Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Affective Politics of Emancipation
Affective Politics of Emancipation
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Hypatia, Inc., Wiley are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The Distribution of Emotions: Affective
Politics of Emancipation
BRIGITTE BARGETZ
Currently, affect and emotions are a widely discussed political topic. At least since the e
1990s, different disciplines—from the social sciences and humanities to science and tec
science—have increasingly engaged in studying and conceptualizing affect, emotion, feel
and sensation, evoking yet another turn that is frequently framed as the "affective tu
Within queer feminist affect theory, two positions have emerged: folbwing Eve Kosof
Sedgwick's well-known critique, there are either more "paranoid" or more "reparat
approaches toward affect. Whereas the latter emphasize the potentialities of affect, the for
argue that one should question the mere idea of affect as liberation and promise. He
suggest moving beyond a critique or celebration of affect by embracing the political am
lence of affect. For this queer feminist theorizing of affective politics, I adapt Jacque
ciere's theory of the political and particularly his understanding of emancipation. Ranc
takes emancipation into account without, however, uncritically endorsing or celebratin
politics of liberation. I draw on his famous idea of the "distribution of the sensible" an
frame it as the "distribution of emotions," by which I develop a multilayered appr
toward a nonidentitarian, nondichotomous, and emancipatory queer feminist theory of
tive politics.
Affect and emotions are currently a widely discussed political topic. Affect has been
identified as having significantly informed neoliberal US politics since the 1980s
through a "moral-emotional rhetoric" (Berlant 2005, 49) and "affective epidemics"
(Grossberg 1992, 281). In the aftermath of 9/11, emotions have become profoundly
politicized, enforcing a widely racialized and culturalized politics of fear (Ahmed
2004; Puar 2007) and invoking a national sentimental politics of (male) protection
in the US (Faludi 2007). According to Judith Butler, the US wars in Afghanistan
and Iraq reveal "how affect is regulated to support both the war effort and, more spe
cifically, nationalist belonging" (Butler 2009, 40). Furthermore, the transformation of
the Western state has been framed in terms of affect and emotion. Birgit Sauer, for
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 581
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
582 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 583
inequality, which are (also) affectively distributed; on the other hand, it is a politics
that is not rooted in identity, but takes the (affective) interruption of these condi
tions as a starting point for (collective) politics. 1 argue that thinking through the
distribution of emotions allows us to criticize hierarchically structured power relations
that—not only but also—relate to sex and gender. The distribution of emotions is
not limited to theorizing the reproduction and transformation of gender relations, but
informs a multilayered understanding of affective politics. It introduces modes of
queer feminist engagement by going beyond a liberal and toward a nonidentitarian,
nondichotomous politics of affect.
The current debate on affect, emotion, feeling, or sensation is nothing new to femi
nist research, particularly in feminist theory and philosophy. Crucial feminist
contributions include challenging gendered binary oppositions, such as rationality/
emotionality and politics/emotions, along with other prominent dichotomies of Wes
tern modernity, such as culture/nature or mind/body (Jaggar 1989; Gatens 1995; Prok
hovnik 1999; Sauer 1999). Feminist critics have exposed these dichotomies as
modern, heteronormative power mechanisms, as a "liberal dispositive of feelings"
(Sauer 1999, 208), and as reproducing a hierarchical binary gender order that deva
lues and delegitimizes emotions along with those who are often characterized as emo
tional. Feminist, queer, and postcolonial scholarship has demonstrated how the
devaluation and delegitimization of emotions is deeply embroiled in (theories of)
modern capitalist politics and how such devaluations are tied to gender, race, and
class (Frye 1983; Lorde 1984; Prokhovnik 1999; Ahmed 2000; 2004; Skeggs 2005).
Whereas liberal theory associates politics with objectivity, rationality, interests, and
progress, feminist research has pointed out the importance of emotions in politics.
