Love & Maxwell (2020)

International Journal of Sport Communication, 2020, 13, 28–54
https://doi.org/10.1123/ijsc.2019-0111
© 2020 Human Kinetics, Inc. ORIGINAL RESEARCH
Serena Williams: From Catsuit

to Controversy
Jessica Love and Lindsey Conlin Maxwell
University of Southern Mississippi, USA
Serena Williams was involved in 2 major news stories in the summer of 2018—
she wore a black catsuit at the French Open and was involved in an on-court
controversy at the U.S. Open. Newspaper articles from this time frame were
analyzed for the sex and race of the author, athletic descriptors of Williams
(composure, emotionality, strength-based athletic skill), and framing of her
maternity. Results indicated that Williams was framed differently by various
groups of journalists and framed based on her public behavior.
Keywords: framing, racism, sexism, tennis
Sexism and racism have long been studied in relation to mediated sports.
Sports are used to uphold sexist institutions (see Angelini, 2008; Angelini,
MacArthur, & Billings, 2012; Dworkin & Messner, 2002; Greendorfer, 1994;
Lavelle, 2015), and Black athletes are subjected to questions about intelligence and
athletic ability (see Lavelle, 2015; Schulz, 2005). At the core of this intersection-
ality are Black female athletes, who must contend with both racism and sexism
while they compete at the highest levels in their respective sports.
Serena Williams, one of the most celebrated athletes in sport history, plays
every tennis match she enters at this intersection. Her career has spanned more than
2 decades, and she has been ranked number 1 in the world eight times between
2002 and 2017. In 2018, Williams was the subject of two internationally covered
news stories: She faced criticism from the French Tennis Federation for wearing a
black catsuit at the French Open, and she was subjected to fines at the U.S. Open for
remarks to an umpire. In addition, Williams was only a few months removed from
maternity leave, bringing an extra level of scrutiny to stories about her. These
issues relate to sex and race, in that Williams’s body, attire, and role as a mother
were the subject of discussion, as was her behavior—many people believe that
male players are not subjected to this level of scrutiny.
Because she was the center of two major sport stories in a short span of time,
the current study analyzed news stories about Williams in May and September of
2018. In addition to understanding how Williams was framed, this was also to
The authors are with the School of Communication, University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg,
MS. Maxwell (Lindsey.conlin@usm.edu) is corresponding author.
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Serena Williams 29
determine whether entrenched institutions in the community of sport reporting

