Description

Social Development Theory explains that socialization directly affects the process of learning
by an individual. By socializing with someone who has more knowledge of the topic to be
learned, i.e.: peers or an adult, we transfer knowledge and start the learning process.

There are three concepts of Social Development:

1. Vygotsky states that cultural development develops first on the social level
called interpsychological, and secondly on the individual or personal level
called intrapsychological.
2. The More Knowledgeable Other (MKO) is a person with a higher level of
understanding of the topic than the learner. This person can be a peer who knows
more in a given subject than the learner. This person can also be a teacher or a parent.
3. The Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) is the delta between how much is known
and what is unknown by the learner. When a learner completes a task with their MKO
and then completes the same task independently, this is where learning takes place.

Guidelines for Use

Guideline 1 – Observation

When creating a Web-based learning tool, it is important for the learner to observe the
instruction or task by someone with more knowledge of the subject (MKO). For example, in
teaching a class on how to create a slide show, it is important for a teacher or the MKO to
first expose the learner to how they would create it, and provide explanation on how.

Guideline 2 – Application

Once the learner observes the MKO, the learner should be able to apply the learned
knowledge by themselves. For example, once the learner observes the teacher create a slide
show, the learner will then become more comfortable and knowledgeable in creating their
own, independent of the MKO.

Good Examples of Use

Example 1 – YouTube

Learners have the opportunity to view the MKO over a video. YouTube can be closed caption
as well and has the ability to reach more learning types.

Example 2 – Adobe Connect

Learners have the opportunity to interact and participate with their peers and the MKO.
Learners can observe their peers or the MKO, discuss, and then apply their understanding.
Helpful Resources

Resource 1 – Social Learning Theory & Web Based Learning Environment

This paper examines the how social learning can be used in design, development and
execution of Web-based learning environments (WBLEs).

Resource 2 – Social Development in Human Growth and Development

This video reviews the three major developmental theories.

Resource 3 – A Theoretical Analysis of Social Interactions in Computer-Based Learning

Environments: Evidence for Reciprocal Understandings

The Journal of Educational Computing Research analyzes the social interactions between
computer-based learning environments.

Research

Hill, J, Song, L. & West, R. (2009) Social Learning Theory and Web- Based Learning
Environments: A Review of Research and Discussion of Implications. American Journal of
Distance Education, 23(2), 88-103, DOI: 10.1080/08923640902857713

Järvelä, S., Bonk, C. J., Lehtinen, E., & Lehti, S. (1999). A Theoretical Analysis of Social
Interactions in Computer-Based Learning Environments: Evidence for Reciprocal
Understandings. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 21(3), 363–
388. https://doi.org/10.2190/1JB6-FC8W-YEFW-NT9D

