Acts of Union 1707

The Acts of Union (Scottish Gaelic: Achd an Aonaidh) were two

Union with Scotland Act
Acts of Parliament: the Union with Scotland Act 1706 passed by
the Parliament of England, and the Union with England Act 1707
1706[a]
passed by the Parliament of Scotland. They put into effect the Act of Parliament
terms of the Treaty of Union that had been agreed on 22 July 1706,
following negotiation between commissioners representing the
parliaments of the two countries. By the two Acts, the Kingdom of
England and the Kingdom of Scotland—which at the time were
separate states in a personal union—were, in the words of the
Treaty, "United into One Kingdom by the Name of Great
Britain".[2]
Parliament of England
The two countries had shared a monarch since the Union of the Long title An Act for a
Crowns in 1603, when King James VI of Scotland inherited the Union of the
English throne from his double first cousin twice removed, Queen Two Kingdoms
Elizabeth I. Although described as a Union of Crowns, and in spite of England and
of James's acknowledgement of his accession to a single Crown,[3] Scotland.
England and Scotland were officially separate Kingdoms until Citation 6 Ann. c. 11
1707 (as opposed to the implied creation of a single unified (Ruffhead: 5
Kingdom, exemplified by the later Kingdom of Great Britain). Ann. c. 8)
Prior to the Acts of Union, there had been three previous attempts
Territorial extent Kingdom of
(in 1606, 1667, and 1689) to unite the two countries by Acts of
England
Parliament, but it was not until the early 18th century that both
political establishments came to support the idea, albeit for different Dates
reasons. Royal assent 6 March
1707[b]
The Acts took effect on 1 May 1707. On this date, the Scottish
Commencement 1 May 1707
Parliament and the English Parliament united to form the
Other legislation
Parliament of Great Britain, based in the Palace of Westminster in
London, the previous home of the English Parliament.[4] This Amended by Statute Law
specific process is sometimes referred to as the "union of the Revision Act
Parliaments" in Scotland.[5] 1867
Promissory
Political background prior to 1707 Oaths Act
1871
Weights and
1603–1660 Measures
Prior to 1603, England and Scotland had different monarchs; as Act 1878
Elizabeth I never married, after 1567, her heir-presumptive became Statute Law
the Stuart king of Scotland, James VI, who was brought up as a Revision Act
Protestant. After her death, the two Crowns were held in personal 1948
union by James, as James I of England, and James VI of Scotland. Peerage Act
He announced his intention to unite the two realms so he would 1963
not be "guilty of bigamy", and to give a British character to his Statute Law
court and person.[6] (Repeals)
Act 1973
The 1603 Union of England and Scotland Act established a joint
Scotland Act
Commission to agree terms, but the English Parliament was
1998
concerned this would lead to the imposition of an absolutist
structure similar to that of Scotland. James was forced to withdraw Status: Current legislation
his proposals, exasperated by the English Parliament as "barren by Text of the Union with Scotland
preconceived opinions".[7] In 1604 he used the royal prerogative to Act 1706 (https://www.legislatio
take the title "King of Great Britain", [8].[9] Attempts to revive the n.gov.uk/id?title=Union+with+Sc
project of union in 1610 were met with hostility.[10][11] Amongst otland+Act+1706) as in force
the King's parliamentary opponents in England, Sir Edwin Sandys today (including any
argued that changing the name of England ‘were as yf to make a amendments) within the United
conquest of our name, which was more than ever the Dane or Kingdom, from
Norman could do’.[11] legislation.gov.uk.

Instead, King James set Union with England Act

about creating a unified 1707[c]
Church of Scotland and
Act of Parliament
England, as the first step
towards a centralised,
Unionist state.[12]
However, despite both
Scottish opposition to Stuart being nominally Episcopal
attempts to impose religious union in structure, the two were
led to the 1638 National Covenant very different in doctrine;
the Church of Scotland, or Parliament of Scotland
kirk, was Calvinist in Long title Act Ratifying
doctrine, and viewed many Church of England practices as little
and Approving
better than Catholicism.[13] As a result, attempts to impose religious the Treaty of
policy by James and his son Charles I ultimately led to the 1639– Union of the
1651 Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Two Kingdoms
of Scotland and
The 1639–1640 Bishops' Wars confirmed the primacy of the kirk,
England.
and established a Covenanter government in Scotland. The Scots
remained neutral when the First English Civil War began in 1642, Citation 1707 c. 7
before becoming concerned at the impact on Scotland of a Royalist Territorial extent Kingdom of
victory.[14] Presbyterian leaders like Argyll viewed union as a way Scotland
to ensure free trade between England and Scotland, and preserve a Dates
Presbyterian kirk.[15]
Royal assent 16 January
1707
Under the 1643 Solemn League and Covenant, the Covenanters
agreed to provide military support for the English Parliament, in Commencement 1 May 1707
return for religious union. Although the treaty referred repeatedly to Other legislation
 'union' between England, Amended by Statute Law
Scotland, and Ireland, it did Revision
not explicitly commit to (Scotland)
political union. Act 1906
Statute Law
The Scots and English
Revision
Presbyterians were political
(Scotland)
conservatives, who
The 1643 Solemn League and Act 1964
increasingly viewed the
Covenant between England and Criminal
Independents, and
Scotland Justice Act
associated radical groups
like the Levellers, as a 1948
bigger threat than the Royalists. Both Royalists and Presbyterians Peerage Act
agreed monarchy was divinely ordered, but disagreed on the nature 1963
and extent of Royal authority over the church. When Charles I Scotland Act
surrendered in 1646, they allied with their former enemies to 1998
restore him to the English throne.[16] Status: Current legislation