affected coverage. The majority of sport journalists are men (see Franks & O’Neill,
2016; Hardin & Shain, 2005), and racism in sport reporting is still a dominant issue
(see Foster & Chaplin, 2017). In addition, pregnancy, childbirth, and parenthood
are not represented accurately in media depictions (see Francis-Connolly, 2003;
Luce et al., 2016). In the current study, descriptions of Williams—including
strength-based athletic skill and commitment—were analyzed for framing quali-
ties. Descriptions of her motherhood were also analyzed; was her maternity framed
positively or negatively? To conduct an analysis of the institutions that affect press
coverage, each article about Williams was coded for the sex and race of the author,
whether the article was published domestically or internationally, and when it was
published.
Serena Williams is a prominent and influential figure in the world of sport. She
also represents more than just a tennis star to millions of people around the world.
She is a Black woman and mother who is under intense media scrutiny, yet who
remains a role model and inspiration not only to aspiring athletes but also to anyone
who has experienced racism, sexism, or other forms of discrimination.
Literature Review
Framing Theory
Media framing is the process by which journalists interpret events by selecting and
organizing facts and then arranging them into a story (see Devitt, 2002; Kian &
Hardin, 2009; Lind & Salo, 2002). Erving Goffman (1974) first theorized framing
as a form of communication that enabled audiences to process life experiences.
Entman (1993) expanded the definition, adding that media frames endorse a
“perceived reality” by making certain aspects more significant. This influences
audiences’ opinions about issues, affecting how and the likelihood that they will
store the information (Entman, 1993; Nicely, 2007; Scheufele, 2000). Omission or
deflection of certain information also creates frames (Entman, 1993). This, too, is
dangerous, because it restricts audiences’ access to information (Entman, 1993).
Moreover, media framing has the power to illustrate a story in a positive or
negative fashion (see Billings, 2004; Billings & Eastman, 1999).
Entman (1993) theorized that media frames are found in four areas of the
communication process: the communicators, the presence and absence of certain
attributes, audience selective exposure, and culture. It is important to note that
framing is not always the intention of media producers. Framing is part of the
journalistic process, which is heavily structured by time and space. (Nelson,
Clawson, & Oxley, 1997; Nicely, 2007). Because frames are part of culturally
accepted norms, they help media producers present information in a format that is
easy for consumers to digest (Bronstein, 2005).
Current scholars recognize framing as “social constructionism,” because
media discourse aids in the construction of meaning and crystalizes public opinion
(Cissel, 2012; Gamson & Modigliani, 1989; Scheufele, 2000, p. 103). Scholars
assert that in the news, frames are manifested in the choice of rhetoric, sources, and
repetition of cultural themes that persist over time, defining and structuring social
relationships (Kian & Hardin, 2009; Lane, 1998; Rohlinger, 2002). Such schemas
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30 Love and Maxwell
are powerful because they are the basis for the meaning assigned to events, identity,
and other culturally significant topics (Kian & Hardin, 2009). Research has shown
that the media framing of an issue can affect readers’ judgment on that issue, and
once an issue is defined, it is difficult to redefine it (Bronstein, 2005; Kian &
Hardin, 2009; Lane, 1998; Lind & Salo, 2002).
Another important aspect of the framing theory is how it contributes to the
unequal distribution of power (Cissel, 2012; Entman, 1993). Entman (1993)
contended that by incorporating media framing with agenda setting, priming,
and bias, “consistent patterns in the framing of mediated communication promote
the influence of one side of conflicts over the use of government power” (p. 166). In
addition to this, consumer culture has penetrated the business of media with
framing, agenda setting, priming, and bias, which facilitates its commerce (Cissel,
2012). Budd, Craig, Steinman, and Steinman (1999) posited that media-endorsed
bias helps assign power in America society through capitalism, patriarchy,
heterosexism, individualism, consumerism, and White privilege (Budd et al., 1999;
Cissel, 2012).
Sexism in Sports
One way that framing affects cultural norms is through the portrayals of sex and
gender. Sport takes place in a mediated environment that is subject to framing, and,
historically, sport upholds sexism (Lavelle, 2015). Sport can be perceived as the
leading institution of masculinity in American mass culture (Anderson, 2002) and
has continuously served as the contested site of hegemonic masculinity in Western
societies (see Anderson 2002; Hekma 1998; Messner 1992).
No other socializing institution perpetuates male superiority and female
inferiority as much as modern sport (Dworkin & Messner, 2002; Greendorfer,
1994). In sport, biological differences are chief symbols that intersect with social
and cultural interpretations of gender norms. Therefore, “sports reproduce the
ideology of male supremacy because it is a constant and glorified reminder that
males are biologically superior, and thus inherently superior to females” (Dworkin
& Messner, 2002; Greendorfer, 1994, p. 30).
Tennis, in particular, has a substantiated history of sexism. Since the early
1970s, professional women tennis players have been among the most highly visible
female athletes (Spencer, 1997). Historically, women have been treated differently
than male competitors in tennis. Since its inception, tennis has been a socially
acceptable sport for women to participate in (Spencer, 1997). Spencer (1997)
explained that this subculture was created when professional women tennis players
formed a separate tour. Through that separation, women expressed a unique
subculture style where attire played an important role in shaping the meaning
of women’s tennis. King and Starr (1988) explained that the attention paid to the
fashions of male tennis players is less significant than that paid to the fashions of
female tennis players. They argue that “the parade of fashions contributed greatly
to the popularity of women’s tennis” and that innovations in fashion made
women’s tennis “more interesting” than men’s (p. 28). As a result, pornographic
eroticism is normative in press coverage, where many women tennis players’
bodies and performances are the objectified and policed for excess (McKay &
Johnson, 2008).
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Serena Williams 31
Scholars contend that the media framing of sports and athletes influence
audiences’ beliefs and attitudes about them (Lavelle, 2015). While sexism is rarely
expressed blatantly in sport coverage, framing perpetuates biased messages
(Billings & Eastman, 1999). Many researchers have analyzed how female athletes
are marginalized and framed in the media (Kane, 2013; Poniatowski & Hardin,
2012; Smith, 2011). Recent longitudinal studies indicate a decline in media
coverage of women’s sports over the years (Cooky, Messner, & Hextrum,
2013; Kane, 2013). In 2015, Fink revisited her 1998 analysis of media coverage,
marketing, and promotion of female athletes and women’s sport. She argued that
coverage of female athletes is still limited in the media. Coverage primarily focused
on their physical appearance, femininity, and heterosexuality rather than their
athletic ability (Fink, 2015).
Media portrayal of female athletes in all sports varies in its tone, production, and
focus, resulting in more negative depictions of female athletes and women’s sports
(Angelini, 2008; Bissell, 2006; Daniels & LaVoi, 2012; Eastman & Billings, 2001;
Greer, Hardin, & Homan, 2009). While male athletes’ success is largely attributed to
talent and hard work, female athletes’ achievements are often attributed to luck, a
strong male mentor, or controlled emotion (Billings & Eastman 1999; Duncan &
Messner, 2000; Eastman & Billings, 2001). Failure is also framed differently. Tough
circumstances are emphasized for males, while deficiencies in skill, attentiveness,
and aggression are frames emphasized for female athletes’ failures (Angelini et al.,
2012; Billings, 2004; Eastman & Billings, 2001).
The minute coverage not only tokenizes female athletes but also strengthens
the gendered hierarchy of sports (Angelini, 2008; Angelini et al., 2012). Coverage
of female athletes often highlights sex appeal and femininity, drawing attention
to heteronormativity by centering the discussion on the athletes’ roles as wives
and mothers. Knight and Giuliano (2001) argued that by doing so, writers and
commenters convey that these women’s gendered roles are more important than
their athletic roles. In fact, more coverage is provided to women who compete in
sports that embody feminine ideals such as grace, beauty, and glamor (Daddario,
1998; Duncan & Messner, 2000; Kane, 1988). Because women in sports defy
society’s prescribed role, media coverage operates to protect females from rejec-
tion by emphasizing femininity (Knight & Giuliano, 2001).
Several studies show that sport media provide more coverage and emphasis to
male athletes (Kian & Hardin, 2009). This institution of sport operates as one of the
prime sites for the maintenance of hegemonic masculine culture (Bernstein &
Kian, 2013). Therefore, sport media operate as a gendered institution, and gender
significantly affects how journalists cover sports (Bernstein & Kian, 2013). While
female journalists routinely use more female sources, humanize the news more,
and frame stories more positively than men do, there are few differences between
the ways men and women cover female athletes (Kian & Hardin, 2009). Two
different studies about Title IX sport coverage, one during the early and mid-1970s
and another from 2002 to 2005, revealed similar findings; women perpetuated
hegemonic masculinity more through a “patriarchal” frame and enabling terms that
legitimize women as intruders (Hardin, Simpson, Whiteside, & Garris, 2007; Lane,
1998, p. 18). Female reporters were also more likely to use gendered rhetoric in
pro–Title IX sources (Hardin et al., 2007). Previous research (Kian, Fink, &
Hardin, 2011) examined content differences in the framing of men’s and women’s
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32 Love and Maxwell
tennis coverage based on the sex of the writer. Results indicated that while female
journalists tend to perpetuate hegemonic masculinity through sexist and stereo-
typical rhetoric, male sport writers challenged the structure with positive coverage.
Even when women occupy higher positions as editors and content managers,
women athletes are not framed more positively (see Pedersen, Whisenant, &
Schneider, 2003; van Zoonen, 1994). This is primarily because many women
maintain hegemonic values about women in sport in fear that addressing women’s
issues might appear biased or choosing the women’s sports beat might hinder
advancement opportunities in the workplace (Kian, 2007). Not much seems to
have changed since 2005, when “the sight of a woman in a sports department [was]
still a relative rarity” (Hardin & Shain, 2005, p. 22)
As the bastion for the preservation of hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 2005),
sport favors only candidates who typify masculine, heterosexual qualities to work
in sport-media environments (Bernstein & Kian, 2013; Hardin, 2005). Kian (2007)
contended that the lack of women in the sport-media profession is evidence that
sport media serve to maintain sport as a site for the preservation of hegemonic
masculinity. The yearly Associated Press Sports Editors Racial and Gender
Report Card tracks the minute progress of diversity in sport-media operations
(see Lapchick et al., 2013, 2018). In the most recent study of over 75 newspapers
and websites, Lapchick et al. (2018) concluded that a failing grade persists for
gender diversity in sport reporting. The 2018 study revealed that men composed
the majority of sport editors (90%), reporters (88.5%), and columnists (83.4%;
Lapchick et al., 2018).
Collectively, these reports (Lapchick et al., 2013, 2018) demonstrate that sport
reporters, editors, and directors are mainly White men who value stories that reflect
topics they identify with (Laucella, Hardin, Bien-Aimé, & Antunovic, 2017;
Lapchick, et al., 2013, 2018). Lapchick is not the only scholar to track the failing
progress of women in sport media. Researchers Sheffer and Schultz (2007) found
that women account for only 7% of local sport-anchor positions and only 10% of
local sport-reporter positions among U.S. television sport journalists. Bernstein and
Kian’s (2013) research demonstrated a glass ceiling for women in sport-media
management. They found that “in all media, the percentage of female employees
drops at the higher ranks of sport journalism, particularly among media gatekeepers
or editors, who determine what sports and athletes receive coverage” (Bernstein &
Kian, 2013, p. 33). Studies around the world (Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New
Zealand, Spain, the Netherlands) also corroborate the assertion that men dominate
sport-media content regardless of medium (Bernstein & Kian, 2013).
Tennis, however, is one of the few “gender-appropriate” sports where female
sport journalists are significantly represented (Kian et al., 2011, p. 14). Scholars
argue that this is primarily because tennis Grand Slam tournaments for men and
women are held at the same time (Kian & Clavio, 2011), but also because tennis is
one of the only professional sports in which female athletes are equally, if not more,
popular than men (Knoppers & Elling, 2004; Kian et al., 2011; Spencer, 2004;
Vincent, Imwold, Masemann, & Johnson, 2002). Crossman, Vincent, and Speed
(2007) found that female athletes in the Wimbledon Championships received
coverage comparable to that of their male counterparts.
Kian et al.’s (2011) study examining the content differences in framing among
men’s and women’s tennis coverage based on sex was the first to find female
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Serena Williams 33
journalists in the majority (52%) of the total newspaper articles written on the topic.
While results indicated that female and male writers wrote a higher percentage of
articles on men’s tennis, women wrote 19% more articles on female tennis players.
However, studies show that coverage of female athletes serves to preserve
hegemonic masculinity by framing women in stereotypical ways that minimize
their accomplishments and illustrate them as emotional, and frames focus on their
physical features and positions as mothers and wives (Bernstein & Kian, 2013;
Hardin, 2005; Kian & Clavio, 2011).
Racism in Sports
The acceptability of tennis is linked to clothing, the female body, and sexuality. It is
also linked to factors such as racial and ethnic identity and class background
(Schultz, 2005). In the first volume of her book Blacks at the Net, Djata (2006)
explained that elite Americans adopted tennis and a host of other sports into vogue
by establishing social exclusiveness and prestige in the 1900s. This exclusionary
attitude in tennis existed mainly among wealthy women; players in tournaments
came from the ranks of social fashion (Djata, 2006). The enjoyment of tennis
revolved around the social intercourse at extravagant clubhouses that served as
focal points for social interchange and golf and tennis (Djata, 2006).
Tennis remains a White middle-class sport that prefers the racialized femi-
ninity of White heterosexual womanhood (Djata, 2006; Douglas, 2005). Douglas
(2005) argued that the hostile atmosphere produced during the matches of Serena
Williams and her older sister, Venus Williams, is representative of the discrimi-
natory practices and apparatuses of social exclusion, revealing the disdain that
Whites experience when Blacks invade White social spaces. The success of the
Williams sisters disrupts the prevailing racial and ethnic order of professional
women’s tennis in a way not seen since Althea Gibson, the first Black professional
women’s tennis player, broke the color barrier in the sport (Douglas, 2005).
Similarly, “the Williams sisters and their accomplishments also disrupt the social
capital achieved through this legacy of exclusion” (Douglas, 2005, p. 275). Schultz
(2005) contended that the sisters are frequently represented in the tradition of Black
pride. Their success and visibility in tennis and consumer culture obfuscate their
racialized exceptionality, fueling the myth of color blindness and equal opportunity
in U.S. sport and society, and, “specifically, their accomplishments conceal the
social and economic factors that hinder other African Americans’ participation in
tennis” (Schultz, 2005, p. 340).
The discrimination against Black female athletes is structured at the intersec-
tion of racism and sexism (Cooky, Dycus, & Dworkin, 2013; Douglas, 2012).
Women of color receive less coverage than White women and are often scrutinized
in the spotlight (Cooky, Wachs, Messner, & Dworkin, 2010). African American
female athletes are often subject to many of the same stereotypes that Black male
athletes are, such as questions about their intelligence and assumptions that they
possess innate athletic talent (Cooky, Dycus, & Dworkin, 2013; Lavelle, 2015).
Hobson (2003) contended that the inflated responses to Serena Williams are
historically related to fetishized attitudes toward Black female bodies as grotesque
figures, where buttocks became the generalization of Black women’s sexuality.
The sexuality of Black females is often marginalized in mainstream media
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34 Love and Maxwell
portrayals, so the characterizations deemed appropriately feminine are different for