Feminist scholars have shown how emotionality and irrationality have been ascribed
to specific subjects in order to create a hierarchical (gendered, racialized, class) order
and to mobilize and fortify the patriarchal Western capitalist state. Consequently,
feminist philosophers and political theorists have critically engaged with these attri
butions, exclusions, and delegitimizations by unfolding both the significance and
power of emotions. In addition to addressing specific theoretical frameworks, such as
critical knowledge production (Jaggar 1989), body politics (Gatens 1995), and femi
nist solidarity (Lorde 1984), such work has consistently drawn attention to how poli
tics is also governed by emotions.
Within current queer feminist debates on affect, "two camps" (Koivunen 2010,
23) have appeared to emerge. For Koivunen, there are "at least implicitly and meta
phorically" two "new caricatures of feminist scholars": "those for joy, those for melan
choly; those for life, those for death; those for reparative criticisms, those constrained
by paranoia" (23). This discussion is inspired by a debate following Eve Kosofsky
Sedgwick's famous article "Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading, or, You're So
Paranoid, You Probably Think This Essay Is About You" (Sedgwick 2003). Sedgwick
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
584 Hypatia
criticizes "the mandatory injunction" (Sedgwick 2003, 125) of paranoid attitudes and
methodologies within the context of US critical theory because of its "hermeneutics
of suspicion" (124), an expression she borrows from Paul Ricoeur. In her view, para
noid readings, which she identifies in Marxism, psychoanalysis, and poststructuralism
alike, perform a mode of critique that concentrates on "exposure" and "unveiling hid
den" (138-39) truth, and consequently on questions of power and domination. Sedg
wick criticizes that, by doing so, these approaches not only claim "ownership over
the truth" (Love 2010, 236-37) but also disavow the empowering potential of affect
by focusing on negative affect, and remaining "averse above all to surprise" (Sedgwick
2003, 146). Countering this paranoid approach, Sedgwick emphasizes a more "repara
tive reading" that, as Heather Love summarizes, is rather "on the side of multiplicity,
surprise, rich divergence, consolation, creativity, and love" (Love 2010, 237).
Following Sedgwick's intervention, some scholars in queer feminist theory argue
that it is necessary to elaborate more on a reparative and emancipatory understanding
of affect, which has also recently led to a debate on the so-called "reparative turn"
(Feminist Theory 2014; Wiegman 2014). In terms of reparation, scholars claim that
the current turn to affect promises new modes of critical inquiry as well as new forms
of political agency. Others, such as Clare Hemmings, remain skeptical of this empha
sis on potentialities and "restorative power" (Hemmings 2005, 551). Hemmings
remarks in her readings of Frantz Fanon's and Audre Lorde's descriptions of people's
"affective responses to their blackness" (561) that it is problematic to emphasize the
positive side of affect, because it creates an "illusion of choice" (584). Thus, although
affect may open up new possibilities, some affects are often only accessible to certain
subjects, while others are "over-associated with affect" (561). Highlighting affect's
potential for reparation and surprise obscures affective attributions made to black
and/or female bodies, and the manner in which they are deployed to the detriment
of the subaltern.
I argue along the lines of Hemmings's critique of overestimating the reparative
mode of affective politics and her cautioning against dismissing the power of critique.