After defeat in the 1647–1648 Second English Civil War, Scotland Text of the Union with England
was occupied by English troops which were withdrawn once the Act 1707 (https://www.legislatio
so-called Engagers whom Cromwell held responsible for the war n.gov.uk/id?title=Union+with+En
had been replaced by the Kirk Party. In December 1648, Pride's gland+Act+1707) as in force
Purge confirmed Cromwell's political control in England by today (including any
removing Presbyterian MPs from Parliament, and executing amendments) within the United
Charles in January 1649. Seeing this as sacrilege, the Kirk Party Kingdom, from
proclaimed Charles II King of Scotland and England, and agreed legislation.gov.uk.
to restore him to the English throne.

Defeat in the 1649–1651 Third English Civil War or Anglo-Scottish

War resulted in Scotland's incorporation into the Commonwealth of
England, Scotland and Ireland, largely driven by Cromwell's
determination to break the power of the kirk, which he held
responsible for the Anglo-Scottish War.[17] The 1652 Tender of
Union was followed on 12 April 1654 by An Ordinance by the
Protector for the Union of England and Scotland, creating the
Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland.[18] It was
ratified by the Second Protectorate Parliament on 26 June 1657,
creating a single Parliament in Westminster, with 30 representatives The Battle of Dunbar (1650):
each from Scotland and Ireland added to the existing English Scotland was incorporated into the
Commonwealth after defeat in the
members.[19]
1650–1651 Anglo-Scots War

1660–1707
While integration into the Commonwealth established free trade between Scotland and England, the
economic benefits were diminished by the costs of military occupation.[20] Both Scotland and England
associated union with heavy taxes and military rule; it had little popular support in either country, and was
dissolved after the Restoration of Charles II in 1660.
The Scottish economy was badly damaged by the English Navigation Acts of 1660 and 1663 and
England's wars with the Dutch Republic, Scotland's major export market. An Anglo-Scots Trade
Commission was set up in January 1668 but the English had no interest in making concessions, as the Scots
had little to offer in return. In 1669, Charles II revived talks on political union; his motives may have been
to weaken Scotland's commercial and political links with the Dutch, still seen as an enemy and complete the
work of his grandfather James I.[21] On the Scottish side, the proposed union received parliamentary
support, boosted by the desire to ensure free trade. Continued opposition meant these negotiations were
abandoned by the end of 1669.[22][23]

Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, a Scottish Convention met in Edinburgh in April 1689 to agree
a new constitutional settlement; during which the Scottish Bishops backed a proposed union in an attempt
to preserve Episcopalian control of the kirk. William and Mary were supportive of the idea but it was
opposed both by the Presbyterian majority in Scotland and the English Parliament.[24] Episcopacy in
Scotland was abolished in 1690, alienating a significant part of the political class; it was this element that
later formed the bedrock of opposition to Union.[25]

The 1690s were a time of economic hardship in Europe as a whole and Scotland in particular, a period now
known as the Seven ill years which led to strained relations with England.[26] In 1698, the Company of
Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies received a charter to raise capital through public subscription.[27]
The Company invested in the Darién scheme, an ambitious plan funded almost entirely by Scottish
investors to build a colony on the Isthmus of Panama for trade with East Asia.[28] The scheme was a
disaster; the losses of over £150,000[d] severely impacted the Scottish commercial system.[30]

Political motivations
The Acts of Union may be seen within a wider European context of increasing state centralisation during
the late 17th and early 18th centuries, including the monarchies of France, Sweden, Denmark and Spain.
While there were exceptions, such as the Dutch Republic or the Republic of Venice, the trend was clear.[31]

The dangers of the monarch using one Parliament against the other first became apparent in 1647 and 1651.
It resurfaced during the 1679 to 1681 Exclusion Crisis, caused by English resistance to the Catholic James
II (of England, VII of Scotland) succeeding his brother Charles. James was sent to Edinburgh in 1681 as
Lord High Commissioner; in August, the Scottish Parliament passed the Succession Act, confirming the
divine right of kings, the rights of the natural heir "regardless of religion", the duty of all to swear allegiance
to that king, and the independence of the Scottish Crown. It then went beyond ensuring James's succession
to the Scottish throne by explicitly stating the aim was to make his exclusion from the English throne
impossible without "the fatall and dreadfull consequences of a civil war".[32]

The issue reappeared during the 1688 Glorious Revolution. The English Parliament generally supported
replacing James with his Protestant daughter Mary, but resisted making her Dutch husband William of
Orange joint ruler. They gave way only when he threatened to return to the Netherlands, and Mary refused
to rule without him.[33] In Scotland, conflict over control of the kirk between Presbyterians and
Episcopalians and William's position as a fellow Calvinist put him in a much stronger position. He
originally insisted on retaining Episcopacy, and the Committee of the Articles, an unelected body that
controlled what legislation Parliament could debate. Both would have given the Crown far greater control
than in England but he withdrew his demands due to the 1689–1692 Jacobite Rising.[34]