Jessica Hunter is a post-secondary instructor; she has a passion for app development and
universal design for learning (UDL). She is currently pursuing her M.Ed. at Ontario Tech
with an anticipated graduation date of 2021. She has a strong passion for helping students
with accessibility needs. She hopes to write policy for the Ministry of Education to help
support students access all of the tools they need to succeed. She is an out-of-the-box thinker.
Jonathan H. Turner, in International Encyclopedia of the Social &
Behavioral Sciences (Second Edition), 2015
Ecological Theorizing
In both Spencer's and Durkheim's functional and evolutionary theorizing we find another
kind of biologically inspired approach: ecological theorizing that became firmly a part
of sociological theory in the United States during the 1930s. Drawing from Darwin's key idea
of natural selection, the basic arguments in all ecological theories are much the same: social
units compete for resources within niches of resources that are necessary for their survival;
and those that possess traits that enhance their capacity to secure resources and reproduce
themselves will survive, while those that cannot, will die out or be forced to move to a new
resource niche. Like Darwin and later Durkheim, ecological theories emphasize that as the
number of units in a resource niche increases, density increases the level of competition; at
some point, the niche cannot carry all of the units competing for resources. Thus whether
considering the distribution of people and types of social units in urban areas (Niemela,
2011; Berry and Kasarda, 1977), where competition is institutionalized in the real-estate
market, or the life and death of organizations competing for resource shares in dense niche
(Hannan and Freeman, 1989), Darwinian processes are the driving force and can explain
many of the dynamics of urban areas and populations of organizations. Some have even taken
ecological theorizing back to the macrolevel by emphasizing that the relations among
societies in their common environments can be understood in ecological terms (see,
e.g., Hawley, 1986).
T.J. Fararo, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral
Sciences, 2001
Sociological theory has developed in three phases: classical, postclassical, and recent. An
influential postclassical synthesis effort by Talcott Parsons initially was based upon a thesis
of convergence of certain classical theories, especially those framed by Durkheim and Weber.
Parsons's theory then evolved into functional systems analysis. He defined sociological
theory as one of the analytical theories of action, focused on the problem of social
integration. Dahrendorf's conflict-theoretical alternative, featuring a revision of Marx,
proposed that a Janus-faced society calls for two general theories, focused on integration and
coercion, respectively. The second major effort of synthesis was initiated by George Homans,
whose group process approach evolved into a program of theoretical reduction. Behavioral
psychological principles, he argued, explain the causal relations that constitute Durkheimian
explanation. An alternative perspective is based upon George Herbert Mead's social
behaviorism and Blumer's symbolic interactionism. Here the point is that Homans's theory
puts to one side just those elements stressed by Mead and Blumer, such as the social self.
Recent sociological theory involves new syntheses and mutations in paradigms.
Neofunctionalism, rational choice theory, and social network analysis are three examples.
Efforts of theoretical integration, what Robert Merton called ‘consolidation’ in his discussion
of middle-range theory, are significant for the future of sociological theory, along with the
growing relevance of mathematics in the formulation of theoretical models.
Theory: Sociological
T.J. Fararo, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
Sociological theory has developed in three phases: classical, postclassical, and recent. An
influential postclassical synthesis effort by Talcott Parsons initially was based upon a thesis
of convergence of certain classical theories, especially those framed by Durkheim and Weber.
Parsons's theory then evolved into functional systems analysis. He defined sociological
theory as one of the analytical theories of action, focused on the problem of social
integration. Dahrendorf's conflict-theoretical alternative, featuring a revision of Marx,
proposed that a Janus-faced society calls for two general theories, focused on integration and
coercion, respectively. The second major effort of synthesis was initiated by George Homans,
whose group process approach evolved into a program of theoretical reduction. Behavioral
psychological principles, he argued, explain the causal relations that constitute Durkheimian
explanation. An alternative perspective is based upon George Herbert Mead's social
behaviorism and Blumer's symbolic interactionism. Here the point is that Homans's theory
puts to one side just those elements stressed by Mead and Blumer, such as the social self.
Recent sociological theory involves new syntheses and mutations in paradigms.
Neofunctionalism, rational choice theory, and social network analysis are three examples.
Efforts of theoretical integration, what Robert Merton called ‘consolidation’ in his discussion
of middle-range theory, are significant for the future of sociological theory, along with the
growing relevance of mathematics in the formulation of theoretical models.
View chapter