White and non-White athletes (Carty, 2005). This is also evidence that “main-
stream preoccupations with racial stereotypes of Black athletic prowess supersedes
the perceptions of Black women’s sexuality” (Carty, 2005, p. 140).
Thus, media criticism of Serena Williams’s body, choice of clothing, and
behavior lie at the intersection of both sexual and racial politics in the sport of
tennis. Williams has been mocked for her muscular frame and Black features, and
her sexuality has often been compared to that of a man.
Studies also show that the race of the journalist can influence sport coverage.
A 2001 study that examined whether sport announcers contribute to racial and
gender stereotypes of college basketball players (Eastman & Billings, 2001) found
that while Black announcers did not exaggerate racial stereotypes of players
of their own race, White announcers tended to magnify some White players’
attributes. Specifically, in women’s’ games, White announcers tended to attribute
athletic consonance to White women players at the expense of Black women
players (Eastman & Billings, 2001). One study found that Black reporters covered
minority stories more than White reporters because of assignment, personal
interest, or lack of interest among White reporters (Poindexter, Smith, & Heider,
2003). Owens’s (2008) study demonstrated that Black reporters were more than
twice as likely to use minorities as on-camera sources, and minority sources
appeared in 45.1% of Black reporters’ stories but only 25.2% of White reporters’
pieces.
African American women have been historically silenced throughout U.S.
history (Collins, 1990; Giddings, 1984; Smith, 1992) and rendered invisible in the
history of sport (see Green, Oglesby, Alexander, & Franke, 1981; Palmer, 1983;
Smith, 1992). Smith (1992) contended that literature suggests that the silence of
Black women in sport is due to exclusion and misrepresentation. Oglesby (1981)
described African American sportswomen as “fleeting, if ever in the consciousness
of the sporting public. Nobody knows her; not publicists, nor researchers, nor
entrepreneurs, nor published historians” (p. 1).
Before the mid-1980s, sport history centered the experiences of White males.
The feminist movement in the late nineteenth century gave visibility to female
sport participants (Tryce & Brooks, 2010), but stories largely focused on the
narratives of upper- and middle-class Whites (Creedon, 1994, p. 45; Smith 1992).
Early scholarship on Black sportswomen argued that they had very little time to
engage in sports (Creedon, 1994). Ashe (1988) attributes this to Black women’s
responsibility as wage earners. His work stated that fewer than 5% of Black college
women participated in athletics (see also Creedon, 1994, p. 49).
Emancipation gradually expanded Blacks’ participation in sports (Miller &
Wiggins, 2003). Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) erected
during the Reconstruction Era granted Black women direct access to sports,
primarily in track and field (Tryce & Brooks, 2010). By the early 1950s, African
American women dominated track and field (Tryce & Brooks, 2010). Tryce and
Brooks (2010) explained that Black women dominated track and field because they
lacked access to socially accepted women’s sports like tennis, archery, croquet, and
figure skating offered at private colleges and that “the racist nature of American
society precluded Black women from having access to either the classrooms or
sport participation opportunities offered by these institutions” (Tryce & Brooks,
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Serena Williams 35
2010, p. 245). Smith (1992) added that few Black families could afford exclusive
sporting experiences and lessons in tennis, golf, and swimming. Thus, poverty also
pigeonholed Black women in stereotypical, nonprofit sports like basketball and
track and field. Track and field was stigmatized as a masculine sport (Smith, 1992).
Thus, Black women’s predominance in the field compounded slavery-related
stereotypes that labeled Black women as unfeminine (Smith, 1992; Tryce &
Brooks, 2010). Because of Black women’s absence in sport history, Creedon
(1994) contended that Wilma Rudolph in track and Althea Gibson from tennis
emerged as the first well-known Black sportswomen.
Portrayals of Maternity
In their 2009 book Mommy Angst: Motherhood in American Popular Culture,
Hall and Bishop (2009) summed up the media portrayal of motherhood in
three ways:
First, the media idealize and glamorize motherhood as the one path to
fulfillment for women, painting a rosy Hallmark-card picture that ignores
or minimizes the very real challenges that come along with motherhood.
Second, media narratives often cast motherhood in moral terms, juxtaposing
the “good mother” with the “bad mother,” who frequently is a working mom, a
lower-income mom, or someone who does not conform to traditional gender
roles of behavior, ambition, or sexual orientation. Third, media frames the
issue, suggesting how the public should think about them. In particular, by
focusing on the individual level rather than the societal level, media frames
problems facing mothers as “personal problems” rather than problems needing
systematic, public policy solutions. (p. 3)
A 2015 study that analyzed how 10 Olympic athlete mothers were represented
in media revealed two dominant frames—athlete and mother in conflict and athlete
and mother as superwoman,
which were constructed within a larger narrative of motherhood and athletics
as a transformative journey that drew upon biological notions and gender
ideologies that position motherhood as women’s true calling, as well as
feminist notions of empowerment that encouraged women to have fulfillment
in both athletic and family spheres. (McGannon, Gonsalves, Schinke, &
Busanich, 2015, p. 59)
The frame of athlete and mother in conflict forced athletes to choose between
athletics and motherhood. As superwomen, athletes were idealized as hybrids who
operate remarkably in both sport and domestic spheres (McGannon et al., 2015). A
2003 study explored how contemporary motherhood was framed in consumer
culture from 1997 to 2003 in the magazine Shape Fit Pregnancy (Dworkin &
Wachs, 2004). The study revealed that sport analogies are often used to train
women throughout and after labor, and the idea of “getting your body back”
normalized women’s bodily obligation (Dworkin & Wachs, 2004).
Dworkin and Messner’s (1999) research showed that fitness campaigns have
sold anxieties about health and fitness to women by commodifying ideologies of
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36 Love and Maxwell
feminist empowerment. These anxieties heighten for women in the field of sport,
where ideals of feminism and motherhood expand to include physical empower-
ment, independence, muscularity, and athletic competence (Dworkin & Wachs,
2004). Female athletes are often encouraged to end their careers to have children
(McGannon et al., 2015).
One study explored how pregnancy was constructed in pregnancy-related
mobile software applications designed for smartphones (apps; Thomas & Lupton,
2016). The study revealed that many pregnancy apps constructed the pregnant
body as a site of hazard and as a consumable form of entertainment and desire, with
many apps emphasizing bodily appearance (Thomas & Lupton, 2016). Pregnancy
is often viewed as a public yet tightly monitored condition where discourse
involves practices for managing the body and moral codes of expected behavior
(Burton-Jeangros, 2011). Because of this, women are heavily scrutinized and
depicted as vulnerable and fragile, in need of help to negotiate risks (Burton-
Jeangros, 2011).
Serena Williams in 2018