English perspective
The English succession was provided for by the English Act of Settlement
1701, which ensured that the monarch of England would be a Protestant
member of the House of Hanover. Until the Union of Parliaments, the
Scottish throne might be inherited by a different successor after Queen
Anne, who had said in her first speech to the English parliament that a
Union was "very necessary".[35] The Scottish Act of Security 1704,
however, was passed after the English parliament, without consultation with
Scotland, had designated Electoress Sophia of Hanover (granddaughter of
James I and VI) as Anne's successor, if Anne died childless. The Act of
Security granted the Parliament of Scotland, the three Estates,[35] the right
to choose a successor and explicitly required a choice different from the Queen Anne in 1702
English monarch unless the English were to grant free trade and navigation.
Then the Alien Act 1705 was passed in the English parliament, designating
Scots in England as "foreign nationals" and blocking about half of all Scottish trade by boycotting exports
to England or its colonies, unless Scotland came back to negotiate a Union.[35] To encourage a Union,
"honours, appointments, pensions and even arrears of pay and other expenses were distributed to clinch
support from Scottish peers and MPs".[36]

Scottish perspective
The Scottish economy was severely impacted by privateers during the 1688–1697 Nine Years' War and the
1701 War of the Spanish Succession, with the Royal Navy focusing on protecting English ships. This
compounded the economic pressure caused by the Darien scheme, and the seven ill years of the 1690s,
when 5–15% of the population died of starvation.[37] The Scottish Parliament was promised financial
assistance, protection for its maritime trade, and an end to economic restrictions on trade with England.[38]

The votes of the Court party, influenced by Queen Anne's favourite, the Duke of Queensberry, combined
with the majority of the Squadrone Volante, were sufficient to ensure passage of the treaty.[35] Article 15
granted £398,085 and ten shillings sterling to Scotland,[e] a sum known as The Equivalent, to offset future
liability towards the English national debt, which at the time was £18 million,[f] but as Scotland had no
national debt,[35] most of the sum was used to compensate the investors in the Darien scheme, with 58.6%
of the fund allocated to its shareholders and creditors.[39]

The role played by bribery has long been debated; £20,000 was distributed by the Earl of Glasgow,[g] of
which 60% went to James Douglas, 2nd Duke of Queensberry, the Queen's Commissioner in Parliament.
Another negotiator, Argyll was given an English peerage.[35] Robert Burns is commonly quoted in support
of the argument of corruption: "We're bought and sold for English Gold, Such a Parcel of Rogues in a
Nation." As historian Christopher Whatley points out, this was actually a 17th-century Scots folk song; but
he agrees money was paid, though suggests the economic benefits were supported by most Scots MPs, with
the promises made for benefits to peers and MPs,[36] even if it was reluctantly.[40] Professor Sir Tom
Devine agreed that promises of "favours, sinecures, pensions, offices and straightforward cash bribes
 became indispensable to secure government majorities".[41] As for
representation going forwards, Scotland was, in the new united
parliament, only to get 45 MPs, one more than Cornwall, and only
16 (unelected) peers in the House of Lords.[35]

Sir George Lockhart of Carnwath, the only Scottish negotiator to

18th-century French illustration of an
opening of the Scottish Parliament
oppose Union, noted "the whole nation appears against (it)".
Another negotiator, Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, who was an ardent
Unionist, observed it was "contrary to the inclinations of at least
three-fourths of the Kingdom".[42] As the seat of the Scottish
Parliament, demonstrators in Edinburgh feared the impact of its loss
on the local economy. Elsewhere, there was widespread concern
about the independence of the kirk, and possible tax rises.[43]

As the Treaty passed through the Scottish Parliament, opposition was voiced by petitions from shires,
burghs, presbyteries and parishes. The Convention of Royal Burghs claimed

we are not against an honourable and safe union with England, [... but] the condition of the
people of Scotland, (cannot be) improved without a Scots Parliament.[44]

Not one petition in favour of Union was received by Parliament. On the day the treaty was signed, the
carillonneur in St Giles Cathedral, Edinburgh, rang the bells in the tune "Why should I be so sad on my
wedding day?"[45] Threats of widespread civil unrest resulted in Parliament imposing martial law.

The Union was carried by members of the Scottish elite against the wishes of the great majority. The
Scottish population was overwhelmingly against the union with England, and virtually all of the print
discourses of 1699-1706 spoke against incorporating union, creating the conditions for wide spread
rejection of the treaty in 1706 and 1707.[46] Country party tracts condemned English influence within the
existing framework of the Union of the Crowns and asserted the need to renegotiate this union. During this
period, the Darien failure, the succession issue and the Worcester seizure all provided opportunities for
Scottish writers to attack the Court Party as unpatriotic and reaffirm the need to fight for true interests of
Scotland.[46] According to Scottish historian William Ferguson, the Acts of Union were a 'political job' by
England that was achieved by economic incentives, patronage and bribery to secure the passage of the
Union treaty in the Scottish Parliament in order satisfy English political imperatives, with the union being
unacceptable to the Scottish people including both the Jacobites and Covenanters. The differences between
Scottish were "subsumed by the same sort of patriotism or nationalism that first appeared in the Declaration
of Arbroath of 1320."[46] Ferguson provides the well-timed payments of salary arrears to members of
Parliament as proof of bribery and argues that the Scottish people had been betrayed by their Parliament.[46]

Ireland
Ireland, though a kingdom under the same crown, was not included in the union. It remained a separate
kingdom, unrepresented in Parliament, and was legally subordinate to Great Britain until the Renunciation
Act of 1783.
In July 1707 each House of the Parliament of Ireland passed a congratulatory address to Queen Anne,
praying that "May God put it in your royal heart to add greater strength and lustre to your crown, by a still
more comprehensive Union".[47][48] The British government did not respond to the invitation and an equal
union between Great Britain and Ireland was out of consideration until the 1790s. The union with Ireland
finally came about on 1 January 1801.