Romanticizing affective agency not only entails the risk of enforcing a politics of
truth—and thus a politics of authenticity—it also disregards how social and political
structures circulate through affect and thereby loses sight of those powers and forces
that inhibit political agency. Yet I also build upon Sedgwick's objection and claim
that remaining within a paranoid framework is insufficient for conceptualizing a femi
nist politics of affect. Apart from embracing suspicion, such a perspective risks rein
forcing the (gendered, racialized, and classed) delegitimization of affect and emotion
characteristic of modern Western politics and political theory, which has also been
used to legitimize the exclusion of multiple "Others." A theory of affective politics
should thus neither ignore the power of affect nor celebrate affective politics as a
new, all-encompassing form of politics (Bargetz 2014). Instead, I suggest a queer femi
nist theory of affective politics that considers the creative moments of affect as a
means of solidarity and political mobilization while never losing sight of how affect is
woven into the political and economic fabric and, thus, how emotions are used to
politically mobilize gender, sexuality, race, and class. I propose that Jacques Ranciere's
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 585
Emancipation is more than a "tricky word" (Scott 2012, 5). In recent decades, eman
cipation has become a contested concept within political philosophy and social the
ory while other notions—such as agency—have become prevalent. Ambivalences
about emancipation have been revealed in discussions on the entanglement of
emancipatory subjects and oppressive forces, on the impossibility of constituting the
demos as totality, and on the critique of a privileged emancipatory agent. It has been
questioned whether the identity of the oppressed is part of the "subject struggling for
emancipation" (Laclau 1996, 17) or that the emancipation of the politically excluded
is the "criterion of general emancipation" and that the excluded thus "need to present
themselves as the people of the people" (Balibar 2002, 2-6; his emphasis). Queer
feminist voices have criticized that every form of emancipation from patriarchy and
heteronormativity that is aimed at the state remains imbricated in the state's monop
oly on rationality and legitimate violence (Reddy 2011, 37-38). In a similar vein,
Butler has emphasized that "feminist critique ought also to understand how the cate
gory of 'women,' the subject of feminism, is produced and restrained by the very
structures of power through which emancipation is sought" (Butler 1990, 2). Calls for
emancipation have also been challenged, since the prevailing liberal discourses in the
global North are increasingly instrumentalizing the paradigm of women's emancipa
tion as evidence for political progress. Consequently, the rhetoric of emancipation
has been used to produce and delegitimize the global North's "Others" (Ahmed 2000;
Puar 2007; Mendel and Neuhold 2012) as well as to legitimize imperialist politics in
the name of women's liberation. In this vein, Joan Scott stresses that the "rhetoric of
democracy in the service of global capital now includes the language of sexual eman
cipation and its imagined equation with gender equality" (Scott 2012, 20). Within
these discourses, emancipation has not only been appropriated for specific national
interests, it also suggests the idea that some must be emancipated by others. Similarly,
feminist philosophy has criticized the androcentric and colonial premises of the Wes
tern notion of emancipation because it relies on the (patronizing) idea of being liber
ated, of being given freedom.
Recently, however, a renewed emphasis has been placed on emancipation within
academic debates, especially those concerned with the contemporary multiple crises
and political uprisings worldwide that have emerged as responses to these crises.
Numerous conferences signal a yearning to think through emancipation. Similarly,
Nancy Fraser has asserted that feminist claims for emancipation need to be reintro
duced into critiques of capitalist society, as the contemporary capitalist crisis cannot
be fully grasped if it is not framed as a "three-sided conflict among forces of market
ization, social protection, and emancipation" (Fraser 2013, 235).
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
586 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 587
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
588 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 589
the senses as the police's powerful operation of partition, Ranciere criticizes a mode
of governing that creates a division of the senses, a division between what is consid
ered speech or voice and what is considered purely noise. Certainly, he articulates a
form of sense perception that emphasizes a politics of seeing, speaking, and hearing. I
suggest, however, that the governing of the senses must also be conceived in terms of
emotions and affective bodily sensations. For this rereading of Ranciere I turn to
queer feminist research on affect, which calls attention to a feminist genealogy of
emotion that began before the so-called affective turn and that situates affect and
sensation within the social and the political (Lorde 1984; Gatens 1995; Sauer 1999;
Ahmed 2000; Berlant 2000; Ahmed 2004; Cvetkovich 2012). Here, affect and sensa
tion serve as starting points for describing the political in affective terms and for
interrogating, for instance, how capitalism, sexism, and/or racism are inscribed in the
affective bodily practices of the everyday, or how affects become a site of community
formation. Viewed through such a lens, the world does not appear to be divided only
into those who speak and those who make noise. Rather, the distribution of the sen
sible also marks a distinction between those whose feelings constitute the existing
distribution of the sensible and those whose feelings are excluded. Following from
this, the distribution of the sensible may be read as an emotional partition, thereby
deeming affect and emotions as a political demarcation line. As such, it reveals the
"normative work of affect," making visible the power of feeling scripts, of that which
should or should not be felt, as well as that "one must emote properly" (Koivunen
2010, 22).
