事准备问题上和州议会一向有分歧，州议会对此也比较头痛。议员们不愿意仅仅因为我热心办
军事训练而把我免职，但是他们又找不到其它合适的借口，只好希望我自动离开议会。
10 其实，我有理由相信假如参议会没要求州议会积极协助的话，他们双方也不会反对国防建设的。我发现有
很多人，虽然反对侵略性的战争，但是不会反对防御性质的战事，实际上这样的人比我想象的还要多。关于国防
问题双方发表了许多小册子，有一些赞成国防的小册子还是一些优秀的教友会的教友写的。这些文章说服了大多
数年轻的教友会教友。
11 有件事让我了解了消防队大多数人的看法。有人提议为了资助炮台的建设起见，我们想用当时消防队的约
60 镑的资金来购买彩票。根据当时我们的法律规章，动用资金必须在提案提出后的下一届会议中通过才行，消防
队有 30 会员，其中 22 个是教友会的教友，仅仅 8 个会员属于其它教派。我们 8 个人准时出席了会议，虽然我们
知道有些教友会教友将站在我们这一边，但是我们的主张最终究竟会不会获得通过，我们还没有十足的把握。只
有一个教友会教友——詹姆士·莫里斯先生，出席反对这一提案。他对于这一提案的提出深表惋惜，因为这个提案
所有教友会的教友都反对，它引起了各派的争执，这种纷争或许会导致消防队的解散。我们向他解释，这样的结
果是不太可能的，因为我们是少数派，假如教友会的教友反对这一提案，在投票表决时票数多于我们，按照议事
规则我们必须服从多数，而且别无选择。讨论提案的时候到了，于是有人提议进行表决，按规章我们可以在那个
时候表决，但是他确信有许多教友会教友是会来投反对票的，为了公正起见，我们就应该等他们一小会儿。
12 当我们正在争论时，一个侍者跑来告诉我楼下有两位绅士要见我。我跑下楼一看，原来是我们消防队的两
个教友会教友，他告诉我还有 8 位会友在附近的一家酒馆里，如果有必要的话，他们会来参加会议和我们一起投
赞成票，但是他不希望出现这样的局面。因为如果他们投赞成票的话，他们的长者和朋友们和会责难他们。所以
我们如果可以不用他们出席而通过议案的话就不要叫他们来协助。这样一来，我们胜出的把握就又多了一成了，
我回到楼上，假装犹豫了一阵后就同意延长一小时。莫里斯先生认为这样做是十分公正的，但是他的同盟者一个
也没有来，这使他十分诧异也十分恼火。1 小时以后我们就以 8︰1 的多数票通过了这一议案。因为在 22 个教友
会成员中，8 个愿意跟我们投赞成票，13 人弃权，表示他们不愿意投反对票，所以按照我的估计，我认为真正反
对国防的教友会教友的比例仅是 1∶21。这些不愿投反对票的教友全是教友会的忠实信徒，在他们中间声誉颇佳，
而且也都知道这次开会要讨论的议程。
13 一位德高望重、博学多才的洛根先生，他一直是教友会教友，他写了一封致教友会教友的公开信，在信中
他支持修建防御性工事，并且言之有理，持之有据。并且交给我 60 镑为炮台去购买奖券，并且言明如果彩票中奖，
奖金全部捐作修建炮台之用。关于防御性工事，他随后告诉了我一个关于他以前的东家威廉·潘的故事。他年轻的
时候，跟着他的老板威廉·潘从英国漂洋过海来到美洲，那时他只是个秘书。碰巧那时是个狼烟四起的多事之秋，
有一只武装了的船紧紧地追赶着他们的船，他们猜想那是一条敌船。船长于是下令开始准备抵抗，但他告诉威廉·
潘和他的教友会随从说，不指望得到他们协助，他们可以呆在甲板上也可以躲到舱里。于是他们都下去了，只有
詹姆士·洛根一个人留了下来，他宁愿呆在甲板上。船长就命令他看守一尊炮。这个假想的敌船，实际上是一只友
好的船只，所以没有爆发战争。但是当这位秘书下去报告消息的时候，威廉·潘严厉地责备他的行为，说他违反了
教友会的教规，参加船的保卫工作，特别是因为船长并没有要求他这样做。威廉·潘当着众人的面责骂他，惹恼了
这位秘书，他说：“我是你的仆人，你为什么不命令我下去呢？但是当情势危急时，你很乐意我留在上面协助保
卫船只啊！”
14 州议会中的成员绝大多数都是教友会的教友，而且一向都是教友会教友，我在议会多年，常常看到当国王
命令他们通过增加军费预算时，由于他们原则上反对战争，所以他们做决定的时候左右为难。因为，一方面，他
们不愿意得罪英王政府而直接了当地拒绝拨款，另一方面，他们也不愿意顺从国王的意旨，违背他们的原则，而
触怒他们教友会的朋友。因此他们想出各种各样的托词来推脱，而每当无处可逃非顺从不可时，他们就会想出各
种欲盖弥彰的方法来。最常用的方法是在“供国王的应用”的名义下通过拨款，但从不过问该款的具体用途。
15 但是假如请求拨款的命令不是直接从国王那来的，这个借口就不太适用了，他们就不得不另外想出一些花
样来。比如，新英格兰的政府因缺乏火药（我想是为了防守路易堡）请求宾西法尼亚拨给一些火药，托马斯州长
极力主张州议会应当加以援助，但是州议会无法明目张胆地拨钱给其买火药，因为火药是战争的要素之一，但是
他们可以在支援新英格兰购买粮食、面粉或其它粒状物的名义下拨款 3000 英镑，款项由州长掌握。有些参议会议
员想给州议会更多的麻烦，劝州长不要接受这笔款项，因为它不符合要求，但是州长回答说：“我接受这笔钱，
因为我了解它的实际意义。所谓其它粒状物就是指火药。”因此他拿来购买了火药，州议会也从不反对州长这样
处理。
 16 在我们消防队里，当我们担心购买奖券的议案不能通过时，我就想到了这件事，我对我的朋友辛格先生
（我们的一个队员）说：“假如我们的提议通不过的话，就让我们提议用这笔钱来购买一架防火机器吧，教友会
教友不会反对这件事的，接着你就提我的名，我提你的名，我们俩就组成委员会去购买，到时就买他一尊火炮，
这当然也是一架“防火机器”呀！”他说：“你在州议会呆了那么久，终于也有进步了。你这双关的计划简直可
以与他们的‘粮食或其它粒状物’相媲美了”。
17 教友会把反对任何战争作为他们信守不渝的一条原则肯定下来并把它向社会公布出去了，虽然在后来的活
动中他们改变了主张，但是当时这些反战原则已经有言在先，所以不可能轻易地推翻它，免得在公众中落个出尔
反尔的形象。教友会的进退维谷的窘境让我想起了我们中间的一个教派，叫做德国浸礼会，他们采取了一种在我
看来是比较审慎的态度。这个教派成立后不久，我就认识了它的创始人之一的迈克尔·魏尔菲。他向我诉苦说，其
他教派的狂热信徒无端地诬蔑他们，说他们有一些令人憎恶的信条和习惯，其实这完全是无中生有。我告诉他说，
这对新教派是常有的事，为了消灭这些无端的污蔑，最好就是把你们的信条和教规公布一下。他说，这样的建议
在他们中间也曾经有人提过，但是因为下面的缘故他们不愿意这样做。他说：“当我们这一教派刚成立时，蒙上
帝的启示，使我们看到某些过去我们认为是真理的教条现在实在是谬误的，而有些我们过去认为是错误的现在看
起来却是真理，上帝不时指引着我们，我们的教规在不断地改进，我们的错误在不断地减少。但是我们不敢断定
我们的进步就已经登峰造极，我们心灵的或神学的知识就已经尽善尽美了。我们担心假如一旦把我们的教规公布
的话，我们日后会受之束缚和限制，这可能会使我们不再愿意加以改进，而我们的子孙将会更加如此，因为他们
会觉得他们祖辈创立的遗训是神圣不可侵犯的，是应当信守不渝的。”
18 一个教派有这样谦逊的品质恐怕是人类历史上绝无仅有的吧！其他的教派总是以为自己真理在握，认为持
有不同见解的人是完全错误的。像一个在漫天迷雾中行走的人一样，在他看来，他前面不远处的人完全是沉浸在
大雾中，他后面的和两边的人也是如此，而他觉得自己周围是完全清晰的，没有被大雾包围，但实际上他跟其他
人一样都在大雾中。为了避免陷入这种进退维谷的窘境，近年来越来越多的教友会教友辞去了州议会和政府中的
职位，他们宁可放弃他们的权利也不愿在原则上让步。
19 按照时间的先后来说，我早就应该提下面这件事了。1742 年我发明了一种“壁炉”，冷空气在进入的过
程中就被烘热了，因而这种壁炉能够更好地使房间变暖同时还可节省燃料。后来我就制造了一个模型送给我的一
个老朋友罗伯特·格雷斯。他开了一家铁匠铺，他发现制造这种壁炉的铁板会有丰厚的利润，因为买这种壁炉的人
越来越多了。为了推广销路，我撰写并发表了一本小册子，定名《新发明的宾西法尼亚壁炉说明书：本文特别说
明它的构造和使用方法，证明它较其它取暖方法的优点，驳斥一切反对使用这种壁炉的议论》。这本小册子发行
后起到了很好的效果，托马斯州长非常喜欢书中介绍的这种壁炉的结构，他甚至提议在若干年后给我专利权，但
是我不想取得专利权，因为在这个问题上我心里一直坚持这样的原则：既然别人的发明给了我们巨大的便利，我
们也该乐于让别人享用我们的发明，并且我们应当无偿的把我们的发明贡献给世人。
20 但是，伦敦的一个铁器商人从我的小册子里窃取了许多东西，并把它改成自己的东西，只是在我的基础上
做了些小小的变动，这些改动使得壁炉的效力降低了，他就在伦敦获得了专利，据说，他因此发了一笔不小的横
财。别人从我的发明当中剽窃专利权已不仅限于这一个例子了，虽然有时候他们也不一定会获得成功，但我从不
愿跟他们争讼，因为我自己无意利用专利权来获利，我也不喜欢争吵。这种壁炉的推行，不管是在宾西法尼亚还
是在附近的殖民地，都给人们节约了大量的燃料。
21 战争结束了，因此军事训练的工作也结束了，我的精力就转到开办学院这件事上来了。我的第一部计划是
邀请我朋友中的一些积极分子参加这个计划，其中有相当数量是社团的会员；第二部是编写和发表一本小册子，
叫做《有关宾西法尼亚青年教育的建议》。我把它们免费赠送给居民中有些地位的人，过了些时候我认为他们都
已经看过这本小册子了，因而在思想上都有些准备了，我就为开办和维持这所学院开始募捐。捐款在五年内分 5
次缴纳。这种分期缴款的办法，我认为可以使得认捐数目大一些。事实上我相信也是如此，假如我没有记错的话，
认捐总数不下于 5000 磅。
22 在这些计划的前言中，我指出它的出版不是我一个人的功劳而是许多爱国绅士共同努力的结果。照我做事
的一贯作风，我不愿把自己当做公益事业的发起人公布出去。
23 为了尽快地实现这个计划，捐款人从他们自己中间推选了 21 个理事，并且指定我和当时的首席检查官法
兰西斯先生替这个学院起草一个组织规程。规程拟订好了，校舍租好了，教师也请好了，我记得学校就在那一年
（1749 年）开学了。
 24 学院的人数不断地增加，原来的校舍很快就不够用了，当时我们正物色一块位置适中的地皮，打算修建校
舍，但是这个时候上帝突然赐给我们一所现成的大厦，只须稍稍修改，就可以使用了。这就是上面提到过的，怀
特菲尔德先生的信徒们出资修建的大教堂。我们就这样轻而易举地获得了校舍。
25 我记得当初这所大教堂是由许多不同教派的人出资修建起来的，所以在推选保管该项房地产的理事时，规
定不许任何教派占有优势，免得日后有人利用这种优势，把整所房屋拨给某一教派独用，而违反修建这所教堂的
本意。因此他们每一个教派中都推举了一个人出来，即圣公会一人，长老会一人，浸礼会一人，弟兄会一人，等
等。如果因死亡有空缺时，就由理事会从捐款人中推选一人给补上。碰巧这位弟兄会的理事和其他理事不和，在
他死后，理事会决定不再选弟兄会的人做理事了。但是这样做问题就出现了，即在推举新理事的时候怎样避免一
个教派有两个理事呢？
26 理事们提出了几个候选人的名字，但是因为上述那个原因都没有被通过，后来一个理事提到了我的名字，
他说我是一个诚实的人，不属于任何教派，这样才说服了其他理事，他们就推选了我做新理事。理事们当年修建
教堂时的那股热情早就烟消云散了，理事会无法找到新的捐款来偿付地租和其它与教堂有关的债务，因此对教堂
的发展感到忧心忡忡。现在我是两个理事会的理事了，既是教堂的理事也是学院的理事，因此我就有个很好的机
会跟两方面的理事们商谈，最后使双方达成了一项协议。按照这项协议，教堂理事会把教堂让渡给学院理事会，
后者承担偿还清债务的责任，不过要遵照修建该教堂时的原意——永远在教堂里划出一大间会堂听任传教士们的
不时之需，并开办一所免费的供教育清贫弟子所用的学校。于是双方订了合同，学院理事会付清了债务以后，就
接管了教堂的房产。我们把高大的教堂分成了两层，每层又隔成若干房间作为教室。另外又买了些地皮，整个场
所不久就合乎我们的要求了。学生们不久就搬进了这所大楼。所有跟工人定合同、采购物资和监督工程等工作都
落在了我肩上，可我还是很乐意去做这些工作，特别是因为它们并不和我的业务冲突。因为一年前我已经和我的
一个伙计合了伙，他叫大卫·荷尔，非常能干、勤勉、诚实，他替我做了四年，所以我很了解他。他担负了管理印
刷所的一切工作，使我得以抽身做其它的事，并按时付给我应得的红利。这一关系维持了 18 年之久，对双方都有
无尽的好处。
27 过了些时候，学院理事会从州长那领得了一张执照，组成了一个社团，从英国寄来了大量的捐款，地主们
也捐了土地，州议会到现在为止也捐献了不少资金，理事会的基金多了起来。现在的费城大学就这样成立了。我
从开始一直是其中的一个理事，到现在快 40 年了。看到许多青年在这所大学里受到教育，能够以卓越的才能显名
扬姓，成为社会和国家的栋梁，我感到由衷的欣慰。
28 正如前面所说的，我摆脱了私人业务的经营，当时我自认为已经获得了一笔财产，虽然数目很有限，但足
够使我在未来的一生中获得空闲的时间，来从事哲理的探讨和欢度晚年。我从思朋斯博士那里购买了他全部的仪
器，他是从英国到美洲来讲学的。我很快着手做电学的实验。但是公众却认为我是个悠闲的人，因而就抓住我来
做事，政府各部门几乎同时要我效劳。州长任命我为治安推事；市政府选我做市议会议员，不久以后又选我做市
参议员；全体人民又选我为州议员，在州议会中代表他们。州议员这个职位特别使我乐意，因为我厌倦了孤坐一
旁听别人辩论的处境了。作为州议会的秘书，我不能参加辩论，而这些辩论又是多么的枯燥无味，我不得不在纸
上画画数字方阵表、圆圈或是其它的任何东西来解闷。而做了州议员就不同了，我认为在这个职位上我可以作出
我更大的贡献。当然，如果说我对这些荣誉无动于衷的话未免有点虚伪，这些社会地位对我这样出身低微的人来
说是很了不起的，所以我确实感到很光荣，特别使我感到高兴的是这些职位代表着社会舆论对我的自发称赞，完
全不是靠我自己沽名钓誉得来的。
29 我试着做了一下治安法官，出了几次庭，也开庭听人诉讼，但是我发现要做好这个工作仅凭我那点肤浅的
习惯法知识是远远不够的。因此，我渐渐避开这一职务，我的借口是我不得不在州议会中履行更重要的任务。每
年我都当选州议会，连任 10 年之久。我从不请求任何选举人投我的票，也从不间接地表达我要求当选的愿望。在
做州议员时，我的儿子当了州议会的秘书。
30 接下来的一年，我们要与印第安人在卡莱尔谈判，州长送了个咨文给州议会，建议州议会从议员指定几位
议员同参议会中的一部分参议员共同组成一个谈判委员会。州议会就指定了我和议会长（诺里斯先生）去，我们
就奉命去卡莱尔会见了印第安人。
31 印第安人十分好酒，喝醉了酒后就发酒疯，吵吵闹闹，无法无天，不守秩序，所以我们严格禁止卖任何酒
给他们。当他们为这禁酒而抱怨时。我们就对他们说，如果在谈判期间不喝酒，谈判结束后我们愿意给他们大量
的甜酒。他们答应了，也遵守了这一约定，因为他们除此之外买不到酒，所以不得不遵守。谈判进行得很安静，
很顺利，结果也让双方满意。谈判结束后，我们遵守前面的约定给了他们甜酒，这是在下午。他们男女老幼加在
一起大约有 100 来号人，住在城外临时性的四合院型的木屋里。到了晚上的时候，我们听到外面人声嘈杂，委员
们就跑出去看个究竟。我们看见四合院的中央燃起了一个熊熊篝火，他们男男女女全喝的酩酊大醉，互相叫着，
打着。在昏暗的篝火下，隐约可见他们半裸的淡黑色的身体，他们互相追逐着，拿着火把相互殴打着，口中发出
可怕的喊叫声。这种情景让我们想起了想象中的地狱。喧嚣嘈杂声经久不息，我们没办法，回到了我们的寓所。
午夜十分，几个印第安人跑来，像打雷一般地敲我们的门，要求更多的甜酒，我们理都不想理他们。
32 第二天，他们发觉他们的行为过火了，不该打搅我们，所以派了 3 个酋长来道歉。声称他们错了，但是却
把错误推到甜酒身上，接着又设法宽宥甜酒，说：“创造万物的大神使得物各有其用，既然神指定某种东西有某
一用途，不管这用途是什么，就应该照着来用。当神创造甜酒时，神说：‘这酒是给印第安人喝醉用的’，所以
我们必须执行神的旨意。”是呀，照他们这样的逻辑，假如上帝的旨意是要消灭这些生灵，给垦殖者让出地方，
那么看来，甜酒很可能就是老天注定的手段和方法了。它已经消灭了所有以前住在沿海一带的部落了。
331751 年，我的一个好友托马斯·邦德医生想要在费城开办一所医院（一个非常好的主意，有人说这个计划
是我想出来的，但是这确实是他的主张），以便收容和治疗穷苦无依的病人，不问是否是本州的居民或是外地人。
他热诚而又积极地为这一计划募捐，但是因为这样的计划在美洲尚属首创，人们还不是很了解它，因此他的努力
收效不大。
34 最后他到我这儿来，恭维我说，他发现了一个要实现公益事业的计划，没有我参加就不行。他说：“因为
我去向人们募捐，人们常问我：‘这件事你跟富兰克林商量过没有？富兰克林怎么说？’当我告诉他们我还没有
跟你谈过，因为我认为这件事多少有点非你所长，他们就拒绝捐款了，只说他们将考虑这个计划。”我问了他这
个计划的性质和可能的用途，他的回答让我觉得非常有益。我不但自己捐了钱，而且热诚把这计划解释给人们听，
还劝他们捐款支持这一计划。不过在向人们募捐之前，我在报上发表了有关这一计划的文章，以便让大家在思想
上有所准备。在这样的事情上，这是我一贯的做法，但是他却忽略了这一关键的一步。
35 后来人们捐款比开始踊跃多了。但是不久捐款就越来越少了，我知道如果州议会不加以援助，光靠民间的
捐款是不够的。因此我就主张申请州议会津贴，接着就这样行动了。代表乡村的议员们起初并不赞成这个计划，
他们提出了自己的不同的观点，说这样的医院只对城里人有好处，因此应该完全由城里的市民出资来开办。同时
他们也怀疑究竟有多少市民赞成这样的计划。和他们观点正相反，我倒认为，它受到市民的普遍欢迎，这一点是
毫无疑问的，因为我们已经募到了 2000 多镑的捐款。可他们还是认为我的想法是一种不切实际的奢望，是完全不
可能实现的。
36 我的计划就是在这样的情形下形成的。我请求州议会允许我提出这样一个议案，即按照捐款人的要求让他
们组成一个社团并给一些津贴。州议会允许我这样提出，主要是考虑到如果他们不喜欢就可以把它否决掉。我将
其中的一个重要的条款当做一个条件提出来，即：“当这一议案被州议会通过时，捐款人应组成一个社团，选出
理事和司库，将募集起来的 2000 镑的基金（年息作为上述医院免费对穷苦病人提供食物、看护、诊治和医药所
用）并向州议会议长提出适当的证明，州议长依法签字并通知州司库付与上述医院司库 2000 镑，分两年付清，每
年一次，作为开办修缮和装修之用。”
37 这一条件使得该议案获得通过，因为原先反对拨款的议员现在认为他们可以不费分文地获得慈善家的美名，
他们就赞成了这议案。后来，在向人们募捐的时候，我们强调该议案中的有条件的诺言，这样人们就更乐于捐助
了，因为每人的捐款将变成双倍。这样这个附带条件在两方面就都起了作用。因此捐款的总数没多久就超过了规
定的必需的数目，我们提出获得政府津贴的要求，这一要求被接受了，这就帮助我们提早实现了这一计划。不久
我们建造了一所适宜而又美观的大楼。后来的实践证明这一医院对人民是有益的，直到今天它还很兴旺。在我毕
生的政治计划中，没有一桩事情的成功，按我的记忆，在当时能给我这么多的快慰，或者事后回想时，我也能原
谅我曾经耍过的一个小小计谋。
38 大概在这个时候，另外一个发起人吉尔伯特·谭那德牧师，来看我要求我帮助他募捐兴建一所新的教堂。
这所教堂将归他手下的长老会使用，他们原来是怀特菲尔德先生的门徒。但我坚决地拒绝了他的请求，因为我不
愿意过分频繁地向市民们募捐，致使他们对我不满。后来他又要我提供一张名单，列举以往在募捐中我认为是慷
慨好施，热心公益事业的人的姓名。这样的名单我也拒绝给他，因为这些在以往募捐中好施的人们好心地答应了
我募捐的请求，捐了款以后，我却把他们指出来使他们受其他募捐人员的纠缠，那我就太不讲道理了，所以这样
的事我决不能做的。后来他要求我至少给他一些忠告，“这个我倒很乐意”，我说，“首先，你先向那些你知道
一定会出钱的人募捐，第二，向那些你不知道究竟会不会捐款的人募捐，并把那些已经捐了钱的人的名单给他们
看，最后，也不要忽略那些你认为不肯出钱的人，因为其中有些人可能你会看错的。”他笑着向我道了谢，他说
他愿意接受我这些劝告。他真的按我所说的做了，向每个人募捐了，结果是他得到捐款的总数比他预料的多得多。
他用这笔钱在拱门街修建了一所宏伟而又十分华丽的教堂。
39 虽然，我们的城市规划的很美观整齐，我们的街道既宽且直，纵横交错，但是不幸的是这些街道年久失修，
路面已经坏了，每逢雨季，沉重的马车就把路面碾得泥泞不堪，使人裹足不前，而晴天里尘土飞扬，让人难以忍
受。我曾经一度在以前的泽西市场附近居住，当我看到市民们不得不在跋涉在污泥中购买食物时，颇感不安。后
来在市场中央的一块长条的地方铺上了地砖，所以市民们一到市场就可以走上比较干净的地了，但是市场以外的
街道还是泥泞不堪。我跟人们也谈论过这件事，也为它写过文章，终于使得从市场到住宅前面的人行道这一段街
道铺上了石板。在一段时期内，使得人们不必弄脏鞋子就可以顺利到达市场了。但是，因为这条街的其它地方都
未铺上石板，所以当一辆马车从泥路走上石板路时，就会把泥路上沾的泥路带到石板路上，所以石板路上不久就
堆满了泥土，而又没有人去清除这些污泥。因为这时城里还没有清洁工呢！
40 经过一番调查后，我找到了一个贫穷而又勤劳的人，他愿意做街道清洁的工作，每星期扫两次并把每家门
前的垃圾搬走，每家每月出 6 便士作为酬劳。接着我就写了一张传单，把它印出来了，指出这一笔小小的费用可
以替街上的人们带来的好处。例如，人们脚上带进来的污泥减少了，我们家里就可以比较容易干净了；街道清洁
后，顾客更容易到店铺来，顾客增多了就可以给店家带来更多的生意了；而且在刮风的时候风沙不致吹到他们的
货物上去等等。我给每家发了一张传单，一两天后我跑到各家去走访，看究竟有多少人愿意签定合同支付这 6 便
士。各家都一致同意地签了合同，那段时期内，这个计划进展得很顺利。全体市民对于市场附近街道的清洁都感
到很高兴，因为它便利了大家。这就使得人们普遍地要求把所有街道都铺起来。同时也使得人们更愿意为铺路纳
税。
41 过了一阵子，我起草了一个为费城筑路的议案，并在州议会中把它提了出来。这事在 1757 年，刚好在我
去英国之前，离开美洲之后，这议案才被通过，当时在评估税额的方式方面作了某些变更，这些变动我认为是不
妥的，但通过的议案还附带了有关路灯的条款，这倒是一个很大的改进。一个普通的老百姓，已故的约翰·克利夫
敦先生，曾经把一盏灯装在了他的门口。这样，他就用实际的榜样说明了路灯的作用，从而使人们想到在全城各
处都点上灯。有人把首创这一件公益事业的光荣归于我，但实在是属于那位先生的。我只是模仿了他的榜样，在
改进路灯的形状方面略有微功。我们的路灯跟起初我们从伦敦买来的球状路灯是不同的。这些圆形的路灯有下列
缺点：空气不能从下面进去，因此烟煤不能迅速地从上面出去，烟煤只能在圆球内打转，黏附在球壁上，不久就
阻塞了路灯应发的光线，而且每天需要去擦拭灯罩，如果不小心一下就会被碰破了，那整个灯罩就没用了。因此
我建议用 4 块平整的玻璃拼凑起来，上面装上一个长长的烟囱使烟煤上升，而灯下面露出的缝隙可以使空气进入，
让烟煤进一步上升。这样，灯罩就可以保持清洁，路灯可以光明灿烂到天明，不至于像伦敦的路灯那样，在几小
时内就变得昏暗无光。并且偶然碰到它，一般也只会敲破一块玻璃，重配很方便。
42 伦敦伏克斯可花园的球状灯底下的孔洞使灯罩很干净。我有时候觉得奇怪，为什么伦敦的市民就没有想到
也在他们的路灯底下同样开几个孔。果然他们的路灯底下也有孔，但是这些孔是有别的用途的，那就是，把麻线
穿过这些孔悬挂下来，可以让火焰迅速地传递到灯心。至于放进空气的用途，他们好像并没有想到，因此，路灯
点上几小时后，伦敦街上就已经黯然无光了。
43 提起这些改进，使我想起我在伦敦时曾向富特吉尔博士建议的一件事。富特吉尔博士是我认识的人中最优
秀的人之一，是公益事业的一个伟大的创始人。我看到在天晴的时候，伦敦的街道是从来没有人扫的，尘土飞扬，
任其厚厚地积存下来，一下雨这些尘土就变成了泥浆，满街的泥浆，不堪涉足。除了穷人拿着扫帚扫出的一条小
道外，试图穿越街道是不可能的事。这样过了几天后，人们费大力气把泥浆翻起来，倒进敞篷的马车中。当马车
在路上颠簸时，车身两旁时时会颠出烂泥，飞溅四方，使过往路人苦恼不堪。而伦敦市民不扫街道的理由据说是
怕尘土飞扬会进入商店和住宅的窗户。
44 一件偶然发生的事情使我知道扫街原本花费不了多少时间。一天早晨，我在克雷文街寓所的门口，我看见
一个穷苦的妇人拿着一把桦树枝扫帚在扫我门前的人行道。她看上去苍白瘦弱，好像大病初愈的样子。我问她是
谁雇她来扫街的，她说，“谁也没有雇佣我，但是我很穷，我来富人门前扫地，希望他们会给我一点钱。”我要
她把整条街都扫干净，并且答应付她 1 先令。当时是 9 点整，12 点钟她来要工钱。起初我以为她动作迟缓，不可
能做得这样快，就派我的仆人去看个究竟。仆人很快回来报告说整条街都扫得一干二净，所有的尘土都堆在了路
中央的阴沟之中。在下次下雨的时候，雨水就可以把尘土冲走，所以人行道，甚至阴沟，都会十分干净。
45 当时我认为若一个虚弱的妇人可以在 3 个小时之内扫完这条街，那么一个强壮的男子或许只需一半的时间
就可以办到。这里让我说明，在这样狭窄的街道中，与其两边靠着人行道各有一个阴沟，不如在街道中间开一条
沟来得方便。因为当一条街上的雨水从两旁集中到中央时，会在中央形成一股急流，它有足够大的力量冲洗掉路
上所积的尘土。但是如果把它分为左右两条水路，那水流的力量不足以冲刷干净路上的积土，只能使它接触到的
泥土更加稀烂，车轮和马脚就会把它们溅在人行道上，使道路变得泥泞肮脏，有时也会溅在行人身上。我曾经向
这位善良的博士提出了以下的建议：
46 为更有效地打扫和保持伦敦和韦斯敏斯德的街道清洁起见，本人建议雇佣看守若干名，负责在干旱的季节
里扫除尘土，在雨季里做刮泥的工作。每名看守人负责巡逻几条大街小巷，他们要配置的扫帚和其它清道工具统
一放置在固定的场所，以备他们所雇佣的清扫人员工作之用。
47 耙集在一起，上午泥土不可堆积在街上，以免被车轮和马足扬起。清道人员应备有若干车辆，车身不是高
高地装在车轮上，而是应该低低地装在滑盘上。车底由格子构成，上铺稻草，以保持倒入的泥浆的水分从车子底
部排出。除去大量的水，泥浆的重量将大大减轻。这种车辆应放置在适当远的地方，泥浆先用手推车运送，而泥
车在将泥中水分排干后，用马匹把它们拖走。
48 之后我对这个建议后半部分的可行性有些怀疑，因为有些街道很狭窄，泥车放在那里就不能不占去太多的
位置，以致阻塞交通，但是我还以为那建议的前半部（主张在商店营业前清扫街道运走垃圾），在夏天是切实可
行的，因为夏天日子长。一天早晨 7 点钟，我走过伦敦河滨街和佛里特街，看见虽然天已经亮了，太阳已经出来 3
个多小时了，可是还没有一家店铺开门。伦敦的市民宁愿在烛光下生活，在白天睡觉，但是另一方面，他们常常
抱怨烛税太高，烛价太贵，真有点荒唐啊！
49 也许有人以为这些小事不值得留心或加以叙述。虽然在刮风的时候，灰沙吹进一个人的眼睛或是一家店铺
是件小事，但是假如他们考虑到在人口众多的城市里有千千万万的人或者店铺受到灰沙的袭击，而且这样的情况
时时发生，那他们就会认为这不是一件小事了，他们也不会妄加指责那些留意这些似乎微不足道的事情的人来了。
人类幸福不是由偶然的巨大的机遇带来的，而是由每天的时时发生的好事所积累而来的。所以说，假如你教会一
个贫穷的年轻人怎样修饰自己，怎样保养他的剃刀远比给他 1000 个金币要好得多。这就是授人以鱼不如授人以渔。
这些钱总有一天会花光的，只会留下用钱不当的遗憾；但是另外一种情况，假如他学会了自己修面，他就会逃开
时常因等待理发师恶心的剪刀，还有那粗重的呼吸，肮脏的手指所带来的不快，随心所欲地想在哪个高兴的时候
做就在哪个时候做，而且器具也是令人感到舒适而又锋利的。本着这样的思想，我大胆冒昧地写下了上面的文字，
希望他们能够对我所住的，所热爱的城市提供一些有用的参考意见，或是对美洲的其它城市也有这样的用处。
50 曾经一度，我被美洲的邮政总局局长任命为他的审计员，管理几个邮政所和几个邮政官员，直到 1753 年
他去世，我和威廉·亨特先生一同被英国邮政总局任命继任了他的职位。截止到我们上任时，美洲的邮政从来没有
给英国邮政总局上缴过利润。假如我们能够创造利润，我们可以从中提取 600 英镑作为我们的年薪，为了做到这
一点，许多一系列改进的工作就必须要做了，有些开支开始又是不可避免的要花很多钱，所以在最初的四年里，
英国邮政总局欠我们 900 镑。但是不久都还清了；在我被一个行为怪诞的英国政府的大臣错误地卸职之前，在以
后的文章里我还会提到此事，我们已经使得它给英国政府创造了比爱尔兰最高峰时的邮政收入还多 3 倍的纯利润。
自从那次错误的解职后，他们再也没从美洲邮政局收到过一个子儿。
51 这年，邮政局的事情给了我一个去新英格兰旅行的机遇。新英格兰的剑桥大学，出于他们的好意，授予了
我一个文学硕士的学位。康涅狄格州的耶鲁大学，曾经也授予了一个同样的学位给我，因此，虽然我没有受过正
规的大学教育，但是我凭着我的自学还是分享了大学的荣誉。他们也是由于我在自然学科中对电学方面的发现和
成绩而授予我荣誉的。
part 6
1my business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstances growing daily
easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being for a time almost the
only one in this and the neighbouring provinces. i experienced, too, the truth of
the observation, \"that after getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to
get the second,\" money itself being of a prolific nature.
2the partnership at carolina having succeeded, i was encourag'd to engage in
others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing
them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in
carolina. most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years,
to purchase the types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means
several families were raised. partnerships often finish in quarrels; but i was
happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, i think, a
good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles,
every thing to be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing
to dispute, which precaution i would therefore recommend to all who enter into
partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each
other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with
ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are
attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with
lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.
3i had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established
in pennsylvania. there were, however, two things that i regretted, there being no
provision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any
college. i therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and
at that time, thinking the reverend mr. peters, who was out of employ, a fit person
to superintend such an institution, i communicated the project to him; but he,
having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded,
declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a
trust, i let the scheme lie a while dormant. i succeeded better the next year,
1744, in proposing and establishing a philosophical society. the paper i wrote for
that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected.
4with respect to defense, spain having been several years at war against great
britain, and being at length join'd by france, which brought us into great danger;
and the laboured and long-continued endeavour of our governor, thomas, to prevail
with our quaker assembly to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the
security of the province, having proved abortive, i determined to try what might be
done by a voluntary association of the people. to promote this, i first wrote and
published a pamphlet, entitled plain truth, in which i stated our defenceless
situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and discipline for our
defense, and promis'd to propose in a few days an association, to be generally
signed for that purpose. the pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. i was
call'd upon for the instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it
with a few friends, i appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large building
before mentioned. the house was pretty full; i had prepared a number of printed
copies, and provided pens and ink dispers'd all over the room. i harangued them a
little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the
copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.
5when the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found above
twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the country, the
subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. these all furnished
themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and
regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be instructed in the
manual exercise, and other parts of military discipline. the women, by
subscriptions among themselves, provided silk colors, which they presented to the
companies, painted with different devices and mottos, which i supplied.
6the officers of the companies composing the philadelphia regiment, being met,
chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit, i declin'd that station,
and recommended mr. lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence, who was
accordingly appointed. i then propos'd a lottery to defray the expense of building
a battery below the town, and furnishing it with cannon. it filled expeditiously,
and the battery was soon erected, the merlons being fram'd of logs and fill'd with
earth. we bought some old cannon from boston, but, these not being sufficient, we
wrote to england for more, soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for some
assistance, tho' without much expectation of obtaining it.
7meanwhile, colonel lawrence, william allen, abram taylor, esqr., and myself
were sent to new york by the associators, commission'd to borrow some cannon of
governor clinton. he at first refus'd us peremptorily; but at dinner with his
council, where there was great drinking of madeira wine, as the custom of that
place then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. after a few
more bumpers he advanc'd to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded
eighteen. they were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, which we
soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly
guard while the war lasted, and among the rest i regularly took my turn of duty
there as a common soldier.
8my activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and council;
they took me into confidence, and i was consulted by them in every measure wherein
their concurrence was thought useful to the association. calling in the aid of