On May 29, 2018, Serena Williams, the decorated American tennis player,
defeated Czech opponent Kristyna Pliskova during preliminary rounds at the
French Open only 9 months after giving birth to her daughter (Fendrich, 2018).
Williams wore a stylish “Black Panther”–inspired catsuit (Fendrich, 2018) and
explained that the catsuit made her feel like “a warrior, a queen from Wakanda”
(Chowdhury, 2018, para. 3). In an official Instagram post, Williams dedicated the
suit to “all the moms out there who had a tough recovery from pregnancy”
(Chowdhury, 2018). Williams’s pregnancy had resulted in some health issues, and
she explained that although the suit was fun, it was functional and comfortable and
helped alleviate problems with blood clots (Chowdhury, 2018).
However, in an interview published in Tennis Magazine’s 500th edition on
August 24, 2018, French Tennis Federation President Bernard Giudicelli stated
that Serena’s catsuit is “no longer accepted” (Associated Press, 2018, para. 4).
Giudicelli singled out Williams’s fitted black suit, remarking that “sometimes
we’ve gone too far” and “one must respect the game and the place” (Associated
Press, 2018, para. 2). As a result, the organization announced the enforcement of a
new dress code (Associated Press, 2018).
Critics argued that Giudicelli’s remarks sexualized Williams’s body, were
insensitive to motherhood, and were loaded with macroaggressions that hinted at
racist connotations about Black people and athleticism (Love, 2018; Ramaswamy,
2018). Nittle of Vox (2018) contended that Giudicelli’s remarks ignored the unique
fashionable history of the French Open, which allowed for creative expression
through fashion.
During a press conference, however, Serena Williams stated that she was
“fine with the decision” (Mahoney, 2018, para. 5). Williams affirmed her positive
relationship with French officials and remarked that they had the right to do what
they wanted (Mahoney, 2018). Williams explained that she found other means, like
compression tights, to address her medical problems, because she did not want to
be a repeat offender (Mahoney, 2018).
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Serena Williams 37
One week after Giudicelli’s remarks, on August 27, 2018, Williams won her first
match in the 2018 U.S. Open tennis championships against Polish opponent Magda
Linette (Amatulli, 2018). This time, she sported a black, one-armed, tutu-style dress
created by fashion designer Virgil Abloh (Amatulli, 2018). In an interview with Vogue,
Serena explained that the outfit was ballerina inspired (Messer, 2018). Williams said
the tutu, her favorite part, embodied what she wanted to say: “that you can be strong
and beautiful at the same time” (Messer, 2018, para. 4).
Even with the added pressure and the media frenzy, Serena landed safely in the
final round of the U.S. Open against opponent Naomi Osaka. On September 8,
2018, the U.S. Open fined Serena Williams $17,000 for three code violations by the
close of the match against Osaka (McLaughlin, 2018). Williams first levied a point
for a coaching violation—a $4,000 fine—in which tournament Referee Carlos
Ramos constituted that Williams’s coach, Patrick Mouratouglou, used illegal hand
gestures. Williams approached the net in opposition and told the umpire, “I don’t
cheat. I’d rather lose. Every time I play here, I have problems” (McLaughlin, 2018,
para. 4). Ramos later penalized Williams $3,000 for racket abuse after she smashed
her racket after missing a play. Refuting Ramos again, Williams responded, “You
stole a point from me, and you are a thief” (McLaughlin, 2018, para. 7). Ramos
assessed the remark as verbal abuse and issued a final penalty, resulting in the loss of
a full game and a $10,000 fine. After the penalty, Williams told referee Brian Earley
and supervisor Donna Kelso, “There are men out here that do a lot worse, but
because I’m a woman, you’re going to take this away from me? That is not right”
(McLaughlin, 2018, para. 9).
One could argue that Williams’s tutu had been a visual response to Guidicelli.
But this time, Williams felt it necessary to articulate her dismay toward Ramos. In a
postgame conference she accused Ramos of sexism because he never took a game
from a man because they said thief (Stewart, 2018). This time, she spoke out,
“fighting for women’s rights and equality” (McLaughlin, 2018, para. 11). Serena
stated that her suffering made way for the next person. “I just feel like the fact that I
have to go through this is just an example for the next person that has emotions and
that want to express themselves and they want to be a strong woman, and they’re
going to be allowed to do that because of today” (Stewart, 2018, para. 18).
But Serena was not the only one to see a problem with Ramos’s remarks. On
Twitter, former U.S. Open champion Billie Jean-King thanked Serena for shedding
light on the issue. She wrote, “When a woman is emotional, she’s ‘hysterical’ and
she’s penalized for it. When a man does the same, he’s ‘outspoken’ and there are no
repercussions” (Stewart, 2018, para. 15). ESPN host Mike Greenberg remarked
that he had heard other male plays say far worse things on the court and face far
lesser consequences (Stewart, 2018). In a statement, Women’s Tennis Associated
wrote, “There should be no difference in the standards of tolerance provided to the
emotions expressed by men versus women” (Almond, 2018, para. 10).
Williams is one of the most-fined players in women’s tennis (Hemmingway,
2019). Media coverage of previous incidents heightened and gave credence to
aggravated coverage of the two major news stories involving Serena Williams in
2018. In the 2009 U.S. Open semifinals against Kim Clijsters of Belgium, Williams
was fined for a foot fault that ultimately cost her the game (Brazeal, 2013; Chase,
2018; Roenigk, 2016). An enraged Williams threatened to shove the tennis ball
down the line judge’s [expletive] throat (Brazeal, 2013; Chase, 2018; Roenigk,
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38 Love and Maxwell
2016). Williams was fined a second code violation for unsportsmanlike conduct
that cost her a $10,000 fine from the U.S. Tennis Association. And because the
incident took place at a Grand Slam tournament, Williams was fined an additional
$82,500 for violating a “major offense rule for aggravated behavior” (Roenigk,
2016, para. 9). The fine was the largest issued in Grand Slam history (Hemingway,
2019; The Guardian Staff, 2012).
Still under a 2-year probation for her outburst in the 2009 U.S. Open, Williams
came under fire again for verbally abusing a chair umpire during her match against
Samantha Stosur (Peralta, 2011). The chair umpire docked a point from Williams
for “intentional hinderance” during the second set. Williams responded to by
calling the umpire a “loser and a hater” (Pucin, 2011, para. 5). The outburst cost her
a $2,000 fine and the game (Chase, 2018; Pucin, 2011).
Research Questions
Serena Williams was the subject of two major news stories in the span of a few
months in 2018. These news stories brought to the forefront issues of race, gender,
sexuality, and motherhood. Thus, studying stories about Williams during this time
frame is an ideal setting to study contemporary portrayals of Black female athletes
and the journalistic structures that frame them.
To investigate whether the sex of the author of a newspaper article would
affect how that author framed athletic descriptors of Serena Williams, as well as
how that author framed Williams’s maternity, the following research questions
were proposed. Athletic descriptors are defined as “any adjective, adjectival
phrase, adverb, or adverbial phrase” (Angelini, Billings, MacArthur, Bissell, &
Smith, 2014, p. 121) directed at Serena Williams. In addition, maternity is defined
as descriptions of Williams’s pregnancy, delivery, and actions and emotions as a
mother.
RQ1a: Would the sex of the article’s author affect the framing of athletic
descriptors of Serena Williams?
RQ1b: Would the sex of the article’s author affect the framing of Serena
Williams’s maternity?
Similarly, authors’ race might affect how they frame Williams in terms of
athletic descriptors and maternity. These variables have been defined herein. The
following research questions were proposed.
RQ2a: Would the race of the article’s author affect the framing of athletic
RQ2b: Would the race of the article’s author affect the framing of Serena
Because the two incidents of interest—Williams’s catsuit at the French Open
and her argument with an umpire and loss to Osaka at the U.S. Open—were widely
covered by news outlets all over the world, it was of interest to determine whether
different types of newspapers would frame athletic descriptors of Williams and
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Serena Williams 39
descriptions of her maternity differently. The types of publications are defined as

