Exploring the Perception of Leadership Failures that Led to the Current Socio-Economic

Situation in Haiti and its Impact on the Daily Lives of the Haitian People.

Medar Edmond

Department of Leadership and Organizational Studies, University of Southern Maine

LOS 689 Master of Arts Capstone II

Dr. Elizabeth Goryunova

August 31, 2023

 Declaration and Certification

I declare that this thesis has been composed solely by Medar Edmond and has not been submitted

in any previous application for a degree in whole or in part, except where stated otherwise by

reference or acknowledgment; the work presented is entirely my own.

________________________

Medar Edmond
 Acknowledgments

I want to express my sincere gratitude to all those who have helped me during my academic and

professional journey. Without your support, I would not have been able to reach my goals and

achieve the success that I have accomplished.

Firstly, I thank my professors, mentors, and advisors for their invaluable guidance, support, and

encouragement throughout my academic journey. Your expertise, knowledge, and dedication

have been instrumental in shaping my academic and professional development. Your mentorship

has inspired and motivated me, and I am forever grateful for your belief in my potential.

Secondly, I thank my colleagues and friends who have been there for me during my academic

journey. Your support, encouragement, and camaraderie have made the trip more enjoyable and

fulfilling. The exchange of ideas, discussions, and debates has enriched my perspective and

broadened my horizons. The collective efforts of individuals like yourselves have made my

academic journey a worthwhile experience.

Lastly, I thank my family and loved ones for their unwavering support and encouragement. Your

love, care, and understanding have strengthened me during challenging times. Your belief in my

abilities has motivated me to strive for excellence in my academic and professional pursuits.

In conclusion, I want to reiterate my gratitude and appreciation to all those who have contributed

to my academic and professional journey. Your support, guidance, and encouragement have been

the foundation of my success, and I am forever grateful for your help. I plan to pay it forward by

supporting and encouraging others in their academic journey, just as I have been supported.
 Abstract

This qualitative research examined the role of corruption, perception, and leadership failures that

transpired to create the current socio-economic situation in Haiti. The impact on the daily lives of

the Haitian people also came into frame- in the hope to better understand their ties to the

leadership failures in question. Also analyzed was the role of leadership and its perception by the

Haitian people. Face-to-face interviews with seven participants and additional first-hand

accounts through daily news coverage of Haiti, offered a greater understanding of the perception

of the Haitian people of their leaders regarding the failures outlined in this research. This

research provided the path for more research to understand why leadership failures continue to

hinder the aspiration of the Haitian people. This task was not simple, but the hope was to

understand first, then, as applicable, seek to identify a better path forward through research-based

recommendations.

Keywords: Leadership, perception, leadership failures, corruption, leaders.

 Table of Contents

Abstract
Chapter 1- Introduction
Chapter 2- Literature Review
Leadership
Leadership in Haiti
Leadership Failures
Poverty Level in Haiti
Lack of Access to Basic Services
Perception of leadership by the Haitian people
Summary
Chapter 3- Methodology
Chapter 4- Findings
Chapter 5- Conclusions, Discussion, and Recommendations
References
Appendix A- Interview Questions
 Chapter 1- Introduction

Exploring the perception of leadership failures that led to the current socio-economic situation in

Haiti and its impact on the daily lives of the Haitian people can only be fulfilled thoroughly by

looking into Haiti's past. Haiti is a former colony of France. According to Geggus (2014);

the slave uprising that, between 1791 and 1803, transformed the French colony of Saint

Domingue into the independent black state of Haiti was by far the largest to occur in the

Americas and one of the very few to succeed. (p. xi).

Haiti used to be the most prosperous colony in the Western Hemisphere, exporting coffee and

sugar to name just a few commodities to Europe. According to (Dubois, 2012), “products from

the Caribbean colonies made up half of France's total exports” (p. 47). Amongst the Caribbean

colonies, “Haiti was a powerhouse of the Atlantic economy whose exports exceeded those of the

United States and were worth more than those of Brazil and Mexico combined” (Geggus, 2014,

p. xi). As a colony of France from the onset of the nation until 1804, Haiti dealt with slavery to

its core.