religion, i propos'd to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation, and
implore the blessing of heaven on our undertaking. they embrac'd the motion; but,
as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no
precedent from which to draw the proclamation. my education in new england, where a
fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some advantage: i drew it in the
accustomed stile, it was translated into german, printed in both languages, and
divulg'd thro' the province. this gave the clergy of the different sects an
opportunity of influencing their congregations to join in the association, and it
would probably have been general among all but quakers if the peace had not soon
interven'd.
9it was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these affairs, i
should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in the assembly of the
province, where they formed a great majority. a young gentleman who had likewise
some friends in the house, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me
that it was decided to displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in good
will, advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being turn'd
out. my answer to him was, that i had read or heard of some public man who made it
a rule never to ask for an office, and never to refuse one when offer'd to him. \"i
approve,\" says i, \"of his rule, and will practice it with a small addition; i
shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. if they will have my
office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. i will not,
by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my
adversaries.\" i heard, however, no more of this; i was chosen again unanimously as
usual at the next election. possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy with the
members of council, who had join'd the governors in all the disputes about military
preparations, with which the house had long been harass'd, they might have been
pleas'd if i would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care to displace me
on account merely of my zeal for the association, and they could not well give
another reason.
10indeed i had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was not
disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir'd to assist in it. and i
found that a much greater number of them than i could have imagined, tho' against
offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. many pamphlets pro and con were
publish'd on the subject, and some by good quakers, in favour of defense, which i
believe convinc'd most of their younger people.
11a transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their prevailing
sentiments. it had been propos'd that we should encourage the scheme for building a
battery by laying out the present stock, then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the
lottery. by our rules, no money could be dispos'd of till the next meeting after
the proposal. the company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were
quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. we eight punctually attended the
meeting; but, tho' we thought that some of the quakers would join us, we were by no
means sure of a majority. only one quaker, mr. james morris, appear'd to oppose the
measure. he expressed much sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as he said
friends were all against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the
company. we told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the minority, and if
friends were against the measure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to
the usage of all societies, submit. when the hour for business arriv'd it was mov'd
to put the vote; he allow'd we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could
assure us that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of
opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing.
12while we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen below
desir'd to speak with me. i went down, and found they were two of our quaker
members. they told me there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by; that
they were determin'd to come and vote with us if there should be occasion, which
they hop'd would not be the case, and desir'd we would not call for their
assistance if we could do without it, as their voting for such a measure might
embroil them with their elders and friends. being thus secure of a majority, i went
up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of another hour. this
mr. morris allow'd to be extreamly fair. not one of his opposing friends appear'd,
at which he express'd great surprize; and, at the expiration of the hour, we
carry'd the resolution eight to one; and as, of the twenty-two quakers, eight were
ready to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they were
not inclin'd to oppose the measure, i afterward estimated the proportion of quakers
sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one only; for these were all regular
members of that society, and in good reputation among them, and had due notice of
what was propos'd at that meeting.
13the honorable and learned mr. logan, who had always been of that sect, was
one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of defensive war, and
supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. he put into my hands sixty pounds
to be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what
prizes might be drawn wholly to that service. he told me the following anecdote of
his old master, william penn, respecting defense. he came over from england, when a
young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. it was war-time, and their
ship was chas'd by an armed vessel, suppos'd to be an enemy. their captain prepar'd
for defense; but told william penn and his company of quakers, that he did not
expect their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin, which they did,
except james logan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter'd to a gun. the
suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting; but when the secretary
went down to communicate the intelligence, william penn rebuk'd him severely for
staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to
the principles of friends, especially as it had not been required by the captain.
this reproof, being before all the company, piqu'd the secretary, who answer'd, \"i
being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? but thee was willing
enough that i should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was
danger.\"
14my being many years in the assembly, the majority of which were constantly
quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by
their principle against war, whenever application was made to them, by order of the
crown, to grant aids for military purposes. they were unwilling to offend
government, on the one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body of
the quakers, on the other, by a compliance contrary to their principles; hence a
variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when
it became unavoidable. the common mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase
of its being \"for the king's use,\" and never to inquire how it was applied.
15but, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was found not
so proper, and some other was to be invented. as, when powder was wanting (i think
it was for the garrison at louisburg), and the government of new england solicited
a grant of some from pennsilvania, which was much urg'd on the house by governor
thomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, because that was an ingredient of
war; but they voted an aid to new england of ?3,000, to he put into the hands of
the governor, and appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or
other grain. some of the council, desirous of giving the house still further
embarrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept provision, as not being the thing
he had demanded; but be reply'd, \"i shall take the money, for i understand very
well their meaning; other grain is gunpowder,\" which he accordingly bought, and
they never objected to it.
16it was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we feared the
success of our proposal in favour of the lottery, and i had said to my friend mr.
syng, one of our members, \"if we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire-engine
with the money; the quakers can have no objection to that; and then, if you
nominate me and i you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun,
which is certainly a fire-engine.\" \"i see,\" says he, \"you have improv'd by
being so long in the assembly; your equivocal project would be just a match for
their wheat or other grain.\"
17these embarrassments that the quakers suffer'd from having establish'd and
published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was lawful, and which,
being once published, they could not afterwards, however they might change their
minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what i think a more prudent conduct in
another sect among us, that of the dunkers. i was acquainted with one of its
founders, michael welfare, soon after it appear'd. he complain'd to me that they
were grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg'd with
abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter strangers. i told him
this had always been the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop to such
abuse, i imagin'd it might be well to publish the articles of their belief, and the
rules of their discipline. he said that it had been propos'd among them, but not
agreed to,for this reason: \"when we were first drawn together as a society,\" says
he, \"it had pleased god to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some
doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors; and that others, which we
had esteemed errors, were real truths. from time to time he has been pleased to
afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors
diminishing. now we are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this
progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we
fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel
ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, and perhaps be unwilling to receive
farther improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we their
elders and founders had done, to be something sacred, never to be departed from.\"
18this modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history of
mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that
those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man traveling in foggy weather,
those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as
well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields on each side, but near
him all appears clear, tho' in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. to
avoid this kind of embarrassment, the quakers have of late years been gradually
declining the public service in the assembly and in the magistracy, choosing rather
to quit their power than their principle.
19in order of time, i should have mentioned before, that having, in 1742,
invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at the same time saving
fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, i made a present of the
model to mr. robert grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron-furnace,
found the casting of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were
growing in demand. to promote that demand, i wrote and published a pamphlet,
entitled an account of the new-invented pennsylvania fireplaces; wherein their
construction and manner of operation is particularly explained; their advantages
above every other method of warming rooms demonstrated; and all objections that
have been raised against the use of them answered and obviated, etc. this pamphlet
had a good effect. gov'r. thomas was so pleas'd with the construction of this
stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending
of them for a term of years; but i declin'd it from a principle which has ever
weighed with me on such occasions, viz., that, as we enjoy great advantages from
the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by
any invention of ours; and this we should do freely and generously.
 20an ironmonger in london however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet, and
working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the machine, which
rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as i was told, a
little fortune by it. and this is not the only instance of patents taken out for my
inventions by others, tho' not always with the same success, which i never
contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes.
the use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighbouring
colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants.
21peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an end, i
turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. the first step i
took was to associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the junto
furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled
proposals relating to the education of youth in pennsylvania. this i distributed
among the principal inhabitants gratis; and as soon as i could suppose their minds
a little prepared by the perusal of it, i set on foot a subscription for opening
and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so
dividing it, i judg'd the subscription might be larger, and i believe it was so,
amounting to no less, if i remember right, than ?5,000.
22in the introduction to these proposals, i stated their publication, not as an
act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentlemen, avoiding as much as i could,
according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as the author of
any scheme for their benefit.
23the subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose out of
their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed mr. francis, then attorney-
general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the academy;
which being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engag'd, and the schools
opened, i think, in the same year, 1749.
24the scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too small, and we were
looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated, with intention to build, when
providence threw into our way a large house ready built, which, with a few
alterations, might well serve our purpose. this was the building before mentioned,
erected by the hearers of mr. whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following
manner.
25it is to be noted that the contributions to this building being made by
people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in whom
the building and ground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not be given
to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might be a means of appropriating the
whole to the use of such sect, contrary to the original intention. it was therefore
that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one church-of-england man, one
presbyterian, one baptist, one moravian, etc., those, in case of vacancy by death,
were to fill it by election from among the contributors. the moravian happen'd not
to please his colleagues, and on his death they resolved to have no other of that
sect. the difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other sect, by means
of the new choice.
26several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed to. at length one
mention'd me, with the observation that i was merely an honest man, and of no sect
at all, which prevail'd with them to chuse me. the enthusiasm which existed when
the house was built had long since abated, and its trustees had not been able to
procure fresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging some other
debts the building had occasion'd, which embarrass'd them greatly. being now a
member of both setts of trustees, that for the building and that for the academy, i
had a good opportunity of negotiating with both, and brought them finally to an
agreement, by which the trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the
academy, the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for ever open in the
building a large hall for occasional preachers, according to the original
intention, and maintain a free- school for the instruction of poor children.
writings were accordingly drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the
academy were put in possession of the premises; and by dividing the great and lofty
hall into stories, and different rooms above and below for the several schools, and
purchasing some additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose, and
the scholars remov'd into the building. the care and trouble of agreeing with the
workmen, purchasing materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me; and i
went thro' it the more cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private
business, having the year before taken a very able, industrious, and honest
partner, mr. david hall, with whose character i was well acquainted, as he had
work'd for me four years. he took off my hands all care of the printing-office,
paying me punctually my share of the profits. this partnership continued eighteen
years, successfully for us both.
27the trustees of the academy, after a while, were incorporated by a charter
from the governor; their funds were increas'd by contributions in britain and
grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the assembly has since made
considerable addition; and thus was established the present university of
philadelphia. i have been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, now
near forty years, and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the
youth who have receiv'd their education in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd
abilities, serviceable in public stations and ornaments to their country.