domestic (published in the United States, newspapers such as the The New York
Times and USA Today) and international (published outside the United States,
newspapers such as the Daily Mail and the Times [UK]). The following research
questions were proposed:
RQ3a: Would the type of publication affect the framing of athletic descriptors
of Serena Williams?
RQ3b: Would the type of publication affect the framing of Serena Williams’s
maternity?
Because Williams was the subject of two major international news stories over
the course of several months in 2018, media outlets may have portrayed her
differently in the time frame of the second incident (U.S. Open) as opposed to the
first incident (French Open). The following research questions were proposed:
RQ4a: Would the time frame of the article affect the framing of athletic
RQ4b: Would the time frame of the article affect the framing of Serena
Method
The current study employed a content analysis of newspaper articles, both
domestic and international, from May and September of 2018 that related to
Serena Williams.
Sample Selection
This research examined media coverage of Serena Williams surrounding two
controversial issues, the catsuit incident during her match in 2018 French Open and
the verbal-abuse incident during her final match in 2018 U.S. Open.
The sample included 183 newspaper articles retrieved from the Newspaper
Source database available through the library system at a midsize southern
university. The sample included domestic and foreign newspapers. Foreign news-
papers were not excluded because they added to the sample size and provided a
more holistic frame of press coverage. The inclusion of foreign newspapers also
enriched the analysis by providing a means of comparison with domestic news-
papers. In addition, one of the events being analyzed took place abroad.
The search term “Serena Williams” was used. This term was chose over
specifiers like “2018” and “tennis” to prevent bias in the search query. Newspaper
Source only allowed the search timeline to set the month and year. At first, we set
the search timeline to reflect the first incident (May 2018) and the last incident
(September 2018). Next, we only collected articles within the specified date range,
May 29, 2018, to September 8, 2018. This yielded 744 results.
To refine results, the time frame was split up to capture media coverage of both
incidents into two 30-day windows. This option allowed for a more robust sample
IJSC Vol. 13, No. 1, 2020

40 Love and Maxwell
that accurately reflected timeliness of each situation, an important news element

journalists follow when determining the importance of a story. The two sample
time frames were the catsuit incident, May 29 to June 29 (77 articles, search pages
7–19), and the umpire incident, September 8 to October 8 (115 articles, search
pages 5–24). The time frame began the date each incident happened and extended
29 days afterward.
Coding Scheme
The coding scheme used in this study addressed a number of variables including
the sex of the article’s author, the race of the article’s author, the type of
publication, the time frame of the article, framing of attributes related to athletes,
and framing of motherhood and pregnancy.
To code the sex and race of the article’s author, it was necessary to include
information that was outside of the content of the article itself. For each author, a
Google search was performed, and the sex and race of the author were determined
according to their official biography on their publication’s website or on their
related (and verified) Twitter account.
There were two types of publications included in this study: domestic (U.S.)
and international. The location of the publication that hosted the newspaper
article was coded as either domestic (published in the United States, newspapers
such as the Wall Street Journal and The New York Times) or international
(published outside of the United States, newspapers such as the Daily Mail and
the Toronto Star).
The variables for framing were adapted from a coding scheme used in
previous research (Angelini et al., 2014). Those researchers identified 16 athletic
descriptors that were ascribed to athletes in Olympic coverage. The current study
adapted this method, analyzing 14 of the 16 descriptors (“background” and “other”
were removed from the analysis because the current study was only analyzing
Serena Williams, whereas the previous research analyzed variability between
athletes). The following list of athletic descriptors, adapted from Angelini et al.
(2014, p. 121), was used to code the current data: concentration, strength-based
athletic skill, talent/ability-based athletic skill, composure, commitment, courage,
experience, intelligence, athletic consonance, outgoing/extroverted, modest/intro-
verted, emotional, attractiveness, and size/parts of body. Once these 14 descriptors
were identified, each article was coded as to whether the descriptor was present and
applied to Serena Williams as positive (“Williams has made a stunning return to
Grand Slam competition” [Newman, 2018, p. 55]), negative (“She went on to
berate the umpire” [Navratilova, 2018, p. 14]), or not included.
To analyze these specific articles about Williams, an additional framing
variable was added. The coding scheme included a variable for motherhood/
maternity/pregnancy, which looked at whether mentions of Williams’s maternity
were framed positively, negatively, or not included.
Coder Training
A manual coding method was employed in this study; two coders were trained to
use the coding scheme described here. Both were trained social science researchers
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Serena Williams 41
who had used manual content-analysis coding methods prior to data collection.
Coding was completed using a spreadsheet to code each variable, which was then
analyzed using SPSS. A preliminary practice round of coding was completed
on articles about Serena Williams that were outside the scope of this study and
sample. Once coders were comfortable with the coding scheme, they both
completed 40 articles from the final sample of 183 articles (20% of the final
sample). An acceptable rate of intercoder reliability was established between the
coders for all of the variables combined, k = .83, with each variable exceeding
k = .75 individually.
Results
A total of 183 newspaper articles were coded using the coding scheme described.
Of these articles, 121 were written by men and 39 were written by women. The
remaining 23 articles did not have an identifiable author assigned to them. 139 of
the articles in the sample were written by White authors. Eight were written by
Black authors, five by Hispanic or Latino authors, two by Asian authors, and six by
authors of other races. The remaining 23 articles did not have an identifiable author
assigned to them.
There were 59 articles published by domestic (American) newspapers in the
sample and 122 articles published by international newspapers. Seventy-five of the
articles were published between May 29 and June 29, 2018. The other 108 articles
were published between September 8 and October 18, 2018.
RQ1a asked whether the sex of the article’s author would affect the framing of
athletic descriptors of Serena Williams. Because there were so many more articles
written by male authors than by female authors, a chi-square test was employed
to determine if this relationship was significant. There was significance between
the 121 articles, χ2(1, N = 160) = 42.03, p < .001, indicating that an article was
significantly more likely to be written by a man than a woman. A series of chi-
square tests was used to assess the relationships between sex of the author and
framing of athletic descriptors. Table 1 displays these results.
RQ1b asked whether the sex of the article’s author would affect the framing
of Serena Williams’s maternity. Of the articles written by men, there were
50 articles that framed maternity positively, 15 that framed it negatively, and
54 that did not mention it. Of the articles written by women, 16 framed
maternity positively, 5 framed it negatively, and 17 did not mention it.
A chi-square test revealed that there was no significance in this model,
χ2(2, N = 157) = .01, p = .99.
RQ2a asked if the race of the article’s author would affect the framing of
athletic descriptors of Serena Williams. Because there were so few articles written
by authors who were of races other than White, these articles were collapsed into a
single variable to be able to complete the analysis. A chi-square test was employed
to determine whether there was significance within the race variable, and it
indicated that there was, χ2(2, N = 159) = 160.46, p < .001, meaning that it was
significantly more likely that any article would be written by a White author.
Table 2 displays the results of the chi-square tests that were used to evaluate this
research question.
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Table 1 Author Sex Versus Athletic Descriptor
Author Sex
Male Female
Athletic descriptor Yes No Nm Yes No Nm χ2 p
Concentration 3 1 115 0 0 38 1.31 .52
Strength-based athletic skill 10 0 109 1 1 36 4.53 .10
Talent-/ability-based athletic skill 24 6 89 7 0 31 2.13 .34
Composure 3 10 106 1 1 36 1.47 .48
Commitment 6 0 113 2 0 36 .003 .96
Courage 3 2 114 1 0 37 0.65 .72
Experience 64 17 38 20 3 15 1.42 .49
Intelligence 0 1 118 1 1 36 3.9 .14
Athletic consonance 6 9 104 1 0 37 3.57 .17
Outgoing/extroverted 5 2 112 1 0 37 .86 .65
Modest/introverted 0 0 119 0 2 36 6.34 .01*
Emotional 15 41 63 13 17 18 10.13 .006*
Attractiveness 6 1 112 2 2 34 3.02 .22
Size/parts of body 4 7 108 3 1 34 1.9 .38
Note. Nm = not mentioned.
*Significant at the p < .05 level.
Table 2 Author Race Versus Athletic Descriptor

Author Race
White Other
Concentration 3 1 132 0 0 20 1.17 .88
Talent-/ability-based athletic skill 26 6 104 5 0 15 5.79 .22
Composure 3 8 125 1 2 17 3.67 .45
Commitment 7 0 129 2 18 20 1.99 .37
Courage 3 2 131 1 0 19 1.69 .79
Experience 74 17 45 11 1 8 11.67 .02*
Intelligence 0 2 134 1 0 19 8.35 .08
Athletic consonance 6 7 123 1 2 17 3.02 .56
Outgoing/extroverted 6 1 129 0 0 20 4.30 .37
Modest/introverted 0 1 135 0 1 19 3.05 .22
Emotional 26 41 69 2 4 14 7.31 .12
Attractiveness 7 3 126 1 0 19 1.94 .75
42 IJSC Vol. 13, No. 1, 2020

Serena Williams 43
RQ2b asked if the race of the article’s author would affect the framing of
Serena Williams’s maternity. In articles written by White authors, there were 57
positively framed descriptions of maternity, 18 negatively framed, and 61 articles
that did not mention maternity. In articles written by authors of other races, there
were 11 positively framed articles, no negatively framed articles, and 9 articles that
did not mention maternity. A chi-square test showed that there was significance in
this relationship, χ2(4, N = 175) = 11.11, p = .03.
RQ3a posited whether the type of publication would affect the framing of
athletic descriptors of Serena Williams. A series of chi-square tests was employed
to evaluate this research question, and Table 3 displays the results.
RQ3b set out to determine if the type of publication affected the framing of
Serena Williams’s maternity. Domestic papers had articles that framed her
maternity positively 26 times, negatively 6 times, and did not mention it 25 times.
International papers framed her maternity positively 46 times, negatively 15 times,
and did not mention it 61 times. A chi-square test indicated there was no
significance in this model, χ2(2, N = 179) = 1.01, p = .60.
RQ4a asked whether the time frame of the article would affect the framing of
athletic descriptors of Serena Williams. Table 4 displays the results of a series of
chi-square tests used to evaluate the relationships between these variables.
RQ4b examined whether the time frame of the article would affect the framing
of Serena Williams’s maternity. In the first time frame, there were 51 positively
framed articles, 13 negatively framed articles, and 8 articles that did not mention it.
Table 3 Type of Publication Versus Athletic Descriptor

Type of Publication
Domestic International
Concentration 0 0 57 3 1 118 1.91 .39
Talent-/ability-based athletic skill 11 2 44 22 5 95 .07 .97
Composure 3 5 49 1 8 113 3.89 .14
Commitment 4 0 53 5 0 117 .69 .41
Courage 3 0 54 1 2 119 4.39 .11
Experience 32 6 19 58 15 49 1.15 .56
Intelligence 1 1 55 0 1 121 2.47 .29
Athletic consonance 1 6 50 7 3 112 6.48 .04*
Modest/introverted 0 1 56 0 1 121 .31 .58
Emotional 13 18 26 18 37 67 2.12 .35
Attractiveness 1 1 55 9 2 111 2.33 .31
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44 Love and Maxwell
Table 4 Time Frame Versus Athletic Descriptor

Time Frame
May 29 to September 8
June 29 to October 8
Concentration 3 0 69 0 1 106 5.18 .08
Strength-based athletic skill 10 1 61 1 1 105 12.67 .002*
Talent-/ability-based athletic skill 27 5 40 6 2 99 34.16 .001*
Composure 2 2 68 2 11 94 3.70 .16
Commitment 6 0 66 3 0 104 2.76 .09
Courage 4 1 67 0 1 106 6.19 .05*
Experience 50 8 14 40 13 54 19.74 .000*
Intelligence 0 1 71 1 1 105 .75 .69
Athletic consonance 7 4 61 1 5 101 7.95 .02*
Modest/introverted 0 0 72 0 2 105 1.36 .24
Emotional 8 10 54 23 45 39 26.11 .001*
Attractiveness 10 3 59 0 0 107 20.83 .001*
Size/parts of body 4 7 61 4 1 102 8.29 .02*
In the second time frame, there were 21 positively framed articles, 8 negatively
framed articles, and 78 articles that did not mention it. A chi-square test indicated
there was significance in this model, χ2(2, N = 179) = 66.36, p < .001.
Discussion
Serena Williams is arguably one of the greatest athletes of the last 2 decades and
has reached the pinnacle of her sport. Issues of racism and sexism follow
discussions of Williams, as “sport can serve as one image of society with mediated
sport often projecting that image back to society. Indeed, society’s interaction with
sport is less likely to take place on the field or in the arena than it is to be filtered
through radio, print, television, and the Internet” (Angelini et al., 2014, p. 126).
The current study analyzed two international news stories that involved Williams
in 2018; the first revolved around her return to play after giving birth and wearing a
black catsuit, the second involved an incident at the U.S. Open where Williams was
fined for on-court behavior.
It is impossible to discuss portrayals of Williams without considering the
people responsible for this framing. One of the most interesting findings in this
study was that it was significantly more likely for articles about Williams to be
written by men, and by authors who were White. This is troubling considering that
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Serena Williams 45
previous studies have demonstrated bias on the part of sport journalists based on
their sex and race (see Eastman & Billings, 2001; Owens, 2008; Poindexter et al.,
2003). The data in this analysis demonstrated that coverage of Serena Williams is
written by White men, thus contributing to the institutionalization of racism and
sexism that exists in mediated sports.
Specifically related to the sex of an article’s author, men never described
Williams as modest or introverted, either positively or negatively. Interestingly,
any time a female author described Williams as modest or introverted, it was
framed negatively. In other words, women were more likely to frame Williams as
immodest. Female authors were also more likely to describe Williams as emo-
tional, although they were much more likely to frame her emotionality in a positive
way. This seems to agree with previous research that found that female sport
journalists used patriarchal frames to describe female athletes (Hardin et al., 2007;
Lane, 1998) and perpetuated ideas of hegemonic masculinity (Kian et al., 2011).
Although these results sound counterintuitive, it has been documented in multiple
studies (noted herein) that female sport journalists seem to be more critical of
female athletes; this idea is perpetuated in the current study.
Domestic newspapers were more likely to describe Williams’s athletic
consonance in a negative way. This means that they were more likely to say
that her play was not as good as expected. This may be a result of U.S. papers
attempting to Americanize their coverage of international tennis competition.
American journalists may put added pressure on an American athlete competing on
an international stage, as “an Americanized version of the Olympics . . . will result
in higher ratings and, consequently, more advertising dollars” (Angelini &
Billings, 2010, p. 364). This may be true of not only the Olympics but other
international sporting events, as well.
The current sample analyzed two time frames that surrounded the two major
news stories involving Serena Williams in 2018. Strength-based athletic skill and
talent-/ability-based athletic skill were much more likely to be discussed during the
first time frame, when the stories were more focused on Williams’s athletic play
than a single on-court incident. In addition, strength- and talent-based athletic
ability were much more likely to be framed positively when discussed. This is
likely a result of the chronology of the two events—the catsuit at the French Open
was not received negatively at the time that Williams wore it. Most articles during
this time were recaps of matches and of Williams’s rivalry with Maria Sharapova.
It was not until a week before the U.S. Open that the catsuit was turned into
controversy, when the French Open announced they were changing the dress code.
Williams was framed as more courageous during the first time frame, likely
owing to many articles during this time discussing her return to play from maternity
leave. Williams’s experience was much more likely to be framed positively (that
she was an experienced player) whenever it was discussed, and she was much more
likely to be discussed and framed positively during the first time frame. Again, this
is likely because the first time frame featured a much more traditional discussion of
athletic play, rather than a breakdown of a specific, negatively perceived event like
Williams’s fines at the U.S. Open.
Similarly, athletic consonance was more likely to be discussed—and framed
positively—in the first time frame, indicating that at the French Open, writers
described her play as better than expected. In the second time frame, at the U.S.
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46 Love and Maxwell
Open, Williams’s play was framed as worse than expected. This is not surprising,
considering that she lost the match and was fined during play.
A discussion of Williams’s emotionality was much more prevalent in the
second time frame and much more likely to be framed negatively during this time.
Attractiveness was only discussed in the first time frame and never in the
second. In the first time frame, Williams’s attractiveness was framed positively,
likely owing to positive descriptions of her catsuit. Interestingly, size and parts of
Williams’s body were framed more negatively in the first time frame. This is
almost certainly due to one specific quote that was used in articles about the French
Open. Many of the articles during this time focused on Williams’s rivalry with
Maria Sharapova, as, in her book, Sharapova had “described Williams having
‘thick arms and thick legs’” (Dickson, 2018, p. 63). This one specific quote was
used over and over in coverage of Williams’s and Sharapova’s match (which ended
up being cancelled) and thus likely influenced the framing of Williams that was
present in this data. This aligns with what Hobson (2003) and Carty (2005)
contend: that criticism of Williams is historically related to fetishized attitudes
toward Black female bodies as grotesque figure. Here, her sexuality is marginalized
because it does not align with normative conventions of femininity.
Many of the differences observed in this study are due to the inherent
difference in the two incidents that were analyzed, which were both separate
events and related events. The overlap between the two events is emphasized in
stories like the following, which was written after the U.S. Open incident:
It’s easy to forget now because it happened two very long weeks ago, but
Serena Williams arrived at the 2018 United States Open already wronged.
Bernard Giudicelli, the president of the French Tennis Federation, which puts
on the French Open, had just vowed to ban outfits like the great, black, full-
body compression suit, with short sleeves and an arresting red waistband, that
Williams had worn there in the spring. “You have to respect the game and the
place,” Giudicelli told Tennis Magazine. It was a complaint so vague as to say
nothing about what comprised disrespect. Was her body too sheathed? Her
figure too full? The skin too brown? (Wesley, 2018, p. 2)
It seems that the incident at the U.S. Open was aggravated by the perceived insult
of the French Open announcing the dress-code changes. Thus, the catsuit story,
which was a nonstory at the time that it actually happened, became more salient and
therefore included in the framing of stories about the U.S. Open.
Finally, this study examined framing of pregnancy, maternity, and mother-
hood related to Serena Williams. Williams’s maternity was frequently framed
positively, but it was significantly more prevalently discussed in the first time
frame, during the French Open. The French Open was only 9 months after
Williams’s daughter was born and featured prominently in discussions of her
play and off-court activities. In articles written by people of color, maternity was
framed positively every time it was mentioned. People of color were also more
likely to mention Williams’s maternity. This may be a result of stories of
motherhood and maternity usually being framed in terms of Whiteness, and it
is particularly important to understand the framing of Serena Williams as a mother,
because related to parenting, “women and men’s magazines most commonly (80
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Serena Williams 47
percent) portray Caucasian people” (Francis-Connolly, 2003 p. 183). Serena