Rereading Ranciere in terms of affect and emotions seems even more compelling
when recalling his concept of emancipatory politics. Without ever mentioning a poli
tics of emotions or feminist concerns, the feminist critique of modern liberal dichoto
mies, and explicitly of the emotionality-rationality binary, still resonates in
Ranciere's theory of the political. For this reason, 1 would like to challenge Jackie
Clarke's critique that, for Ranciere, emotions exist only within the logic of the
police, but not within the logic of politics. Clarke criticizes that in Ranciere's politi
cal theory the "police order's polarity between reason and sensibility remains opera
tive" (Clarke 2013, 23) and that he ultimately repeats what he is concerned with.
"Recognizing that dominant groups try to dismiss the speech acts of the dominated
by characterizing them as noise or emotional, Ranciere is concerned to demonstrate
what is rational in such utterances" (23). Unlike Clarke's reading, I claim that Ran
ciere problematizes such an understanding of Western liberal politics, particularly in
his conceptualization of the rationality of disagreement. Invoking and emphasizing
the rationality of the politics of interruption and, consequently, of emancipation,
Ranciere argues against a rationalism that is based on the opposition between rational
interests and the "violence of the irrational" (Ranciere 1999, 43). He conceives the
political beyond this distinction by understanding it as a "false alternative," one that
requires a choice between the "enlightenment of rational communication and the
murkiness of inherent violence or irreducible difference" (43). Hence, Ranciere does
not follow up with the modern Western dichotomy that understands the logic of the
police as rational in opposition to the irrationality of the logic of politics. Rather, he
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
590 Hypatia
criticizes this understanding of politics and democracy and instead emphasizes the
emancipatory mode of the politics of disagreement. Such a critique of liberal—and
thus of gendered, racialized, and classed—dichotomies even appears in the figure of
the emancipated spectator that Ranciere considers to move beyond false oppositions
such as "viewing/knowing, appearance/reality, activity/passivity" (Ranciere 2009b,
12). These oppositions, he criticizes, are not "logical oppositions between clearly
defined terms" but "define a distribution of the sensible, an a priori distribution of the
position and capacities and incapacities attached to these positions" (12). His
approach criticizes dichotomies as a mode of the distribution of the sensible, and
thereby, from a feminist perspective, also alludes to a theory of affective politics.3
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 591
affective politics questions regimes that play rationality off against emotionality and
scrutinize how sexism, classism, racism, ableism, and nationalism are (though differ
ently) affectively inscribed within such regimes. In this sense, affective emancipation
does not establish truth claims by referring to "true feelings" but brings to light the
emotional mechanisms of power, illustrating how exclusion is produced and how peo
ple are discouraged affectively. Yet as a mode of critique of emotional power regimes,
emancipation does not remain within what Sedgwick criticizes as a paranoid frame.
Instead it signifies an intervention and, consequently, change. Similarly, this notion
of emancipation in terms of emotions does not fall prey to what Hemmings criticizes
in view of a Black feminist and postcolonial critique, that is, that emphasizing affec
tive politics risks losing sight of the fact that some people are more suffused with
affect than others. On the contrary, speaking of the distribution of emotions reveals
that emotions are distributed differently in public and in politics. This also applies to
contemporary politics, for instance in the context of 9/11, where a "differential distri
bution of public grieving" was observed regarding the loss of lives of non-US nation
als or illegalized workers (Butler 2009, 38) and where "queer losses" (Ahmed 2004,
157) have hardly or not at all been part of public mourning.