The slavery period was challenging, painful, and brutal. Compliance with whatever the French

wanted at that time dictated every step for the survival of what led to Haiti's independence. As

(Geggus, 2014) states, “Haiti was the first modern state in the tropics and the first after the

United States to throw off European rule” (p. xi). After gaining its independence in 1804, as the

second independent country in the Americas to do so behind only the United States in 1776, one

may ask why Haiti's progress trajectory has not gone as well as the United States, as a nation,

rising from being a colony to becoming a superpower after World War II. According to (Dubois,

2004), “the impact of the Haitian revolution was enormous, it forever transformed the world” (p.
6-7). But why Haiti never ascended to the sovereignty and prosperity that followed the

independence of the United States? The answer to these questions lies in Haiti's colonial past.

After Haiti gained freedom, “Haitian governments from 1825 onward became heavily indebted

to foreign banks” (Dupuy, 2014, p. 18).

According to a report conducted in 2008 which provides a comprehensive assessment of

Haiti's economic and social progress since the mid-20th century, Haiti's colonial past

reflects the current structure of its society today, with 80% of the population living under

the $1 a day poverty line and 54% in abject poverty (Diaz et al., 2008, p. 6).

Haiti is currently the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. Political instability and poor

governance, mainly driven by corruption, have affected every aspect of development and growth

in Haiti. According to Alesina and Perotti (1994), “political instability reduces the incentives to

save and invest and therefore reduces growth, poor countries may fall into a vicious circle” (p.

359). This is one of the many problems that prevent Haiti from having a functional and solid

government. Political instability became the norm since Haiti gained its independence.

Aristide was elected by a landslide in 1990 and took office in February 1991 as Haiti's

forty-fourth president; he was overthrown seven months later by the military. That was

the twenty-eighth coup d'etat1 since Haiti gained independence in 1804 and the fifth since

the emerging popular movement impelled the military to overthrow the hereditary

Duvalier dictatorship in 1986 (Dupuy, 2019, p. 11).

Political instability makes it difficult for Haiti to achieve any meaningful progress.

1 Edward Luttwak, Coup d’état: a Practical Handbook (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
2016))
 This theory is supported not only in Italy, where the study was conducted but also in

Haiti, as less than fifteen percent of all Haitian presidents were able to complete their

presidential terms without a coup which places the country in a prolonged period of

turbulence (Barthelemy, 2021, p. 3).

In his book Haiti: The Aftershocks of History, Laurent Dubois comprehensively analyzes Haiti's

historical development and explores various aspects of leadership in the country. Based on his

account, “over the nineteenth century, foreign governments gained more and more control over

Haiti's economy and politics” (Dubois, 2012, p. 7). In short, Haiti has not been entirely governed

by people in power who can do as they see fit based on the common interest of the Haitian

people. Leaders being controlled by foreign governments do not inspire confidence in the

leadership process in Haiti. This has led to Haiti's troubled relationship with leadership since its

independence. Frequent change in leadership, mainly driven by the self-interest of those in

power, has prevented Haiti from developing its economy. Fatton says, “Haitian history has

always been marked by an opportunistic convergence of interests between privileged domestic

actors and powerful external agents” (Dupuy, 2019, p. ix). This created an environment of a

continuous poverty-conflict trap cycle and chronic socio-economic crisis. The political instability

made a massive impact and pushed Haiti to the brink of a socio-economic collapse due to the

ongoing political and social issues confronting the country daily with little to no help in sight.

To understand the continuous leadership failures in Haiti, it is essential to return to the 2006

presidential election. That election was seen as a way to restart the clock making room for a new

voice in leadership after the tumultuous years of Aristide in Power. The new leader René Préval

was elected by the people, “signaling that they wanted to break with the politics of lies and self-

interests” (Dupuy, 2006, p. 22) that did very little to change their situation and promote a stable
environment for them to strive in their own country. They saw in Préval a leader with their best

hope and interest in mind. And even though Préval had “past links to Aristide and the Lavalas

movement, he distanced himself from both and ran under the banner of his LESPWA (Hope)

Platform and not that of the Lavalas Family party for his reelection” (Dupuy, 2006, p. 22).

