Wake Traditions in Ireland

Mauren Williams: 121116851

FL2111: Aspects of Irish Folklore

I declare that this work is my own

20/12/2021
 Death and wakes were an important time in Irish tradition. Care of the body fell within
the responsibility of women, who would prepare it for the wake and later burial. Depending on
the nature of the death, whether deemed timely or not, the responding wake could differ
vastly. Geróid Ó Crualaoich observed a union of beliefs in death culture; while timely, “natural”
deaths fell within the realm of Christianity, unexpected deaths were associated with ideas of
malevolent faeries and other magic (1990: 148). While in the former case, chaos and revelry
that paralleled the carnivale atmosphere of Samhain was common at wakes. However, if the
death was unnatural or unexpected, like that of a child, the wake was a far more somber affair,
an attempt to restore order. A big part of preparing the body and the rituals observed after
death had to do with avoiding bad luck for both the deceased’s spirit and their families.
Anything from crying over the body at the wrong time, or not hiring keening women, to
throwing out the washing water too early could risk the spirit going to hell or mean that there
would be another death. Depending on the circumstance, many things, like the stiffness of the
body after a given time, could factor into which family was going to experience a death next
and how soon.

Upon the death of someone, several steps had to be carried out before the wake and
burial. Firstly, all the clocks in the house were stopped out of respect to the dead (NFCS
136:305-307), and to record the hour of their death. Windows and doors were opened, and
also later in the wake-house, for the spirit to escape through. Mirrors were covered so that the
spirit would not get distracted on its way out, along with the moving of any obstacles such as
furniture or even knives. The process of preparing the body was carried out by women only and
had to be done before the body went through rigor mortis so that it would stiffen correctly.
Upon death, a woman with more experience in the town would be summoned to prepare the
body, often it was an elderly woman called a bean bhán, who had already reached a period of
her life in which she was nearing death. It was of special import that nobody from the family of
the deceased touch the body (Ó Crualaoich, 1993:932). After washing the body, the water used
had to be saved as the last thing to be thrown out of the house. The body would then be
dressed either in their best clothes, or a habit. Their hands would be placed over their chest
with a rosary wrapped around them. Any combs or razors used to prepare the body were then
thrown out. For superstitious reasons, much like how a cat might be hidden, this was to prevent
others from “catching” the next death. Both of these practices also had practical reasons as
well, even if they were not the primary motivation, of preventing the spread of germs and
disease (NFCS 229:162-171). Binding the body included wrapping the jaw closed and tying the
feet together. In some cases, a penny was place on each eyelid to weigh it down (NFCS
229:162-171). Accounts differ on the amount of time the body was then left, but it would
typically be anywhere from one to three hours. In some traditions, if the body didn’t stiffen
entirely, it was a bad omen that someone else in the family would die (NFCS 732:503-505), and
its limpness after that time could also indicate how soon that next death would be.

Women were not just important in preparing the body. Keening women, or mná caointe
were a vital part of funerary tradition. Upon death, the women in the family would be the first
to “keen.” This task would later on in the night taken up by one or more professional mourners
who could come from miles away. They were proficient in special songs and chants, the timbre
of which could vary depending both on the singer and her local traditions, and the nature of the
death, whether timely or not. The songs tended to have three parts: introduction, verse, and
cry, or gol. In some cases, having a single keener, or gol mná aonair at the graveside was
considered a special honour (McLaughlin, 2019:8-10). These women were not just valued for
the knowledge of special songs or chants for the occasion, but also their talent for drama. They
would remain with the body for the entirety of the wake, creating a sorrowful air with their
wailing and could carry the lament all night, always reviving it when someone new entered the
wake house. Mary McLaughlin found that within the wake, the mná caointe served as one half
of a liminal pairing. The atmosphere of sorrow and desolation they created was not just for
tradition, but for the community’s emotional catharsis. Much like how the lively nature of most
wakes served to lift spirits and celebrate a life well-lived, the mná caointe helped at the other
end, for people who simultaneously wanted to take time and mourn (McLaughlin, 2019:6).
Their liminal nature also extends to them presenting a link between the world of the living and
the dead, acting as a guide for the dead spirit. Not only does the lament evoke an otherworldly
aura, but their appearance is often recorded as being otherwise uncivilized. With loose,
uncombed hair, bedraggled clothes or sometimes none at all (McCoy, 2012:621-622). From
these descriptions, it’s easy to see why these women also have a more supernatural parallel in
the banshee. In some myths, the banshee was believed to have been a professional keener in
her life. While some versions maintain that only an exceptional keener would go on to become
a banshee, others view it in a more negative light and say that only a keener who neglected her
profession would become one (Lysaght, 1974:95-96).