28when i disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private business, i
flatter'd myself that, by the sufficient tho' moderate fortune i had acquir'd, i
had secured leisure during the rest of my life for philosophical studies and
amusements. i purchased all dr. spence's apparatus, who had come from england to
lecture here, and i proceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but
the publick, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their
purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same time, imposing
some duty upon me. the governor put me into the commission of the peace; the
corporation of the city chose me of the common council, and soon after an alderman;
and the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in assembly. this
latter station was the more agreeable to me, as i was at length tired with sitting
there to hear debates, in which, as clerk, i could take no part, and which were
often so unentertaining that i was induc'd to amuse myself with making magic
squares or circles, or any thing to avoid weariness; and i conceiv'd my becoming a
member would enlarge my power of doing good. i would not, however, insinuate that
my ambition was not flatter'd by all these promotions; it certainly was; for,
considering my low beginning, they were great things to me; and they were still
more pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion,
and by me entirely unsolicited.
29the office of justice of the peace i try'd a little, by attending a few
courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding that more knowledge of
the common law than i possess'd was necessary to act in that station with credit, i
gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself by my being oblig'd to attend the
higher duties of a legislator in the assembly. my election to this trust was
repeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his vote,
or signifying, either directly or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. on taking
my seat in the house, my son was appointed their clerk.
30the year following, a treaty being to be held with the indians at carlisle,
the governor sent a message to the house, proposing that they should nominate some
of their members, to be join'd with some members of council, as commissioners for
that purpose. the house named the speaker (mr. norris) and myself; and, being
commission'd, we went to carlisle, and met the indians accordingly.
31as those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when so, are very
quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the selling any liquor to them; and
when they complain'd of this restriction, we told them that if they would continue
sober during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when business was over.
they promis'd this, and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor,
and the treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction.
they then claim'd and receiv'd the rum; this was in the afternoon; they were near
one hundred men, women, and children, and were lodg'd in temporary cabins, built in
the form of a square, just without the town. in the evening, hearing a great noise
among them, the commissioners walk'd out to see what was the matter. we found they
had made a great bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and
women, quarreling and fighting. their dark-colour'd bodies, half naked, seen only
by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beating one another with
firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings, form'd a scene the most
resembling our ideas of hell that could well be imagin'd; there was no appeasing
the tumult, and we retired to our lodging. at midnight a number of them came
thundering at our door, demanding more rum, of which we took no notice.
32the next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in giving us that disturbance,
they sent three of their old counselors to make their apology. the orator
acknowledg'd the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the
rum by saying, \"the great spirit, who made all things, made every thing for some
use, and whatever use he design'd any thing for, that use it should always be put
to. now, when he made rum, he said 'let this be for the indians to get drunk with,'
and it must be so.\" and, indeed, if it be the design of providence to extirpate
these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not
improbable that rum may be the appointed means. it has already annihilated all the
tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast.
33in 1751, dr. thomas bond, a particular friend of mine, conceived the idea of
establishing a hospital in philadelphia (a very beneficent design, which has been
ascrib'd to me, but was originally his), for the reception and cure of poor sick
persons, whether inhabitants of the province or strangers. he was zealous and
active in endeavouring to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a
novelty in america, and at first not well understood, he met with but small
success.
34at length he came to me with the compliment that he found there was no such
thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without my being concern'd in
it. \"for,\" says he, \"i am often ask'd by those to whom i propose subscribing,
have you consulted franklin upon this business? and what does he think of it? and
when i tell them that i have not (supposing it rather out of your line), they do
not subscribe, but say they will consider of it.\" i enquired into the nature and
probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very satisfactory
explanation, i not only subscrib'd to it myself, but engag'd heartily in the design
of procuring subscriptions from others. previously, however, to the solicitation, i
endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the
newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases, but which he had omitted.
35the subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous; but, beginning to
flag, i saw they would be insufficient without some assistance from the assembly,
and therefore propos'd to petition for it, which was done. the country members did
not at first relish the project; they objected that it could only be serviceable to
the city, and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and they
doubted whether the citizens themselves generally approv'd of it. my allegation on
the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of our being
able to raise ?2,000 by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant
supposition, and utterly impossible.
36on this i form'd my plan; and asking leave to bring in a bill for
incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their petition, and
granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the
consideration that the house could throw the bill out if they did not like it, i
drew it so as to make the important clause a conditional one, viz., \"and be it
enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall have met
and chosen their managers and treasurer, and shall have raised by their
contributions a capital stock of ?2,000 value (the yearly interest of which is to
be applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free of
charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and shall make the same appear
to the satisfaction of the speaker of the assembly for the time being, that then it
shall and may be lawful for the said speaker, and be is hereby required, to sign an
order on the provincial treasurer for the payment of ?2,000, in two yearly
payments, to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the founding,
building, and finishing of the same.\"
37this condition carried the bill through; for the members, who had oppos'd the
grant, and now conceiv'd they might have the credit of being charitable without the
expence, agreed to its passage; and then, in soliciting subscriptions among the
people, we urg'd the conditional promise of the law as an additional motive to
give, since every man's donation would be doubled; thus the clause work'd both
ways. the subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we claim'd
and receiv'd the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into execution.
a convenient and handsome building was soon erected; the institution has by
constant experience been found useful, and flourishes to this day; and i do not
remember any of my political manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the time
more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, i more easily excus'd myself for
having made some use of cunning.
38it was about this time that another projector, the rev. gilbert tennent, came
to me with a request that i would assist him in procuring a subscription for
erecting a new meeting-house. it was to he for the use of a congregation he had
gathered among the presbyterians, who were originally disciples of mr. whitefield.
unwilling to make myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently
soliciting their contributions, i absolutely refus'd. he then desired i would
furnish him with a list of the names of persons i knew by experience to be generous
and public-spirited. i thought it would be unbecoming in me, after their kind
compliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other beggars,
and therefore refus'd also to give such a list. he then desir'd i would at least
give him my advice. \"that i will readily do,\" said i; \"and, in the first place,
i advise you to apply to all those whom you know will give something; next, to
those whom you are uncertain whether they will give any thing or not, and show them
the list of those who have given; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are
sure will give nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken.\" he laugh'd and
thank'd me, and said he would take my advice. he did so, for he ask'd of everybody,
and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he erected the
capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in arch-street.
39our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets large,
strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering
those streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy
carriages plough'd them into a quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross them;
and in dry weather the dust was offensive. i had liv'd near what was call'd the
jersey market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing
their provisions. a strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length
pav'd with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, but
were often over shoes in dirt to get there. by talking and writing on the subject,
i was at length instrumental in getting the street pav'd with stone between the
market and the brick'd foot-pavement, that was on each side next the houses. this,
for some time, gave an easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the
street not being pav'd, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement,
it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with mire, which
was not remov'd, the city as yet having no scavengers.
40after some inquiry i found a poor industrious man, who was willing to
undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week, carrying off the
dirt from before all the neighbours' doors, for the sum of sixpence per month, to
be paid by each house. i then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the
advantages to the neighbourhood that might be obtain'd by this small expense; the
greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by
people's feet; the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could
more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in
upon their goods, etc., etc. i sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day
or two went round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences;
it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time well executed. all the inhabitants of the
city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that surrounded the
market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd a general desire to have all
the streets paved, and made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that
purpose.
41after some time i drew a bill for paving the city, and brought it into the
assembly. it was just before i went to england, in 1757, and did not pass till i
was gone, and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which i thought
not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting as well as paving
the streets, which was a great improvement. it was by a private person, the late
mr. john clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at
his door, that the people were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the
city. the honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib'd to me but it belongs
truly to that gentleman. i did but follow his example, and have only some merit to
claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were
at first supply'd with from london. those we found inconvenient in these respects:
they admitted no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but
circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon obstructed the light they
were intended to afford; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean;
and an accidental stroke on one of them would demolish it, and render it totally
useless. i therefore suggested the composing them of four flat panes, with a long
funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate
the ascent of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow dark
in a few hours, as the london lamps do, but continu'd bright till morning, and an
accidental stroke would generally break but a single pane, easily repair'd.
42i have sometimes wonder'd that the londoners did not, from the effect holes
in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn
to have such holes in their street lamps. but, these holes being made for another
purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax
hanging down thro' them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been
thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets
of london are very poorly illuminated.
43the mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one i propos'd, when in
london, to dr. fothergill, who was among the best men i have known, and a great
promoter of useful projects. i had observ'd that the streets,when dry, were never
swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet
weather reduc'd it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement
that there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it
was with great labour rak'd together and thrown up into carts open above, the sides
of which suffer'd some of the slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake out and
fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. the reason given for not
sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the windows of shops
and houses.
44an accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might be done in
a little time. i found at my door in craven-street, one morning, a poor woman
sweeping my pavement with a birch broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just
come out of a fit of sickness. i ask'd who employ'd her to sweep there; she
said, \"nobody, but i am very poor and in distress, and i sweeps before
gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me something.\" i bid her sweep the
whole street clean, and i would give her a shilling; this was at nine o'clock; at
12 she came for the shilling. from the slowness i saw at first in her working, i
could scarce believe that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine
it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the dust
plac'd in the gutter, which was in the middle; and the next rain wash'd it quite
away, so that the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean.
45i then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street in three
hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the time. and here let me
remark the convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running
down its middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway; for where all
the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it
forms there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but
when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only
makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of
horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and
slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. my proposal,
communicated to the good doctor, was as follows:
46for the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets of london and
westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be contracted with to have
the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up at other times, each in the
several streets and lanes of his round; that they be furnish'd with brooms and
other proper instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands,
ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service. that in the dry
summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the
shops and windows of houses are usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-
covered carts, shall also carry it all away.
47that the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to be spread abroad again
by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scavengers be
provided with bodies of carts, not plac'd high upon wheels, but low upon sliders,
with lattice bottoms, which, being cover'd with straw, will retain the mud thrown
into them, and permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become much
lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight; these bodies of carts to be
plac'd at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows; they
remaining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd, and then horses brought to draw
them away.
48i have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of this
proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of
placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too much the passage; but i am
still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carry'd
away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the summer, when the days
are long; for, in walking thro' the strand and fleet-street one morning at seven
o'clock, i observ'd there was not one shop open, tho' it had been daylight and the
sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of london chusing voluntarily to live
much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little
absurdly, of the duty on candles and the high price of tallow.
49some may think these trifling matters not worth minding or relating; but when
they consider that tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a
single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the
instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and
consequence, perhaps they will not censure very severely those who bestow some
attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. human felicity is produc'd not
so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages
that occur every day. thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and
keep his razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than
in giving him a thousand guineas. the money may be soon spent, the regret only
remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the
frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers,
offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and
enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. with these
sentiments i have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints
which some time or other may be useful to a city i love, having lived many years in
it very happily—and perhaps to some of our towns in america.
50having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of america as
his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the officers to
account, i was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with mr. william hunter,
to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in england. the
american office never had hitherto paid any thing to that of britain. we were to
have ?600 a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the
office. to do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were
inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became
above ?900 in debt to us. but it soon after began to repay us; and before i was
displac'd by a freak of the ministers, of which i shall speak hereafter, we had
brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the
postoffice of ireland. since that imprudent transaction, they have receiv'd from it
—not one farthing!
51the business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a journey this year to
new england, where the college of cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with
the degree of master of arts. yale college, in connecticut, had before made me a
similar compliment. thus, without studying in any college, i came to partake of
their honours. they were conferr'd in consideration of my improvements and
discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.
ww Ｗ、xiaoshuotxt.nett，xt,小,说,天,堂

第7章

11754 年，与法兰西的战争又有端倪了，在商务部议员的命令下，各殖民地的委员代表们还有当地的 6 个土
族的酋长们将在奥尔巴尼齐集，并在那里召开一个大会，讨论协商我们的国家安全防御问题。汉密尔顿州长在接
到这个命令后就通知州议会，并请州议会提供适当礼品，准备在开会的时候送给印第安人。州长提议由我和议长
（诺里斯先生），还有托马斯·潘先生以及秘书彼得斯先生组成宾西法尼亚代表团参加这次会议。州议会通过了这
个名单且提供了礼品，然而，他们却不赞成在宾西法尼亚以外的州开会进行谈判。我们和其他的代表团大概在 6
月的中旬在奥尔巴尼会集。
2 在赴会途中，我起草了一个将各个殖民地联合在一个政府之下的方案，这样的话，为我们共同的防御和其它
共同的重大事件提供了一个必要的平台。当我们经过纽约时，我把我的方案拿给了詹姆士·亚历山大先生和肯尼迪
先生看，这两位绅士对公众事情有相当的造诣，得到他们的嘉许，我就更大胆地在大会上提出了我的这一方案。
碰巧，有几位代表也提出了这样类似的计划。一个先决问题首先被提到了大会上，那就是我们是否应该成立一个
联邦，这个问题被全体一致肯定通过。考虑了几种关于组建联邦的方案和报告后，我们成立了一个委员会，成员
由每个殖民地派出一名。据报道，我的方案碰巧成为委员会的首选，只是经过了一些修改完善。
3 按照这个方案，联邦政府将由一个总统来管辖治理，这个总统由英王来任命，由各殖民地的代表选举成立一
个参议会，代表他们各自的集团。在这个问题上的讨论天天进行，与此同时的，还有印第安的事物。许多反对意
见和不同意见都提了出来，但最终都被说服了，这个方案最后被全体一致无异议地通过，复本被寄送给商务部和
各州的州议会。这个方案的命运非常奇特：州议会没有采纳它，因为他们认为它太专权了，而在英国，它却被认
为它太民主了，也没被采纳。
4 商务部没有赞成它，也没有报请英王陛下通过；有人提出了另一个方案，据说它更符合要求。按照这个方案，
由各州的州长和部分参议会的议员商量练兵和修建炮台等事宜。所需费用由英国国库先垫付，事后由议会向美洲
殖民地征税来偿还。我的计划和支持我这个计划的理由，都可以在我后来刊印的政治论文集中看到。
5 接下来的那个冬天，我到了波士顿，因此我就有很多机会和薛力州长讨论这两个方案。我们之间关于这一问
题的部分谈话，也可以在上述那些论文中找到。这些不同的和反对的不喜欢我这个方案的理由，使得我怀疑我的
方案是否真的半生不熟；我一直坚持我的观点，它会给大西洋两岸都带来幸福的，假如它被采纳的话。这些殖民
地如果联合在一起的话，力量会加强，捍卫自己的利益不在话下，这样一来就用不着从英国派遣军队了；也用不
着向美洲人课税了，由课税引起的流血战争时时发生，这原本是可以避免的。但是像这样的错误已经不是新鲜的
事了，历史上君王和国家的这样的谬误俯拾皆是。
环顾所居住的宇宙，
看得清自己优点的人，
 是多么的少啊！
知道这点能够奋起直追的人又何其少啊！
6 那些统治者们，手边上有忙不完的事，一般不可能会不辞辛劳地对一个新的方案深思熟虑，再把它付诸实行。
因此那些好的方案被采纳，不是因为它先在的智慧，而是由于迫于偶然的时势。
7 宾西法尼亚州的州长，在把我的计划送往议会时评价说：“这一计划看起来判断精确，有理有据，因此值得
州议会加以最细心的和最认真的考虑。”但是，有个议员趁我偶然缺席的机会，设法使得议会讨论了这一议案，
完全不加考虑，马马虎虎地就否决了它，这种策略在我看来是十分卑鄙的，一点都不公正的，而且这结果对我来
说，我也没有丝毫的羞辱感。
8 这年在我去波士顿的旅途中，我在纽约遇见了我们新州长莫里斯先生，他刚从英国来，我曾经跟他很熟悉。
他奉命来接替汉密尔顿先生，汉密尔顿先生因为受了上司训令的约束，不可避免地要与州议会发生争执而辞职了。
莫里斯先生问我，依照我的观点他是否会像前任州长一样处境艰难、办事棘手？我说：“不，相反的，如果你小
心不和州议会发生争辩，你的处境会一帆风顺的，完全称心如意”。他高兴地说：“我亲爱的朋友，你怎样能劝
我避免争论啊？你知道，我最爱与人争论了，这是我人生一大乐事啊！然而，为了尊重你的忠告，我向你保证，
我将尽可能地避免与议会的争辩”。他爱好争辩是有些理由的，他巧舌如簧，思维敏捷，是个精明的辩论家，在
争辩中往往处于上风。他在这方面从小就训练有素，据说他的父亲常常在饭后使他的孩子们相互争辩作为消遣，
但我认为这样的方法是不明智的，根据我的观察，凡是喜欢争辩、抗辩和反驳的人在工作上一般总是倒霉的。尽
管有时候他们会获得胜利，但那只是暂时的，人们总憎恨他们，获得人们的好感远比一时的争强好胜对他们有好