Préval’s victory in the elections of February 2006 was seen as a path forward for stabilization in

Haiti. According to (Dupuy, 2006), “Préval’s reelection represents a major victory for the

popular democratic sector because he was seen as the only candidate in a field of thirty-three

presidential aspirants to represent the interests of the poor majority” (p. 22). Préval’s mandate

was “to create the conditions for a stable and functioning minimalist democracy in Haiti, which

was seen as a major defeat for those Haitian elite- and foreign-backed forces that coalesced to

oppose and overthrow Aristide in 2004” (Dupuy 2006, p. 22). Despite his best efforts, Préval did

not deliver as much as he was hoping to with his mandate and the 2010 earthquake wiped out

“his strategy of development and poverty reduction” (Taft-Morales, 2011, p. 12), which put his

leadership to the test as Haiti faced its most significant natural disaster.

The 2010 earthquake rocked Haiti to its core. After the earthquake, through donations and

support worldwide, Haiti had an opportunity to rebuild. Unfortunately, Haiti, under the

leadership of Préval, did not capitalize on the tragedy, which was, in the eyes of many, an

opportunity to get the Haitian people out of their daily misery while stirring the country on the

road to prosperity. The media coverage of the 2010 earthquake provided a first glance to many

who did not know how bad the situation was in Haiti until that disaster. “Haitians complained

about the way they were portrayed in Western (media) reports, while also expressing hope in the

promise that this would be a turning point for Haiti, and thus their personal history” (Binder,

2013, para. 9). Sadly, Haiti failed to take a step towards social-economical change and
sustainable development due to poor governance mainly driven by lack of leadership in place to

provide the socio-economic development needed at that time. To clarify the leadership failures

that did not help Haiti in the aftermath of the 2010 earthquake, it is essential to mention the

massive earthquake that occurred in Chile in February, which caused extensive damage around

Santiago.

Only six weeks separated Haiti and Chile's two watershed natural disasters in 2010. An

analysis of print media within a year of the earthquakes in Haiti and Chile demonstrated

subtle distinctions between the two nations—a semiotic code of development—that, for

some, may simply speak to the reality of material advancement in Chile (Polyné, 2013, p.

13).

What transpired before and after the earthquake in Chile was not a miracle. It demonstrated what

outstanding leadership can accomplish in times of crisis regarding prevention and response to

such a watershed natural disaster. Conversely, the lack of leadership in Haiti before and during

the same period left a void in both prevention and response that continues to hinder the progress

that could have been made with the money collected as donations but yet, fell short in providing

the relief that the Haitians desperately sought and deserved.

In the wake of the January 12, 2010, earthquake, Haiti’s history of unrelenting struggle

for justice was its greatest resource. The decades preceding the quake set the stage not

only for what occurred during the acute event but also for the challenge of reconstruction

(Farmer, 2012, p. 13-17).

The earthquake’s impact added to the precarity of Haiti. In a country with “hundreds of

thousands of people without food, water, shelter, and medical services, maintaining order was an
enormous task. Those same conditions, along with a limited ability to respond to them, created a

precarious environment” (Taft-Morales, 2011, p. 12). Even though the impact of the earthquake

added to the precarity of Haiti, it did not create the condition that led to the non-prevention and

inadequate response to a disaster of that magnitude.