Modernization, Sociological Theories of

Sergei Gavrov, Igor Klyukanov, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral
Sciences (Second Edition), 2015
Abstract
Sociological theory views modernization as a macroprocess of transition from traditional
society to the society of modernity. More specifically, the main sociological theories of
modernization are based on the ideas of evolutionism, functionalism, and diffusionism.
Attention is also paid to the theoretical conceptualization of modernization processes in non-
Western societies, which can be explained by the interaction of endogenous and exogenous
factors. Within the framework of scientific discourse and the public consciousness, theory of
modernization is sometimes questioned as a view of a progressive development of the world.
Today, the global spread of modernization is more adequately theorized in terms of historical
and sociocultural dynamic shifts from institutionalized, vertically integrated forms of social
solidarity to network forms and social movements. This view of modernization as a
communication phenomenon that involves the changing ways of interaction and media use
highlights its self-reflexive nature, showing how modernization can only gain an access to
itself by a series of partial and conflicting descriptions.
Adolescent Development, Theories of
L. Steinberg, in International Encyclopedia of the Social &
Behavioral Sciences, 2001
3.1 Sociological Theories
Sociological theories of adolescence have often focused on
relations between the generations and have tended to emphasize
problems that young people sometimes have in making the
transition from adolescence into adulthood, especially in
industrialized society. Two themes have dominated these
discussions. One theme, concerning the marginality of young
people, emphasizes the difference in power that exists between the
adult and the adolescent generations. Two important thinkers in this
vein are Kurt Lewin (1951) and Edgar Friedenberg (1959), both of
whom stressed the fact that adolescents were treated as ‘second
class citizens.’ Contemporary applications of this viewpoint stress
the fact that many adolescents are prohibited from occupying
meaningful roles in society and therefore experience frustration,
restlessness, and difficulty in making the transition into adult roles.
The other theme in sociological theories of adolescence
concerns intergenerational conflict, or as it is more commonly
known, ‘the generation gap.’ Theorists such as Karl Mannheim
(1952) and James Coleman (1961) have focused not so much on
the power differential between adults and adolescent, but the fact
that adolescents and adults grow up under different social
circumstances and therefore develop different sets of attitudes,
values, and beliefs. This phenomenon is exacerbated by the
pervasive use of age-grading—the separation of individuals on the
basis of chronological age—within our social institutions, particularly
schools. As a consequence of this age-segregation, there is
inevitable tension between the adolescent and the adult
generations. Some writers, like Coleman, have gone so far as to
argue that adolescents develop a different cultural viewpoint—
a ‘counterculture’—that may be hostile to the values or beliefs of
adult society.
Although sociological theories of adolescence clearly place
emphasis on the broader context in which adolescents come of
age, rather than on the biological events that define adolescence,
there is still a theme of inevitability that runs through their
approach. Mannheim, for example, believed that because modern
society changes so rapidly, there will always be problems between
generations because each cohort comes into adulthood with
different experiences and beliefs. Similarly, Lewin believed that
marginality is an inherent feature of adolescence because adults
always control more resources and have more power than young
people.
Conflict Sociology
C.J. Crouch, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
Sociological theories of conflict can be organized along two axes. One ranges from the
treatment of the phenomenon as exceptional and unusual to that as endemic and constantly
present. The second ranges from viewing conflict as momentous and likely to have major
consequences to that seeing it as mundane and of no particular importance. Leading examples
of the various possible combinations of positions on these axes are discussed. The gradual
triumph in modern sociology of those perceiving conflict as both endemic and mundane led
to it being regarded as normal, and to the disappearance of a distinctive conflict sociology.
View chapter

Adolescent Development, Theories of

L. Steinberg, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001
3.1 Sociological Theories
Sociological theories of adolescence have often focused on relations between the generations
and have tended to emphasize problems that young people sometimes have in making the
transition from adolescence into adulthood, especially in industrialized society. Two themes
have dominated these discussions. One theme, concerning the marginality of young people,
emphasizes the difference in power that exists between the adult and the adolescent
generations. Two important thinkers in this vein are Kurt Lewin (1951) and Edgar
Friedenberg (1959), both of whom stressed the fact that adolescents were treated as ‘second
class citizens.’ Contemporary applications of this viewpoint stress the fact that many
adolescents are prohibited from occupying meaningful roles in society and therefore
experience frustration, restlessness, and difficulty in making the transition into adult roles.
The other theme in sociological theories of adolescence concerns intergenerational conflict,
or as it is more commonly known, ‘the generation gap.’ Theorists such as Karl Mannheim
(1952) and James Coleman (1961) have focused not so much on the power differential
between adults and adolescent, but the fact that adolescents and adults grow up under
different social circumstances and therefore develop different sets of attitudes, values, and
beliefs. This phenomenon is exacerbated by the pervasive use of age-grading—the separation
of individuals on the basis of chronological age—within our social institutions, particularly
schools. As a consequence of this age-segregation, there is inevitable tension between the
adolescent and the adult generations. Some writers, like Coleman, have gone so far as to
argue that adolescents develop a different cultural viewpoint—a ‘counterculture’—that may
be hostile to the values or beliefs of adult society.
Although sociological theories of adolescence clearly place emphasis on the broader context
in which adolescents come of age, rather than on the biological events that define
adolescence, there is still a theme of inevitability that runs through their
approach. Mannheim, for example, believed that because modern society changes so rapidly,
there will always be problems between generations because each cohort comes into adulthood
with different experiences and beliefs. Similarly, Lewin believed that marginality is an
inherent feature of adolescence because adults always control more resources and have more
power than young people.
View chapter