处的多。我们分手后，他到费城去了，我则去了波士顿。
9 在回来的路上，我在纽约看到了州议会的决议案，从这些决议案来看，好像尽管他向我做过保证，但他和州
议会的关系已经十分恶劣了；在他任职期间，他和州议会之间一直是唇枪舌剑，不断地斗争着。我也加了进来，
因为我一回到州议会，他们就要我参加各种各样的委员会，驳斥他的演讲和咨文，委员会总要我起草这些文件。
我们的答复和他的咨文常常是尖刻的，有时竟是像泼妇骂街！他知道这些答复是我替议会写的，因此人们会想当
然地认为，当我们见面时，也难免会辩驳一番。但是他却是一个敦厚的人，公私分明，所以我们两人之间并没有
因为这些公事上的争执，而影响了个人的恩怨。我们还常在一起吃饭呢！
10 有天下午，正当这公务上的争吵达到高潮时，我们在街上碰到了。他说：“富兰克林，请跟我一块上我家
消磨一个晚上吧，我有些朋友要来，你会喜欢他们的。”说完就挽着我的胳膊，到他家去了。饭后，我们一面喝
着酒，一面愉快地闲聊，他开玩笑地对我们说，他很喜欢桑科·潘萨的想法，当有人提议叫他做国王时，他要求让
他统治黑奴，因为，如果他和他的人民意见不合时，他可以把他们买掉。他一个坐在我旁边的朋友说：“富兰克
林，你为什么始终偏袒那些该死的教友会教友呢？你把他们卖了，不是更好吗？我们的老板愿意高价收买呢！”
我说：“州长把他们涂得够黑啊！”他确实在他所有的咨文中竭尽可能地把州议会描画成漆黑一团，但是州长刚
把黑色涂上，州议会就尽快把它擦去，而且回敬给他，涂在他自己的脸上，所以当他发现他自己看上去将变成黑
人的时候，他像汉密尔顿先生一样，对于这种争执感到厌倦了，于是也辞职了！
11 这些公开的争吵说到底还是因为私人领主，他们是我们世袭的州长，每当为了防止他们的领地承担费用时，
他们就用让人难以置信的方式告诫他们的代理人，拒绝通过征收必需捐税的议案，除非在同一法令中，明文规定
他们巨大的财产获得免税。他们甚至要求他们的代表写下担保书来保证遵从他们的诺言。州议会连续三年坚决反
对这种不公正的行为，虽然最后它不得不屈服了。最后，丹尼上尉继任了莫里斯州长的职位，他终于大胆而又坚
决地执行这些领主的命令了。关于这件事的来龙去脉我将在下文叙述。
但是，我讲得太快了，抢到我的故事前面去了，在莫里斯州长的任期内还必须提这几件事。
12 与法战争在某种方式上已经开始了，马萨诸塞弯的政府准备拿下王冠岬，并派了昆西先生到宾西法尼亚和
波纳尔先生即后来的波纳尔州长，到纽约寻求援助。那时我正在议会，知道里面的情况；我还是昆西的老乡，所
以，他就恳求我利用我的地位来帮帮他。我向他口授了一些对议会那些人演讲的内容，这篇演讲的反响良好。州
议会投票决定援助 1 万英镑，用来购买粮秣辎重。但是州长拒绝通过该项议案（该议案还包括给国王的各项费
用），除非再加进一条，免除私人领主支付任何因此而要交纳的捐税。虽然州议会极力想使他们对新英格兰的援
助有效，但是不知道该怎么实现它。昆西先生努力使州长先生能够批准该项议案，但是州长就是不准，他很顽固
的！
13 那时我提出了个建议，不需要州长的同意就可以办到，就是向贷款办订购信用券，按照法律，州议会有权
这样做，但是那个时候，贷款办实际上也没有多少钱，因此我就提议这些信用券在一年之内就该兑现，并且承担 5
厘的利息。我认为可以利用这些信用券顺利地解决粮秣辎重问题。州议会没有丝毫犹豫就采纳了我的主张。信用
券被立即印发了出来，我是指定签署和发行这些信用券的委员之一。当时全州的货币贷款的利息和消费税的收入
都用来偿付这些信用券，大家知道这样的回收是绰绰有余的，因此立即赢得了人们的信任，这些信用券不仅用来
买粮草，而且有些有钱人把手边的闲钱投在它身上，拿来做投资，而且这种投资没什么风险，因为这些信用券没
转让出去时，它们有利息，而在任何时候它们可以当做现金来使用，所以它们在发行的短短几个星期之内就被抢
购一空了。这样，这件重要的事在我的方法下终于完成了。在一篇措辞文雅的备忘录中我的朋友昆西先生对州议
会表示了深深的谢意，并且对他这次外交的成功感到相当满意，可以说是载誉而归，此后，我俩之间的友谊是那
么的热诚和深厚。
14 英国政府不允许各殖民地按照奥尔巴尼的建议建立一个联合政权，也不愿这个联邦建立起它们自己的防御
军事，因为害怕殖民地的力量过于强大而影响或削弱自己的力量了。这时，英国政府对各殖民地已经充满了怀疑
和猜忌，因此它派遣了布莱德多克将军和两个联队的英国正规军队越过海峡来美洲，作为边防军维护英国政府的
既得利益。他在维吉尼亚的亚历山大海港那里登陆，然后又向马里兰的弗雷德里克进军，不久又在那里驻扎了下
来。我们的州议会从各个方面打探来的消息中得知，这位将军对我们的议会颇有强烈的偏见，认为州议会会反对
他的军队，所以议会要我以邮政总长的身份而不是以议会的名义去拜访他，在与他商谈问题的情况下，用最为迅
速的速度和最稳妥安全的方式给他和州长们传递信件，他必然要不断地和州长们保持联络。各州州长建议邮递费
用由他们负担，这次随我同行的还有我的儿子。
15 我们在弗雷德里克镇找到了这位将军，他正很不耐烦地等待那些他派到马里兰和维吉尼亚四处寻找马车的
助手们。我和他相处了好几天，每天和他一块进餐，因此我有充足的机会向他提供关于议会的信息来解除他对我
们的偏见，我对他说，为了帮助他开展工作，议会在他来之前就已经开始做了准备工作，并且一直愿意这样做下
去。当我动身回来的时候，收集马车的统计数字送来了，从这些数字来看，马车的数量好像不多，只有 25 辆，而
且当中还有些是破旧不堪的。将军和他的随从官员们看到这样的马车都非常吃惊，认为这次真是出师不利，因为
它无法进行下去了，他们开始诅咒英国政府愚昧无知，叫他们在缺乏运输工具的地带登陆简直瞎了眼！因为他们
至少需要 150 辆马车来运输粮秣行李等东西。
16 碰巧我说了句，真遗憾他们没在宾西法尼亚登陆，因为在那里几乎每家每户都有一辆马车。这位将军马上
急切地抓住我这句话，说到：“那这样吧，先生，你是那里有地位的人能够帮得上我们的忙的，你能够替我们弄
到这些车辆的，我恳请您来承办这件事”。我问他愿意给马车的车主什么样的酬劳；然后他就要求我把我认为必
需的酬劳写到纸上去。我照做了，他们就同意这样的报酬，之后委托书和指令就立即准备好了。我一到兰开斯特
就把那些酬劳写在广告里登了出去，这个广告产生了一个巨大而又突然的效果，作为一个奇异有趣的文件，我将
在这插入它的全文，供大家看一下。原文如下：
广 告
1753 年 4 月 26 日，兰开斯特
兹因英王陛下的军队将要在威尔港集合，需要 150 辆马车，每辆马车需配备马 4 匹，还有 1500 匹鞍马或驮
马，英王优秀的爱将布莱德多克将军乐意授权给我让我代他同诸位订立雇佣上述车马合同。特此通知：从即日起
到下星期三晚上为止，我将在兰开斯特办理此事，从下星期四上午起到星期五晚上，我将在约克办理此事。在上
述两地租用车辆，车队或单独的马匹的费用基本如下：1．每辆马车如配有 4 匹好马和一个车夫的话，每天将有
15 先令的酬劳，配有全套马鞍或者其它马鞍和其它装备的健壮马匹，每日每匹付与 2 先令的酬劳，没有配备马鞍
等设备的健壮马匹，每日每匹付与 18 便士。2．各种车马的租费都从加入威尔港部队之日算起。车辆马匹必须在
下个月（5 月）20 日以前到威尔港部队报到。除了规定的租金以外，对于马匹在往返途中的时间也将给予适当的
补贴。3．每一辆马车和牲口联队，每一匹鞍马或驭马应由我和马或马车的主人共同选定公正的人士进行评估，万
一这些马匹和车在军役途中丢失的话，也好照价赔偿。4．在订立该合同时，如有必要，马车或马匹的主人可向我
预支 7 天的租金，余款将由布莱德多克将军或军需官在解雇时或在其它需要的时候支付。5．马车的车夫或者照料
雇佣马匹的车夫在任何情形下，决不被命令履行兵士的职务或者其它照料马车或马匹以外的工作。6．凡是由马车
或马匹运抵军营的一切燕麦、玉米或者其它粮食，除饲养马匹必须的以外，其它的都拿来供军队所用，按其合理
价格收购。
备注：我的儿子威廉·富兰克林有权在坎伯兰郡与任何人订立此类合同。
 本杰明·富兰克林
告兰开斯特、约克和坎伯兰郡人民书
朋友们，老乡们：
几天之前我偶然到弗雷德里克军营去，我发现那位将军和他的下属军官们正因为缺乏马匹和车辆而发愁、恼
怒。他们本来以为宾西法尼亚是最有能力的，也期待着本州给他们提供这些便利，但是由于我们的州长和州议会
意见不和，我们既没有拨款，也没有为此采取其它有效的措施。
有人建议，立即派一支武装力量进入本州各郡，按照需要强占一些精良的马匹和车辆，并强征必要数量的壮
丁入伍，来驾驭、照料车辆和马匹。
我很担心英国士兵带着这样的使命通过本州各郡，特别是考虑到他们现在的愤怒和他们对我们的怨恨，这样
会给我们的居民带来许多大量的不便。因此，我更愿意不辞辛劳，试着用更公平合理的方式来解决这个问题。近
来各边郡的人们向议会抱怨说手边的货币太少了；现在你们有机会赢得一笔可观的钱了，假如这次战事如所预计
的持续 120 天，事实上它可能还会更久，这些租用车辆和马匹的费用就会超过 3 万镑之巨，他们将用英王的金银
币来支付这些租金。
这样的服役是非常轻便和简单的，因为军队每天走不了 20 英里的路，马车和那些运输行李的马匹，它们运输
的东西对军队来说是非常必要的。所以必须跟上军队的步伐，不能走太快，也不能走太慢，而且为了军队起见，
不论在行军时还是安营扎寨时，都应该把这些马匹和车辆放在最安全的地方的。
正如我所相信的，假如你们真的是对英王陛下绝对善良和忠诚的话，现在就有让你们表现忠心的机会，而且
做起来也没有什么难度。假如是因为农忙而不好单独提供 1 辆马车，4 匹马和 1 个马车夫的话，那 3、4 家合在一
起也可以了，一家出车，另一家出 1 匹或 2 匹马，其余的出个马车夫，租费你们可以按比例来分摊。假如对于这
样优厚的待遇和合理的酬劳仍然不能打动你们那报效英王忠心的话，那么人们就要大大地怀疑你们所谓的忠心了。
国王的任务必须完成。那么多勇敢的战士不远千里来保卫你们，决不能因为你们的玩忽职守而放弃；车辆和马匹
是非要不可的，因此他们可能采取强制手段，到时候你们就会深感痛苦，无计可施了，而且到那时也少有人来同
情和关心你们了！
在这件事上，我没有特别的利益所求，除了满足我行善的努力之外，我只会鞠躬尽瘁。假如这样的获得马车
和马匹的方案还不能成功的话，我不得不在两星期内通知将军。我想轻骑兵约翰·圣克莱爵士会立刻带着一队士兵
到宾西法尼亚来找马车。到那时我将感到十分遗憾，因为我是你们非常真挚的朋友。
你们的朋友
本杰明·富兰克林
17 我从将军那里领到了大概 800 镑，作为付给车主等人的预支租金，但是这笔钱还不够，所以我又垫付了
200 多镑。两星期之内 150 辆马车和 259 匹驭马就向军营出发了。广告上本来讲好如果有车马损失，就照价赔偿。
但是车主说，他们不认识那将军，或者也不知道他的诺言是否可靠，所以他们坚持要我亲自担保，于是，我就担
保下来了。
18 一天晚上，我在军营里同丹巴上校联队的军官们共进晚餐，他告诉我他很担心他的部下，因为这些军官们
的收入一般都不多，而英国的消费水平又非常高，什么都贵。这次到这样一个没有人烟的地方远征，他们连必需
的日用品都无力购买。我对他们的处境表示相当的同情，决定设法替他们想些办法来改善这些情况。但是我没有
立即告诉他我的意图，第二天上午我就写了一封信给一个有权支配一些公款的委员会，诚恳地希望他们考虑这些
军官的处境，提议赠送给他们一些食物饮料和日用必需品。我儿子曾经在军营里呆过，对军营的生活和需要有一
些经验和体会，他替我开了张单子，我就把它附在信里一同寄了出去。委员会同意了我的请求，这件事办理得相
当迅速，当宾西法尼亚的车马队达到军营时，这些日用品也由我儿子押运着送到了。共计 20 包，每包都有：
块状糖
6磅
上等黑砂糖
6磅
上等绿茶
1磅
上等红茶
 1磅
上等咖啡粉
6磅
巧克力
6磅
上等白色曲奇饼
50 磅
胡椒粉
半磅
上等白酒
1 夸尔
格洛斯特 1块
上等牛油
1 桶含有 20 磅 陈年白葡萄酒
2打
牙买加酒
2 加仑 芥末粉
1瓶
上等熏火腿
2只 腌舌
半打
大米
6磅 葡萄干
6磅
19 这 20 个大包，包装得很牢固，很好，放在 20 匹马上。每 1 个包跟 1 匹马一同送给 1 个军官。军官们收到
这些礼物时，莫名的感动，两个联队的上校都写信给我，向我表示衷心的感谢。将军看我替他租到了车辆等物也
感到十分满意，马上就偿还了我的垫款，再三地向我道谢，并且要求我继续协助他，替他负责粮草辎重等。这事
我也答应了，并且忙忙碌碌地采办着军粮直到我们听到他失败的消息为止，我个人替他的军队垫了 1000 多英镑，
我寄了一张帐单给他。幸亏在会战的前几天他收到了这张帐单，所以他立即寄回了一张汇款单，命令军需官付给
我 1000 镑的整数，余下的并入下次账目。这次能够收回账目简直是个奇迹，因为至此以后我再也没有收回所欠的
余款了。
20 这位将军，我认为，是个非常勇敢的人，在欧洲战场上或许可能会成为一个能征善战的将军，可是他太自
信了，而且高估了正规部队的作战能力，也低估了美洲殖民地和印第安人的反抗力量。乔治·克罗恩，我们的印第
安语翻译，带了 100 名印第安人加入他的军队随军前行，如果这位将军能好好对待他们的话，他们一定会发挥好
他们的向导作用，但是将军瞧不起他们，以致后来乔治·克罗恩他们离开了军队。
21 一天在我跟他的谈话中，他向我透露他的作战计划。他说：“拿下杜肯堡垒后，我将直捣尼亚加拉；拿下
之后，我就进军弗郎耐克，如果季节允许的话；我想，这也没什么不可以的，因为杜肯堡垒很难抵得住我们 3、4
天的进攻；也没什么东西可以阻碍我们向尼亚加拉的进军步伐。”我脑海中老出现他的军队在蜿蜒的羊肠小道上
被拉成好长的一条线，这样的话很可能在树林和灌木丛里遭埋伏，而被切成几段吃掉，我也曾经了解到上一次战
役就是这样的情形，大概有 1500 人的法国军队，在侵入易洛魁的领地时惨遭这样的失败，所以我为他这次的战役
很是担心，怀疑他是否能免遭此厄运。但是我鼓足勇气，也只敢说：“当然了，先生，顺利拿下杜肯堡，这个是
肯定的，因为您的军队装备优良，而且杜肯堡这个地方也没有很强的防御力量，听说他们的防御工事都还没有完
成呢！但是对您的军队来说惟一的忧患就是印第安人的埋伏，他们很善于打这样的战法，在埋伏和偷袭方面都是
十分神出鬼没的，您的军队一旦走上这样的山路，队伍势必会拉的很长，几乎有 4 英里之长了，这样您的军队就
很有可能给敌人有可乘之机了，敌人很有可能从侧翼来伏击它，包围且把它分割成几段。由于战线太长，首尾不
能互相照应，因此不可能在短时间内互相支援的。这可以说是个兵家之大忌呀。
 22 他不但不听我的劝告反而笑我愚昧无知。他说：“的确啊，这些勇猛的土著对于你们这些未经正规训练的
殖民地民兵来说可能是强敌，但是对于英王陛下的久经沙场的正规军来说，先生，他们是兴不起什么大风来
的。”我意识到我没有资格和一个军人争辩他专业上的问题，因此就不再多说什么了。然而，狡猾的敌人，并没
有在我想象的长蛇阵中伏击他们，而是让他们继续前进，直到离目的地 9 英里的地方才开始动手。在那里，部队
都集中在一起了（因为部队正渡河，先头部队停止前进在那等待全军过河），而且这块地是他们经过的最大的一
块林间空地，就在这里，敌人从树林和丛林后面对他的先头部队发起了猛烈的进攻。到这时，将军才第一次明白
他的敌人果然离他是如此的近了。先头部队秩序大乱，将军就督促他的大军上前救援，但是救援工作也陷入了巨
大的麻烦当中，因为马车、行李和牲口一旦敌人开火就自己乱了起来，所以队伍被挤在一起不得前进。不久敌人
就从他们的侧翼进攻，军官们因为骑在马上，是鲜明的靶子，成为众矢之的，很快地都倒下了。士兵们乱作一堆，
听不到军官们的号令，只能呆在那里给人做枪靶子，可怜的他们死伤惨重，大概有 23 以上的人中弹倒下了，其余
的士兵恐慌极了，都作鸟兽散。
23 一个赶车的人从他所在的队伍中拽出一匹马来逃跑了，他立即成了别的车夫的榜样，于是大家也都跟着逃
跑了。因此所有的马车、粮秣、大炮和其它的军火都留给了敌人。将军本人也受伤了，他的部下好不容易才把他
救了出来。他的秘书薛力先生在他身边饮弹而亡；全军 86 位军官，至少有 63 位牺牲或受伤的，1100 名士兵中有
714 位战士在此次战役中丧生。这 1100 名兵士都是从全军中挑出来最优秀的士兵；死里逃生的士兵们都逃往丹巴
上校那里，按原定的作战计划，丹巴上校负责押运大量的军火，粮草和行李在后面随行。逃来的士兵并没有受到
敌人的追袭，但是他们给丹巴上校和他的部队带来了恐慌，这种恐慌使得他们方寸大乱。虽然他们现在还有 1000
多人，而在丛林中伏击布莱德多克将军的敌军包括印第安人和法国人，总共加在一起也不会超过 400 多人。但丹
巴上校不但不敢向前进军，转败为胜，反而命令军队把全部的粮秣辎重等物加以销毁，免受拖累，以便获得更多
的马匹帮他逃回殖民地。当时他还答应了维吉尼亚、马里兰和宾西法尼亚州的州长们的要求，要把军队驻扎在边
境上以便保卫居民；但是他却一直仓皇后退，直到退到费城，感觉到那里的居民能够确保他的安全。这整件事首
先打破了英国正规军在美洲殖民地人民心目中勇敢无敌的光辉形象。人们意识到，以前对他们推崇备至的做法是
毫无根据的。
24 在他们第一次行军时，从他们登陆到他们到达殖民地为止，他们一路抢劫掳掠所经过的村庄，无恶不作，
害得某些穷苦的家庭破产了，而假如他们胆敢反抗，则侮辱虐待和幽禁加倍地接踵而至。假如我们需要保护者保
护的话，那这件事就足够使我们对所谓的保卫者厌恶至极。这与我们法国友人的行为是多么不同呀！他们 1781 年
从罗德艾兰岛到维吉尼亚州去，经过我们我们州的人口最为稠密的地方，全程达 700 英里之长。但是他们所经过
的地方，老百姓没有因为丢失猪啊、鸡啊，甚至苹果等任何细小的东西而抱怨，他们对沿路的居民真是做到了秋
毫无犯。
25 那位将军的一个副官欧姆上尉受了重伤，他跟将军一起被救了出来，并且一直和将军住在一起，直到几天
后将军去世为止。欧姆上尉对我说：“将军在第一天里沉默了一整天，直到晚上才说了一句，‘谁会想得到
呢？’然后在接下来的几天里继续沉默，直到去世前的几分钟里才说了最后一句话：‘下一次，我们就知道该如
何收拾他们了。’”
26 秘书的文件包括将军的全部命令，训令和通信，这些全部落入了敌人之手，他们挑选了几件，并翻成了法
文，印了出来，证明英国人在宣战前对法国已经有敌意了。在这些发表的文件中，我看见几封将军写给内阁的信，
信中对我向他的军队提供周到服务赞誉备至，并请他们注意我。几年后，当赫特福德领主任法国大使时，大卫·休
姆做过他的秘书，后来他又在康威将军任国务大臣时做了康威将军的秘书，他也说他在国务大臣的档案中看到了
布莱德多克将军极力推荐我的信件。但因为这次出征的失利，人们大概认为我的协助也没有什么价值，因而这些
推荐对我从未发生过什么作用。
27 对将军本人，我只要求一个回报，那就是请他命令他的部下不要再征募我们跟他订立合同的奴仆，已经征
募的请他释放。这件事他很快地答应了。有几个订立了合同的奴仆，经过我的申请，重新归还他们的主人。军权
被丹巴接手后，丹巴就不那么干脆了。当他退却逃跑到费城时，我请他释放兰从开斯特 3 个穷苦农民家征募的仆
人，同时提醒他已故将军有这方面的命令。他向我保证，他的军队就要开到纽约去了，几天之后他将在特伦顿停
留，如果这些主人到特伦顿去找他，他在那里会把他们的仆人还给他们。于是这些农民就凑足了路费，不辞辛苦
地赶到特伦顿去，到了那里，丹巴却拒绝了履行他的诺言，使他们大失所望，而且白白浪费一通路费。
28 等到关于车辆和马匹损失的消息普遍传开以后，所有的主顾都向我索取由我作保的赔偿费。他们的要求使
我大伤脑筋，我告诉他们赔偿的款项已经在军需官的手中了，但是付款的命令必须来自薛力将军，我向他们保证
说我已经向薛力将军发出了赔偿申请，但是因为他在很远的地方，我们不能立即得到回复，因此必须要有耐心。
但是，这番话还是不能满足大家的要求，有的人已经开始向我提出诉讼了。最后薛力将军终于把我从这可怕的处
境中拯救出来了，他委派了几个委员来审查各人的要求，并支付赔款。赔款总数已达 2 万镑之巨，如果这一切都
要我来承担的话，我非破产不可了！
29 在我们接到失败的消息之前，有两位邦德医生带着募捐册来向我募捐，以便集资举办一次盛大的焰火晚会，
准备在我们收到攻下杜肯堡的捷报之后狂欢庆祝。我表情严肃地告诉他们说，我认为当我们收到了确切的消息以
后，需要举行狂欢庆祝时再来筹备也不迟。对于我没有立即赞同他们的建议，他们表现得很惊讶，其中一个人说：
“呀，你总不会认为我们连这样的炮台都攻不下吧？！”“我并不认为我们攻不下，但是胜败很难预测呀。”接
着我就告诉他们我之所以怀疑的理由，募捐也就此作罢，因而，他们总算躲过了一场让他们懊恼的事。如果他们
买了烟火，他们定会悔恨交加的！后来在另一个场合，邦德医生说他不喜欢富兰克林的不好的预感。
30 在布莱德多克将军失败之前，莫里斯州长不断地跟议会摩擦，一个咨文接一个咨文地宣读，企图迫使州议
会通过州防备经费的法案而免征地主的财产税，他否决了州议会所有的议案，因为它们没有免除征收地主财产税
的条款。现在危险更大了，加强州的防备的需要也更迫切了，所以他加紧向州议会施加压力，这样一来，他达到
目的的希望也越来越大了。但是州议会还是坚定不移，因为他们相信正义是属于他们的，如果他们让州长修改他
们的财政法案，他们的权利无疑将受到严重的侵犯。
31 在最后一批议案中有个议案，拨款 5 万镑，的确州长建议只改动一个字，原来的议案说：“一切动产和不
动产都得征税，地主的财产亦然，”州长把“亦”改成了“不”字，修改虽然不多，但意义却有很大的变化。我
们一直把州议会对州长咨文的答复寄给我们英国的朋友。当军事失利的消息传到英国后，这些朋友就哗然了，指
责地主们不应该对他们的州长发出这样卑鄙的不公正的咨文？既然他们阻碍了州防备，那他们就没有权力再管理
殖民地事情了。州长们考虑到舆论的压力，就命令他们的财务总管从税收入中拨出 5000 镑，也不管州议会在这个
目的上通过多大数目的经费。
32 这样，接到这样的通知后，州议会就接受了这 5000 镑作为他们应缴捐税的代金，接着他们就提出了一个
新的议案，附有免税条款，于是议案就被通过了。根据这个法案，我是处理该项经费的委员之一，拨款总额共有 6
万镑。我一度积极参与了这项议案的起草工作，并积极使得它获得通过。同时，我起草了一个建立和训练志愿者
民兵的议案，并且在议会中很容易地获得了通过，因为在议案中我小心地保留了教友会的自由。为了促进和民兵
的必要的联系，我写了一篇对话录，尽我所能想到的一切关于反对民兵和驳斥民兵的观点都给予答复和解释，这
篇对话录被印了出来，并且如我所想的，产生了巨大的反响。
33 当城市和乡村的几个民兵联队已经开始训练的时候，州长请我去办理西北部的边防，修建一系列炮台来保
卫当地的居民，因为那里经常有敌人出没。我承担了这项军事任务，尽管我不坚信我自己就一定胜任这个职务。
他给了我全权的委任状，给我一包空白的军官委任状，只要我觉得合适就可以颁发给任何人。招募志愿者我倒是
没有什么困难，不久我就招募了 560 多人，全归我统帅。我的儿子，他曾经在对加拿大的战役中做过军官，是我
一个得力的助手，并且帮了我很大的忙。印第安人已经焚毁了哥纳登荷，一个兄弟派的教友会建立的村落，他们
屠杀了那里的居民；这个地方，我认为是个建立炮台的理想位置。
34 为了向那里进军，我在伯利恒齐集了部队，伯利恒是弟兄派教友的主要所在地。我非常惊奇地发现伯利恒
的防御工事是做得如此的好，也许是哥那登荷的破坏使得他们预防陷入危险吧。这个地方的房屋都是用栅栏围起
来的，他们还从纽约购买了质地精良的武器设备，在他们高大的石头房子的窗户内他们还堆放了一些石头，以便
在印第安人袭击他们的时候，他们的妇女们可以向那些入侵者扔石头。武装了起来的教友们也保持安全警戒，他
们也像其他驻防城市的守备队一样，有条不紊地轮班看守，交替休息。跟他们主教施邦盖博谈话的时候，我提到
了我对这里防御情况的惊讶，因为，我清楚他们获得过议会的特许，不用在他们的殖民地服军役，我原以为他们
是十分真诚地反对当兵的呢，但现实情景好像并不是这样。他回答我说，反对服兵役并不是他们的既定的教规之
一，但是在那时却获得了议会的特许，所以人们就把这条看作他们中的大多数人的信仰。然而在这次的事件当中，
使人们感到大为惊奇的是，他们中很少有人坚持这一原则。这样看起来，好像他们有点自欺欺人，或者他们骗过
了州议会；但不管怎么说，眼前的危机和常识或许能解释这样反复无常的念头。
35 在 1 月初，我们就开始着手修建炮台了。我派了一个特遣队到明尼斯克去，在那里的一个高地上修建一个
保卫安全的炮台，接着又派了一支到较低的地方修建炮台；随后我自己带着其余的人马向哥那登荷前进，那个地
方实在需要修建一个炮台。那些弟兄派的教友们就替我们准备了 5 辆马车来运我们的工具，食物和行李等东西。
36 就在我们要从伯利恒出发的时候，有 11 个农民跑来找我们，他们刚被印第安人从农场上赶了出来，因此
他们请求我们能给他们一些火药武器，以便他们能够从印第安人那里夺回牲口。我给了他们每人 1 枝枪和一些火
药。我们还没走几里路，天就开始下起雨来了。而且持续下了一整天；路上我们也没有什么躲雨的地方，直到快
到晚上的时候我们来到一个德国农民的家里，在他们家的谷仓里，我们挤作一团，浑身上下没一处是干的，就像
水里捞出来的一样。还好我们一路上都没遭遇敌人的进攻，因为我们的武器十分简陋，而且我们的士兵都不知道
怎么样才能让枪杆保持干燥。印第安人有个独特的办法保持枪械的干燥，而我们却没有。当天，我们前面提到的
那 11 个可怜的农民和印第安人遭遇了，他们中有 10 个被杀了，只有一个人侥幸逃了出来，那个人告诉我们他们
的枪被雨淋湿后开不了火，他和他的同伴们因此吃了大亏。
37 第二天天晴了，我们继续我们的行军，不久就到达了寸草不生的哥那登荷。那里有个锯木厂，在它附近还
剩了几堆木头，我们就用它们搭建了我们简易的兵营；在这样严酷的季节里建些房屋是十分必要的，因为我们没
有帐篷。我们要做的第一件事就是妥善地安葬那些死者，以前人们总是草草地掩埋他们的。
38 第二天上午，我们就为修建炮台指定了一个计划，并且开始付诸行动，我们选择了一个炮基，这个炮基需
要长 450 英尺，这就需要 455 根紧密排列的栅栏，每根栅栏由直径一英尺的树干制成。我们共有 70 把斧头，立
即开始了伐木工作，我们的士兵都是伐木高手，所以伐木的速度非常快。看到伐木的速度是如此之快，当两个士
兵开始砍一棵松树的时候我不禁好奇的掏出表来看，不到 6 分钟他们便把树伐倒了，我发现那棵树的直径有 14 英
寸，每棵松树都可作成 3 根 18 英尺长的栅栏，栅栏的一端削尖。当我们的伐木工作进行时，其他的士兵挤在四周
挖掘了 3 英尺深的壕沟，以便把栅栏插入土中。我们把马车的车身拆了下来，拔掉连接前后两段辕杆的钉子，把
前后轮分开，这样一来，我们就有了 10 辆马车了，每辆有两匹马拖拉，把栅栏从森林运到工地上来。当栅栏打牢
以后，我们的木工沿着栅栏用木板建了个搭脚，离地大概有 6 英尺高，以备士兵站在上面从枪眼处向外射击。我
们还有一门旋转大炮，我们可以调整他的角度，当它被安装起来我们就开了炮，目的是让印第安人知道，假如他
们有人在附近听到了的话，我们有这样的装备了。这炮台，假如可以这样称呼的话，如此雄伟的名字配上如此简
陋的栅栏在一星期之内终于完工了，虽然每隔一天就倾盆大雨，使得士兵们无法进行工作。
39 这给我提供了一个观察的机会，当人们工作的时候，他们的状态非常好，在他们工作的时间里，他们性格
温和心情愉快，而且意识到自己做好了一天的工作，在晚上他们就过得相当舒畅；但是当他们整天无所事事时，
他们就会桀傲不驯，争吵不休，挑剔他们的伙食等等，这就使我想起一个船长的笑话来了，他有个规则就是他总
是使他的水手们不断地工作着，有一次他的副手跑来告诉他说所有的工作全部做完了，还有什么事让他们做没有，
这船长说：“哦，让他们去刷洗锚吧。”
40 这种炮台，尽管很简陋，但是对付没有大炮的印第安人，已经是绰绰有余了。因为我们已经有一个安全据
点了，这样我们万一碰到情况就有了一个退守的地方，因此我们就结伴搜索附近的地区。我们没有遇到印第安人，
但是我们发现了附近一个山头上他们窥视我们的一个场所，这些地方有个巧妙的装置，值得一提。因为在冬天，
烤火对他们来说是十分必要的，但是普通的火堆是生在地面上的，因此当生火的时候在远处的人们就会很容易发
现他们。他们于是就撅了一个洞，深 3 英尺，直径也是 3 英尺；我们可以看得出他们用斧头从森林里烧焦的木头
上砍下木炭，把这些木炭放在洞底生火，我们还看得出来他们躺在地洞四周草地上烤火的痕迹他们的腿应当是伸
进洞里保持脚板温暖的，保持胶版温暖对他们来说是十分重要的。用这种方式生出来的火，人们发现不了他们，
因为看不见火光，火焰，火星甚至烟都看不见。看来他们的人数不是很多，因而看到我们这么多人，也不好对我
们采取贸然的袭击。
41 我们军中有个热心的长老会牧师稗逖先生，他向我抱怨说这些士兵都不来参加祈祷，也不来听他的劝勉。
当他们应征的时候，他们曾被允诺，除了饷银和伙食以外，他们每天还可得到 1 吉耳的朗母酒，每天都会按时发
给他们，一半在上午，另一半在晚上发；发酒的时候大家都会按时来。听到这里，我就对稗逖先生说：“作为一
个牧师，要你去管理朗母酒有点屈就你的尊驾了，但是您如果等到祈祷完毕后再发酒，他们都会来的。”他觉得
这样不错，于是就接受了这一职位。有几个人帮他倒酒，这件事进展得相当令人满意，祈祷会从未有人缺席，而
且比以往更守时了；因此我想，与其用军法惩治那些不参加礼拜仪式的人倒不如用这种方法引导他们更好。
42 几乎我一完成这边的工作，刚把炮台里的粮秣等东西储存好，就收到了州长的来信。在信中，州长说他已
经召集了州议会，假如边境的形式不再需要我操心的话，就要我去参加会议。我在州议会的朋友们也来信叫我回
去参加会议，假如可能的话。现在我 3 个主要的炮台修建工作都已经竣工了，人们也可以在炮台的保护下安心地
在自己的农场里工作了，因此，我就决定回去。更使人高兴的是，来了一个新英格兰军官，克拉彭上校，与印第
安人作战十分有经验，碰巧来访问我们的据点，他也愿意接受这一职务。因此，我就颁给了他一份委任状，在检
阅驻军时，我向他们宣读了这一委任状，并且把他介绍给了全体士兵，他在军事上的丰富技巧和经验，使我认为
他比我更适合这个长官的职位。对士兵们讲了几句劝勉的话以后，我就离开了。他们护送我到伯利恒，我在那里
小住了几天，以便缓解我所经历的劳顿。第一天晚上，我躺在舒适的床上，难以入睡，因为这与在哥那登荷裹着
一两条毯子睡在木屋里的地板上有着天壤之别啊。
43 在伯利恒逗留期间，我稍稍了解了一下弟兄会教友的情况，他们也派了些人来陪同我，他们对我都非常好。
我发现他们实行共产，一起吃饭，一起住集体宿舍。我在宿舍里看到在靠近天花板的墙上每隔一定的距离就开一
个气孔，我想这些气孔应该是用来流通空气的。我到了他们的教堂，在那里我听了美妙的音乐，他们用提琴、萧、
横笛、竖琴等乐器同风琴一起演奏。我也了解到他们讲道不像我们通常讲道，面对所有类型的观众，男人了，妇
女了，孩子了等等；但他们的集会是分开来的，有时是面对已婚的男人，有时是面对他们的妻子，有时是年青的
男子，年青的女人，还有小孩子。我曾听他们向小孩子布道，男孩子们由他们的导师，一个青年男人领着，女孩
们由一个年轻的女人领着，他们排队进入教堂依次坐在长凳上。演讲似乎很适合他们的口味，讲时用的也是一种
亲切愉快的口吻，仿佛在哄他们做乖孩子。他们表现的非常有秩序，但是看起来脸色苍白，不太健康，这些使我
怀疑他们是不是被关在屋子里太久了，缺乏足够的运动。
44 我调查了一下弟兄会的婚姻情况，看看是不是真的像传说中的那样是由抽签决定的，但他们告诉我，他们
很少用到这一方法，通常，当一个青年男子打算结婚时，他会向他班上的长者咨询，他又会同管理那些年轻女孩
的年纪大的女士询问。因为这些不同性别的年长的管理者对他们年轻人的脾气性情都很熟悉，他们最能判断谁配
谁最合适，一般来说，男女双方对他们的决定总体上还是感到满意的。但是，假设说，假如他们认为有两三个年
轻女人都同样适合一个青年男子，那时才使用抽签的办法。我反对这样的做法，假如这样的匹配不是双方的相互
选择，那么他们就会觉得很不幸福。“可是就是让他们自己选择”告诉我这样情况的人说，“他们也会觉得不满
意啊。”事实上也是这样，我也不能否定。
part 7
1in 1754, war with france being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners
from the different colonies was, by an order of the lords of trade, to be assembled
at albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the six nations concerning the means
of defending both their country and ours. governor hamilton, having receiv'd this
order, acquainted the house with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents
for the indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (mr. norris)
and myself to join mr. thomas penn and mr. secretary peters as commissioners to act
for pennsylvania. the house approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the
present, tho' they did not much like treating out of the province, and we met the
other commissioners at albany about the middle of june.
2in our way thither, i projected and drew a plan for the union of all the
colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other
important general purposes. as we pass'd thro' new york, i had there shown my
project to mr. james alexander and mr. kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in
public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, i ventur'd to lay it
before the congress. it then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd
plans of the same kind. a previous question was first taken, whether a union should
be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. a committee was then
appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report.
mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly
reported.
3by this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-
general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen
by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their
respective assemblies. the debates upon it in congress went on daily, hand in hand
with the indian business. many objections and difficulties were started, but at
length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies
ordered to be transmitted to the board of trade and to the assemblies of the
several provinces. its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they
all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in england it was judg'd to
have too much of the democratic.
4the board of trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the
approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the
same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of
their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building
of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of great britain for the expense, which
was afterwards to be refunded by an act of parliament laying a tax on america. my
plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers
that are printed.
5being the winter following in boston, i had much conversation with governor
shirley upon both the plans. part of what passed between us on the occasion may
also be seen among those papers. the different and contrary reasons of dislike to
my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and i am still of
opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted.
the colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended
themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from england; of course,
the subsequent pretence for taxing america, and the bloody contest it occasioned,
would have been avoided. but such mistakes are not new; history is full of the
errors of states and princes.
look round the habitable world, how few
know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!
6those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like
to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. the
best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd
by the occasion.
7the governor of pennsylvania, in sending it down to the assembly, express'd
his approbation of the plan, \"as appearing to him to be drawn up with great
clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of
their closest and most serious attention.\" the house, however, by the management
of a certain member, took it up when i happen'd to be absent, which i thought not
very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no
small mortification.
8in my journey to boston this year, i met at new york with our new governor,
mr. morris, just arriv'd there from england, with whom i had been before intimately
acquainted. he brought a commission to supersede mr. hamilton, who, tir'd with the
disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. mr. morris
ask'd me if i thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. i
said, \"no; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only
take care not to enter into any dispute with the assembly.\" \"my dear friend,\"
says he, pleasantly, \"how can you advise my avoiding disputes? you know i love
disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard i have
for your counsel, i promise you i will, if possible, avoid them.\" he had some
reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore,
generally successful in argumentative conversation. he had been brought up to it
from a boy, his father, as i have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with
one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but i think the
practice was not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing,
contradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs.
they get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more
use to them. we parted, he going to philadelphia, and i to boston.
9in returning, i met at new york with the votes of the assembly, by which it
appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the house were already in
high contention; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retain'd
the government. i had my share of it; for, as soon as i got back to my seat in the
assembly, i was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and
by the committees always desired to make the drafts. our answers, as well as his
messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew i
wrote for the assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly
avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference
between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.
10one afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the
street. \"franklin,\" says he, \"you must go home with me and spend the evening; i
am to have some company that you will like;\" and, taking me by the arm, he led me
to his house. in gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us,
jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of sancho panza, who, when it was proposed
to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if
he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. one of his friends, who sat
next to me, says, \"franklin, why do you continue to side with these damn'd
quakers? had not you better sell them? the proprietor would give you a good
price.\" \"the governor,\" says i, \"has not yet blacked them enough.\" he, indeed,
had labored hard to blacken the assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off
his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own
face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as mr.
hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted the government.
11these public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries, our
hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense of
their province, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act
for levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act
expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such
instructions. the assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, tho'
constrained to bend at last. at length captain denny, who was governor morris's
successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about i
shall show hereafter.
but i am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions
to be mention'd that happened during the administration of governor morris.
12war being in a manner commenced with france, the government of massachusetts
bay projected an attack upon crown point, and sent mr. quincy to pennsylvania, and
mr. pownall, afterward governor pownall, to new york, to solicit assistance. as i
was in the assembly, knew its temper, and was mr. quincy's countryman, he appli'd
to me for my influence and assistance. i dictated his address to them, which was
well receiv'd. they voted an aid of ?10,000, to be laid out in provisions. but the
governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums
granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the
proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the
assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to new england effectual, were
at a loss how to accomplish it. mr. quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain
his assent, but he was obstinate.
13i then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor, by
orders on the trustees of the loan office, which, by law, the assembly had the
right of drawing. there was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office,
and therefore i propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear
an interest of five per cent. with these orders i suppos'd the provisions might
easily be purchas'd. the assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the
proposal. the orders were immediately printed, and i was one of the committee
directed to sign and dispose of them. the fund for paying them was the interest of
all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the
revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they
obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment for the provisions,
but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders,