As Verner & Heinemann (2006) state, “poor governance, and the state's inability to provide

public goods such as security, infrastructure, and essential services undermined, development

and poverty reduction exacerbated adverse demographic and socio-economic outcomes in Haiti”

(p. 1). As of 2022, Haiti and its leaders have not provided any solid socio-economic plan to

improve the lives of the Haitian people. Haiti's current situation has gone from bad to worse after

the assassination of President Jovenel Moise. Those responsible for the assassination have yet to

be found. The current prime minister, Ariel Henry, “a key suspect in the assassination” (Abi-

Habib, 2022), remains in power, doing little to nothing to provide justice to the late president’s

family. Due to the current justice system being nonexistent, finding or bringing the perpetrator to

justice for such an egregious act remains a mystery. “Judges and legal clerks assigned to the case

have been threatened and told to change witness testimony” (Abi-Habib, 2022). The

investigation is ongoing, with no end date in sight. These leadership failures continue to weigh

heavily and negatively impact the socio-economic struggles of Haiti. The socioeconomic issues

hinder the ability of Haitians to call Haiti “home,” a place where they can live peacefully and

prosper from one generation to the next.

For Haiti to become peaceful and prosper, current research suggests that:

Haiti must find a unique development plan which can allow the country to act as an

autonomous system, one which is benefited by outward relations, not hindered by them.
 Additionally, state theory supports that Haiti's political instability must be eradicated for

the country to provide sustainable economic growth (Diaz et al., 2008, p. 3).

To achieve the primary goal of this paper, it is essential to go back to Haiti's fragile, troubled,

and precarious past with leadership in the hope of showing some trends that can better explain

the underlying causes of the current socio-economic problems connected to the Haitian people's

perception of their leadership. To do that, it is critical to bring back the Duvalier era because:

After the tumultuous dictatorship of Francois ‘Papa Doc’ Duvalier ended in the early

1970s, the government switched hands multiple times before Jean-Bertrand Aristide was

elected president in 1990. The election’s victory of Aristide did not end the practice of

the predatory state’s mentality. Consequently, the small economic elite supported a

‘predatory state’ that has made only negligible investments in human resources and basic

infrastructure (Diaz et al., 2008, p. 3).

This helps with the understanding of how the constant leadership change started and, to some

extent, provides an accurate account of the socio-economic structure at that time that continues

to hinder progress to a better path for the Haitian people.

Aristide was the leader that the population saw as someone who had their best interest in mind.

He was a priest, and despite his desire as well as his ability to connect with them, “he failed to

live up to the expectations of the mass movement that brought him to power and in many ways

set it back during his two terms in office” (Dupuy 2006, p. 22). The necessities such as food,

water, education, and healthcare are almost nonexistent due to corruption, high cost, lack of

access, and chronic insecurities in every corner of the country. “Due to a lack of alternatives and

a shortsighted perception of Haiti’s challenges, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)
took on the responsibility of allegedly “stabilizing” the country” (Seitenfus, 2020, p. 6). Their

lack of understanding of Haiti as a predatory state makes all their efforts ineffective, which has

created a migration crisis where the Haitians with the means to do so- are constantly leaving or

looking to leave the country daily.

The ‘predatory state’ finds its root in a practice connected to the socio-economic problems of

Haiti. When the economy does well, the private sector, AKA the elite class, favors privatization

so they can acquire more wealth and assets while contributing very little to almost nothing to the

economy of Haiti. While many blames foreign governments’ influences for the lack of

development in Haiti, Dupuy (2019) “ignores the negative role played by imperial interferences

in Haiti’s economy and politics, by emphasizing how such intrusions were welcomed by Haitian

rulers as well as the elite class in defense of their corporate interests” (p. ix). Additionally, both

past and present rulers of Haiti, including the business elite class, rely heavily on the government

to provide tax incentives and exemptions that promote their wealth accumulation while bearing

very little responsibility when the country's economy is not helping them to prosper. They do not

participate in the process of creating the socio-economic conditions to improve the living

standard for the Haitian people. This is what Smith (2009) refers to as, “the abuses in Haitian

politics laid by the dominant political classes since independence, which continued by the

country’s rulers in the decade after 1934” (p. 17). As a result of that practice, the political

instability which drives the insecurities seen in every sector makes life difficult for the

population to access necessities such as clean water, food, healthcare, education, and security.

Haitian leadership’s inability to provide an adequate response to the lack of basic necessities like

security has created a void being filled by violent gangs. “The warring gangs took over several

neighborhoods around Port-au-Prince, going door to door, raping women and girls, killing the
men, beheading many of the adults, and then forcing the newly orphaned children into their

ranks” (Abi-Habib, 2022). The Haitians, unable to leave the country, live in fear of being

kidnaped or murdered every day due to extensive gang violence that continues to bring terror all

over Haiti. With the national police unable to curtail the powerful gangs spread around the

country due to a lack of resources and guidance from its leadership, the country has been going

through a challenging time.

Challenging time is one way to describe the current situation in Haiti. But for those living in the

country, it is a daily survival struggle just for the right to live due to extensive gang violence.

People displaced by gang violence seek makeshift shelter only to find themselves in the same

situation when other gangs take over their new respective locations.

Armed groups control - and terrorize - at least 60% of the capital and its surroundings.

They encircle the city, controlling roads in and out. Furthermore, the United Nations says

the gangs killed almost 1,000 people in Haiti between January and June 2022 (Guerin,

2022).

As of 2023, the situation in Haiti has gotten worse for the Haitian people. Despite their plea for

help, the leadership's failures to respond adequately have not changed for the better. The prime

minister has been missing in action, unable to do much to resolve the current situation, leaving

many to wonder when, how, and most importantly, if that desperate need for socio-economic

stability in Haiti is not out of reach while the Haitian people are left alone to figure out how to

survive daily.

Based on the current situation in Haiti, understanding why leadership failures continue to be a

multi-generational problem is essential to see if any change in that area is possible for the
prosperity of the Haitian people. This research analyzes scholarly resources and data collected

through interviews to explore and understand leadership failures that continue to make life a

daily struggle for the Haitian people. The role of leadership and its perception by the Haitian

people are analyzed. Additionally, the corruption in Haiti and its impact on the daily lives of the

Haitian people came into the frame. The goal of this research is to understand the perception of

the Haitian people as well as its ties to the leadership failures in question.

Chapter 2- Literature Review

This research explores the perception of leadership failures that led to the current socio-

economic situation in Haiti. The following topics were selected to increase the understanding of

the Haitian people's perception of key leadership attributes and leadership failures related topics.

This order seeks to help future readers of this study gain knowledge of them as they come up

during the data collection and analysis stages.

Leadership

According to Hogan and Kaiser (2005), “leadership is usually defined in terms of the people who

are in charge of organizations and their units; by definition, such people are leaders” (p. 171).

Additionally, they argue that “leadership is about the performance of teams, groups, and

organizations. Good leadership promotes effective team and group performance, which in turn

enhances the well-being of the incumbents; bad leadership degrades the quality of life for

everyone associated with it” (p. 169). If leadership is about performance, a quick look into the

performance of Haiti's current and past leaders is vital to this research. Elnagar (2022) notes the

following:
 In recent years, Haiti has experienced a protracted political crisis and the assassination of

its president, lockdowns, the global pandemic, a surge in gang-related violence, and an

earthquake. These shocks have weakened economic and institutional frameworks and

adversely affected administrative capacity, while socio-economic and security conditions

have deteriorated to a distressing level, (para. 6).

Based on this account, the performance of both past and current leaders of Haiti provides some

systemic failures in every aspect of the administrative capacity of Haiti as a country. Many

contributing factors explain the systemic failures tied to Haiti’s current socio-economic situation.

This research is interested in leadership failures among the possible contributing factors. The

interest is essential as it is the leading factor responsible for the overall management of the

country. The principal objective of this research is to examine leadership failures presently

exhibited in Haiti that prevent positive socio-economic change from occurring.

Leadership in Haiti

Haiti has a turbulent history with leadership. “Since 1986, Haiti has experienced a period of low-

intensity internal conflict. This is the inevitable struggle for power among political actors, but

without a civil war situation, the risk of collective crimes, or even without the prospect of

genocide” (Seitenfus, 2020, p. 6). From the nation’s creation to being able to lead the nation,

most presidents of Haiti face challenges when it comes to their job leading the country. As

Barthelemy (2021) states, “in Haiti, less than fifteen percent of all Haitian presidents were able

to complete their presidential terms without a coup which places the country in a prolonged

period of turbulence” (p. 3). According to Isaac, Paultre, and Abi-Habib (2021), “The opposition

has demanded that President Jovenel Moïse step down, saying his five-year term ended on
Sunday. Nevertheless, the president refuses to vacate office, arguing that an interim government

occupied the first year of his five-year term” (para. 4).

That situation led to unrest and chaos in Haiti as well as the assassination of Jovenel Moise on

the night of July. 7, 2021. As stated in Guerin (2022), the assassination led to “the US-backed

prime minister, Ariel Henry, who is unelected and deeply unpopular. Since the last elected

president was killed, Haiti has no head of state, no functioning parliament” (para. 4). To

understand the current situation in Haiti, it is essential to go back to the early 2000s, precisely in

2007, where, according to Perito (2007), “President Préval was cautious in his approach to

governance. Before the election that led to his presidency, Préval did not actively campaign

against his rivals” (p. 6). A very unfamiliar approach to a presidential campaign, but

nevertheless, that led to his victory. Before the election, “Préval stayed in his hometown of

Marmalade while supporters and opponents discussed him in Port-au-Prince” (p. 6). After his

victory, unfortunately, his approach did change, as Perito (2007) noted in the following:

Since becoming president, Préval has shunned public exposure and remained a reclusive

figure. Préval initially equivocated in his response to the challenge from the armed gangs

in Port-au-Prince. He did not address other significant issues facing Haiti, including

poverty, drug trafficking, corruption, the role of former soldiers, health care, and

education (p. 6).

A very similar approach to the kind of leadership shown by the current prime minister, Ariel

Henry. Yet, despite the need to address all these issues, Préval did not show any commitment or

initiative to resolve the problems confronting Haiti then. The Haitian people did not have the

leadership to work on their aspiration for a better Haiti. Since 2022, The Haitian people have
found themselves dealing with the same situation sixteen years later. Prime Minister Ariel Henry

has not said much nor provided a blueprint outlining his plan to deal with the dire situation

facing Haiti. A complete disregard for his responsibility as the leader of the country as the

Haitian people are in desperate need of someone to lead them through this challenging time. This

situation has led to some protests. And despite all the pleas for help all over the country due to

the rising cost and shortages of fuels, which creates more instability on top of a looming/pending

potential cholera crisis, Ariel Henry is still missing in action. At the same time, the Haitian

people are caught in the limbo of fighting for their lives daily in the best way they know how

with little to no adequate resources available.

Leadership Failures

According to Verner, D., & Heinemann, A. (2006), “Haiti's deep and widespread poverty results

from a long history of failure to establish even primary enabling conditions for broad-based

social and economic development” (p. 4). Based on Perito (2007)’s account of leadership in Haiti

after what transpired before and during the Préval administration, it is clear that the historical and

systemic failures seen in Haiti today- are tied to the leadership in place. The people in positions

of power not being able to do what it takes- have had detrimental effects on the Haitian people's

livelihood daily. Additionally, they do not bear any responsibility for the outcomes of their poor

leadership. And lastly, there is no accountability due to the weak institutions in place being

unable to do so. As Adelman (2011) states, “the problems that plague Haiti are well known: little

economic development, no modern infrastructure, a corrupt and inefficient government, and a

population overwhelmed by lawlessness and preoccupied with surviving day-to-day” (p. 91).
An inefficient government starts with the leadership in place, which extends to how the country

is administered by those in charge of carrying that task. The 2010 earthquake happened during

the Préval administration. After the earthquake, there was a sense that Haiti was on its way to

finding a path to a better future through modernization. The crumbling infrastructures and lives

lost were complex for everyone to process, while the hope of rebuilding was just as high in

everyone's heart. The money raised and collected through donations was supposed to help with

that. It was a time for authentic leadership to emerge and take center stage for the prosperity that

the Haitian people dreamed of- to become a reality. Unfortunately, Préval was not up to the task.