Treaty and passage of the 1707 Acts

Deeper political integration had been a key policy of Queen Anne
from the time she acceded to the throne in 1702. Under the aegis of
the Queen and her ministers in both kingdoms, the parliaments of
England and Scotland agreed to participate in fresh negotiations for
a union treaty in 1705.

Both countries appointed 31 commissioners to conduct the

negotiations. Most of the Scottish commissioners favoured union,
and about half were government ministers and other officials. At the
head of the list was Queensberry, and the Lord Chancellor of
Scotland, the Earl of Seafield.[49] The English commissioners
included the Lord High Treasurer, the Earl of Godolphin, the Lord
Keeper, Baron Cowper, and a large number of Whigs who
supported union. Tories were not in favour of union and only one
was represented among the commissioners.[49] "Articles of Union otherwise known
as Treaty of Union", 1707
Negotiations between the English and Scottish commissioners took
place between 16 April and 22 July 1706 at the Cockpit in London.
Each side had its own particular concerns. Within a few days, and with only one face to face meeting of all
62 commissioners,[35] England had gained a guarantee that the Hanoverian dynasty would succeed Queen
Anne to the Scottish crown, and Scotland received a guarantee of access to colonial markets, in the hope
that they would be placed on an equal footing in terms of trade.[50]

After negotiations ended in July 1706, the acts had to be ratified by both Parliaments. In Scotland, about
100 of the 227 members of the Parliament of Scotland were supportive of the Court Party. For extra votes
the pro-court side could rely on about 25 members of the Squadrone Volante, led by the Marquess of
Montrose and the Duke of Roxburghe. Opponents of the court were generally known as the Country party,
and included various factions and individuals such as the Duke of Hamilton, Lord Belhaven and Andrew
Fletcher of Saltoun, who spoke forcefully and passionately against the union, when the Scottish Parliament
began its debate on the act on 3 October 1706, but the deal had already been done.[35] The Court party
enjoyed significant funding from England and the Treasury and included many who had accumulated debts
following the Darien Disaster.[51]

The Act ratifying the Treaty of Union was finally carried in the Parliament of Scotland by 110 votes to 69
on 16 January 1707, with a number of key amendments. News of the ratification and of the amendments
was received in Westminster, where the Act was passed quickly through both Houses and received the royal
assent on 6 March.[52] Though the English Act was later in date, it bore the year '1706' while Scotland's
was '1707', as the legal year in England began only on 25 March.
In Scotland, the Duke of Queensberry was largely responsible for the successful passage of the Union act
by the Parliament of Scotland. In Scotland, he also received much criticism from local residents, but in
England he was cheered for his action. He had personally received around half of the funding awarded by
the Westminster Treasury for himself. In April 1707, he travelled to London to attend celebrations at the
royal court, and was greeted by groups of noblemen and gentry lined along the road. From Barnet, the route
was lined with crowds of cheering people, and once he reached London a huge crowd had formed. On 17
April, the Duke was gratefully received by the Queen at Kensington Palace.[53]

Provisions
The Treaty of Union, agreed between representatives of the Parliament of
England and the Parliament of Scotland in 1706, consisted of 25 articles, 15
of which were economic in nature. In Scotland, each article was voted on
separately and several clauses in articles were delegated to specialised
subcommittees. Article 1 of the treaty was based on the political principle of
an incorporating union and this was secured by a majority of 116 votes to
83 on 4 November 1706. To minimise the opposition of the Church of
Scotland, an Act was also passed to secure the Presbyterian establishment
of the Church, after which the Church stopped its open opposition,
although hostility remained at lower levels of the clergy. The treaty as a
whole was finally ratified on 16 January 1707 by a majority of 110 votes to
69.[54]
Heraldic badge of Queen
The two Acts incorporated provisions for Scotland to send representative Anne, depicting the Tudor
peers from the Peerage of Scotland to sit in the House of Lords. It rose and the Scottish thistle
guaranteed that the Church of Scotland would remain the established growing from the same stem
church in Scotland, that the Court of Session would "remain in all time
coming within Scotland", and that Scots law would "remain in the same
force as before". Other provisions included the restatement of the Act of Settlement 1701 and the ban on
Roman Catholics from taking the throne. It also created a customs union and monetary union.

The Act provided that any "laws and statutes" that were "contrary to or inconsistent with the terms" of the
Act would "cease and become void".

Related Acts
The Scottish Parliament also passed the Protestant Religion and Presbyterian Church Act 1707 guaranteeing
the status of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The English Parliament passed a similar Act, 6 Ann. c. 8.

Soon after the Union, the Act 6 Ann. c. 40—later named the Union with Scotland (Amendment) Act 1707
—united the English and Scottish Privy Councils and decentralised Scottish administration by appointing
justices of the peace in each shire to carry out administration. In effect it took the day-to-day government of
Scotland out of the hands of politicians and into those of the College of Justice.