which they found advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on
any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a
few weeks none of them were to be seen. thus this important affair was by my means
compleated. my quincy return'd thanks to the assembly in a handsome memorial, went
home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the
most cordial and affectionate friendship.
14the british government, not chusing to permit the union of the colonies as
propos'd at albany, and to trust that union with their defense, lest they should
thereby grow too military, and feel their own strength, suspicions and jealousies
at this time being entertain'd of them, sent over general braddock with two
regiments of regular english troops for that purpose. he landed at alexandria, in
virginia, and thence march'd to frederictown, in maryland, where he halted for
carriages. our assembly apprehending, from some information, that he had conceived
violent prejudices against them, as averse to the service, wish'd me to wait upon
him, not as from them, but as postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to
settle with him the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the
despatches between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he
must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they propos'd to pay
the expense. my son accompanied me on this journey.
15we found the general at frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of
those he had sent thro' the back parts of maryland and virginia to collect waggons.
i stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of
removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the assembly had before his
arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations.
when i was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in,
by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those
were in serviceable condition. the general and all the officers were surpris'd,
declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against
the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of
conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons
being necessary.
16i happened to say i thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in
pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. the general
eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, \"then you, sir, who are a man of interest
there, can probably procure them for us; and i beg you will undertake it.\" i ask'd
what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and i was desir'd to put
on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. this i did, and they were agreed
to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. what those
terms were will appear in the advertisement i publish'd as soon as i arriv'd at
lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of
some curiosity, i shall insert it at length, as follows:
advertisement
lancaster, april 26, 1753
whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and
fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's
forces now about to rendezvous at will's creek, and his excellency general braddock
having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, i hereby
give notice that i shall attend for that purpose at lancaster from this day to next
wednesday evening, and at york from next thursday morning till friday evening,
where i shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the
following terms, viz.: i. that there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good
horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a
pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each
able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. that the pay commence from
the time of their joining the forces at will's creek, which must be on or before
the 20th of may ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for
the time necessary for their travelling to will's creek and home again after their
discharge. 3. each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued
by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of
any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such
valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid
in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of
contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by general braddock, or by
the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time,as
it shall be demanded. 5. no drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired
horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be
otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses.
6. all oats, indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp,
more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the
use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.
note.—my son, william franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with
any person in cumberland county.
b. franklin.
to the inhabitants of the counties of lancaster, york and cumberland.
friends and countrymen,
being occasionally at the camp at frederic a few days since, i found the
general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied
with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able
to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and assembly,
money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.
it was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to
seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as
many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.
i apprehended that the progress of british soldiers through these counties on
such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their
resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the
inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what
might be done by fair and equitable means. the people of these back counties have
lately complained to the assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have
an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if
the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it
will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will
amount to upward of ?30,000, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the
king's money.
the service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve
miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that
are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and
no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most
secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
if you are really, as i believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his
majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves;
for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their
plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one
furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and
divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your
king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered
to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. the king's business must be done;
so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through
your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and
horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to
seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little
pitied or regarded.
i have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of
endeavoring to do good, i shall have only my labour for my pains. if this method of
obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, i am obliged to send
word to the general in fourteen days; and i suppose sir john st. clair, the hussar,
with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which
i shall be sorry to hear, because i am very sincerely and truly
your friend and well-wisher.
 b. franklin.
17i received of the general about ?800, to be disbursed in advance-money to the
waggon owners, etc.; but, that sum being insufficient, i advanc'd upward of ?200
more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and
fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. the advertisement
promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be
lost. the owners, however, alleging they did not know general braddock, or what
dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance,
which i accordingly gave them.
18while i was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of colonel
dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he
said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country,
to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a
wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. i commiserated their case, and
resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. i said nothing, however, to him of
my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the assembly, who had
the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these
officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them
of necessaries and refreshments. my son, who had some experience of a camp life,
and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which i enclos'd in my letter. the
committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores
arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. they consisted of twenty parcels, each
containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar. 6 lbs. good muscovado do.
1 lb. good green tea. 1 lb. good bohea do.
6 lbs. good ground coffee. 6 lbs. chocolate.
1\/2 cwt. best white biscuit. 1\/2 lb. pepper.
1 quart best white wine vinegar. 1 gloucester cheese.
1 keg containing 20 lbs. good butter. 2 doz. old madeira wine.
2 gallons jamaica spirits. 1 bottle flour of mustard.
2 well-cur'd hams. 1\/2 dozen dry'd tongues.
6 lbs. rice. 6 lbs. raisins.
19these twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each
parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. they were very
thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the
colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. the general, too, was
highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily
paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther
assistance in sending provisions after him. i undertook this also, and was busily
employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own
money, upwards of ?1000 sterling, of which i sent him an account. it came to his
hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately
an order on the paymaster for the round sum of ?1,000, leaving the remainder to the
next account. i consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to
obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.
20this general was, i think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure
as a good officer in some european war. but he had too much self-confidence, too
high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both
americans and indians. george croghan, our indian interpreter, join'd him on his
march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his
army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and
neglected them, and they gradually left him.
21in conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his
intended progress. \"after taking fort duquesne,\" says he, \"i am to proceed to
niagara; and, having taken that, to frontenac, if the season will allow time; and i
suppose it will, for duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and
then i see nothing that can obstruct my march to niagara.\" having before revolv'd
in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road,
to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what i had read of a former
defeat of fifteen hundred french, who invaded the iroquois country, i had conceiv'd
some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. but i ventur'd only to
say, \"to be sure, sir, if you arrive well before duquesne, with these fine troops,
so well provided with artillery, that place not yet compleatly fortified, and as we
hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. the
only danger i apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of indians,
who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the
slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be
attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several
pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each
other.\"
22he smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, \"these savages may, indeed, be a
formidable enemy to your raw american militia, but upon the king's regular and
disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression.\" i was
conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his
profession, and said no more. the enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his
army which i apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance
without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a
body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come
over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its
advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first
intelligence the general had of an enemy's being near him. this guard being
disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done
in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came
upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd,
pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in
a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds
of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with
precipitation.
23the waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example
was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery,
and stores were left to the enemy. the general, being wounded, was brought off with
difficulty; his secretary, mr. shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-
six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen
men killed out of eleven hundred. these eleven hundred had been picked men from the
whole army; the rest had been left behind with colonel dunbar, who was to follow
with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. the flyers, not being
pursu'd, arriv'd at dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly
seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the
enemy who bad beaten braddock did not at most exceed four hundred indians and
french together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost
honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might
have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to
remove. he was there met with requests from the governors of virginia, maryland,
and pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford
some protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the
country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at philadelphia, where the
inhabitants could protect him. this whole transaction gave us americans the first
suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of british regulars had not been
well founded.
24in their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the
settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some
poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they
remonstrated. this was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had
really wanted any. how different was the conduct of our french friends in 1781,
who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from rhode island
to virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for
the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.
25captain orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being
grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death,
which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day,
and at night only said, \"who would have thought it?\" that he was silent again the
following day, saying only at last, \"we shall better know how to deal with them
another time;\" and dy'd in a few minutes after.
26the secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and
correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into
french a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile
intentions of the british court before the declaration of war. among these i saw
some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service i
had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. david hume, too, who
was some years after secretary to lord hertford, when minister in france, and
afterward to general conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the
papers in that office, letters from braddock highly recommending me. but, the
expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much
value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.
27as to rewards from himself, i ask'd only one, which was, that he would give
orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and that he
would discharge such as had been already enlisted. this he readily granted, and
several were accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. dunbar, when
the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous. he being at philadelphia, on his
retreat, or rather flight, i apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of
three poor farmers of lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the
late general's orders on that bead. he promised me that, if the masters would come
to him at trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to new york, he
would there deliver their men to them. they accordingly were at the expense and
trouble of going to trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their
great loss and disappointment.
28as soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the
owners came upon me for the valuation which i had given bond to pay. their demands
gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in
the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from
general shirley, and my assuring them that i had apply'd to that general by letter;
but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must
have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me.
general shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing
commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. they amounted to near ?
20,000, which to pay would have ruined me.
29before we had the news of this defeat, the two doctors bond came to me with a
subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework,
which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our
taking fort duquesne. i looked grave, and said it would, i thought, be time enough
to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. they
seem'd surpris'd that i did not immediately comply with their proposal. \"why the d
—l!\" says one of them, \"you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be
taken?\" \"i don't know that it will not be taken, but i know that the events of
war are subject to great uncertainty.\" i gave them the reasons of my doubting; the
subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they
would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. dr. bond, on some other
occasion afterward, said that he did not like franklin's forebodings.
30governor morris, who had continually worried the assembly with message after
message before the defeat of braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to
raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the
proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an
exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger
and necessity being greater. the assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they
had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if
they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills.
31in one of the last, indeed, which was for granting ?50,000, his propos'd
amendment was only of a single word. the bill expressed \"that all estates, real
and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted.\" his
amendment was, for \"not\" read \"only\"—a small, but very material alteration.
however, when the news of this disaster reached england, our friends there, whom we
had taken care to furnish with all the assembly's answers to the governor's
messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and
injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say
that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to
it. they were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add
?5,000 of their money to whatever sum might be given by the assembly for such
purpose.
32this, being notified to the house, was accepted in lieu of their share of a
general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed
accordingly. by this act i was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of
the money, ?60,000. i had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its
passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining
of a voluntary militia, which i carried thro' the house without much difficulty, as
care was taken in it to leave the quakers at their liberty. to promote the
association necessary to form the militia, i wrote a dialogue, stating and
answering all the objections i could think of to such a militia, which was printed,
and had, as i thought, great effect.
33while the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning
their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of our north-western
frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the
inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. i undertook this
military business, tho' i did not conceive myself well qualified for it. he gave me
a commission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to
be given to whom i thought fit. i had but little difficulty in raising men, having
soon five hundred and sixty under my command. my son, who had in the preceding war
been an officer in the army rais'd against canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great
use to me. the indians had burned gnadenhut, a village settled by the moravians,
and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one
of the forts.
34in order to march thither, i assembled the companies at bethlehem, the chief
establishment of those people. i was surprised to find it in so good a posture of
defense; the destruction of gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. the principal
buildings were defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and
ammunition from new york, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones
between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon
the heads of any indians that should attempt to force into them. the armed
brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. in
conversation with the bishop, spangenberg, i mention'd this my surprise; for,
knowing they had obtained an act of parliament exempting them from military duties
in the colonies, i had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing
arms. he answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but that,
at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many
of their people. on this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it
adopted by but a few. it seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd
the parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too
strong for whimsical opinions.