Typically, a barn served as the wake-house, as it was large enough to accommodate the
whole community and the usual subsequent festivities. For the wake, the body would be
sectioned off from the rest of the room by a makeshift enclosure. The sheets often used to
make this cabán were part of a set of five meant to be used for no other purpose; four to make
the tent and one to cover the table or other surface the body was laid out on (Ó Crualaoich,
1993:933). The body would then be placed facing eastward and candles, always in an uneven
number, would be placed at their head. Wakes were also an expensive ordeal and not just
when buying a coffin. After a death, the whole community was involved in mourning and the
wake would generally last for two nights (NFCS 580:82). While experienced women outside the
family were involved in preparing the body and cabán itself, the family hosting the wake was
expected to provide hospitality to the whole attending community. This included food, tobacco,
snuff, and pipes, and especially drinks like whiskey. A table would hold a tray of snuff for the
attending women, and pipes made of clay or chalk enough for each man. The pipes would be
stuffed with tobacco and passed around, and the snuff would often be left on the table with the
body. Blocking the scent of death was a key reason for the unanimous use of snuff and tobacco,
as people could be around the body for as long as three days before it was buried. One account
tells the origin of this tradition. According to this story, a pipe and strange plant mystically
appeared by the people sitting vigil so as to keep them awake (NFCS 126:103).

In general, the response to what was deemed a timely death, was to hold a celebration
that bordered on carnivale levels of chaos. During the wake, people would drink in excess,
smoke, and play games that the church later dubbed immoral. Counter to the tones set by the
mná caointe, the wake of a timely death has been described as “much livelier than a ‘present
day wedding,’” (NFCS 732:503-505). Drinking and smoking were not the only part of creating a
proper atmosphere at wakes. Singing and dancing was also popular, along with jokes, riddles,
and storytelling. Sometimes the stories were about the deceased person’s life, but more
commonly they were ghost stories. The body itself was included in much of the wake,
sometimes pulled into dances, or given a pipe to smoke. The other half of McLaughlin’s
“threshold” or liminal pairing was the borokeen, who served as the wake’s gamemaster. While
the mná caointe created the more sorrowful atmosphere, the borokeen worked in the opposite
direction, helping to bring about emotional catharsis through tricks and pranks, performances,
and games, providing a general air of chaos (2019:6-7). The games could be as tame as spin the
bottle, or cards, where the body was often dealt a hand, too, or performances of overtly sexual
tones. Violent, and sexual games were extremely popular at wakes. Some included feats of
strength, dueling, dressing in drag, or complete nudity. A game much like the modern “Simon
Says” involved the person removing an article of clothing whenever they made a wrong move
and included both men and women (NFCS 229:162-171). One popular game, called the “Bull
and the Cow” featured someone attempting to break through a circle of people to kiss a girl. It’s
thought to have originated as an even older game. In this game, a girl is dressed as a cow while
other girls danced in a circle around her. The borokeen played mediator between them and a
group of boys with one dressed as a bull whose goal was to “capture” the “cow” (Wilde,
1887:233). This original form was likely to have been a reenactment of The Tain Bó Cúalnge
(McCoy, 2012:621). Games like “Hold the Light” where the subject is flogged while holding a
candle, has been considered to be biblical satire of the Passion, and blatantly “anti-Christian”
(Prim, 1853:334; Wilde, 1887:232). Another popular game involved a circle of people passing a
belt or knot of rope, or a girl’s slipper to each other beneath their legs. The person in the center
would then try to guess who was holding it and then be struck if they guessed wrong (NFCS
136:305-307; NFCS 229:162-171). Instead of passing an object, a similar game, called céadaoin,
or “the round about,” involved the person in the middle simply trying to guess who had struck
him, either on the ear or hands (NFCS 87:108-109). While some of these games could also be
played outside of wakes, “the Bees and the Honey” was not. It involved someone being covered
in straw as the “hive,” while others pretended to be bees and spit water on the straw (Danaher,
1962:175). Overall, the liveliness of these kinds of wakes were for celebration and ensuring that
the community could reach emotional catharsis and move on without their lives being weighed
down by this loss.