Suicide
Thomas Bronisch, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences
(Second Edition), 2015
Durkheim's Theory
Sociological theories are influenced by the theory of Durkheim (1897[1951]) based upon the
evaluation of suicide statistics of Western European countries (France and Prussia) during the
second half of the nineteenth century. Durkheim proposed four different types of suicide
depending on the degree of successful adaptation of the individual to different types of
societies. A prerequisite to adaptation of the individual to society is that individualization is
neither too weak nor too strong. If the individualization is too strong, the individual will be
isolated from society and the danger of an egoistic suicide increases. If the individualization
is too weak, the danger of an altruistic suicide increases.
On the other hand, a prerequisite to the equilibrium between the individual and society is that
social norms are neither too strong nor too unspecific. Norms that are too strong facilitate
fatalistic suicide such as an expiatory death. Norms that are too unspecific favor anomic
suicide. With the help of the existing suicide statistics, Durkheim tried to verify three of the
four types (he did not discuss the fatalistic suicide). He tried to prove that Protestant countries
have a higher suicide rate than Catholic countries, since Protestantism allows the individual a
higher degree of freedom than does Catholicism: it is called egoistic suicide. He explained
the increase in suicide rates during political crises (Dreyfuss affair in France) in terms of an
egoistic suicide. During times of flourishing economic growth, implying a derestriction of
social norms, suicide rates should lead to an anomic suicide, whereas during times of war,
stronger norms lead to a stronger coherence of society, resulting in a decrease in suicide rates.
View chapter
Erikson and Psychosocial Theory
One of the best-known theories of social development is the Eight Psychosocial Crises
described by Erik Erikson.[1] Erik Erikson (1902‐1994) believed we know what motivates us
throughout life. We make conscious choices in life, focusing on meeting particular social and
cultural needs rather than purely biological ones. For instance, humans are driven by the
need to experience the world as a trustworthy place, feel we are capable individuals, believe
we can contribute to society, and possess confidence in having lived a meaningful life.
These are all psychosocial problems. Erikson divided the lifespan into 8 crises, usually called
stages. Each stage or crisis consists of psychosocial tasks to accomplish. Erikson believed
that an individual’s personality takes shape throughout his lifespan in the face of life’s
challenges. According to Erikson, successful development involves positively dealing with
and resolving the goals and demands of each crisis. If a person does not resolve a crisis
successfully, it may hinder his ability to deal with later crises.

Psychosocial Stages
1. Trust vs. mistrust (0‐1 year): the infant must have basic needs met consistently to
feel that the world is a trustworthy place.
2. Autonomy vs. shame and doubt (1 ‐2 years): mobile toddlers have newfound
freedom they like to exercise, and they learn some essential independence by being
allowed to do so.
3. Initiative vs. guilt (3 ‐5 years): preschoolers like to initiate activities and emphasize
doing things "all by myself."
4. Industry vs. inferiority (6‐11 years): school-aged children focus on accomplishments
and begin making comparisons between themselves and their classmates.
5. Identity vs. role confusion (adolescence): teenagers try to gain a sense of identity by
experimenting with various roles, beliefs, and ideas.
6. Intimacy vs. isolation (young adulthood): in our 20s and 30s, we make some of our
first long‐term commitments in intimate relationships.
7. Generativity vs. stagnation (middle adulthood): In our 40s through the early 60s, we
focus on being productive at work and home and are motivated to feel that we've
contributed to society.
8. Integrity vs. despair (late adulthood): we look back on our lives and hope to see that
we have lived well and have a sense of integrity because we lived according to our
beliefs.