On 18 December 1707 the Act for better Securing the Duties of East India Goods was passed which
extended the monopoly of the East India Company to Scotland.
In the year following the Union, the Treason Act 1708 abolished the Scottish law of treason and extended
the corresponding English law across Great Britain.

Evaluations
Scotland benefited, says historian G.N. Clark, gaining "freedom of trade with England and the colonies" as
well as "a great expansion of markets". The agreement guaranteed the permanent status of the Presbyterian
church in Scotland, and the separate system of laws and courts in Scotland. Clark argued that in exchange
for the financial benefits and bribes that England bestowed, what it gained was

of inestimable value. Scotland accepted the Hanoverian succession and gave up her power of
threatening England's military security and complicating her commercial relations ... The
sweeping successes of the eighteenth-century wars owed much to the new unity of the two
nations.[55]

By the time Samuel Johnson and James Boswell made their tour in 1773, recorded in A Journey to the
Western Islands of Scotland, Johnson noted that Scotland was "a nation of which the commerce is hourly
extending, and the wealth increasing" and in particular that Glasgow had become one of the greatest cities
of Britain.[56]

Economic perspective
Scottish historian Christopher Smout notes that prior to the Union of the Crowns, the Scottish economy had
been flourishing completely independently of the English one, with little to no interaction between each
other. Developing a closer economic partnership with England was unsustainable, and Scotland's main
trade partner was continental Europe, especially the Netherlands, where Scotland could trade its wool and
fish for luxurious imports such as iron, spices or wine. Scotland and England were generally hostile to each
other and were often at war, and the alliance with France gave Scotland privileges that further encouraged
developing cultural and economic ties with the continent rather than England. The union of 1603 only
served the political and dynastic ambitions of King James and was detrimental to Scotland economically –
exports that Scotland offered were largely irrelevant to English economy, and while the Privy Council of
Scotland did keep its ability to manage internal economic policy, the foreign policy of Scotland was now in
English hands. This limited Scotland's hitherto expansive trade with continental Europe, and forced it into
English wars.[57]

While the Scottish economy already suffered because of English wars with France and Spain in the 1620s,
the civil wars in England had a particularly disastrous effect on Scotland and left it relatively impoverished
as a result. The economy would slowly recover after that, but it came at the cost of being increasingly
dependent on trade with England. A power struggle developed between Scotland and England in the 1680s,
as Scotland recovered from the political turmoil and set on its own economic ambitions, which London
considered a threat to its dominant and well-established position.[57] English wars with continental powers
undermined Scottish trade with France and the Netherlands, countries that used to be the Scotland's main
trade partners before the union, and the English Navigation Acts severely limited Scottish ability to trade by
sea, and made the Scottish ambitions to expand the trade beyond Europe unachievable. Opinion in Scotland
at the time was that England was sabotaging Scottish economic expansion.[57]
The frustration caused by economic and political rivalry with England led to the Darien scheme - an
unsuccessful attempt to establish a Scottish colony in the Gulf of Darién. Christopher Smout argues that the
scheme was successfully sabotaged by England in various ways - it was seen as a threat to the privileged
position of the East India Company, and as such England did everything to ensure the plan's failure via
political and diplomatic overtures to prevent the Netherlands and Hamburg from investing into the scheme
while also refusing to assist the settlers in any way. Following the disastrous failure of the scheme, Scottish
economy seemed to be on the brink of collapse, but ultimately Scotland was able to recover from it fairly
quickly.[57]

By 1703, the Scottish government was highly disillusioned and unsatisfied with the union, and many
believed that the only way to let Scottish economy flourish was to separate from England. Fletcher of
Saltoun called Scotland 'totally neglected, like a farm managed by servants not under the eye of the master',
and the failure of the Darien Scheme was commonly attributed to English sabotage.[57] The Scottish
parliament would try to establish its autonomy from England with 1704 Act of Security, which provoked a
retaliation from England - Scottish ministers were bribed, and Alien Act 1705 was passed. According to the
Alien Act, unless Scotland appointed commissioners to negotiate for union by Christmas, every Scot in
England would be treated as an alien, leading to the confiscation of their English estates. Additionally,
Scottish wares were to be banned from England. Christopher Smout notes that England desired to expand
its influence by annexing Scotland:

In sum, England was now seeking Parliamentary Union for political reasons at a moment when
the Scots had become dissatisfied with Regal Union for economic reasons: and one of the main
weapons chosen by the English to enforce their will was the threat of economic sanctions. The
repeal of the Alien Act before it could come into force scarcely reduced its menace: a big stick is a
big stick, even if it is replaced in the cupboard unused.[57]

The act sparked vehement anti-English sentiment in Scotland, and made the already hostile Scottish public
even more opposed to England:

The crew of an English East Indiaman, the Worcester, that had put into Leith to escape a storm
was arrested on a spurious charge of piracy and executed after a parody of a trial, victims of a
wave of anti-English hysteria which the Ministers of the Crown dared not be seen to oppose. As
late as June, the Scottish Uniornist Cockburn of Ormiston declared he could not find ten men in
Parliament willing to join England in a full Union - an exaggeration no doubt, but an indication of
the contemporary force of feeling.[57]