Wakes for an untimely death were far more solemn. This could include children, women
who died in childbirth, and other typically younger people who died unnaturally. It was
common to believe that faeries and the Otherworld were involved. More specifically, that
faeries had abducted the person and replaced them with a faery changeling as the body. The
role of the borokeen was greatly reduced, if not eliminated entirely, while the mná caointe
became central figures for their liminal abilities, ensuring that the soul would be united with
their ancestors (Ó Crualaoich, 1990:144-150). After the wake concluded, there was a tradition
of “turning the tables.” For this, the two sides of the family would try to be the first person to
turn the table, mattress, or whatever the body had been laid out on during the wake, rotating
the surface so that the foot sat where the head had been. It was believed that whichever side
turned the table first could transfer the next death away from their own side of the family and
onto the other side. This was especially important if the person died from tuberculosis, or
“consumption,” as it was believed to be a hereditary disease (NFCS 485:103-104). Faerie
involvement or not, it was believed that these deaths were not in line with the natural order
and balance of the world. Therefore, the reason for this kind of subdued wake was to restore
and preserve order in the world.

After the conclusion of the wake, the same woman who bound the body would then
have to unbind it in the exact opposite order in which she did the bindings. Then the body
would be coffined and taken to their grave. The coffin would either be carried the whole way by
four people, typically related to the deceased, or loaded onto a cart if it was available. It was a
general rule that the longest possible route had to be taken to the graveyard both so that the
ghost would not come back, and because one should “never take a short cut with a corpse”
(NFCS 136:305-307; NFCS 732:503-505). The mná caointe would also continue to be part of the
procession, often sitting atop the coffin if it was in a cart, and keening until the body was put
into the ground (Ó Crualaoich, 1993:934; McLaughlin, 2019:8). If a grave had to be dug up and
after seven years the old corpse had not fully decomposed, then it meant that person was in
heaven (NFCS 485:103-104).

When the body was carried out of the wake house for burial, the water used to wash it
was often thrown out directly after. It was key that the washing water not be thrown out
before the body left the house as that could bring bad luck. In some cases, the water would not
be thrown out at all. It would instead be saved and considered a remedy when used while
invoking the holy trinity (Ó Crualaoich, 1993:933). The first set of candles lit at the wake could
also be saved for similar purposes, in some instances being said to be a cure for “snuffles”
(NFCS 732:503-505). The four corners of each wake sheet that had formed the cabán then had
to be dipped in water before being returned to their keeper. Once the body was buried, the
clocks that had been stopped at the time of their death could then be restarted.