The first 3 stages form a foundation for discussions on emotional and social development
during the lifespan. These stages or crises can occur more than once: for instance, a person
may struggle with a lack of trust beyond infancy under certain circumstances.

Crises of Infants and Preschoolers: Trust, Autonomy, and

Initiative

From the day they are born, infants face a crisis (in Erikson's paradigm) about trust and
mistrust. They are happiest if they can eat, sleep, and excrete according to their schedules,
regardless of whether their schedules are convenient for their caregiver. Unfortunately, a
young infant is in no position to control or influence a caregiver's scheduling needs, so the
infant faces a dilemma about how much to trust or mistrust the caregiver's helpfulness. It is
as if the infant asks "If I demand food (or sleep, or a clean diaper, etc.) now, will my
caregiver be able to help me meet this need?" Hopefully, between the 2 of them, caregiver
and child resolve this choice in favor of the infant's trust: the caregiver proves to be
adequate in attentiveness, and the infant risks trusting the caregiver's motivation and skill.
[1]

Caregivers who are consistently and appropriately responsive and sensitive to their infant's
needs help the infant develop a sense of trust; the infant will see the world as a safe,
predictable place. Unresponsive or inconsistent caregivers who do not meet their infant's
needs can elicit feelings of anxiety, fear, and mistrust; the infant may see the world as
unpredictable and unsafe. If infants are treated cruelly, or their needs are not met
appropriately, they will likely grow up with a sense of mistrust for people in the world.[2]

As soon as the first crisis resolves, a new one develops over autonomy and shame. The child
(now a toddler) may trust their caregiver, but their trust contributes to the desire to assert
autonomy by taking care of basic personal needs, such as feeding, toileting, or dressing. At
this stage of development, you will often hear toddlers say things like “me-do-it” as they
exert their autonomy. Given the child's lack of experience in these activities, self-care is risky
at first: the toddler may feed (or use the toilet, dress themselves, etc.) clumsily and
ineffectively. The child's caregiver risks overprotecting the child by criticizing their early
efforts unnecessarily, causing the child to feel shame for even trying.[1] Erikson believed
that toddlers should be allowed to explore their environment as freely as safety permits,
fostering their understanding of independence that later grows self-esteem, initiative, and
overall confidence. If denied the opportunity to act on their environment (within
developmentally appropriate measures), toddlers may begin to doubt their abilities, leading
to low self-esteem and feelings of shame (Berger, 2005). Hopefully, the new crisis resolves
in favor of autonomy through the combined efforts of the child to assert independence and
of the caregiver to support the child.

About the time a child is of preschool age (3-5 years old) the autonomy exercised during the
previous period becomes more elaborate, extended, and focused on objects and people
other than the child. The child at an early education center, for example, may now
undertake to build the "biggest city in the world" out of all available unit blocks, even if
other children want some of the blocks for themselves. The child's projects and desires
create a new crisis of initiative and guilt because the child soon realizes that acting on
impulses or desires can sometimes negatively affect others: more blocks for one child may
mean fewer for someone else. As with the crisis over autonomy, caregivers must support
the child's initiatives whenever possible without making the child feel guilty for desiring to
have or do something that affects others' welfare. By limiting behavior where necessary—
but not limiting internal feelings—caregivers demonstrate support of this newfound ability to
take the initiative. Expressed in Erikson's terms, the crisis resolves in favor of initiative.[1]