35it was the beginning of january when we set out upon this business of
building forts. i sent one detachment toward the minisink, with instructions to
erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the
lower part, with similar instructions; and i concluded to go myself with the rest
of my force to gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. the
moravians procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.
36just before we left bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their
plantations by the indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they
might go back and fetch off their cattle. i gave them each a gun with suitable
ammunition. we had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued
raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we
arriv'd near night at the house of a german, where, and in his barn, we were all
huddled together, as wet as water could make us. it was well we were not attack'd
in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not
keep their gun locks dry. the indians are dextrous in contrivances for that
purpose, which we had not. they met that day the eleven poor farmers above
mentioned, and killed ten of them. the one who escap'd inform'd that his and his
companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.
37the next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the desolated
gnadenhut. there was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of
boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at
that inclement season, as we had no tents. our first work was to bury more
effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country
people.
38the next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference
measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades
to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. our axes, of which
we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being
dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made. seeing the trees fall so
fast, i had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine;
in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and i found it of fourteen inches
diameter. each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end.
while these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet
deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being
taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which
united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to
bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. when they were set up, our
carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the
men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. we had one swivel gun, which we
mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the indians
know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if
such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a
week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could not work.
39this gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they are best
content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and,
with the consciousness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening
jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault
with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind
of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when
his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing
further to employ them about, \"oh,\" says he, \"make them scour the anchor.\"
40this kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against
indians, who have no cannon. finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a
place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent
country. we met with no indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills
where they had lain to watch our proceedings. there was an art in their contrivance
of those places, that seems worth mention. it being winter, a fire was necessary
for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have
discovered their position at a distance. they had therefore dug holes in the ground
about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their
hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. with
these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd
among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all
round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which,
with them, is an essential point. this kind of fire, so manag'd, could not discover
them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear'd that their
number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them
with prospect of advantage.
41we had for our chaplain a zealous presbyterian minister, mr. beatty, who
complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and
exhortations. when they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a
gill of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning,
and the other half in the evening; and i observ'd they were as punctual in
attending to receive it; upon which i said to mr. beatty, \"it is, perhaps, below
the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to
deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you.\" he
liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure
out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally
and more punctually attended; so that i thought this method preferable to the
punishment inflicted by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.
42i had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with
provisions, when i receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had
call'd the assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on
the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. my friends,
too, of the assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the
meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants
contented to remain on their farms under that protection, i resolved to return; the
more willingly, as a new england officer, colonel clapham, experienced in indian
war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. i gave
him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and
introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was
much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation,
took my leave. i was escorted as far as bethlehem, where i rested a few days to
recover from the fatigue i had undergone. the first night, being in a good bed, i
could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of our
hut at gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.
43while at bethlehem, i inquir'd a little into the practice of the moravians:
some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. i found they work'd
for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories, great
numbers together. in the dormitories i observed loopholes, at certain distances all
along just under the ceiling, which i thought judiciously placed for change of air.
i was at their church, where i was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being
accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. i understood that their
sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and
children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the married
men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the
little children, each division by itself. the sermon i heard was to the latter, who
came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young
man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. the discourse seem'd
well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner,
coaxing them, as it were, to be good. they behav'd very orderly, but looked pale
and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not
allow'd sufficient exercise.
44i inquir'd concerning the moravian marriages, whether the report was true
that they were by lot. i was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases;
that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the
elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women.
as these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and
dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were
suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it
should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the
young man, the lot was then recurred to. i objected, if the matches are not made by
the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. \"and
so they may,\" answer'd my informer, \"if you let the parties chuse for
themselves;\"—which, indeed, i could not deny.
www.xia ＯＳ hu Ｏ tx Ｔ.Ｎｅ tt:xt.小``说".天 堂

第8章

1 回到费城后，我看到民兵训练的事情进行得非常顺利，除了教友会教友，其余的居民几乎全都加入了进来，
按照新的法律他们把自己组成了许多中队，选出了他们自己上尉、中尉和少尉。Ｂ博士来探访我，他向我说起他
为扩大新法影响而做的努力。我还一度认为是我那篇对话录所起的作用呢，然而，尽管无从取证但我想也许他说
的是对的，我让他保持自己的观点，在这种情况下这也许是最好的方法。我们民兵联队的军官们开会，他们选我
做团长，这次，我没有推辞接受了这个职位。我忘记了我们到底组了几个中队，但是我们阅兵的时候有 1200 多个
雄赳赳，气昂昂的士兵站在我们面前，还有一个炮兵联队装配有 6 门质地精良的铜炮，1 分钟内可以连续发射 12
发炮弹。第一次检阅我的团队后，炮兵们送我回家，并且坚持在我家门口放几个礼炮，表示对我的尊敬，炮弹把
我点穴仪器上的几块玻璃震了下来摔破了。事实上我这些新荣誉也跟这些玻璃差不多一样易碎，因为不久以后英
国政府废除了我们的团练法，接着我们的军衔也被撤消了。
2 在我任团长的短短时间内，一次我将出发到维吉尼亚旅行一趟，我团队中的军官们认为他们应当护送我出城
直到下渡口。当我正在上马时，他们 30、40 个人，骑着马，全体穿着军服，来到我门前。事前我对此一无所知，
否则我会加以劝阻的，因为我生性不喜欢在任何场合炫耀，摆排场。对他们的出现我真是感到万分懊恼，因为我
无法拒绝他们的护送了。使得事情更糟糕的是，当我们上路了后，他们居然拔出了他们的配剑，并且一路上亮剑
而行。有人为这件事写了个报告寄给领主，他大为不乐。他在宾西法尼亚的时候还从来没有受过这样隆重的敬礼，
他的州长们也从未享受过这样的礼遇。他说只有王室的亲王才配受这样的敬礼。也许这是真的，但是我不太清楚。
不管是过去还是现在，对这样的礼节我都是门外汉。
3 但是这件愚蠢的事使得领主对我的敌意与日俱增。在这以前，由于我在州议会中有关他财产免税方面的言行，
他本来就很恨我了。而且我一直激烈地反对这种免税，还严厉地斥责过他在要求这种特权时所表现的卑鄙无耻的
不义行径。于是他向内阁控告我，说我对完成英王军务简直是一个巨大的障碍，说我利用我在州议会中的势力反
对通过合适的筹款议案。他还援引我的军官们这次列队护送我的事件作为例证，说明我企图使用武力从他们手中
夺取宾西法尼亚的政权。他还请邮政总长埃弗拉德·福克斯先生免除我的职务；但是他白操心了一场，只得到了埃
弗拉德·福克斯爵士的一顿委婉的训诫而已。
4 尽管议长和州议会之间龌龊的交易不断，作为一个议员，在他们的争论中我仍承担着很重要的一份，但是与
州长之间我仍保持着一种谦恭有礼的关系，我们之间从未发生过个人的恩怨。有时候我想他之所以对我不抱怨或
者很少抱怨可能是职业习惯的结果，因为大家知道对他的咨文的复文是我执笔的。他受过律师的训练，他或许认
为，我们两人只是诉讼中双方的律师而已，他代表领主，而我代表州议会。因此，有时他到我家来，作一次友好
探访，听听我对一些疑难问题的意见，有时他也会接受我的忠告，虽然这是很少有的事。
5 我们曾共同合作替布莱德多克将军的部队采购粮秣。当他失利的可怕消息传到后，州长十万火急地，召我去
见他，跟他商谈防止边陲居民逃亡的方法。现在我已不记得当时我建议了什么，但是我想我曾经建议他应当写信
给丹巴，劝他尽可能地暂时把军队驻扎在边境上，以保护边区居民，等各殖民地的援军一到，他可以继续进行征
讨。如果丹巴和他的部队忙于攻打其它地区的话，等我从边境回来以后，他可以命令我调动殖民地军队去征伐，
去攻占杜肯堡。他提议任命我任将军，我对于我的军事才能的评估比他口头上对我的评价要低的多，并且我相信
他口头上的评价一定超过了他真正的想法。但是，他认为，也许我的名望会有助于士兵的征集，我在州议会正的
影响也会有助于州议会的拨款支付军饷，并且或许这项拨款可以免除领主财产的纳税。当他发现我并不像他想象
的那样热衷于这事的时候，就放弃了这一计划。不久以后他卸职了，接替他的是丹尼上尉。
 6 在我叙述在新的州长治理下，我在公共事物方面的活动之前，或许可以插叙一下此段时期内我在哲学研究方
面的进步。
1746 年，我在波士顿时，遇见了一位思朋斯博士，他刚从苏格兰来不久，他做了一些电气实验给我看。但是
这些实验做得并不完美，因为他的技术不是很熟练。但是因为这样的项目对我来说是全新的，所以我对它们感到
又惊又喜。回到费城不久，我们图书馆从伦敦皇家协会的一个会员柯立迅先生那里收到了一个礼物，那就是一根
玻璃管，且附有说明书，解释做这种实验时玻璃管的使用方法。我十分渴望抓住这样一个机会，重复我在波士顿
所看到的实验，经过多次练习以后，我也能迅速熟练地做那些在英国寄来的书报中提到的实验了，同时我添加了
几个新的实验。我说的经过多次练习，因为在一时期内我家经常客满为患，人们都跑来看这些新鲜的玩意儿。
7 为了让朋友们也能够稍稍分担这样的负担，我叫玻璃厂制造了几根类似的玻璃管。这样，他们就都有做实验
的设备了，最后我们就有好几个实验表演者了。在这些人当中，最主要的一个是金纳斯先生，他是我的一个邻居，
那时他刚好失业了，因此，我就鼓励他通过向人们表演这些实验来赚些钱，并且给他写了两篇讲稿，在讲稿里我
给他排好了实验的先后次序，与之同步的实验方法和说明，以便能帮助人们更好地理解实验。他为此买了一套漂
亮的设备，在这套设备中凡是以前由我自己制造的粗糙的小零件，现在都由仪器制造商做得很漂亮细腻了。他的
演讲很受欢迎，给人以美的享受；后来他走遍了每个殖民地，在每个重要城镇表演他的实验，因此赚了些钱。在
西印第安群岛，做这样的实验有些难度，因为那里的空气一般的情况下都很潮湿。
8 很感谢柯立迅先生给我们寄来这样的玻璃试管等其它实验器材，因此我觉得应该写封信对他表示我们的谢意，
此外告诉他我们在使用这些东西所取得的成功，我就写了几封关于我们实验情况的信给他。他收到后并在皇家协
会中宣读了它们，但是皇家协会一开始并不认为我们的东西值得注意，因此就没有在他们的刊物中发表。有篇论
文，是我写给金纳斯先生的，关于论述闪电和电的同一性问题，我把它寄给了米切尔博士，我的一个老熟人，他
也是皇家协会的成员，他写了一封信给我说他在会上已经宣读了我的论文，但是却受到了那些行家的嘲笑。然而，
这些论文，被拿给富特吉尔博士看，他认为这些论文很有价值，不应该被埋没，建议应把它们刊印发表出来。柯
立迅先生把它们交给凯夫，交代他在他的《绅士杂志》上发表；但是凯夫却把他们印成了单独的小册子，富特吉
尔博士给写了序言。凯夫，看来他的生意算盘是拨对了，因为后来陆续加上去了寄过去的论文，这本论文集变成
了一本厚厚的四开本，出了五版，可是却没花他分文的稿费。
9 然而，在一段时期内，这些论文在英国并没有引起广泛关注，后来一个偶然的机缘，我的一篇论文落在了布
丰伯爵的手里，他是法国著名的科学家，当然也是全欧洲著名的科学家。他就把它推荐给戴立波特先生，并要他
翻译成法文，在巴黎出版。这一出版却让箬莱特神父大为生气，他是皇家科学的导师。他是个能干的实验派科学
家，他以前自创了一个电学方面的理论并且发表了，这个理论在当时甚是流行。他起初不敢相信这个理论来自美
洲，且说这一定是他的论敌们为了破坏他的理论体系在巴黎编造出来的。虽然他曾一度怀疑，但后来却不得不相
信，在费城真的有一个叫富兰克林的家伙。他写了并印发了一系列的信件，这主要是写给我的，他的目的是捍卫
他的理论，否认我的实验以及从我实验中得出来的确实数据的真实性。
10 我曾经想给他回信，而且已经写好了回信的开头，但后来我转念一想，我的论文中讲述了实验的方法，任
何人都可以重复检验，假如检验得有问题，那就用不着为自己辩护了；而我论文里的观点仅仅是作为假设提出来
的，并不是武断的教条。因此，我也没有必要为它去辩护；两人之间的争辩，考虑的语言的不同，很有可能是因
为翻译的时候，出现的一个小错误而引起的相互间的误解。这位神父有一封信中的大部分言论就是因为论文中的
一个误译而引起的，因此我就没有为这些论文同他争辩。因为我相信，与其花大把的时间同他做些这样无谓的争
辩，还不如利用这些时间多做几个新的实验。这样，我就从来没有给神父回过信，后来的事情证明我这样做是明
智的。因为我的一个朋友，皇家科学协会会员李罗先生站出来为我辩护，驳斥了他的观点。我的论文集被译成了
意大利文、德文和拉丁文，书中的学说也逐渐地为欧洲的科学家们普遍采纳，那神父的学说则被人们抛弃了。在
他死之前，他几乎是孤家寡人一个，除了他的一个高足——巴黎的Ｂ先生追随他以外，剩下的就是他自己了。
11 使得我的书突然畅销引起人们广泛注意的是书中所说的一个实验的成功，这是由戴立巴和德罗两位先生在
马莱做的，这个实验的目的是为了把云端的电引到地面上来。这件事在当时引起了轰动，远近闻名。德罗先生有
个实验室，他还讲授实验科学，重复他所谓的“费城实验”，在国王和王后面前表演以后，巴黎全城爱看热闹的
人都蜂拥而至了。我在这里就不多说这个重要的实验以及我为之高兴的那个实验了，那是我不久以后在费城用一
只风筝做的一个类似的实验，这个实验也取得了成功。因为这两件事在电学史上都有记载。
12 一个英国医生叫莱特，他在巴黎的时候写信给他的朋友，他的朋友是一个皇家学会的会员，告诉他国外的
学术界对我的实验非常重视，外国的学者不了解为什么我的著作在英国反而默默无闻。听到这样的消息后，皇家
学会才重新考虑以前在会中宣读过的我的论文。著名的华生博士把曾经宣读过的，和从那时我寄到英国去的一切
与电气有关的论文做了一个简要的报告，在报告中他对我推崇备至。这个报告就发表在他们皇家学会的会刊上。
一些在伦敦的会员，特别是才智聪敏的康东先生，都证实了用一个尖针就可以把云端的电引下来，他们把结果报
给了皇家学会。不久皇家学会就纠正了他们一开始对我忽视的错误，后来对我十分优待，并且给了我这样的荣誉：
没有经过我的申请，他们就自动地选举我为皇家学会的会员，而且还决定豁免我缴纳按惯例要交的会费。会费是
25 个金币，此后他们一直免费赠送我他们的会刊。同时还给我颁发 1753 年高富力·科普林爵士的金质奖章，在颁
发奖章的典礼上，学会会长麦克尔勋爵还发表了一篇非常客气的演说，对我大加赞许，极力推崇。
13 上面提到的皇家学会的奖章由我们的新州长丹尼上尉替我带到美洲来，在费城为他举行的招待会上，他把
奖章赠送给我。在转交时他对我表达了他的敬意，言语十分客气热情，他说他对我的品德仰慕已久了。饭后，当
参加宴会的人按照当地的习惯喝酒的时候，他把我拉到另外一间房间里，告诉我说他在英国的朋友劝他跟我结交，
他们说我能给他最好的忠告，能够辅佐他，使他的政途一帆风顺，因此他极愿意和我友好相处，他要我知道在任
何时候他都愿意尽力为我效劳。他还对我说了许多关于领主对宾西法尼亚州有很多好的想法，他说如果能使议会
放弃长期以来对领主各项措施的反对意见，使领主和他的臣民能够言归于好的话，对我们大家，特别是对我，都
会有好处的。能够促成这一局面形成的，他说，大家都认为非我莫属，而且我还可以获得适当的酬谢和报答等等。
喝酒的人看到我们迟迟不回席，就叫人送来了一瓶白葡萄酒。州长就大喝了起来，酒喝得越多，他的恳请和允诺
也就更多了。
14 我对这个目的的回答是：感谢上帝，我的经济状况还好，因而也不需要领主给我这些恩惠。同时，作为一
个议员，我也不能从州长那里得到任何恩惠，但，我和领主之间并不存在个人嫌隙，任何时候，只要他提出来的
公共措施是符合人民利益的，我一定会比任何人更热烈地拥护和赞助。我过去之所以会反对，那是因为领主所提
出的措施明显是为领主个人的利益服务的，而且严重地损害了人民的利益。我说我对州长对我的好意表示感谢，
他可以放心，我将尽我所能使他在执政期间尽可能地顺利，同时希望他没有像他前任那样带着不幸的指令来就任，
这种指令是他的前任束手无策的。
15 在这点上他当时并没有过多的解释，但是后来，在议会中处理事物的时候，领主的指令又出现了，争论于
是就又出现了，我又积极投入了反对的那一面中，因为，第一次要求州长把领主指令通知议会的请求是我起草的，
以后对于这些指令的意见也是我写的。这两个文件都可以在当时的决议案中和我后来发表的历史记录中找到。但
是，我们私人间却没有发生过任何的恩怨，我们常常见面，他是一个学者，到过世界许多地方，谈吐十分风趣动
人。他是第一个告诉我，我的老友詹姆斯·拉尔夫还活着，他还被认为是英国最卓越的政论家之一，他还在弗雷德
里克亲王和国王之间的争论中服务过，每年拿 300 镑的年薪呢，但他作为一个诗人却没那么著名，蒲柏在他的
“愚人叙事诗”中曾经攻击过他的诗，但是他的散文却被认为是一流的。
16 州议会终于发现领主仍执迷不悟地坚持用指令来束缚他们的代理人州长，这种指令不但违反人民的利益，
而且对英王的军务也有妨碍。因此州议会就决定到国王那控告领主，并且指定我做他们的代理人前往英国，提出
请愿和进行活动。州议会曾经提交了一个议案给州长，要州长批准给国王使用的 6 万镑（其中 1 万镑可由当时的
将军劳登勋爵动用），但是州长按照领主的指令坚决地拒绝通过该项议案。
17 我已经和莫里斯船长商量好了，坐他的船到纽约去，而且我的行李，还有食物等一些日常必需品都已经搬
到船上去了，这时，罗登勋爵忽然从费城赶来，他告诉我，他很努力在州长和议会之间斡旋，使得英王的军务大
事不至于因两者之间的分歧而受到阻碍。因此他要求我和州长同他见面，他要听到双方的陈述。我们见了面，讨
论了这个问题。我代表州议会提出了当时政府文件中指出了各种论争，那些文件都是我写的，在州议会的记录中
有记载。州长也为他领主的指示辩护；他必须服从领主发出的训令，因为他曾允诺过，假如他不遵守的话他的一
切也都完了。但是，如果劳登勋爵劝他不遵守这些指令的话，州长好像也不是不愿意冒险一试。可是劳登勋爵却
没有劝他，尽管我认为我差不多都可以说服他了，但最终，劳登勋爵宁可催促议会作出让步顺从州长的意志，他
恳求我利用我在州议会中的势力来达到这个目的，他声明他不能让英王分出军队来保卫我们殖民地的边疆，如果
我们自己继续不做防御准备的话，我们的边境就必然容易遭受外敌的侵扰。
18 我把事情的情势报告给了州议会，向他们提出了我起草的一系列议决案，在里面我申明了我们的权利，申
明我们不会放弃这种权利，这一次为暴力所迫，我们不得不暂时停止使用这种权利，并且我们对这种暴力提出强
烈的抗议。最后议会同意收回原来的议案，另外通过了一个符合领主指令的议案。这个议案州长当然给予了批准，
这样我也可以自由地开始我的旅程。但是，在我们会谈的时候，原先我要乘的船已经载着我的旅行用的东西出发
了，这对我来说也是一种损失，我得到惟一的酬劳就是劳登勋爵的几句感谢的话，而所有的功劳全都落入了他的
腰包。
19 他在我之前就去了纽约；因为邮船出发的时间是由他安排。这时候有两条船在港内，他说其中有一只不久
就要起航。我就请他告诉我这个确切的时间，以便不会因为我的任何耽搁而错过了她。他的回复是：“我已经告
诉他们让他们下个星期六出发；但是我应该告诉你，不要告诉别人，你最好是星期一早上到那，你一定要准时去，
不要再耽搁了。”由于在渡口有些事的耽搁，我到达的时候已经是星期一的中午了，我非常担心我又错过了这次
机会，因为这天顺风；但是后来我就放心了，因为有人告诉我这船还在港内，明天才出发呢。大家都以为我马上
就要到欧洲去了，我也以为我会很快离开，不过那时我还不是很了解他贵族的性格——优柔寡断是他性格中最强
的一个特征。我会举一些例子来证明这一点的。我到达纽约大概是 4 月初的样子，然后我想大概在 6 月末左右才
出发那时有两条邮船，都呆在港内很久了，这都是为等将军的信件而被扣留住了，他总是说信件第二天就可以写
好。又来了一条邮船也被扣留下了，在我们启航之前，第四条邮船都快要来了。我们的那条船最先出发，因为它
留在港内的时间最久了。所有船只的舱位都定好了，有些旅客等得十分焦急，非常渴望动身，商人们则为他们的
信件担忧，为他们已经付过保证金（因为这是在战时）的订购单担心！不过他们的焦虑是毫无用处的，因为劳登
勋爵的信还是没有写好；而且每个拜访他的人都发现他整天拿着笔，伏案疾书，还以为他写的东西非常多呢。
20 有天上午我亲自去问候他，在他的会客室里，我碰见了一个从费城来的使者，名叫伊倪斯，他特地从费城
来为丹尼州长送一个小包裹给将军的。他交给我几封信，都是我费城朋友寄来的，我就问他什么时候回去，在什
么地方歇脚，以便我可以托他带几封信回去。他说将军命令他第二天上午九时来取给州长的回信，然后立刻动身。
我在当天就把信交给了他。两星期后我们又在老地方碰到了。我就跟他打招呼：“好啊，你这么快就又回来了，
伊倪斯？”“回来了？！哦，不，我还没回去呢！”“这是怎么回事啊？”“这两个星期以来，我每天上午都奉
命在这里来拿劳登勋爵给州长的信，可是信总没有写好。”“这怎么会呢？他是一个非常勤于动笔的人，我看他
每天都坐在案头上不停地书写呢！”伊倪斯说：“是呀，但是他活像广告上的圣乔治一样，‘永远骑在马上，却
寸步不前’”。这位使者的观察看起来很有道理，因为，我在英国的时候就听说皮特先生撤换这位将军的理由，
就是这位大臣从来都没有接到过他的报告，无法知道他在干些什么。后来就派阿默斯特和乌尔夫两位将军接替他。
21 由于每天都期待着启航，而且 3 艘邮船都要开往桑地·胡克，加入那里的舰队随他们一起出发，所以乘客
们都认为最好是呆在船上，免得邮船突然起航而耽误了行程，所以他们就在舱里呆着。假如我没有记错的话，我
们就这样在船上呆了大概 6 个星期，消耗了航行用的粮食，又不得不去添购。最后舰队终于出发了，那位将军和
他的全军都坐了船到路易堡去，目的是去围攻和夺取那个要塞，所有随行的邮船接到命令要保护将军乘的船，等
到他的公文一写好就可立刻接过来。我们在海上等了 5 天，才接到一封公文，准许我们离开，这时我们才离开舰
队，第一次开往英国。他继续扣留着其它的两只邮船，把他们带到哈利法克斯，在那里他停留了一段时期，训练
他的部队向假设的炮台进行攻击演习，接着他就放弃了攻打路易堡的计划，带着全部的人马跟那两条邮船又回到
了纽约！在他不在的那段时间里，法兰西人和他的奴隶们就攻下了路易堡，在这个州的边境上，他们的奴隶们还
屠杀了许多已经投降的卫戍队官兵。
22 后来我在伦敦遇见了邦纳船长，他当时指挥了其中的一只邮船，他告诉我说，当他被扣留了一个月以后，
他就告诉劳登勋爵他的船底长满了海藻贝壳等物，已经到了会影响他航行速度的程度，这对邮船来说上是很严重
的问题，因此，他就请求给他一点时间，以便把船拉起来清除船底。将军问他需要多少时间，他回答说 3 天。将
军回答说：“如果你能够 1 天就搞好的话，我就答应，否则就不行，因为后天你一定要起航了。”这样他的请求
从未获得批准，尽管事后这只船一天又一天地被扣留了足足三个月之久。
23 在伦敦我也见到邦纳船长的一位乘客，他气愤极了，因为劳登勋爵欺骗了他把他搁置在伦敦那么久，后来
把他带到哈里法克斯，又把他带回来，他发誓他一定会提出诉讼要求赔偿。至于后来他有没有提出诉讼，我就不
知道了，不过根据他所说的，他所遭受的损失是相当可观的。
24 大体上讲，我很惊奇为什么像这样一个人会掌管如此重要的军政大权。但是后来看多了上层社会的是是非
非，以封官赐爵的目的不择手段地攫取，就不再那么惊奇了。薛力将军，他在布莱德多克将军死后继任了他的职
位，依我看，如果他不被免职的话，在 1757 年就会取得比劳登更好的战绩。劳登轻举妄动，奢靡浪费，使我们国
家蒙受了难以想象的耻辱。尽管薛力不是一个正规军人，没有接受过什么严格的军事训练，但他是个明智的，有
远见的人，而且善于听取别人有益的建议，而且有能力做出明智的计划，并且积极迅速地将其付诸实施。相反的，
劳登勋爵在这次保卫战中投入了他的大军，让他们完全暴露在敌军的面前而他自己却在哈利法克斯悠闲地神气。
这样，我们就丢失了乔治堡垒，他打乱了我们的商业活动，破坏了我们的贸易，长期对粮食出口的禁运，使得我
们的商业感到走投无路。虽然禁止粮食出口是为了对敌人实行战略物资的封锁，但实际上只是为了压低粮食的价
格，以便军中伙食承包人可以从中渔利，这是听说来的，也许仅仅是猜的，他也参与了其中的交易呢。最后当禁
令撤消时，因为忘了把这个通知送到查尔斯镇去，使得停在卡罗莱纳的舰队多停留了三个月，因此他们的船底遭
受了严重的虫蛀，以致大部分的船只在归途中沉没了。
25 薛力，我个人认为，他对于自己的免职应该是乐意的，因为，对于一个不谙军事的人来说指挥一个庞大的
军队简直就是一个沉重的负担。在费城人民欢迎劳登将军就任的酒宴上，我看到免了职的薛力也出席了。当时有
很多军官、市民和陌生人参加，因此椅子不够，就像附近的居民借了一些来，其中一把椅子很低，恰巧，薛力就
坐在上面。我在他旁边看见了，就对他说：“先生，他们给你的座位太低了！”他说：“没有关系，富兰克林先
生，我觉得低的座位最舒适。”
26 在我逗留纽约期间，我收到了替布莱德多克将军采办粮食等物品的各种帐单，在这以前，有些帐单我还没
来得及从我雇佣的采办员那里收回，我把帐单送到劳登勋爵那里，请求偿付余数。他命令主管人员对这些帐单加
以彻底的审查，那位军官核对每一张发款员的支票。但是他一再拖延，虽然我经常按约定的时间去取，我一直没
有拿到。最后，在我动身前，他告诉我说经过仔细考虑以后，他决定不把他的帐单和他前人的帐单混在一起。他
说：“你到了英国，只要把你的帐单送给国库，他们马上就会把余款还给你。”
27 我在前面提到过在纽约滞留了一段时间，因而使我不得不支出巨大的额外的费用，所以我要求立即付款。
我指出我办理采购时并未支取佣金，因此他们应当立即偿还我所垫付的款项，不应当再增加我的麻烦，也不能让
这件事再拖延下去了。听到这样的话，他说：“唉呀，先生，你不要以为我们就相信你没有从中得到什么好处，
这些事情我们很了解，我们知道所有的与军队采办有关的人员，他们都有办法从中中饱私囊的。”我使尽了办法
让他确信我的情况并非如此，我并没有因此赚一文钱，但是他显然还是不相信我的话。后来，我确实听说了有人
常从这样的工作中发大财。至于他们对我的欠款，至今还没有偿还，以后我还要提到的。
28 在我们出发前，我们的船长大大地夸奖了他那只船的速度很快。但是不幸的是，航行开始后，就证明它是
96 只船中行动最慢的一只了，这使得船长非常沮丧。关于行动迟缓的原因船长做了很多假设，这时，我们遇上了
一条和我们行动差不多缓慢的船只，然而，那只船却赶上我们了。船长就命令全体人员跑到船尾去，尽可能地站
在旗杆附近。连乘客在内，我们约共有 40 人。当我们站在船尾的时候，我们船的速度明显加快了，不久就赶上了
她附近的那条船，并把她甩在了后面。这就证明我们的一个设想，船速度慢的原因是因为在船头上放的重物太多
了。看起来，大桶的淡水全放在船头是主要的原因了；因此船长就命令都把他们移到后面去，这样一来，我们的
船就恢复了它的特性，成为全队中最快速的帆船了。
29 那位船长说这条船最高的速度，曾经达到过 13 英里，因此照这样的计算起来，也就是每小时 13 英里了。
我们都站在甲板上，一个乘客，肯尼迪上校，他极力辩说这是不可能的，没有船会开得这么快，一定是船长把测
线上的表度弄错了，或是投掷测线的时候出了毛病。他们两个人就打赌，等到顺风的时候就可以决出胜负。于是
肯尼迪就仔细察看那根测线，认为满意后，他就自己亲自动手来测量。过了几天，当风力很强，又是顺风的时候，
邮船的船长说路特威说他相信当时船行的速度是 13 英里，肯尼迪就进行了测量实验，但他赌输了。
30 我记载上面这个事实是为了证明下面的观察。据说，在造船的工艺中一个缺陷，一般人们不容易发现它，
直到船下水航行了以后人们才知道它的好坏；因为，尽管你按着一条好船的样式来造，但等你造好了以后往往会
得到相反的结果，新船反而变得相当呆板，不灵活。我想这一部分可能是由于海员们对于装货、装帆和驶帆的方
式各不相同，每人都有他自己独到的办法。同一条船在一个船长的判断和命令下装货，行驶起来也许会比在另一
个船长的指挥下或快或慢。并且，没有一条船是由同一个人制造、装备和驾驶的。一个人造船身，另一个装帆，3
个人装货和行驶它，他们当中没有一个人能够完全了解其他人的思想和经验，因此当这几方面合在一起的时候，
就很难得到正确的结论了。
31 即使在海上简单的驾驶技术方面，我也常常看到在不同的值班时间里，不同船员的做法不同，虽然风力并
没有变大或变小。一个船员比另一个把帆蓬扯到多一些或少一些，这样看起来，驾驶技术方面就似乎没有一个可
供参考的规则。然而，我想或许可以做一系列的实验：首先，决定最佳航速的船身式样；第二，最合适的桅杆尺
寸和放置桅杆最合适的尺寸位置；接着帆蓬的式样、数量和跟着不同风向的不同扯帆的方式；最后是装货的方法。
这是一个实验的年代，我想这样一系列的精确设计和与之匹配的实验应该是大有用处的。因此，我相信在不久的
将来，一些聪明的科学家们会从事这样的研究的，我真心祝福他们成功！
32 在海上航行的时候我们遭遇了几次敌人的攻击，但是我们比任何人都走得快，在 30 天之内我们就行到了
浅水地区了。我们的航海测量很准确，船长根据他的判断把我们带到靠我们港口法尔莫斯非常近的地方，如果我
们在夜间快速航行的话，那么早晨我们或许就停在港口了，而且夜间航行还可以避开敌方船只的注意，因为他们
常在海港附近巡逻。于是我们就拉起了所有的帆，那天风力也强，我们向前航行着，速度非常快。船长在测量后
定了航线，我们还以为可以远远地避开西黎群岛；但是在圣乔治海峡里似乎时不时地有一股强烈的对岸流，它经
常使海员们上当，曾经使克劳斯莱·薛夫尔爵士的舰队覆没。这股对岸流很有可能就是我们出事的原因。
33 我们派了一个人在船头看守，还不时地提醒他：“仔细看前面的地方！”他就回答：“是，是”；但很有
可能他这个时候正闭着眼睛打瞌睡呢；他们有时候只是机械地回答，因为他连我们前面的灯都没有看到，那个灯
恰好藏在副帆当中，所以掌舵的和其他值班的人都没有看到，还是由于船身偶然的一偏才发现了这个大危险，我
们这个时候离它很近了，这个等在我看来似乎有车轮那么大。这时侯正是午夜时分，我们的船长睡得正香，但是
肯尼迪上校跳到了甲板上，看到了危险，就命令我们调转船头，把所有的风蓬都扯住，停止向前航行；这样的操
作对桅杆来说是非常危险的，但是这样一来倒使我们逃脱一场沉船的劫难。因为我们那时正向安装灯塔的岩石冲
去。这次脱险使我非常强烈地感到灯塔的作用，也使得我决心提倡在美洲建立更多的灯塔，假如我能够生还回美
洲的话。
34 早上通过声纳等仪器的测试，我们发现我们就在海港附近，但是我们眼前的大陆却被蒙上了厚厚的一团雾。
大概在九点的时候，雾才开始散去，就像在戏院里帷幕一样，雾在水下慢慢升起；在雾下面我们看到了法尔莫斯
的市镇、港内的船只和四周的田野。对那些长时期以来除了单调的大海就别无所见的人来说这真是一幅动人的景
画，同时使我们感到快乐的是现在我们不必再为战争焦虑了。
35 我和我儿子立刻出发到伦敦去了，在路上我们只稍稍停留了一下，参观索尔兹伯里平原上的史前石柱，还
有在威尔顿的彭布罗克勋爵的私邸、花园以及他的非常珍奇的古玩。我们在 1757 年 7 月 27 日到达了伦敦。
到这里自传结束了，并由温姆·汤普·富兰克林和他的后继者们出版，接下来的文章是富兰克林博士在他的晚
年所写的，在毕哥娄先生的版本（1868 版）里第一次用英语刊印出来。
36 当我们一到伦敦，查理先生早已替我安排好了寓所，我就去拜访了富特吉尔博士，有人向他大力推荐我，
还有人建议我向他咨询有关我的诉讼的程序。他反对马上向政府提出控告，主张先跟领主们商量商量，经过朋友
们的调停和劝导，领主们或许愿意友好解决这件事。接着，我又去访问了老朋友和信使皮特·柯立迅先生，他告诉
我那个维吉尼亚大商人约翰·韩布雷要求他，我一到就马上通知他，他会把我引见给格兰威尔勋爵，这位勋爵是枢
密院的议长，他希望能够尽快见到我。我同意第二天上午与韩不雷同去。于是他就来接我，我们坐在他的马车上
一起去见那位贵人。格兰威尔勋爵待我非常谦恭，他询问了一些有关美洲现状的问题，我们交换了一下意见，接
着他就对我说：“你们美洲人对于自己的政体有一种错误的认识：你们力争的国王对他的州长的训令并不是法律，
并不能如你们所想的那样随意遵守。但是这些训令个别公使出国时所带的有关细小礼节方面的袖珍指南是不同的，
他们首先是由熟悉法律的法官们起草的，然后在枢密院里经过深思熟虑、讨论、修改，最后由国王签署。所以这
些训令，从你们的角度来看是国法，因为英王是‘殖民地的立法者’。”我告诉勋爵这对我来说是全新的规矩。
我总是按我们的特点来理解，认为我们的法律就是由我们议会制定的，当然要报请国王批准，但是国王批准了以
后他就不能再随意更改他们，并且议会也不能不经过国王的批准就制定永久性的法律，同时不经过议会的同意国
王也不能制定法律。他坚持我这样的想法是错误的，但我并不这样认为，然而，与勋爵的谈话使我对于英王政府
对我们的可能的想法有点担心，我一回到寓所，就把这次谈话记录下来了。我记得大概在 20 年之前，内阁向国会
提出的议案中有这么一个条款：提出把国王的训令当做殖民地的法律，但是众议院否决了它，当时我们还因此拥
护他们，以为他们是我们的朋友，自由的友人。到了 1756 年从他们对我们的行动中来看，他们以前拒绝授予国王
这一统治权目的只不过是为了替自己保留这一特权罢了。
37 几天以后，富特吉尔博士向领主们提起了这件事，他们都同意在春园，Ｔ·潘恩先生的房子里会见我。谈
话开始双方都愿意寻求一个合理解决问题的方式，但是我想每个派别对“合理”都有自己的观点，接着我们就讨
论了我们控诉的几点问题，我还要一一列举的。领主们尽力为他们的行为辩护。我们之间有距离，这不同观点之
间的分歧是如此的大，以致我们根本就没有什么达成一致意见的希望。然而，会议决定要我把控诉的项目用书面
的形式写下来呈给他们看，他们允诺会仔细考虑的。不久我就这样做了，但是他们把我们的控诉书交给了他们的
律师斐迪南·约汗·鲍黎，他在那些领主和邻州马里兰的领主巴尔的摩勋爵的大诉讼案中替他们办理过法律事务，
这件大诉讼案已经持续了 70 年之久。领主们和州议会之间的争执的所有文件和咨文也是他执笔的。他生性傲慢，
脾气暴躁，因为过去在州议会的复文中我有时会对他的文件抨击的比较厉害，这些文件实际上也是说理浅薄，措
辞无理，所以他跟我结下了不解之怨，每次我们见面，他总是露出这样的仇恨情绪，领主们提出要我和他单独讨
论控诉的各项事务时，我断然拒绝了，除了领主们自己亲自和我谈以外，我不想和任何人谈这样的事。后来，根
据鲍黎的建议，他们把我的控诉交给了检察长和副检察长，要求他们提出意见和处理办法。在他们两位的手里，
这件案子差不多放了快一年了，因为还差 8 天就一整年。在这期间，我多次要求领主们的答复，但是他们的回答
是还没有接到检察长和副检察长的意见。但是当他们接到检察长和副检察长的意见时，我从未曾知晓这里面的实
际内容，因为他们不告诉我。但是他们写了一篇由鲍黎起草和签署的冗长的咨文，寄给了州议会，讲到了我的控
诉书，说我粗鲁无礼，措辞不当，同时也替他们浅薄的行为做了辩解，最后表示如果州议会派一个“公正坦率的
人”来跟他们谈判，他们才愿意和解。他们用这种方式暗示我不是这样的人选。
38 他们认为的粗鲁和无礼，可能是指我写给他们的文件中没有冠上他们的尊称——“宾西法尼亚州真正的绝
对的领主”。我之所以没有写是因为我认为在这个文件中没有必要，这个文件的目的只是把我口头所讲的用文字
写下来而已。
但是在耽搁期间，州议会劝服丹尼州长通过了一个议案，领主们的财产也要和普通人民的财产一样纳税，这
是争执中的焦点，州议会也就没有答复领主们的咨文了。
39 当这个议案送到英国来的时候，根据鲍黎的建议，领主们决定反对，并且要国王批准他们的反对意见。于
是他们在枢密院里向国王请愿，接着枢密院就定好时间审案，领主们雇佣了两个律师反对这个议案，我也雇佣了
两个律师来拥护这个议案。他们陈述这个议案的目的是为了减轻人民的负担而使领主的财产承担过重的捐税，如
果这个议案继续有效的话，领主们在捐税方面就只好由人民任意摆布，他们最终会破产的。我们辩护说，这个议
案没有这样的意图，也不会产生这样的结果，估税员都是诚实而谨慎的人，他们立誓要公平合理地估税，如果从
增加领主们的税额中获得减轻自己的捐税的希望是很小的，他们决不因此背弃这样的誓约。根据我的记忆，这是
双方陈辞的主要观点，此外我们已经发行了 10 万镑金额的纸币，供给英王使用，用于英王的军事预算，现在纸币
已经在民间流通了，议案一旦被废除，在人民手中的纸币就成了废纸了，许多人会因此而破产，将来要发行补助
金就完全没有把握了。我们强调指出领主的损人利己的品质，他们仅仅是因为害怕他们的财产会负担过重的捐税
而教唆他人阻挠这一法律，给人们造成这样巨大的灾难。讲到这里，枢密院的一位大臣曼司非尔德勋爵站了起来，
向我招手，当律师还在辩论的时候，他把我拉到秘书室里，问我是否在执行这项法律的时候领主的财产真正不会
受到歧视。我说那是当然。他说：“那你不反对立约担保这一点吧？”我说：“并不反对。”接着他把鲍黎叫了
进来，经过一些讨论以后，双方都接受了曼司非尔德勋爵的建议。枢密院的秘书起草了一个文件，我和查理先生
都在上面签了字，查理先生是宾州的代理人，处理日常事务的，然后曼司非尔德勋爵回到了枢密院的会议室，最
后这条法律就批准了。但是枢密院建议作某些修正，我们也保证把这些修正放在附属法里，但是州议会认为没有
这样的必要，因为在枢密院的命令到达之前，这个法律的第一年的捐税已经征收了。州议会指定了一个委员会检
查估税员的工作，他们委任了几个领主们的密友作为委员。经过一番详细的调查后，他们全体一致签署了一个报
告，证明估税工作是完全公正无私的。
40 州议会认为我所订立的这项法律的第一部分是对宾州的一个重大的贡献，因为它巩固了流通在全国各处的
纸币的信用。当我回来的时候他们正式向我表示感谢。但是领主们恨透了丹尼州长，因为他批准了这项议案，他
们就撤消了他的职务，威胁他要控告他违背他所立的信约。但是他是奉将军的命令行事，并且是为了英王陛下的
军务，同时他在英国宫廷里也认识一些有权有势的人，所以他根本不把这些威胁放在眼里，实际上，这些威胁也
从来没有起过作用。
part 8
1being returned to philadelphia, i found the association went on swimmingly,
the inhabitants that were not quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed
themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns,
according to the new law. dr. b. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he
had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those
endeavors. i had had the vanity to ascribe all to my dialogue; however, not knowing
but that he might be in the right, i let him enjoy his opinion, which i take to be
generally the best way in such cases. the officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel
of the regiment, which i this time accepted. i forget how many companies we had,
but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery,
who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert
in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. the first time i reviewed my
regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds
fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical
apparatus. and my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our commissions
were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in england.
2during this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey
to virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be
proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the lower ferry. just as i was
getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and
all in their uniforms. i had not been previously acquainted with the project, or i
should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any
occasion; and i was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as i could not avoid
their accompanying me. what made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move,
they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. somebody wrote an
account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. no such honor had
been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was
only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught i know, who
was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.
3this silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which
was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the assembly respecting the
exemption of his estate from taxation, which i had always oppos'd very warmly, and
not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it.
he accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service,
preventing, by my influence in the house, the proper form of the bills for raising
money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an
intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. he also
applied to sir everard fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my
office; but it had no other effect than to procure from sir everard a gentle
admonition.
4notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the house, in
which i, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil
intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never had any personal
difference. i have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against
me, for the answers it was known i drew up to his messages, might be the effect of
professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as
merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and i
for the assembly. he would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise
with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice.
5we acted in concert to supply braddock's army with provisions; and, when the
shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult
with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back counties. i forget
now the advice i gave; but i think it was, that dunbar should be written to, and
prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their
protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed
on the expedition. and, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me
undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the
reduction of fort duquesne, dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he
proposed to commission me as general. i had not so good an opinion of my military
abilities as he profess'd to have, and i believe his professions must have exceeded
his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would
facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in assembly, the grant of money
to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. finding me
not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after
left the government, being superseded by captain denny.
6before i proceed in relating the part i had in public affairs under this new
governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the
rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.
in 1746, being at boston, i met there with a dr. spence, who was lately arrived
from scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. they were imperfectly
perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they
equally surpris'd and pleased me. soon after my return to philadelphia, our library
company receiv'd from mr. p. collinson, fellow of the royal society of london, a
present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such
experiments. i eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what i had seen at
boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in performing those, also,
which we had an account of from england, adding a number of new ones. i say much
practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to
see these new wonders.
7to divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, i caused a number of
similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house,with which they furnish'd themselves,
so that we had at length several performers. among these, the principal was mr.
kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, i encouraged to
undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in
which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such
explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending
the following. he procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the
little machines that i had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by
instrument-makers. his lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction;
and after some time he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital
town, and pick'd up some money. in the west india islands, indeed, it was with
difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air.
8oblig'd as we were to mr. collinson for his present of the tube, etc., i
thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him
several letters containing accounts of our experiments. he got them read in the
royal society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be
printed in their transactions. one paper, which i wrote for mr. kinnersley, on the
sameness of lightning with electricity, i sent to dr. mitchel, an acquaintance of
mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had
been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. the papers, however, being shown
to dr. fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the
printing of them. mr. collinson then gave them to cave for publication in his
gentleman's magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and dr.
fothergill wrote the preface. cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by
the additions that arrived afterward they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had
five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.
9it was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in
england. a copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the count de buffon, a
philosopher deservedly of great reputation in france, and, indeed, all over europe,
he prevailed with m. dalibard to translate them into french, and they were printed
at paris. the publication offended the abbé nollet, preceptor in natural philosophy
to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a
theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. he could not at first
believe that such a work came from america, and said it must have been fabricated
by his enemies at paris, to decry his system. afterwards, having been assur'd that
there really existed such a person as franklin at philadelphia, which he had
doubted, he wrote and published a volume of letters, chiefly address'd to me,
defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the
positions deduc'd from them.
10i once purpos'd answering the abbé, and actually began the answer; but, on
consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments which any one
might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of
observations offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not
laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute
between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by
mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of
the abbé's letters being founded on an error in the translation, i concluded to let
my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time i could
spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those
already made. i therefore never answered m. nollet, and the event gave me no cause
to repent my silence; for my friend m. le roy, of the royal academy of sciences,
took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the italian, german,
and latin languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally
adopted by the philosophers of europe, in preference to that of the abbé; so that
he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except monsieur b—, of paris, his
élève and immediate disciple.
11what gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of
one of its proposed experiments, made by messrs. dalibard and de lor at marly, for
drawing lightning from the clouds. this engag'd the public attention every where.
m. de lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that
branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the philadelphia experiments;
and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of paris
flocked to see them. i will not swell this narrative with an account of that
capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure i receiv'd in the success of a
similar one i made soon after with a kite at philadelphia, as both are to be found
in the histories of electricity.
12dr. wright, an english physician, when at paris, wrote to a friend, who was
of the royal society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among
the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed
in england. the society, on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had
been read to them; and the celebrated dr. watson drew up a summary account of them,
and of all i had afterwards sent to england on the subject, which be accompanied
with some praise of the writer. this summary was then printed in their
transactions; and some members of the society in london, particularly the very
ingenious mr. canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from
the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made
me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. without
my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted
that i should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to
twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their transactions gratis. they
also presented me with the gold medal of sir godfrey copley for the year 1753, the
delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, lord
macclesfield, wherein i was highly honoured.
13our new governor, captain denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned
medal from the royal society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given
him by the city. he accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for
me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. after dinner, when
the company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me
aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends
in england to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him
the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his
administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good
understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of his readiness on all
occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. he said much to
me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the
advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that
had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between
him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more
serviceable than myself; and i might depend on adequate acknowledgments and
recompenses, etc., etc. the drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the
table, sent us a decanter of madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and
in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.
14my answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to god, were
such as to make proprietary favours unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of
the assembly, i could not possibly accept of any; that, however, i had no personal
enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd
should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward
them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this,
that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the
proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that i was much
obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he
might rely on every thing in my power to make his administration as easy as
possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same
unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hamper'd with.
15on this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do
business with the assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and i
was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to
have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which
may be found in the votes of the time, and in the historical review i afterward
publish'd. but between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he
was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and
pleasing in conversation. he gave me the first information that my old friend jas.
ralph was still alive; that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in
england; had been employ'd in the dispute between prince frederic and the king, and
had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year;that his reputation was indeed small
as a poet, pope having damned his poetry in the dunciad; but his prose was thought
as good as any man's.
16the assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in
manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the
privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolv'd to petition
the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to england, to
present and support the petition. the house had sent up a bill to the governor,
granting a sum of ?60,000 for the king's use (?10,000 of which was subjected to the
orders of the then general, lord loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus'd to
pass, in compliance with his instructions.
17i had agreed with captain morris, of the paquet at new york, for my passage,
and my stores were put on board, when lord loudoun arriv'd at philadelphia,
expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and
assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions.
accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear
what was to be said on both sides. we met and discuss'd the business. in behalf of
the assembly, i urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the public
papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of
the assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to
observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard
himself if lord loudoun would advise it. this his lordship did not chuse to do,
though i once thought i had nearly prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he
rather chose to urge the compliance of the assembly; and he entreated me to use my
endeavours with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the
king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to
provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.
18i acquainted the house with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a set
of resolutions i had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish
our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion
thro' force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill,
and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. this of course the
governor pass'd, and i was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. but, in the
meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and
my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of
obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.
19he set out for new york before me; and, as the time for dispatching the
paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one
of which, he said, was to sail very soon, i requested to know the precise time,
that i might not miss her by any delay of mine. his answer was, \"i have given out
that she is to sail on saturday next; but i may let you know, entre nous, that if
you are there by monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer.\" by
some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was monday noon before i arrived, and i
was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but i was soon made
easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till
the next day. one would imagine that i was now on the very point of departing for
europe. i thought so; but i was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's
character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. i shall give some
instances. it was about the beginning of april that i came to new york, and i think
it was near the end of june before we sail'd. there were then two of the paquet-
boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters,
which were always to be ready to-morrow. another paquet arriv'd; she too was
detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. ours was the first to be
dispatch'd, as having been there longest. passengers were engag'd in all, and some
extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and
the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but
their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet
whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he
must needs write abundantly.
20going myself one morning to pay my respects, i found in his antechamber one
innis, a messenger of philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet
from governor denny for the general. he delivered to me some letters from my
friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where be
lodg'd, that i might send some letters by him. he told me he was order'd to call
to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off
immediately. i put my letters into his hands the same day. a fortnight after i met
him again in the same place. \"so, you are soon return'd, innis?\" \"returned! no,
i am not gone yet.\" \"how so?\" \"i have called here by order every morning these
two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready.\" \"is it
possible, when he is so great a writer? for i see him constantly at his
escritoire.\" \"yes,\" says innis, \"but he is like st. george on the signs, always
on horseback, and never rides on.\" this observation of the messenger was, it
seems, well founded; for, when in england, i understood that mr. pitt gave it as
one reason for removing this general, and sending generals amherst and wolfe, that
the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.
21this daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to
sandy hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board,
lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. there, if i
remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to
procure more. at length the fleet sail'd, the general and all his army on board,
bound to louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-
boats in company ordered to attend the general's ship, ready to receive his
dispatches when they should be ready.we were out five days before we got a letter
with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for england.
the other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to halifax, where he
stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd
his mind as to besieging louisburg, and return'd to new york, with all his troops,
together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! during his
absence the french and savages had taken fort george, on the frontier of that
province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.
22i saw afterwards in london captain bonnell, who commanded one of those
paquets. he told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his
lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her
fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance
of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. he was asked how long time that
would require. he answer'd, three days. the general replied, \"if you can do it in
one day, i give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-
morrow.\" so he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day
during full three months.
23i saw also in london one of bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd against
his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at new york, and then carrying
him to halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue for damages. whether he
did or not, i never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was
very considerable.
24on the whole, i wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with so
important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of
the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my
wonder is diminished. general shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved
upon the death of braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made
a much better campaign than that of loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous,
expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' shirley was
not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good
advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in
carrying them into execution. loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his
great army, left them totally expos'd while he paraded idly at halifax, by which
means fort george was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and
distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on
pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for
beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was
said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. and, when at length the embargo
was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to charlestown, the carolina
fleet was detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much
damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.
25shirley was, i believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a
charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military
business. i was at the entertainment given by the city of new york to lord loudoun,
on his taking upon him the command. shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present
also. there was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some
chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low,
which fell to the lot of mr. shirley. perceiving it as i sat by him, i said, \"they
have given you, sir, too low a seat.\" \"no matter,\" says he, \"mr. franklin, i
find a low seat the easiest.\"
26while i was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at new york, i receiv'd all the
accounts of the provisions, etc., that i had furnish'd to braddock, some of which
accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons i had employ'd to
assist in the business. i presented them to lord loudoun, desiring to be paid the
ballance. he caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after
comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the
balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster.
this was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' i call'd often for it by
appointment, i did not get it. at length, just before my departure, he told me he
had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his
predecessors. \"and you,\" says he, \"when in england, have only to exhibit your
accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately.\"
27i mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense i had been
put to by being detain'd so long at new york, as a reason for my desiring to be
presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right i should be put to any
further trouble or delay in obtaining the money i had advanc'd, as i charged no
commission for my service, \"0, sir,\" says he, \"you must not think of persuading
us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every
one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own
pockets.\" i assur'd him that was not my case, and that i had not pocketed a
farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, i have since
learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. as to my ballance,
i am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.
28our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the
swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest
of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. after many conjectures
respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which,
however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as
near the ensign staff as possible. we were, passengers included, about forty
persons. while we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her
neighbour far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was
loaded too much by the head. the casks of water, it seems, had been all plac'd
forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship
recover'd her character, and proved the sailer in the fleet.
29the captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is
accounted thirteen miles per hour. we had on board, as a passenger, captain
kennedy, of the navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever
sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the
log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. a wager ensu'd between the two
captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. kennedy thereupon
examin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to
throw the log himself. accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair
and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went
at the rate of thirteen knots, kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager
lost.
30the above fact i give for the sake of the following observation. it has been
remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be
known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for
that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which
has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull. i apprehend that this may partly be
occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading,
rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by
the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the
orders of another. besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted
for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. one man builds the hull, another rigs
her, a third lades and sails her. no one of these has the advantage of knowing all
the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just
conclusions from a combination of the whole.
31even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, i have often observ'd
different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind
being the same. one would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another,
so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. yet i think a set of
experiments might be instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the
hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the
masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be;
and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. this is an age of experiments, and i
think a set accurately made and combin'd would be of great use. i am persuaded,
therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom i
wish success.
32we were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing, and
in thirty days had soundings. we had a good observation, and the captain judg'd
himself so near our port, falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we
might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night
might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the
entrance of the channel. accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly
make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made
great way. the captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so
as to pass wide of the scilly isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong
indraught setting up st. george's channel, which deceives seamen and caused the
loss of sir cloudesley shovel's squadron. this indraught was probably the cause of
what happened to us.
33we had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, \"look well
out before there,\" and he as often answered, \"ay ay; \" but perhaps had his eyes
shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said,
mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the
studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an
accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being
very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. it was midnight,
and our captain fast asleep; but captain kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the
danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous
to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were
running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. this deliverance
impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to
encourage the building more of them in america, if i should live to return there.
34in the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our
port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. about nine o'clock the fog began
to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-
house, discovering underneath, the town of falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and
the fields that surrounded it. this was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had
been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean,
and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the
state of war occasion'd.
35i set out immediately, with my son, for london, and we only stopt a little by
the way to view stonehenge on salisbury plain, and lord pembroke's house and
gardens, with his very curious antiquities at wilton. we arrived in london the 27th
of july, 1757.
here terminates the autobiography, as published by wm. temple franklin and his
successors. what follows was written in the last year of dr. franklin's life, and
was first printed (in english) in mr. bigelow's edition of 1868.—ed.
36as soon as i was settled in a lodging mr. charles had provided for me, i went
to visit dr. fothergill, to whom i was strongly recommended, and whose counsel
respecting my proceedings i was advis'd to obtain. he was against an immediate
complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally
appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of
some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. i then waited on my old
friend and correspondent, mr. peter collinson, who told me that john hanbury, the
great virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when i should arrive, that he
might carry me to lord granville's, who was then president of the council and
wished to see me as soon as possible. i agreed to go with him the next morning.
accordingly mr. hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that
nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions
respecting the present state of affairs in america and discourse thereupon, he said
to me: \"you americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you
contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think
yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. but those
instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad,
for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. they are first drawn
up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps
amended in council, after which they are signed by the king. they are then, so far
as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the legislator of the
colonies.\" i told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. i had always
understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our assemblies, to be
presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the
king could not repeal or alter them. and as the assemblies could not make permanent
laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. he
assur'd me i was totally mistaken. i did not think so, however, and his lordship's
conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the
court concerning us, i wrote it down as soon as i return'd to my lodgings. i
recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into parliament
by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies,
but the clause was thrown out by the commons, for which we adored them as our
friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd
that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might
reserve it for themselves.
37after some days, dr. fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they
agreed to a meeting with me at mr. t. penn's house in spring garden. the
conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable
accommodations, but i suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant
by reasonable. we then went into consideration of our several points of complaint,
which i enumerated. the proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they
could, and i the assembly's. we now appeared very wide, and so far from each other
in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. however, it was concluded
that i should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd
then to consider them. i did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands
of their solicitor, ferdinand john paris, who managed for them all their law
business in their great suit with the neighbouring proprietary of maryland, lord
baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and
messages in their dispute with the assembly. he was a proud, angry man, and as i
had occasionally in the answers of the assembly treated his papers with some
severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he
had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, i
declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and i should discuss the heads of
complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. they
then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the attorney and solicitor-
general for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year
wanting eight days, during which time i made frequent demands of an answer from the
proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received
the opinion of the attorney and solicitor-general. what it was when they did
receive it i never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long
message to the assembly drawn and signed by paris, reciting my paper, complaining
of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy
justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate
matters if the assembly would send out \"some person of candour\" to treat with
them for that purpose, intimating thereby that i was not such.
38the want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd the
paper to them with their assum'd titles of true and absolute proprietaries of the
province of pennsylvania, which i omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper,
the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in
conversation i had delivered viva voce.
but during this delay, the assembly having prevailed with gov'r denny to pass
an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people,
which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.
39when this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by paris,
determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. accordingly they petition'd
the king in council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd
by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. they alledg'd that the act
was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people,
and that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were
in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they
would inevitably be ruined. we reply'd that the act had no such intention, and
would have no such effect. that the assessors were honest and discreet men under an
oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might
expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too
trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. this is the purport of what i
remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the
mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, ?100,000,
being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and now spread
among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of
many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the
proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear
of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. on
this, lord mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the
clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if i was really of
opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the
act. i said certainly. \"then,\" says he, \"you can have little objection to enter
into an engagement to assure that point.\" i answer'd, \"none at all.\" he then
call'd in paris, and after some discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted
on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the clerk of the council,
which i sign'd with mr. charles, who was also an agent of the province for their
ordinary affairs, when lord mansfield returned to the council chamber, where
finally the law was allowed to pass. some changes were however recommended and we
also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the assembly did not
think them necessary; for one year's tax having been levied by the act before the
order of council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of
the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the
proprietaries. after a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they
found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.
40the assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement,
as an essential service to the province, since it secured the credit of the paper
money then spread over all the country. they gave me their thanks in form when i
return'd. but the proprietaries were enraged at governor denny for having pass'd
the act, and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions
which he had given bond to observe. he, however, having done it at the instance of
the general, and for his majesty's service, and having some powerful interest at
court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in execution.
www。xiaoshuotxt。nett/xt.小/说.天+堂

第9章

富兰克林一生中的重大事件：
（包括本杰明·富兰克林在富兰克林学院的生活）
1 自传只记录到 1757 年，还有许多重要的事实没有记录。因此，把本杰明·富兰克林一生中的那些主要事件
记录下来是很明智的。下面就是事件列表：
1706 出生于波士顿，并且在南部的老教堂里受洗。
1714 进语法学校学习。
1716 中断学业，帮助父亲工作。
1718 开始成为其兄詹姆士的学徒，从事印刷业。
1721 开始写短诗并且匿名向《新英格兰报》投稿，并做过该报临时编辑。成为一名自由主义者和素食者。
1723 撕毁学徒契约，前往费城，在凯默印刷所当印刷工，放弃素食主义。
1724 被基思州长说服为独立开业赴伦敦，并且在那里工作，当印刷工；发表论文《论自由与贫困，快乐与痛
苦》。
1726 返回费城，先当干货铺店员，后当凯默印刷所的工头。
1727 创办“讲读俱乐部”，研究社会科学、自然科学的各种问题。
1728 和休·梅雷迪思合开印刷所。
1729 创办《宾西法尼亚报》；开办文具店；出版《试论纸币的性质和必要性》。
1730 和黛博勒·里德结婚。
 1731 创办费城图书馆。
1732 以笔名理查德出版《穷理查德历书》创刊号。这本历书，包含了他 25 年的人生智慧，它在美国人的性
格建构过程中起了很重要的作用，它把美国人紧紧地团结在一起，尽管美国人的性格和文化如此多样化。
1733 开始自学法语、意大利语、西班牙语和拉丁语。
1736 担任宾西法尼亚州议会文书；组建费城联合消防队。
1737 就任费城邮政局长；改革费城警务。
1742 年发明富兰克林“开炉”。
1743 建议成立大学，这个建议后来被采纳成立了宾西法尼亚大学。
1744 创办“美洲哲学学会”。
1746 发表《平凡的真理》，组建费城的国民自卫队，开始电学实验。
1748 改印刷所为合伙经营；当选宾西法尼亚州议会议员。
1749 任印第安商贸委员。
1751 帮助创办费城医院。
1752 作闪电传蓄试验——费城电风筝试验。
1753 因电学研究成果获英国皇家学会的科普利金质奖，被推举为皇家学会会员；被耶鲁大学、哈佛大学授予
硕士学位；与他人合任北美邮政总代理。
1754 作为宾西法尼亚州代表出席在奥尔巴尼召开的殖民地代表会议，提出著名的“奥尔巴尼联盟计划”。
1755 典当自己的财产以供给布纳德多克的军队；获的议会批准帮助皇家远征军；建立费城国民自卫军，任指
挥官。
1757 在议会提案铺设费城街道；发表《致富之路》；作为宾西法尼亚州议会代表赴英请愿，反对业主在殖民
地的免税特权，享受和英国本土的同等自由。
2（以下为自传后篇）
1760 通过努力使英国王室枢密院决定，殖民地业主的产业必须同样纳税。
1762 发明玻璃琴，流行欧美数十年；被牛津大学和爱丁堡大学授予民法博士学位；返回北美。
1763 开始为期五个月的巡视北部殖民地邮政之旅，开始改革邮政。
1764 在宾西法尼亚州议会选举中败于激进派；作为宾西法尼亚州议会代理人赴英请愿，反对业主劣政。
1765 年，反对印化税法案。
1766 在英国下院为废止印花税事答辩；任马萨诸塞，新泽西，乔治亚州的代表；出访哥大。
1767 初次旅法，受法王接见。
1769 获哈佛大学观察员称号。
1772 当选法兰西皇家科学院“外国会员”。
1774 被解除北美邮政总代理之职；结识并介绍托马斯ｏ潘恩赴美。
1775 返回北美；当选北美殖民地第二次大陆会议代表；建立秘密通信委员会；担任加拿大合作治安委员会委
员。
1776 参加起草《独立宣言》；当选宾西法尼亚州制宪委员会主席；奉大陆会议派遣出使法国。
1778 缔结《美法友好通商条约》和《美法同盟条约》。
1779 受命任驻法全权大使。
1780 成为波士顿的“美洲科学艺术学会”会员。
1782 签署和约预备文件。
1783 英美缔结《巴黎和约》。
1785 返美；当选宾西法尼亚州州长，1786 连任。
1787 再次当选宾西法尼亚州州长参加联邦宪法会议，促成宪法通过。
1788 退出政治生活。
1790 逝世于费城(4 月 17 日)。他的坟墓就在第五大道的费城教堂墓地。
events in franklin's life
(see also: the life and times of benjamin franklin at the franklin institute)
 1ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves important
facts un-recorded. it has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the chief events
in franklin's life, from the beginning, in the following list:
1706 he is born, in boston, and baptized in the old south church.
1714 at the age of eight, enters the grammar school.
1716 becomes his father's assistant in the tallow-chandlery business.
1718 apprenticed to his brother james, printer.
1721 writes ballads and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets;
contributes, anonymously, to the new england courant, and temporarily edits that
paper; becomes a free-thinker, and a vegetarian.
1723 breaks his indenture and removes to philadelphia; obtaining employment in
keimer's printing-office; abandons vegetarianism.
1724 is persuaded by governor keith to establish himself independently, and
goes to london to buy type; works at his trade there, and publishes \"dissertation
on liberty and necessity, pleasure and pain.\"
1726 returns to philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry goods store,
becomes manager of keimer's printing-house.
1727 founds the junto, or \"leathern apron\" club.
1728 with hugh meredith, opens a printing-office.
1729 becomes proprietor & editor of pennsylvania gazette; prints,
anonymously, \"nature and necessity of a paper currency\"; opens a stationer's
shop.
1730 marries deborah read.
1731 founds the philadelphia library.
1732 publishes the first number of poor richard's almanac under the pseudonym
of \"richard saunders.\" the almanac, which continued for twenty-five years to
contain his witty, worldly-wise sayings, played a very large part in bringing
together and molding the american character which was at that time made up of so
many diverse and scattered types.
1733 begins to study french, italian, spanish, and latin.
1736 chosen clerk of the general assembly; forms the union fire company of
philadelphia.
1737 elected to the assembly; appointed deputy postmaster-general; plans a city
police.
1742 invents the open, or \"franklin,\" stove.
1743 proposes a plan for an academy, which is adopted 1749 and develops into
the university of pennsylvania.
1744 establishes the american philosophical society.
1746 publishes a pamphlet, \"plain truth,\" on the necessity for disciplined
defense, and forms a military company; begins electrical experiments.
1748 sells out his printing business; is appointed on the commission of the
peace, chosen to the common council, and to the assembly.
1749 appointed a commissioner to trade with the indians.
1751 aids in founding a hospital.
1752 experiments with a kite and discovers that lightning is an electrical
discharge.
1753 awarded the copley medal for this discovery, and elected a member of the
royal society; receives the degree of m.a. from yale and harvard. appointed joint
postmaster-general.
1754 appointed one of the commissioners from pennsylvania to the colonial
congress at albany; proposes a plan for the union of the colonies.
 1755 pledges his personal property in order that supplies may be raised for
braddock's army; obtains a grant from the assembly in aid of the crown point
expedition; carries through a bill establishing a voluntary militia; is appointed
colonel, and takes the field.
1757 introduces a bill in the assembly for paving the streets of philadelphia;
publishes his famous \"way to wealth\"; goes to england to plead the cause of the
assembly against the proprietaries; remains as agent for pennsylvania; enjoys the
friendship of the scientific and literary men of the kingdom.
2（here the autobiography breaks off）
1760 secures from the privy council, by a compromise, a decision obliging the
proprietary estates to contribute to the public revenue.
1762 receives the degree of ll.d. from oxford and edinburgh; returns to
america.
1763 makes a five months' tour of the northern colonies for the purpose of
inspecting the post-offices
1764 defeated by the penn faction for reelection to the assembly; sent to
england as agent for pennsylvania.
1765 endeavors to prevent the passage of the stamp act.
1766 examined before the house of commons relative to the passage of the stamp
act; appointed agent of massachusetts, new jersey, and georgia; visits gottingen
university.
1767 travels in france and is presented at court.
1769 procures a telescope for harvard college.
1772 elected associe etranger of the french academy.
1774 dismissed from the office of postmaster-general; influences thomas paine
to emigrate to america.
1775 returns to america; chosen a delegate to the second continental congress;
placed on the committee of secret correspondence; appointed one of the
commissioners to secure the cooperation of canada.
1776 placed on the committee to draft a declaration of independence; chosen
president of the constitutional committee of pennsylvania; sent to france as agent
of the colonies.
1778 concludes treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and commerce; is
received at court.
1779 appointed minister plenipotentiary to france.
1780 appoints paul jones commander of the \"alliance.\"
1782 signs the preliminary articles of peace.
1783 signs the definite treaty of peace.
1785 returns to america; is chosen president of pennsylvania; reelected 1786.
1787 reelected president; sent as delegate to the convention for framing a
federal constitution.
1788 retires from public life.
1790 dies april 17. his grave is in the churchyard at fifth and arch streets,
philadelphia.
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