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(Cabural) Eng 13 WFW-5 - Analysis Paper
(Cabural) Eng 13 WFW-5 - Analysis Paper
I – BA Anthropology
English 13 WFW5
15 December 2023
Breaking Taboos: A Comparative Odyssey through Filipino and Dutch Sexuality Education
The Philippines, deeply ingrained with its colonial history under predominantly Roman Catholic
nations, has been a focal point in gender studies, often deemed an unlikely environment for fostering inclusion
for gender minorities (Manalastas 60). As such, the topic of sexual orientation, gender identity, and expression
(SOGIE) remains taboo in Filipino homes, creating challenges for queer youth in navigating their identity. In
due course, the queer grapples with a confounding three-step exploration of their gender and sexuality. Firstly,
the queer struggles to label themselves with an appropriate gender identity at the age of 6 (Perry 2). Without
proper guidance from their family and their education, they venture out to new avenues, particularly the
Internet. The advent of these emergent technologies proves to be a double-edged sword because while some
spaces are safe, some are inhabited by manipulative adults with ulterior motives (Castañeda 31). Penultimately,
the queer forms support groups to overcome social and psychological isolation through shared experiences
with similar people, leading to a more socially aware individual with a nexus of advocacies for different causes
(LaCoursiere 22). Finally, as the queer gets more personally involved and socially conscious, they are classified
into two categories: the bakla, the effeminate lower-class, or the gay, the masculine higher-class. This dissonance
in self-expression drives the queer to seek validation, often leading to an obsession with pornography (Cao 3).
Seen in this context, it can be inferred that there seems to be a greater need for acceptance towards the
of a sexuality education curriculum which encompasses scientifically accurate information about human
development and reproductive health; contraception, childbirth, and sexually transmitted infections (STIs); and
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productive pedagogy of societal perceptions on sex that we can attain this challenging yet all the more important
goal. Therefore, this paper aims to investigate another country’s successful sexuality education curriculum and
situate it in the Philippine context to serve as a framework for amending a localized sexuality education law.
To comprehensively compare, the chosen object of study, the Netherlands’ successful sexuality
education curriculum, will undergo a thorough comparative analysis alongside the Philippines’ current sexual
education curriculum, with emphasis on statistical outcomes in teenage pregnancy, abortion, and contraceptive
use. The Netherlands, a relatively small but densely populated Western European country with 17 million
residents, has drawn scholarly attention for its approach to adolescent sexual health (Andeweg 13). Noted for
its low teenage pregnancy rates and high contraceptive use, the country’s statistics in 2016 revealed only 3.2 per
1,000 girls gave birth under 20, and a 65% contraceptive use prevalence, resulting in a relatively low abortion
rate of 151 per 1,000 live births (Central Bureau voor de Statistiek; European Contraception Policy Atlas).
These statistics are supported by the fact that the curricula deriving from Dutch programs are now in effect in
at least 12 countries, including Vietnam, Burundi, and Malawi (Vanwesenbeeck 21). In view of these certainties,
the Netherlands offers itself to be a compelling object of study by zooming in on some legal provisions and
In contrast to countries like the United States of America (USA), which often promotes abstinence-
only education, the Dutch approach to sexuality education, which equips the youth with information about
other methods of sexual protection, stands out. This is because the former approach is not considered to be a
deterrent to sexual activity, with studies indicating that 50% of STI reported cases are among individuals under
25 in the USA (Rosenberg). The Dutch curriculum, however, adopts a different perspective, emphasizing that
sex is a “natural part of growing up” (Schalet 10). Understood in this context, Dutch schools are mandated by
the 2012 Law on Education Goals to provide compulsory classes about sexuality education starting from age
4. To strengthen the case, it is imperative to introduce Long Live Love, their theory-based, government funded
sexuality education program which tackles topics of safe sex, relationships, and sexuality through its program
materials and implementation approach (Vanwesenbeek 95). Funded by sponsor organizations such as Rutgers
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Nisso Groep and STI Aids Netherlands, the materials include a European passport about safe sex during
vacation, brochures on STI prevention, a comic strip on condom use, an instruction manual for contraceptive
pill use, and booklets on puberty guides (96). These resources, paired with the lessons, provide comprehensive
guidance, with the youth consulting their materials anytime and trusting themselves to always make the correct
decision. Branching out to the lesson’s themes, the materials also do not sugarcoat the topic of reproduction in
its language (98). Further, the program encourages assertiveness in decision-making and communication of
personal boundaries through an indigenous concept called Weerbaarheid (99). Also noteworthy are three salient
messages on safe sex: 1) birth control is the best protection against pregnancy; 2) a condom is the best
protection against STIs; and 3) the pill does not protect against STIs – all pointing to the central message of
the Double Dutch method – if you have sex, use a pill and a condom together (100). In a nutshell, the Dutch
curriculum, exemplified by the Long Live Love program, presents a stark departure from the abstinence-only
model prevalent in many countries, like the Philippines. By placing emphasis on viewing sex as healthy and
natural, the Dutch curriculum takes a realistic and comprehensive stance on sexuality education.