The Scottish economy was now facing a crisis, and the parliament was polarised into a pro-union and anti-
union factions, with the former led by Daniel Defoe. The unionists stressed how important trade with
England is to the Scottish economy, and portrayed trade with continental Europe as not beneficial, or
nowhere as profitable as trading with England. They argued that the Scottish economy could survive by
trading with England, and sanctions that would result from the Alien Act would collapse the economy. For
Defoe, joining the union would not only prevent the Alien Act, but would also remove additional limitations
and regulations, which could lead Scotland to prosperity. Anti-unionists questioned the English goodwill
and criticised the unionist faction for submitting to the English blackmail. They argued that Scotland could
make a recovery by trading with the Netherlands, Spain and Norway, with the diverse European markets
allowing Scotland to diversify its own industries as well. They noted that the union would make Scotland
unable to conduct independent trade policy, meaning that any possibility to remove the flaws in Scottish
economy would be gone forever, which would turn Scotland into a "mere satellite of the richer
kingdom".[57] Ultimately, Scottish ministers voted in favour of the union, which was against the public
opinion, as the Scottish population at the time was overwhelmingly against any union with England.[46]
Many considered themselves betrayed by their own elite, and Smout argues that the union bill was only
able to pass thanks to the English bribery.[57]

300th anniversary
A commemorative two-pound coin was issued to mark the
tercentennial—300th anniversary—of the Union, which occurred
two days before the Scottish Parliament general election on 3 May
2007.[58]

The Scottish Government held a number of commemorative events

through the year including an education project led by the Royal
Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland,
an exhibition of Union-related objects and documents at the

The £2 coin issued in the United

Kingdom in 2007 to commemorate
the 300th anniversary of the Acts of
Union
National Museums of Scotland and an exhibition of portraits of people associated with the Union at the
National Galleries of Scotland.[59]

Scottish voting records

Map of commissioner voting on the

ratification of the Treaty of Union.
All (or sole) Commissioners
absent
All Commissioners present
voting for Union
Majority of Commissioners
present voting for Union
Equal number of Commissioners
voting for and against
Majority of Commissioners
present voting against Union
All Commissioners present
voting against Union

Voting records for 16 January 1707 ratification of the Treaty of Union

Commissioner Constituency/Position Party Vote

James Graham, 1st Duke of Lord President of the Council of
Court Party Yes
Montrose Scotland/Stirlingshire
John Campbell, 2nd Duke of
Court Party Yes
Argyll
John Hay, 2nd Marquess of Squadrone
Yes
Tweeddale Volante
William Kerr, 2nd Marquess of
Court Party Yes
Lothian
John Erskine, Earl of Mar Court Party Yes
John Gordon, 16th Earl of
Court Party Yes
Sutherland
John Hamilton-Leslie, 9th Earl Squadrone
Yes
of Rothes Volante
James Douglas, 11th Earl of
Yes
Morton
William Cunningham, 12th
Yes
Earl of Glencairn

James Hamilton, 6th Earl of

Yes
Abercorn
John Ker, 1st Duke of Squadrone
Yes
Roxburghe Volante
Thomas Hamilton, 6th Earl of
Yes
Haddington
John Maitland, 5th Earl of
Yes
Lauderdale
David Wemyss, 4th Earl of
Yes
Wemyss
William Ramsay, 5th Earl of
Yes
Dalhousie
James Ogilvy, 4th Earl of
Banffshire Yes
Findlater

David Leslie, 3rd Earl of

Yes
Leven
David Carnegie, 4th Earl of
Yes
Northesk
Earl of Belcarras Yes
Archibald Douglas, 1st Earl of
Yes
Forfar
William Boyd, 3rd Earl of
Yes
Kilmarnock
John Keith, 1st Earl of Kintore Yes

Patrick Hume, 1st Earl of Squadrone

Yes
Marchmont Volante
George Mackenzie, 1st Earl
Yes
of Cromartie
Archibald Primrose, 1st Earl
Yes
of Rosebery
David Boyle, 1st Earl of
Yes
Glasgow
Charles Hope, 1st Earl of
likely Linlithgowshire Yes
Hopetoun
Henry Scott, 1st Earl of
Yes
Deloraine
Archibald Campbell, Earl of
Yes
Illay
William Hay, Viscount Dupplin Yes
William Forbes, 12th Lord
Yes
Forbes

John Elphinstone, 8th Lord

Yes
Elphinstone
William Ross, 12th Lord Ross Yes
James Sandilands, 7th Lord
Yes
Torphichen
Lord Fraser Yes
George Ogilvy, 3rd Lord Banff Yes
Alexander Murray, 4th Lord
Yes
Elibank
Kenneth Sutherland, 3rd Lord
Yes
Duffus

Robert Rollo, 4th Lord Rollo Stirlingshire Yes

James Murray, Lord
Lord Clerk Register/Selkirkshire Yes
Philiphaugh
Adam Cockburn, Lord
Lord Justice Clerk Yes
Ormiston
Sir Robert Dickson of
Edinburghshire Yes
Inverask
Squadrone
William Nisbet of Dirletoun Haddingtonshire Yes
Volante
John Cockburn, younger, of Squadrone
Haddingtonshire Yes
Ormestoun Volante