Second, the distribution of emotions marks the concept of subjectivation as a mat
ter of emotions and thus links to queer feminist debates about the subject of feminist
politics. Some feminist theorists dismiss the subject question because of its compli
cated connection to identity politics and bring forward alternative concepts, as for
instance a freedom-centered feminism (Zerilli 2005). I want to argue for the distribu
tion of emotions that moves away from identity politics and conceptualizes affective
feminist politics without taking identities as a starting point for emancipation. Speak
ing of the distribution of emotions accentuates emancipation as a possibility for criti
cizing and for interrupting the police's disempowering and unequal mode of
governing, which appears in at least a twofold way: in terms of differentially distribut
ing emotions but also in terms of governing through emotions. The distribution of
emotions points to a political dispute where those who are affectively excluded and
marginalized in one or both ways interrupt the dominant emotional order. For a
queer feminist politics of affect, this means that such politics is not based on "identi
ties," as for instance on "women" or "women's emotions" or assumed "female emo
tional capacities," such as empathy or love. Instead of assuming a pre-existing
political subject, an affective politics of dissent and disagreement describes the process
through which political subjects come into being, also affectively.
Yet marking affect and emotions as a point of reference can still explicitly point
to the importance of criticizing and challenging emotionally informed gender rela
tions and hierarchizations. A politics of emotions delineates an affective act of both
"insubordination" (Spelman 1989, 266) and subjectivation of those who are emotion
ally excluded or marginalized, for instance, in terms of gender, sexuality, race, and
class. This becomes visible when the heteronormative family is perceived as a marker
for happiness, which not only produces the picture of the "unhappy queer" but also
the assumption of a queer impossibility of ever becoming happy (Ahmed 2010). Fem
inist affective politics is not about a seemingly universal standpoint rooted in
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
592 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 593
through affect and emotions. I set out to show that emancipation is both based on
affective dissent and inspired, or even driven, by a longing for transformation, that is,
for a different distribution of the sensible.
By casting the distribution of emotions as a way to rethink current queer feminist
debates on affect I do not aim primarily to contribute to a theory of queer feminist
affective politics but rather to a queer feminist theory of affective politics. This means
that the distribution of emotions is not exclusively about gender and sexuality. Yet it
alludes to a theory of the political that allows one to take into account how the pre
dominant political order is gendered and sexualized, but also how it is embedded in
classism, racism, and/or nationalism. The distribution of emotions takes up important
queer feminist challenges in terms of the political subject, knowledge production,
power, critique, and emancipation and contributes to a queer feminist political theory
by designating gendered and engendering traces as mechanisms for social criticism
and politics.
Notes
I would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their inspiring comments on an earlier
version of this paper, as well as Erika Doucette for her careful and insightful English proof
reading of the text.
1. Apart from quotations, 1 prefer to use the term subjectivation in this article. For
the difficult task of translating Ranciere's main concepts such as le portage, le sensible, la
me'sentente, or subjectivation, see also Panagia 2010; Chambers 2013.
2. For translating le portage, Chambers uses the double notion partition/distribution
(Chambers 2013). For the French term le sensible, Ranciere's original text Le partage du
sensible has been translated as the "distribution of the sensible." Chambers, on the con
trary, refers to the notion of the "sensitive" (Chambers 2013, 187) and Davis argues for
the "sensory," objecting that "the sensible" designates an unnecessary distinction between
sensation and the mediation of sensory experience, which is already expressed by le partage
(Davis 2010, 179-80).
3. Following from these two arguments that allow for a rereading of Ranciere's the
ory in terms of affect and emotions, one could even conceive of his notion of the "sensi
ble" as a similar intervention. Davis mentions the "obvious confusion which rendering le
sensible with 'the sensible' in English risks generating" (Davis 2010, 180). I wonder
whether the French le sensible does not already suggest a double connotation of perception
and sensory experience, thus displaying another move beyond the reason/feeling binary
within Ranciere's approach.
References
Ahmed, Sara. 2000. Strange encounters: Embodied others in post'Coloniality. New York:
Routledge.
. 2004. The cultural politics of emotion. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
594 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Brigitte Bargetz 595
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
596 Hypatia
This content downloaded from 58.11.162.208 on Mon, 25 Jan 2021 08:57:14 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms