Staying True: The Teduray Wedding Rites in

the Modern Times

 Chapter 1

Introduction

The Tiruray also called Teduray, are a traditional hill people of southwestern Mindanao.

They live in the upper portion of a river-drained area in the northwestern part of South Cotabato,

where the mountainous terrain of the Cotabato Cordillera faces the Celebes Sea. The word

“Tiruray” comes from tiru, signifying “place of origin, birth, or residence,” and ray from “daya,”

meaning “upper part of a stream or river.”

The Tiruray call themselves etew teduray or Tiruray people, but also classify themselves

according to their geographic location: etew rotor, mountain people; etew dogot, coastal people;

etew teran, Tran people; etew awang, Awang people; and etew ufi, Upi people. The Tiruray may

also be classified into the acculturated and the traditional. The first refers to those who live in the

northernmost areas of the mountains and who have had close contact with Christian and Muslim

lowland peasants, as well as with Americans since the beginning of the century. The second

refers to Tiruray who have survived deep in the tropical forest region of the Cotabato Cordillera

and have retained a traditional mode of production and value system.

The Tiruray comprise the largest indigenous group in the entire Bangsamoro

Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). As of 2002, they number about 50,000,

distributed in several areas of the municipality of Upi and the province of Cotabato: the coastal

region, the northern mountain region, the Upi Valley, the Tran Grande River, and Maganoy (now

Shariff Aguak) River regions. In Upi alone, they number about 22,502, which is 44% of its total

population of 51,141. The entire mountainous stretch, in the seaward portion of northern

Maguindanao, is also home to two other cultural groups who are linguistically distinct from the
Tiruray and from each other: the nearby Cotabato Manobo and the Tboli. The Tiruray are Malay

in physical appearance. Their language is structurally related to those of the Malayo-Polynesian

family, but when spoken, it is unintelligible even to their immediate neighbors.

The fast changing world due to technological modernization gradually kills the rich

cultural heritages of the Indigenous Peoples (IPs) in Mindanao, specifically the Teduray People

who live in the mountainous barangays in the province of Sultan Kudarat. The wedding rites of

the Teduray tribe are significant as they symbolize the union of two individuals, two families,

and two communities. These rites are deeply rooted in their cultural and spiritual traditions and

play a vital role in the preservation of their customs and values. The wedding rites of the Teduray

tribe also serve to strengthen social ties and relationships within their community. It is a time for

the entire tribe to come together to celebrate and honor the couple as they embark on a new

chapter in their lives. The ceremonies and rituals provide an opportunity for the tribe to show

support and solidarity with the newlyweds. Furthermore, the wedding rites of the Teduray tribe

also have spiritual significance, as they believe in the importance of seeking the blessings of their

ancestors and the spirits of their land. The rituals and ceremonies are conducted to seek

protection, guidance, and blessings for the couple as they start their married life. Overall, the

wedding rites of the Teduray tribe hold great significance as they are a representation of their

cultural identity, values, and beliefs. They serve as a way for the tribe to pass on their traditions

and customs to future generations, ensuring the continuity of their cultural heritage.
Research Gap

The importance of this study is to know if there’s a changes of the Traditional Wedding

of the Teduray people today. This study can be use as guide to the future researches if they will

be conducting their study that similar to ours. It can help the researchers to make their study

easy.

Statement of the Problem

This study aims to describe, recognize, record and preserve the Traditional Wedding

Ritual of Teduray tribe in the province of Nuro, Upi Maguinfanao today.

Specifically to answer the the following questions below;

1. If there’s a changes, what are factors that contribute to the abandonment of Teduray tribal

wedding rites in the modern times?

2. What are the challenges faced by the Teduray tribe in maintaining the relevance of their

wedding rites in the modern times?

3. How do changes in the modern times affect the preservation of the Teduray tribal wedding

rites?

Significance of the Study

According to Barnhard (2008), as cited by Masendo (2015) in his study Manobo Tribe

Then and Now: An Ethnography, stated that , though the culture of indigenous people undergone

major upheavals, many of the core values, beliefs and practices have survived and are starting to
be recognized as having an adaptive integrity that is valid for today’s generations as it was for

generations in the past.

The results of the study are aimed to benefit the following people for they are the primary

beneficiaries. To the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP), this study may

encourage them to design a project that will help Teduray and other cultural minorities preserve

their cultural heritages. Tourism Office of the province of Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao, the result of

the study will contribute meaningfully to the promotion and understanding of the culture of

Teduray that may initiate eco-tourism programs or any possible projects that may alleviate the

lives of the tribe. To the DepEd Administrators, they can utilize the result of the study to plan

some meaningful projects and extension services for the welfare of the IP learners and they can

even contextualize lessons in which Teduray learners and other minorities can relate and can

engage to learning.

Local Government Officials

To the Municipality of Nuro Upi, Maguindanao, as part of their municipality, It will bear

in mind among the residents that they consist of varied cultures that they can be proud of. They

can integrate the results of this study in their plans especially in improving the economic lives of

the community most importantly to the lives of the Indigenous People.

Teachers

The data from this research may encourage them to undertake educational campaigns to

arouse widespread public interest and respect the rights, cultures, practices of our indigenous

people particularly their children in school.

Teduray community

Specially to their elders or tribal chieftain and even to the Teduray professionals in the

province of Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao the result of this study will urge to do necessary actions on

how to encourage their fellow Teduray to patronize and preserve their culture and tradition,

especially the Kesefelinguyot or their traditional wedding ritual. The Teduray as a whole,

migrants and natives in the province of Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao can take pride that their culture

stands in the test of time. Although they have thoughts that come a time their practices and

beliefs will be forgotten in the coming generations hence, they will be documented for them to

be remembered, the unique culture handed down by their forefathers. Most and foremost the

Teduray people, they can take pride of their culture and take stand to preserve and value it.

Scope and Limitation

The study was limited to the group of Teduray tribe in the Municipality of Nuro, Upi in

the province of Maguindanao, particularly in barangay Nuro Poblacion, Sefegefen and Rempes ,

knowing that the few locales where Teduray people live from now and then. The tribal chieftains

of the tribe were also included to effectively gather data with regard to their traditional wedding

ritual.
Definition of Terms

1. Tiru - it signifying the place of origin, birth, or residence.

2. Ray - its from “daya,” meaning upper part of a stream or river.

3. Etew Dogot - these are Teduray people who lives in the coastal area.

4. Etew Rotor - these are the mountain people.

5. Kesefelinguyot - traditional wedding ritual of the Teduray people.

 Chapter 2

Review of Related Literature

As one of the world’s most religiously and ethnically diverse lands, India boasts unique,

culturally rich wedding ceremonies that run from elegant and sophisticated to beautifully

intricate. Part of the complexity stems from the concept that when an Indian couple marries,

entire families and communities are involved.

“Indian weddings have traditionally been considered a marriage of two families, rather

than just a marriage of the bride and groom.” says Sunita Sadhnani of Glamorous Event Planners

& Productions, a wedding and event-planning firm based in Long Island. “The wedding can be

anywhere from three days to one week long and typically includes several events. The

engagement is the first of many steps in what tends to be a lengthy process, and serves as the

agreement between the families of the future bride and groom. At this stage, the wedding date is

also set. The wedding rituals themselves begin 15 days before the wedding, with Barni Band-

hwana, where a piece of thread, called Mauli, is tied to the hands of both the groom and his

parents to humbly request a safe wedding day from the gods. The next step is Mayara, the

“Maternal Uncle’s Ceremony.” He brings gifts for the mothers of both the bride and the groom,

including the dresses they will wear at the wedding.

The traditional Indian wedding itself is a ritual of three separate events: the Sangeet and

Mehendi, the ceremony, and the reception celebration.”

Sangeet & Mehendi

“Sangeet is a chance for relatives and friends of both the bride and the groom to get

together,” Sunita continues. “They play instruments, dance, sing, and interact with each other.

Sometimes they even poke fun at the bride and groom.” The party is hosted by the bride’s family

and is also a time for introducing members of the families to each other.

At the Sangeet, an Indian bride takes part in a Mehendi ceremony, during which she and

her female family members and friends gather for henna. “In the traditional Mehendi ritual,” says

Sunita, “two or three women are hired to do the actual designs for the bride and her female

guests. The artists create intricate designs on the hands or feet of the bride and her friends and

family, using a paste of dried ground henna leaves. The henna is believed to ward off evil,

promote fertility, and attract good energy for the soon-to-be wedded couple. The names of both

the bride and the groom are “hidden” in the bride’s artwork and the groom is meant to find the

names. There is also a saying that the deeper the color of the henna, the stronger the bond

between husband and wife and the better the bride will get along with her mother-in-law. “So

brides often let the henna dry for up to eight hours!”

The Wedding Procession

In most Indian wedding celebrations, the day begins with the groom’s procession, as his

entire family and friends all lead him to the wedding altar.

This is called the Baraat,” says Sunita. “This ‘ceremony within a ceremony’ is where the

groom, riding on a white horse, makes his grand entrance. He is ushered in by a long line of his
family and friends, who are all singing, dancing, and shouting out traditional Indian well

wishes.” It is a rousing spectacle. After that, continues Sunita, “the bride and her family greet the

groom and the couple exchange Milni Malas, floral garlands, to wear around their necks. These

symbolize their acceptance of one another. In the Baraat, the groom is dressed in a long jacket

called a Sherwani and fitted trousers called Churidars. He wears a Safa, a turban, on his head,

with a big fancy brooch called Kalgi pinned onto it. The bride’s parents and family, including

uncles and aunts, all welcome the groom and his entire family. Then they escort the groom and

his immediate family to their place of honor at the altar.

https://www.manhattanbride.com/insights/indian/

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Christian marriage has its roots from the Greco-Roman era. This marriage was based on

heterosexuality and monogamy although divorce was allowed. Marriage is a religious rite of

passage through which people within a religious community celebrate the significance of life. It

acts as a medium of bringing individuals and groups together based on beliefs. Marriage usually

involves different symbols and values such as bridal procession, giving away of the bride,

exchanging rings, and making vows among many other aspects. Most Christian denominations

consider marriage as a sacrament. In this case, marriage is a special way through which God

intervenes in the lives of people (Bingham, 2010).

First and foremost, marriage is a transitional ritual. It transforms an individual(s) from one status

to the other. Marriage influences status change and proclaim it to the society. Therefore,

marriage is a key societal component among the rites of passage. The beliefs of the society/group

are affirmed, and unity is encouraged.

In addition, there is teaching of good morals. Furthermore, marriage acts as identification

means for believers in the society or group. For instance, married couples from a Catholic

Church have a high likelihood of their children being baptized in the same church. This

strengthens the beliefs and core values of that religious society (Bingham, 2010).

The marriage ritual has changed rapidly over the centuries. From the ancient times, parents of

both the bride and groom were the primary parties to the marriage covenant. According to the

biblical times, marriage was a legal covenant between the parents of the bride and groom.

Likewise, early Christian traditions held a similar notion. On the contrary, today, marriage is an

independent legal agreement made between the couples themselves (Thomas, 2007).

Furthermore, early marriage rituals embraced certain practices such as rice throwing, cake

eating, wearing of white bridal dress amongst many others. However, some of the practices still

persist to date, but in a different dimension. Traditionally, the white color symbolized innocence

and youthfulness. Today, most of the marriage rituals embrace dressing of white gowns for

brides.

The traditional cakes were mainly made from wheat and grain alone, which symbolized fertility.

On the other hand, the present wedding cakes are made of many ingredients and supplements.
The most significant aspect of modern marriage rituals is the engagement rings. Engagement

rings evolved from the traditional custom of ring exchange, which was meant to seal a crucial,

legal agreement. Engagement rings are usually circular with no end symbolizing eternal love.

The sudden and rapid change in marriage rituals has been attributed to different factors. One of

the most significant factors include the influence of the western culture.

Currently, the western style of marriage has become very popular and dominant. Before

the marriage ritual is carried out, rehearsals are carried out to ensure different people master their

respective roles during the ritual. As earlier mentioned, the western style of marriage embraces

legal agreement of marriage among the couples involved rather than their parents/guardians. This

has triggered major changes in the identity of the couples marrying, parents, family relatives and

the larger community. This is influenced by the partial separation triggered by marriage ritual.

The couples gain freedom directed towards their life obligations and future status coupled with

new patterns in behavior, duties, and responsibilities (Thomas, 2007).

From the above observations regarding the evolution of Christian marriage rituals, I have

learnt a lot about the customs and values of our culture. Before, I did not understand most of the

practices undertaken during marriage rituals. In addition, contradictions arose when I tried to

compare modernized Christian marriage with the traditional one.

https://ivypanda.com/essays/christian-marriage-rituals/
Bingham, J. F. (2010). Christian marriage: The ceremony, history and significance; ritual,

practical and archæological notes; and the text of the English, Roman, Greek, and Jewish

ceremonies. New York: E.P. Dutton & Co.

Thomas, D. M. (2007). Christian marriage: The new challenge. Collegeville, Minn: Liturgical

Press.

Tedurays are known to be a native group of people in my homeland Margues, Esperanza,

Sultan Kudarat. Tedurays are about 70% of the population in our Barangay. Tedurays’ tradition

of courtship and marriage is very popular among the other group of people in Margues because

of its uniqueness. Traditionally, Tedurays can be get married by the stage when they reach

puberty. Courtship also happens between the parents of the bride and the groom. It includes

sending of ‘flasa’ or dowry of the groom to the bride, the offer may depend on the demands of

the parents of the bride and also to the educational background of the bride. The dowry may be a

money, goods, or land. It is in their tradition that ones the groom agreed with the brides’ parent,

she cannot decline the marriage anymore even if she doesn’t want to. This type of marriage may

be a forced marriage for us but for the Tedurays it wasn’t because it is in their law. Tidurays are

known to be very strict in terms of their laws. Tedurays believed that Tiduray Law must be

followed and observed.

 Tedurays traditional marriage starts where each mother of both sides prepared a betel

quid for chewing and gave it to her legal specialists, who, in turn, passed it on to each sides

daughter/son-in-law who will chew it for a minute, then they will both place the chewed quid on

a bandana. In our place, people used to joke around when they see someone who has a color

orange or yellow lips, they called that person as a newlywed. Anyways, at that point the two

legal specialist will move behind the groom and brides and began to comb the groom and brides’

hair (the bride first and after is the groom). As they comb, they give speeches, urging the

newlyweds to be virtues, faithful and hardworking and also not to case any trouble to the

marriage and to their families. This done, the elders exchange their combs and gave them to the

new mothers-in-law. Then a single plate containing some rice and a hard-boiled egg cut into two

was then brought to the couple, each of whom, turning to face the other, ate a bit of the rice and

some of the egg and that concluded the marriage ceremony. In marriage Tedurays also have

another unique traditional settlement. When the wife cheats on the husband or request separation

from the husband, she must return all the offerings or dowry that the husband had given to her

family before they got married. However, the husband was not obliged to do what the wife had if

he will request for separation from their marriage. This settlement agreed upon during the

courtship.

https://funhtt191949860.wordpress.com/2020/12/31/tiduray-courtship-and-marriage/
Theoretical Framework

Social Cognitive Theory (SCT), developed by psychologist Albert Bandura, provides a

theoretical framework for comprehending how individuals acquire, maintain, and adapt

behaviors through the interplay of cognitive processes, social environment, and actions. In the

context of "Staying True - The Teduray Wedding Rites in Modern Times," SCT serves as a lens

to explore how the Teduray community engages in the preservation and adaptation of their

traditional wedding rites.

According to SCT, another key aspect is observational learning or modeling, which plays a

crucial role in understanding how the Teduray tribe perpetuates their wedding rituals. Through

the observation of the behavior of others within the community, particularly in the context of

wedding ceremonies, individuals learn and emulate culturally significant practices. This facet of

SCT helps unravel the mechanisms through which the Teduray sustain their cultural heritage.

Another key dimension emphasized by SCT is self-efficacy, aligning with the motivation and

belief systems within the Teduray community regarding the preservation of their wedding rites.

The study delves into how the Teduray's confidence in their ability to uphold and transmit their

cultural practices influences their active participation in cultural preservation efforts. High self-
efficacy, according to SCT, enhances motivation and success in performing behaviors,

specifically in the continuation of Kesefelinguyot.

Applying the SCT principle of reciprocal determinism, the research investigates the dynamic

interaction between Teduray individuals, their cultural practices, and the evolving environment.

This principle helps to understand that the wedding rituals of the Teduray are not solely

influenced by external factors or individual traits but represent a continuous cycle of adaptation.

The community actively shapes its practices while being shaped by the changing socio-cultural

landscape.

Building upon SCT, the study explores how the Teduray community actively participates in

shaping their cultural behaviors. By managing thoughts, beliefs, and the socio-cultural

environment, the Teduray exercise agency in preserving their wedding rites while navigating the

challenges posed by modern influences. This aspect of SCT underscores the active role of

individuals and the community in maintaining cultural authenticity.

 Chapter III

Methodology

Research Design

This research is an attempt to study the wedding rites of the Teduray in Upi

Maguindanao, an indigenous group in the Philippines. Qualitative research gathers participants'

experiences, perceptions, and behavior. This kind of method the researcher could gain a deeper

understanding of their cultural practices and beliefs related to marriage.

Locale of the Study

The study will be conducted in Upi Maguindanao specifically in barangay Nuro

Poblacion, Sefegefen, Rempes . The respondents will be interview to their respective houses and

in the places where they feel comfortable such as their stores if there is and outside their houses.

The participants of the gathering of the data are the couple Teduray people who experienced the

tribal wedding. To conduct the data gathering, we will having a qualification for every

respondents that will be interview. Such as having experienced and witnesses the said tribal

wedding. We will choose at least 15 couples who experienced the tribal wedding and for those

who witnessed, we will choose at least 15 participants aging 20 years old above.
Key Informats

The head of the Teduray Indigenous people will be also interview in order to gain more

information about this study and those person who's knowledgeable to implement proper the

Wedding Rites and practices of Teduray tribe.

Research Instrument Used

The researcher used semi-structured interview. The researcher distributed a constructed

questionnaire and asked supporting questions to the respondents whenever necessary.

Furthermore, the researcher used an audio record in recording the response of the key-informants

to the given questions and a camera in taking photos during the interviews.

Data Gathering Procedure

The researchers will pass application letter to the mayor of municipality of Upi

Maguindanao who also a teduray to grant our study in order to gather data related to our study.

The data collected from the said barangays will serve as one of primary sources in the study.

Moreover, the researcher will be conducted face to face interview to the mayor of Upi

Maguindanao and those persons who are well-informed and knowledgeable about the wedding

rites of teduray. The researcher will also ask for permission to conduct an interview within the

said barangays. Some barangays in the municipality will be also visit to find respondents that are

knowledgeable to the wedding rites of Teduray.

 A constructed questionnaire will be distributed to the chosen respondents. The research

will use recorder to document the full interview. Later on, the data gathered through interviews

will transcribe and translate in English to understand their answers.

Data Analysis

Content analysis will be use in this study to analyze the data that will gather through

interviews that the researcher will be conducted and the documents that will collect from the

municipality. The researcher also analyze the content of the data critically to achieve the

objectives and aims of this study.

OBJECTIVES

Generally, this study aimed to evaluate or assess the wedding rituals (Kesefilinguyot) of

the Teduray in Mindanao, particularly in the province of Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao.

Specifically, it aimed to determine the following:

1. The existing Wedding Ritual/rites of the Teduray Tribe in the province of Nuro, Upi,

Maguindanao.

2. Percentage of Teduray people who still practice the wedding ritual (kesefelinguyot) in

Mindanao, particularly in the province of Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao up to this modern

time.

3. Identified factors/reasons why other Tedurays do not practice Kesefelinguyot

4. Teduray way/s of preservating their wedding and other rituals on this modern times.
Review Related Literature
The Life of Tѐduray People
According to National Commission on Culture and Arts (NCCA),Tѐduray is one of the major
Indigenous Peoples of Southern Philippines. This indigenous group is composed of two
distinct ethnic groups — the Tѐduray and the Lambangian. The word Tѐduray comes from
the word Tew meaning man and Duray referring to a small bamboo with a hook and a
line fishing instrument. The Tѐdurays are known for their distinct and unique culture, beliefs,
customs and traditions. These people exhibits strong family ties but are too dependent on
other members who are more influential and affluent in the community. The Tѐduray are
honest, soft-spoken, shy, sensitive and soft-hearted people. They are also hospitable and peace-
loving. A klakafan or a traveler who is still on the road by night fall, in a fenuwo where he
does not know anybody, can knock at the nearest Tѐduray dwelling where he will be readily
accepted and given the respect and hospitality extended to strangers and guests alike. Tѐduray
are scattered in different provinces in Mindanao like Agusan, Bukidnon, Davao, Lanao and
in the cities of Davao, Zamboanga and Manila, Cotabato Province is the main place of origin of
the Tѐduray and Lambangian peoples with the estimated population 350, 925. In Central
Mindanao-Region XII, Tѐduray used to have the highest number of population among the 21
ethnolinguistic groups with total population of 239,475, but due to the devolvement of
Maguindanao Province to the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao(ARMM) the
population was reduced to 67,745. The Tѐduray in Central Mindanao-Region XII are found
in Cotabato City, Municipalities of Columbio, Isulan, Tacurong,Bagumbayan, Esperanza,
Kalamansig and Lebak, Sultan Kudarat Province; Alamada,Carmen, Kabacan, Midsayap, Pikit,
Antipas, Arakan, Kidapawan City, President Roxasand Tulunan, Cotabato Province. In the
later part of 1889, Tѐduray are scattered all over the undivided Cotabato and
concentrated in the Southwestern mountain of the province. Some Tѐduray leaders have
classified and further named themselves after the place where they come from — the
Tew Dage, Tew Dawa, Tew Dogot, and TewTudok. Although the Tѐduray belong to one
ethnic group, they differ in some ways like their dialect intonation, rituals, dress and color
identities.
Traditional Ways of Life of the Tѐduray Tribe
The National Commission on Culture and Arts (NCCA), also reveals that the economy of
the Tѐduray is basically agriculture. Their primary means of livelihood is
Farming. Their other sources of income are fishing, hunting and mini handicraft
production. Majority of the farmers still practice slash-and-burn methods of farming .Thus,
most of the farmers get marginal production which is very insufficient to serve the needs of their
families. Tѐduray still observe and practice the following traditional ways of life: The planting
star is observed during the months of December to January — the period for upland farming.
Farmers will only start to farm if the planting star is visible. Toa fenuwo where the first rice field
to be planted, the spiritual leader performs the ritual planting prayers assisted by four Fintailans
at the bagong/tudaor center of the farm. After the rituals, the palay seeds are
distributed to the women planters with as pokesman giving the signal to start planting. In
the courtship and marriage among the Tѐduray, the parental wish is obeyed. The mother of the
man leads the search for the kenogon. Even the maternal grandparents help in this endeavor by
calling on relatives to find a suitable wife. With a careful study of the woman’s background, the
man’s party then sends out a spokesman to meet with the former’s parents and relatives and duly
offers the tising, a contract for marriage. If the woman’s parents accepts the tising,within
a week, they will then send their own spokesman with the bantingan over to the future groom’s
house. The go-between will then state the amount of flasa for the marriage of the
woman. Tudon/sumbaken — (baptismal) — this is officiated by the community Chieftain
as assisted by two pairs of kefeduwans and Fintailans spokesmen for both grandparents. If the
child is a boy, the maternal grandparents prepare the food.The paternal grandparents give a pair
of dilek, sundang, and P100.00 pesos with other assorted valuables tamok items to the
officiating chieftain through the spokesman for the child to sit on. If the child is a girl, the
paternal grandparents give a pair of kemagi, gold necklace, dress, sutra muot, P100.00 place on a
sinuratan andsukob ulew plates.The maternal grandparents give the food to the assisting
fintailans to be eaten by the child first, and later, to be shared by everyone. After the rituals, the
officiating chieftain turns over all the items to the maternal grandparents through the
spokesman. This tamok is called ensaran which serve as the point of reference to the amount of
flasa orbantingan being asked for the marriage of the child. Burial — (Temlogon) —
The Tѐdurays observe the seven days of prayers and offering before and until the
internment. On the burial day before the cadaver is finally brought to the cemetery, the
wife/husband and children pay the last respect to the dead by going around the coffin seven
times. Then the wife/husband sits on one end of the coffin with the childrengathered
around it. The chieftain spokesman gives the fituwa and Togodon as part of the final parting
ceremony for the dead.

Political System of Tѐduray Tribe

Schlegel (1968) as cited by Ortega (2014) states that the political system among the Tѐduray is
still the old type with the family as the basic unit of government and the father as the head. In the
Fѐnuwo, composed of 10 to 30 families, the Kefeduwan is theleader of the council of elders and
spokesman of the village. A kefeduwan is the person who is well-versed in Tѐduray customs
and traditional laws. The kefeduwan is the model person in the community — honest, brave,
and has the ability to influence the people with the force of his personality and logic. Timuay is
the highest rank and honor given to the leader or the Chieftain. Today, it is, observed that the
future and promising strong and powerful leader of the Tѐduray are the educated and spiritual
leaders. The mobile lifestyle, poverty, and poor education limited the socio-economic and
political stability of the Tѐduray people. Although the Tѐdurays have long recognized
the Philippine government, such beliefs remain with them. Generally, he affirms that Tѐdurays
are honest people, they respect the right of ownership, of occupancy, and abide by the first claim
rule. If a person puts up a mark on a forest patch for a prospective kaingin farm and to signify an
intent to claim the area, no one would dare encroach and trespass the boundaries in keeping with
the Tѐduraylaws.
The Tѐduray Beliefs
Schlegel (1968) as cited by Ortega (2014) states the following Beliefs of the Tѐduray
Tribe: According to the Tѐduray, the world was created by the female deity Minaden, who
had a brother named Tulus, also called Meketefu or Sualla. Tulus is thechief of all the good
spirits who bestow gifts and favors upon human beings. He goes around with a retinue of
messengers called telaki. The universe according to the Tѐduray is the abode of the various
types of etew or people. There are visible ones, orthe ke-ilawan (human beings); and the
invisible ones, or the meginalew (spirits). The latter may be seen, but only by those in this
world possessing special powers or charisma. It is believed that the spirits live in tribes and
perform tasks in the other world. While good spirits abound in the world, there are also bad
spirits who are called busaw. They live mostly in caves and feed on the remoger (soul) of any
hapless human being who falls into their trap. At all times, the Tѐduray, young and old, are
aware that the busaw must be avoided, and this can be successfully done if one possesses
charms and amulets. With the good spirits, it is always necessary and beneficial to
maintain lines of communication. But the ordinary human beings cannot do this, and so the
Tѐduray must rely on the beliyan or religious leader. The Bѐliyan has the power to see and
communicate with the spirits. If a person falls ill, and the spirits need to be
supplicated, the bѐliyan conducts a spiritual tiyawan with them. Human illness, in so far as the
Teduray is concerned, is the consequence of an altercation or a misunderstanding
between people and unseen spirits. Formal negotiations are needed to restore the person’s health
and harmonious relationship with the spirits. In effect, the beliyan, as a mediator between
spirits and human beings, is a specially gifted and powerful kefeduwan. In an account
within the late 19th century by Sigayan (the first Christianized Tѐduray, christened Jose
Tenorio) the beliyan was described as a person who could talk directly to Tulus and even share
a meal with him. The beliyan would gather people in a tenines, a small house where the
shaman stored the ritual rice, and tell them about his or her communication with Tulus. The
beliyan would dance with a wooden kris in the right hand, small, jingling bells
hanging from the wrist, and a decorated wooden shield held in the other hand. The
shaman made the men and women dance, for that was the only way the people could worship
Tulus. The beliyan also prepared the ritual offerings to Tulus and played the togo, a small
drum, for the supreme being. The ancient belief in Tulus and other cosmological
beings has remained. And so has the belief in the efficacy of charms and omens.
These are particularly relevant in hunting activities of the Tѐduray whose basic talisman is
the ungit. This is fashioned from several kinds of mystically powerful leaves and grasses
wrapped with cloth and bound with vine lashing. This is handed on from father to son,down the
line. The kinds of plants that make up the charm are strictly kept between father and son, as
revealing this to just anybody will cause the charm to lose its
potency. The hunter carries the ungit on his body and rubs it all over his dog and horse.The
ungit is believed efficacious not only in snaring or catching game, but also in attracting
women sexually. If so used, however, it loses its power as a hunting charm. He added that,
Omens rule the life of hunters, for these presage misfortune. A hunter will not proceed on a hunt
if any of these occurs: he hears a person sneeze ashe is about to set out; he hears the call of a
small house lizard; or he has a bad dream in which he gets wounded, falls or dies. He will also
give up the hunt if he sees the animal he intends to catch while he is setting up the
trap. Rituals to establish good relations with the spirits accompany each significant stage of
the Tѐduray agricultural cycle. Four times within the year, all the households belonging to an
inged participate in a community ritual feast known as kanduli. Feasting on food, particularly
glutinous rice and hard-boiled eggs, and making ritual offerings to the spirits are two
characteristics of the celebration. The preparations for the feast are generally done in
the major settlement within the inged, which is also the focal point of all
activities. In the preparation of the food, a significant ritual act is already performed; the
exchange of portions of the glutinous rice among all the families. When it is time to consume
the ritual food, a family would then be actually partaking of some of the rice that has come from
every other family in the whole neighborhood. The community’s bonding is
strengthened through the food exchange. The significance is further underscored by the fact that,
in the course of the cultivation cycle, each family in the neighborhood had contributed
its labor to each field on which rice was grown. These communal meals thus give ritual
expression to their interdependence.
The Customs of the Teduray People
Tinorio (2002) states that the Teduray people of Mindanao have been known toWesterners and
most other Filipinos since Spanish colonial times, as “the Tiruray.” But,this was due to a
mispronunciation of their name. It was only in the 1980s that some literate Teduray women and
men quite understandably began pressing to be referred toby their correct name. Now, use of
“Teduray” in place of the long-familiar “Tiruray” has become appropriately commonplace in
Filipino scholarship, newspapers, and other media.The approach used by Bennasar was to
ask Sigayan questions about various topics. Sigayan then typically refers to, or repeats, the
query and proceeds to answer it. In this translation, I felt I should keep most of
these reiterations of Bennasar’squestions, even though they can seem very
repetitious.Tamantaka is the community across the Tamantaka River, just north of Awang near
Cotabato City, where the Jesuit mission was established and the Teduray “reduction”
attempted. Dulangan” was the Teduray name for the Cotabato Manobo, the ethnic
group occupying the Cotabato Cordillera to the south of the Teduray area. The term is
derived from the name of a Manobo culture hero, and its use by the Teduray is considered
pejorative and deeply resented by Manobo. Sigayan is an Awang Teduray, and throughout
this account ofTeduray customs, he often is describing practices that are not pan-Teduray, but
peculiar to the Awang subgroup, who differ in many highly significant ways from the
other subgroups. The Awang people have been importantly influenced by the culture of their
close neighbors, the Maguindanaon. They were once military allies with the
Maguindanaon, and, like them, are more hierarchical than all other Teduray, more
accustomed to exercising coercive power in their social relations, and far more
accepting of violence as part of their lives. When Sigayan presents these traits as the way of the
Teduray, he is speaking of the Awang people, not those from the mountains and rainforest. The
term memilagé refers to a group of people who today are usually called balig, and who live in
the boundary area between the Cotabato Manobo and theTѐduray. They are Manobo, who
have adopted Tѐduray culture, but who speak the Tѐduray language with a marked accent.
The settlements in which Tѐduray live are characteristically named after a nearby river,
creek, or spring.Throughout the document,Sigayan reflects in his descriptions and comments
the disdain he knows the Jesuits have for what they consider “pagan” or “primitive”
Tѐduray customs. However, before judging him harshly for this, see the concluding section 146,
where Sigayan states his true feelings. Beliyan are the Tѐduray shamans and religious
specialists, who can be male or female. Their cosmos is populated by many spirits,
and it is the special charisma of the beliyan that they are able to see and speak to them, for
the spirits areinvisible to ordinary people. In the same view, Schlegel (1972), as cited by Ortega
(2014) states that, Tulus,in Tѐduray cosmology, is not a god, but is the creator spirit of all things,
and foremost ofall spirits. Tulus is neither male nor female, and, as there are no gender
markings inTѐduray grammar, I do not refer to Tulus as “he,” but always use the proper name,
asdo Sigayan and other Tѐduray. Bennasar, however, always translated Tulus as Dios,“God,”
and Sigayan tiptoes around that identification as best he can.There is nothing in the Tѐduray
cosmos comparative to the Christian “heaven”that Bennasar had presented to Sigayan. The
cosmic realm where Tulus lives is said tobe “beyond the sky,” and a gorgeous, delightful
place, but it is not a place where righteous souls go after death. There are a variety of
such cosmic places, where the souls of the deceased reside, depending on the manner of their
death. None of them isa place of punishment or reward. He further affirms that these beliefs are
mirrored inmost of the Teduray folktales, folksongs and proverbs.
Teduray Art and Culture
Schelgel (1970), as cited by Ortega (2014), in his journal Portal to the Plateau, he cited that in
the field of performing arts, the Tedurays, like many Mindanao Lumadgroups, use the agong in
their ensemble. Their kelo-agong or kalatong ensemble has five shallow embossed gongs
in graduated sizes, producing delicate sounds. The smallest of the gongs, called segarun,
leads off with a steady beat, while the four others join in with their own rhythms. The kelo-agong
is used on various occasions, such as agricultural rituals, weddings, community gatherings,
victory celebrations, curing rites,rituals for the dead and entertainment of visitors. The
musical pieces played on the kelo-agong includes antibay, fat moto, liwan-kanrewan,
turambes and tunggolbandera. There are other several musical instruments used by the Teduray
in everyday and ritual occasions. The kubing is a jaw harp made from a special variety of
bamboo. Among the Teduray, the kubing is used for courting as well as for
entertainment. The togo is a five-stringed bamboo tube zither which may play the same pieces
heard on the gong ensemble. It is a solo instrument, but several zithers are often played all
atonce. Two women play the instrument. One holds one end of the bamboo tube as she plays a
melody on the strings. The other holds the other end, and plays on the other two strings. This
instrument is important because it can substitute for the kelo-agong. It
shares a similar function and may be heard during the same occasions when the kelo-agong is
played. In addition the togo accompanies songs and dances.Moreover, the fegerong is a two-
stringed lute with five to seven frets. This instrument is used for courtship and
entertainment. Among the repertoire played onthe fegerong are the music pieces
laminggang and makigidawgidaw.The two bamboo flutes of the Teduray are the falendag
and suling. Both have three fingerholes and a thumbhole. The falendag is the lip valley or
deep-notched bamboo flute. Its construction makes possible lip control of the air flowing into
the tube, allowing for a degree of tonal control and sensitivity not possible with flutes of similar
dimension but with differently shaped blowing holes, such as the suling or short ring
flute.The suling is also called by this name among the Maguindanao, Manobo,
Bukidnon,Tausug and the Palawan. It is a duct flute, the sound of which is produced by adjusting
the ring on the mouthpiece in relation to the blowing hole. The pitch of the suling has a higher
range than the falendag’s and can similarly express specific emotions, such as the sobbing of a
girl who has just been told by the parents that she is about to be married.The Teduray
have a wide range of songs for various occasions. The balikata is a song with improvised text,
sung to the traditional melodies. It could be a melodic pattern used for debates, for pleading
causes, or for plain conversation. The balikata bae is a common lullaby in which the
mother tells the child to sleep soundly and grow up as strong as the rattan vine. The
lendugan also describe the life ways of the Teduray.The binuaya is a narrative song that
tells stories of great events in the distant past.The siasid is a sung prayer invoking the
blessings of god Lagey Lengkuwos and the
nature spirits Serong and Remoger. The foto moto is a teasing song performed during weddings.
The meka meka is a song of loyalty sung by a wife to her husband. Themelodies of
songs like foto moto and meka meka are foten rendered on the kelo-agong and other
instruments. One of the more notable Teduray dances is the magasik, literally “to sow seeds”.
The dance begins with a large piece of bright-colored cloth or material placed on the ground or
on the middle of the floor. The women go around the cloth with small heavy steps, their arms
and hands moving about in graceful fashion. The dancers wear tight long-sleeved blouses of
shiny material, in various colors and with a peplum along the waist.Teduray women favor
bright yellow, red, blue, orange, purple and black. They wear the patadyong, a skirt that
goes all the way down to their anklets. They may also wear a necklace made of gold beads or old
silver coins which goes all around their necks and reaches down to the waist. They also wear rich
metal belts about 15 centimeters wide.The saronghangs on the left shoulders of the dancers
and only their lower lips are painted.The two other types of Teduray dances are the
kefesayaw teilawan, in which the dancers imitate bird movements, and the tingle, a war
dance in which two rival suitors fight for the affection of a maiden. Both dances are
performed during wedding celebrations and other festivities. Thus, early Teduray costumes,
including the weaponry which form part of their accoutrements, differ according to the
place of habitation. Men of the downstream people who live near the towns and the
Maguindanao population wear long trousers and waist-length shirts. Their weapons consist of a
kris carried at the side, a spear held
like a walking stick, a fegoto (wide bladed kris) slung over the shoulders, a dagger
tucked at the waist, and either a round shield called taming or an elongated one
called kelung. Those who live along the coast wear G-strings and shirts. Their weaponry consist
of kemongen, a blade similar to the kris but smaller than the fegoto, a spear, a bow and a quiver
of arrows (which even children carry around). These arrows are tipped with kemendag, the
poisonous sap of a certain tree. The men from the mountains wear short trousers and the same
cut of shirt as the other groups. Although they tend to have less body covering despite their
mountain residence. Their weapons consist of the kris,spear, bows and arrows. Nevertheless,
Teduray women in general wear a sarong called emut, made form abaca fiber. They wear shirt
similar to those of the men, which is nearly of the same general cut, except that the women’s
blouse is form fitting, while the men’s hang more loosely. Since Teduray women never
developed the art of weaving cloth, their dress materials come from outside sources. The
women also wear rinti, a series of brass bracelets of different sizes, extending from the wrist
and up the forearm; a brass cord and belt decorated with small jingling bells which they wear
around the wrists; brassanklet rings, necklaces of glass beads and colored crystals, and the
kemagi, a necklace made of gold. They also sport wire earrings from which they
hang small shellornaments. The Teduray women are never without a knife and a small
basket, which they carry wherever they go. Both men and women wear the sayaf, a shallow
conical hat made from buri, worn for protection against the sun.
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1
The content presented in this document relies on sources accessible until the knowledge cutoff
date in January 2022. To obtain the latest and precise information about the Tѐduray people, it is
advisable to refer to recent publications or directly engage with relevant cultural authorities and
communities.