Unfortunately, the current state of comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) is hindered by its religious
and socio-economic backdrop. With around 80% of the population identifying as Roman Catholic, clashes
between traditionalism and progressivism impede the integration of CSE into the curriculum. Accordingly, the
Catholic Church plays a big role in hampering the progress of sexuality education (Ochoa 1-2). To further this
point, socio-economic lenses also equip us with the information that teenage pregnancies are often the result
of social development issues like lack of education and poverty (Salvador 1). This is strengthened by a survey
conducted by the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) which reveals that teenage pregnancy was most common
among women who have only completed primary education and are poor. Having said that, it is not completely
hopeless because in December 2012, the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012, or
Republic Act No. 10354, was turned into a landmark law. Although slow, progress was still made because under
the law are its provisions that provide universal and free access to modern contraceptive methods and mandates
age and development-appropriate reproductive health education in the public school system (Official Gazette).
However, the law still lacks teeth to mobilize the law forward due to its obscure implementation plans,
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evaluation measures, and budgetary requirements. Despite promises of free access to contraceptives, the 1.9
million unwanted pregnancies and around 610,000 unsafe abortions each year do not correspond with it
(Guttmacher Institute 3). In the same vein, the law also pledges quality CSE to its students, yet students
expressed their dismay to its ineffectiveness and highlighted their need for discussions about sex and sexuality
(La Bella 41-42). Ultimately, the youth’s self-awareness is certainly a step in the right direction as they recognize
Now that both have been assessed, the next step would be integrating the Netherlands’ curriculum
into the Philippines’ educational landscape. Despite the dogmatic religious and socio-economic factors plaguing
the Philippines, a strategic approach is outlined by Rutgers, the organization behind the Dutch’s program’s
success. Starting at ages 4-5, Rutgers’ curriculum highlights discussions of feelings and delineating the gender
spectrum binary. Similarly, kindergartens in the Philippines can incorporate innovative approaches by
associating colors with emotions and genders. At ages 7-9, discussions of respect and attraction are thoroughly
discussed. By ages 10-11, topics include puberty, love, and media (Seisen 1). At this point, the Department of
Education (DepEd) can insert one subject per grade level, discussing reproduction in a direct manner. Booklets
can also be disseminated for further consultation by the students. Open communication between the parents
and the school through parent-teacher conferences (PTCs) can also be facilitated. In proper implementation,
the Filipino youth, equipped with comprehensive knowledge, will be able to make informed decisions.
However, this will not be done overnight and without proper support. Therefore, this paper is a call to the
government agencies responsible for effecting change, primarily the Department of Education (DepEd), the
Department of Health (DOH), and the Senate. All three, alongside the civil society, should collaborate in
overseeing and guiding the implementation of this adapted curriculum, ensuring its alignment with the
sensitivities and the cultural context of the Philippines. Their endorsement and active involvement will lend
credibility to the program, garnering support from educators, parents, and the community at large. By leveraging
the expertise of these key government agencies along with the civil society, the Philippines can navigate the
complexities of introducing a comprehensive sexuality education program and pave the way for a more
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