Sir John Swintoun of that ilk Berwickshire Court Party Yes

Sir Alexander Campbell of
Berwickshire Yes
Cessnock
Squadrone
Sir William Kerr of Greenhead Roxburghshire Yes
Volante
Archibald Douglas of Cavers Roxburghshire Court Party Yes
William Bennet of Grubbet Roxburghshire Court Party Yes
Mr John Murray of Bowhill Selkirkshire Court Party Yes
Mr John Pringle of Haining Selkirkshire Court Party Yes
William Morison of
Peeblesshire Court Party Yes
Prestongrange
Alexander Horseburgh of that
Peeblesshire Yes
ilk
Squadrone
George Baylie of Jerviswood Lanarkshire Yes
Volante
Sir John Johnstoun of
Dumfriesshire Court Party Yes
Westerhall

William Dowglass of Dornock Dumfriesshire Yes

Mr William Stewart of
Wigtownshire Yes
Castlestewart
Mr John Stewart of Sorbie Wigtownshire Court Party Yes
Mr Francis Montgomery of
Ayrshire Court Party Yes
Giffan
Mr William Dalrymple of
Ayrshire Court Party Yes
Glenmuir
Mr Robert Stewart of
Buteshire Yes
Tillicultrie
Sir Robert Pollock of that ilk Renfrewshire Court Party Yes

Mr John Montgomery of Wrae Linlithgowshire Yes

Squadrone
John Halden of Glenagies Perthshire Yes
Volante
Squadrone
Mongo Graham of Gorthie Perthshire Yes
Volante
Sir Thomas Burnet of Leyes Kincardineshire Court Party Yes
William Seton, younger, of Squadrone
Aberdeenshire Yes
Pitmedden Volante
Alexander Grant, younger, of
Inverness-shire Court Party Yes
that ilk

Sir William Mackenzie Yes

Mr Aeneas McLeod of Cadboll Cromartyshire Yes
Mr John Campbell of
Argyllshire Court Party Yes
Mammore
Sir James Campbell of
Argyllshire Court Party Yes
Auchinbreck
James Campbell, younger, of
Argyllshire Court Party Yes
Ardkinglass
Sir William Anstruther of that
Fife Yes
ilk
Squadrone
James Halyburton of Pitcurr Forfarshire Yes
Volante
Alexander Abercrombie of
Banffshire Court Party Yes
Glassoch
Mr James Dunbarr, younger,
Caithness Yes
of Hemprigs
Alexander Douglas of
Orkney and Shetland Court Party Yes
Eagleshay
Squadrone
Sir John Bruce, 2nd Baronet Kinross-shire Yes
Volante

John Scrimsour Dundee Yes

Lieutenant Colonel John
Yes
Areskine
John Mure Likely Ayr Yes
James Scott Montrose Court Party Yes
Sir John Anstruther, 1st
Anstruther Easter Yes
Baronet, of Anstruther
James Spittle Inverkeithing Yes
Mr Patrick Moncrieff Kinghorn Court Party Yes

Squadrone
Sir Andrew Home Kirkcudbright Yes
Volante
Squadrone
Sir Peter Halket Dunfermline Yes
Volante
Sir James Smollet Dumbarton Court Party Yes
Mr William Carmichell Lanark Yes
Mr William Sutherland Elgin Yes
Captain Daniel McLeod Tain Yes

Sir David Dalrymple, 1st

Culross Court Party Yes
Baronet
Sir Alexander Ogilvie Banff Yes
Mr John Clerk Whithorn Court Party Yes
John Ross Yes
Hew Dalrymple, Lord North
North Berwick Yes
Berwick
Mr Patrick Ogilvie Cullen Court Party Yes
George Allardyce Kintore Court Party Yes
William Avis Yes
Mr James Bethun Kilrenny Yes
Mr Roderick McKenzie Fortrose Yes
John Urquhart Dornoch Yes
Daniel Campbell Inveraray Court Party Yes
Sir Robert Forbes Inverurie Yes

Mr Robert Dowglass Kirkwall Yes

Mr Alexander Maitland Inverbervie Court Party Yes
Mr George Dalrymple Stranraer Yes
Mr Charles Campbell Campbeltown Yes
James Hamilton, 4th Duke of
No
Hamilton
William Johnstone, 1st
Annan No
Marquess of Annandale
Charles Hay, 13th Earl of
No
Erroll

William Keith, 9th Earl

No
Marischal
David Erskine, 9th Earl of
No
Buchan
Alexander Sinclair, 9th Earl of
No
Caithness
John Fleming, 6th Earl of
No
Wigtown
James Stewart, 5th Earl of
No
Galloway
David Murray, 5th Viscount of
No
Stormont

William Livingston, 3rd

No
Viscount of Kilsyth
William Fraser, 12th Lord
No
Saltoun
Francis Sempill, 10th Lord
No
Sempill
Charles Oliphant, 7th Lord
No
Oliphant
John Elphinstone, 4th Lord
No
Balmerino
Walter Stuart, 6th Lord Linlithgow No
Blantyre
William Hamilton, 3rd Lord
Queensferry No
Bargany
John Hamilton, 2nd Lord
No
Belhaven and Stenton
Lord Colvill No

Patrick Kinnaird, 3rd Lord

No
Kinnaird
Sir John Lawder of
Haddingtonshire No
Fountainhall
Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun Haddingtonshire No
Sir Robert Sinclair, 3rd
Berwickshire No
Baronet
Sir Patrick Home of Rentoun Berwickshire No
Sir Gilbert Elliot of Minto Roxburghshire No

William Bayllie of Lamingtoun Lanarkshire No

John Sinclair, younger, of
Lanarkshire No
Stevensone
James Hamilton of Aikenhead Lanarkshire No
Mr Alexander Fergusson of
Dumfriesshire No
Isle
Sir Hugh Cathcart of
Ayrshire No
Carletoun
John Brisbane, younger, of
Ayrshire No
Bishoptoun

Mr William Cochrane of
Dumbartonshire No
Kilmaronock
Sir Humphray Colquhoun of
Dumbartonshire No
Luss
Sir John Houstoun of that ilk Renfrewshire No
Robert Rollo of Powhouse No
Thomas Sharp of Houstoun Linlithgowshire No
John Murray of Strowan No
Alexander Gordon of Pitlurg Aberdeenshire No

John Forbes of Colloden Nairnshire No

David Bethun of Balfour Fife No
Major Henry Balfour of
Fife No
Dunboog
Mr Thomas Hope of
No
Rankeillor
Mr Patrick Lyon of
Forfarshire No
Auchterhouse
Mr James Carnagie of
Forfarshire No
Phinhaven
David Graham, younger, of
Forfarshire No
Fintrie
William Maxwell of Cardines Kirkcudbrightshire No
Alexander McKye of Palgown Kirkcudbrightshire No

James Sinclair of Stempster Caithness No

Sir Henry Innes, younger, of
Elginshire No
that ilk
Mr George McKenzie of
Ross-shire No
Inchcoulter
Robert Inglis Edinburgh No
Alexander Robertson Perth No
Walter Stewart No
Hugh Montgomery Glasgow Court Party No

Alexander Edgar Haddington No

Alexander Duff Banffshire No
Francis Molison Brechin No
Walter Scott Jedburgh No
Robert Scott Selkirk No
Robert Kellie Dunbar No

John Hutchesone Arbroath No

Archibald Scheills Peebles No
Mr John Lyon Forfar No
George Brodie Forres No
George Spens Rutherglen No
Sir David Cuningham Lauder No
Mr John Carruthers Lochmaben No

George Home New Galloway No

John Bayne Dingwall No
Mr Robert Fraser Wick No
Total Ayes 106
Total Noes 69
Total Votes 175
Sources: Records of the Parliament of Scotland, Parliamentary Register, p.598 (http://dbooks.
bodleian.ox.ac.uk/books/PDFs/555089378.pdf)

See also
Acts of Union 1800 (Kingdom of Great Britain with Kingdom of Ireland)
Kingdom of Ireland
English independence
List of treaties
MacCormick v Lord Advocate
Parliament of the United Kingdom
Political union
Real union
Scottish independence
Unionism in Scotland
Welsh independence

Notes
a. The citation of this Act by this short title was authorised by section 1 of, and Schedule 1 to,
the Short Titles Act 1896. Due to the repeal of those provisions, it is now authorised by
section 19(2) of the Interpretation Act 1978.
b. The date would have been recorded at the time as 6 March 1706 (rather than 1707),
because England (unlike Scotland) began each year on 25 March until the Calendar (New
Style) Act 1750 changed it to 1 January. Separately, the Act itself is dated 1706 because,
before the Acts of Parliament (Commencement) Act 1793, the date on which a Bill became
law was the first day of the parliamentary session in which it was passed, unless the Act
contained a provision to the contrary.[1]
c. The citation of this Act by this short title was authorised by the Statute Law Revision
(Scotland) Act 1964, section 2 and Schedule 2. Due to the repeal of those provisions it is
now authorised by section 19(2) of the Interpretation Act 1978.
d. Equivalent to about £21 million in 2019.[29]
e. About £61 million in 2019.[29]
f. About £2.8 billion in 2019.[29]
g. About £3.1 million in 2019.[29]

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Further reading
Defoe, Daniel. A Tour thro' the Whole Island of Great Britain, 1724–1727
Defoe, Daniel. The Letters of Daniel Defoe, GH Healey editor. Oxford: 1955.
Fletcher, Andrew (Saltoun). An Account of a Conversation
Lockhart, George, "The Lockhart Papers", 1702–1728

External links
The full text of Act of Union 1707 at Wikisource
 Union with England Act and Union with Scotland Act – Full original text (http://rahbarnes.co.u
k/union/union-of-1707/)
Treaty of Union and the Darien Experiment (http://www.collectionscanada.ca/collectionsp-bi
n/colldisp/l=0/c=81), University of Guelph, McLaughlin Library, Library and Archives Canada
Text of the Union with Scotland Act 1706 (https://www.legislation.gov.uk/id?title=Union+with+
Scotland+Act+1706) as in force today (including any amendments) within the United
Kingdom, from legislation.gov.uk.
Text of the Union with England Act 1707 (https://www.legislation.gov.uk/id?title=Union+with+
England+Act+1707) as in force today (including any amendments) within the United
Kingdom, from legislation.gov.uk.
Union with England Act 1707, from Records of the Parliaments of Scotland (https://rps.ac.uk/
search.php?action=fetch_jump&filename=anne_trans&jump=anne_m1706_10_257_d6_ms
&type=trans&fragment=t1706_10_257_d6_trans)
Image of original act from the Parliamentary Archives website (https://archives.parliament.uk/
collections/getrecord/GB61_HL_PO_PU_1_1706_5and6An14)

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