Criticisms of Erickson's Theory

Criticisms of Erikson's theory stem from his focus on stages and his assumption that
completing one stage is a prerequisite for the subsequent development crisis (Marcia, 1980).
His theory also focuses on the social expectations found in certain cultures, but not in all.
For instance, the idea that adolescence is a time of searching for identity might translate
well in the middle‐class culture of the United States, but not as well in cultures where the
transition into adulthood coincides with puberty through rites of passage and where adult
roles offer fewer choices.[2]
[1] Thompson, P. (2019). Foundations of Educational Technology is licensed CC BY

[2] Child Abuse, Neglect, and Foster Care is shared under a not declared license and was
authored, remixed, and/or curated by Diana Lang
What is Social Development?
Social development is the process through which children learn about their society and the
proper ways to act within it. It is a process through which behaviors, perspectives, and
attitudes are learned. For example, consider a child watching their sibling attempting to put a
screw in a wall. The sibling cannot do it alone, so they ask a parent for help. With the parent's
assistance, the sibling is able to affix the object to the wall. Thus, the observing child learns
that while they are not able to screw things in by themselves, they can do it with assistance.
The process of social development does not stop after childhood. In fact, it occurs
continuously through all stages of life. Social development is made further complex as
individuals learn that certain behaviors are expected in some circumstances or settings, but
not allowed or possible in others. For this reason, social development is extremely important
to study and understand, in order to successfully navigate social situations.
Other reasons to study and understand social development include:

 Gaining knowledge about how children acquire new abilities.

 Learning about how habits are formed.
 Discovering how behavior and habit development vary from culture to culture.

Social Development Definition

Social development is a theory about child development that states that as children
experience life and view the actions of others and their accompanying responses, they will
begin to learn how to act in society. They will also learn about their abilities and their non-
abilities through these experiences.
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Vygotsky's Theory of Social Development

Social development theory began with a man named Lev Vygotsky, a scientist in the Soviet
Union. He developed a model on social development that continues to be widely used.
His theory of social development states that children and individuals develop their behaviors
and habits based on the actions of their peers and those whom they see as authority figures.
Through these interactions, they develop a mental framework of things they can do, things
they can only do with help, and things they cannot do under any circumstances. They also
develop a "zone of proximal development," which are certain behaviors and actions that they
can work on to eventually be able to complete autonomously.

Social Development Model

 This visualization of the Social Development Theory of
Vygotsky shows the overlap of the Zone of Proximal
Development with What I Can Do With Help.

There are four sections to Vygotsky's model of social development:

1. What I Can Do: This consists of the behaviors that a person can do by themselves
without any help. It consists of behaviors that used to be in the "What I Can Do With
Help" area of cognitive development that can now be performed autonomously.
2. What I Can Do With Help: This consists of behaviors that an individual can only do
when other people help them. These can include things that used to be in the "What I
Cannot Do" section.
3. What I Cannot Do: These are behaviors that individuals cannot do, even when others
are helping them. Previously, all behaviors were in this domain. However, as an
individual grows to be more competent, behaviors slowly move from here to the What
I Can Do/Zone of Proximal Development section.
4. Zone of Proximal Development: This covers the same area of knowledge as the
"What I Can Do With Help" section. To the extent that it is possible, eventually, an
individual will be able to learn how to perform an action in question free from
assistance. Slowly, behaviors from the "What I Cannot Do" section will also come
into this zone.

The key aspects of this model of social development are that children recognize the things
they are able to do on their own, the things that adults will be able to help them do, and the
things that they will not be able to do at the moment, even with help. They also recognize to a
limited extent what types of progress they can achieve in the zone of proximal development.

Vygotsky's Theory vs. Piaget's Theory

Another prominent theorist in the field of child development was Jean Piaget, a psychologist
from Switzerland. Piaget's theory differs from Vygotsky's in several significant ways:

1. Piaget states that individuals develop their behaviors and habits cognitively, meaning
in isolation from the actions of others. Vygotsky places paramount importance on
society in the development of an individual's actions.
2. Vygotsky places more emphasis on the role of the surrounding culture and language
on social development than Piaget does.
3. Vygotsky states that the process of social development is gradual, whereas Piaget
divides social development into concrete stages based on age.