Williams may therefore be a prominent and positive example of a Black woman
speaking out on issues of pregnancy and motherhood. Journalists—particularly
journalists of color—seemed to respond positively to this portrayal.
Limitations and Conclusions

This study was limited in several ways. First, it only analyzed newspaper articles
from major domestic and international papers. Analyzing coverage from television
or blogs might have revealed different or more nuanced framing of Serena
Williams. There were also no pictures or visual elements analyzed in this study,
and it only examined coverage of one athlete. It was therefore impossible to
determine how the race of the athlete affected coverage. Not only might coverage
of Williams have been affected by her race, but the race of her opponent—Naomi
Osaka, a Japanese-American—might have affected coverage.
Another limitation presented by this analysis was that we were required to assess
the sex and race of journalists based on their biographical photos. There were no
instances where an official website listed the sex and race of journalists—which is
appropriate. However, this did mean that we were required to make these judgments,
which might or might not match up with how the journalists identify themselves.
Although this study presented some limitations, it is not without merit. The
study was able to look at stories surrounding Serena Williams during a time when she
was very prominently in the public eye. It is interesting to see how a Black female
athlete at the pinnacle of her sport was portrayed and how her pregnancy and
motherhood were featured prominently in stories about her athleticism. In addition,
Williams was framed as a representative for the struggles felt by women in the
workplace all over the world. There was less discussion about Williams as a mother
in the second sample, but there was more discussion about her role as a woman. In
the second time frame, there were many more articles that did not focus on actual
tennis play or sport but instead on tying Williams’s experience into the greater
#MeToo discussion and dialogue about diversity and equality. Future research may
be able to statistically address how Williams’s race affected coverage of her.
Fink (2015) contended that sport’s mass appeal makes it a powerful socializ-
ing institution. Thus, differential coverage of female athletes and Black athletes
reinforces stereotypes that fuel economic, social, and political limitations that
uphold patriarchal and hegemonic structures (McDonagh & Pappano, 2008).
Understanding Serena Williams’s place in these structures is essential. She
displayed anger at a specific series of events, which came to represent the larger
struggle that women of her stature face, as “Black female rage is an incarcerating
stereotype whose social costs remain absurdly high” (Wesley, 2018, p. 2).
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International Journal of Sport Communication, 2020, 13, 28–54

Serena Williams: From Catsuit

Keywords: framing, racism, sexism, tennis

determine whether entrenched institutions in the community of sport reporting

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portrayals, so the characterizations deemed appropriately feminine are different for

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Serena Williams in 2018

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descriptions of her maternity differently. The types of publications are deﬁned as

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that accurately reﬂected timeliness of each situation, an important news element

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Table 2 Author Race Versus Athletic Descriptor

42 IJSC Vol. 13, No. 1, 2020

Table 3 Type of Publication Versus Athletic Descriptor

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Table 4 Time Frame Versus Athletic Descriptor

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percent) portray Caucasian people” (Francis-Connolly, 2003 p. 183). Serena

Limitations and Conclusions

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