Like Samhain and other carnivale nights, wakes were often a time when people could
behave in ways that were otherwise unacceptable in daily life. The mná caointe and borokeen
together formed the opposite and extreme ends within which the rest of the attendants could
freely function and express themselves. Despite the widespread popularity of these traditions,
they have largely been forced out by the Church. The lively wakes and games were seen as
improper and disrespectful to the dead. New meanings were applied to untimely deaths. Death
of old age was still considered a blessing from God, but younger deaths were blamed on the
person being sinful. The death of children was considered again to be God’s mercy, but now
preventing them from becoming sinners and having their innocence corrupted. Wakes went
from days long affairs to being allowed for only one night. The body would then have to be
taken to the chapel for the funeral mass. Death, whether timely or not, had once been in a
unique position of uniting Pagan and Christian beliefs and traditions, proving that God and
faeries could exist together without violating the religious beliefs of the people.
National Folklore Collection (Schools’ Collection) Sources:

NFCS 87: 108-109; Seán Muiréadh (72); Collector: Brigid Bean Mhic Ultaigh, Srahmore,
Co. Mayo

NFCS 126: 103; Mrs. Mary Peyton (56), Dromada (Gore), Co. Mayo, 1937

NFCS 136: 305-307; Pat Lyons, Aghany, Co. Mayo. Teacher: P. Mac Giobúin

NFCS 229: 162-171; Collector: Albert King, Drumeela, Co. Leitrim, 1938; Teacher:
Ailbeard Mac an Ríogh

NFCS 408: 154-156; Michael Costello (78), Ballyhorgan East, Co. Kerry; Collector: Mrs.
Norah Costello, Dromclogh, Co. Kerry

NFCS 441: 121-122; Mrs. Jerry O’Connor (60), Blennerville, Co. Kerry; Collector: Nora
Williams, St. Brendan’s, Blennerville, Co. Kerry

NFCS 460: 244-245; Tadie Sullivan (80), Killeagh, Co. Kerry; Collector: Catherine Sullivan,
1938; Teacher: Hanna Mannix

NFCS 485: 103-104; D. Walsh (49), Abbeyfeale, Co. Limerick

NFCS 580: 082; Collector: John Nyhan, Emly, Co. Tipperary, 1938. Teacher: Tomás Ó
Lachtnáin

NFCS 732: 503-505; Mrs. Caffrey, Kilbeggan, Co. Westmeath. Collector: Teresa Hurley,
Kilbeggan, Co. Westmeath. Teacher: P. Mac Síurtáin

NFCS 738: 263; Thomas Leavey (60), Mary Leavey (50), Ballyharney, Co. Westmeath;
Collector: Mary Leavey, Ballyharney, Co. Westmeath; Teacher: Mícheál Ó Tiomáin

NFCS 904: 106-107; William Doran (60), Mohullen, Co. Carlow; Collector: Eileen Doran,
Mohullen, Co. Carlow; Teacher: Michael Ó Seachnasaigh
References:

Danaher, K., 1962. The Wake, in: In Ireland Long Ago. The Mercier Press.

Laughlin, M.M., 2019. Keening the Dead: Ancient History or a Ritual for Today? Religions
10, 235. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel10040235

Lysaght, P., 1974. Irish Banshee Traditions: A Preliminary Survey. Béaloideas 42/44, 94.
https://doi.org/10.2307/20521375

McCoy, N., 2012. The quick and the dead: Sexuality and the Irish merry wake.
Continuum 26, 615–624. https://doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2012.698040

Prim, J.G.A., 1853. Olden Popular Pastimes in Kilkenny. Transactions of the Kilkenny
Archaeological Society 2, 17.

Ó Crualoaich, G., 1990. Contest in the Cosmology and the Ritual of the Irish “Merry
Wake.” Cosmo: The Yearbook of the Traditional Cosmology Society 6.

Ó Crualaoich, G., 1993. County Cork Folklore and its Collection, in: Cork: History and
Sociey. Geography Publication.

Wilde, Lady F., 1887. Ancient Legends, Mystic Carms, and Superstitions of Ireland. With
Sketches of the Irish Past, 1st ed. Ward and Downey.