According to Thompson and Lacey (2010), “during that time which is the greatest disaster that

Haiti has ever faced, its president, Préval, has seemed incapable of pulling himself together,

much less Haiti deeply divided society” (para. 6). While the country looked for someone to lead

the country through that dark time, the absence of leadership exhibited by Préval left the

population in limbo. That leadership failure created a void where Haiti was left alone to figure

out its own destiny during a time when outstanding leadership was critical to delivering and

changing the socio-economic situation of the Haitian people. As cited in (Thompson & Lacey,

2010, para. 7):

What the country has seen since the earthquake is not a leader, but a broken man, said

Mirlande Manigat, a former first lady of Haiti who makes no secret of her presidential

aspirations. He is not doing. He is not speaking. He is not acting. He is not moving. If he

is not moving, how is the country supposed to move?

The failure in leadership after the earthquake that hindered the recovery process, continues to

breed more of the same leadership without consequences. It is not a secret why Haiti is often in
the news for the wrong reason. Violent gangs operate and continue to take over neighborhoods

whenever they want, while the government, being led by Ariel Henry, provides no answer to all

the atrocities that the Haitian people go through daily. The Haitian people's constant struggle

makes life in the country unbearable. As Baker (2023) states, “decades of instability, disasters,

and economic woes have left Haiti one of the poorest and most violent countries in the world”

(para. 8). The money collected after the earthquake during the Préval administration, did not

create the adequate socio-economic condition to prevent Haiti from being where it is today as a

country. That blame falls on the leadership of Préval, which is a leadership failure and a missed

opportunity for Haiti to establish the socio-economic conditions desperately needed in the

country.

Since there is nothing to show for the money donated and collected, a reasonable question here is

to ask what happened to the money? Préval is responsible and accountable for that answer. He

was the leader of the country and it all happened during his presidency. According to Abi-Habib

(2021), “the aid has propped up the country and its leaders, providing vital services and supplies

in a country that desperately needs vast humanitarian assistance. But it has also allowed

corruption, violence, and political paralysis to go unchecked” (para. 11).

The blame for letting or “allowing corruption, violence, and political paralysis to go unchecked”

lies on leadership’s shoulders and failures. (Diaz et al., 2008) note the following:

One of the main concerns which prevented the adoption of a given development policy or

undermined the success of a new policy that was needed right after the 2010 earthquake-

is the level of government corruption combined with social hostility. Additionally, Haiti

being considered one of the most corrupt nations in the world, brings into question how
 the government handled funds for developmental projects. The level of corruption

discourages all types of investment, which is imperative for the growth of the financial

sector, which is crucial in achieving sustainability (p. 3-4).

Leadership consisted of “corruption combined with social hostility” and the inability to manage

or administer the recovery process after the earthquake properly– putting a dent into the hope of

so many Haitians desperately dreaming and longing for positive change to come. The current

state of Haiti does not support any argument that there was an attempt to change Haiti’s direction

after the earthquake. There is no solid evidence to support the claim that any recovery process

has taken place. Additionally, before the earthquake in 2010, Sletten & Egset (2004) state, “Haiti

was habitually classified as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere” (p. 5). In 2023,

based on the current situation and the continued instability ravaging the socio-economic aspect

of Haiti, it remains the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. It is also possible to argue

that Haiti is worse now than in 2004. The 2010 earthquake’s donation and funds raised were

supposed to move the country forward. Unfortunately, the government did not capitalize on the

tragedy, which was an opportunity to get the Haitian people out of their daily socio-economic

misery mainly driven by corruption.

The corruption in Haiti makes life unlivable for those unable and not willing to partake in, which

can be argued, a completely normal way of doing business at every level. That creates and

facilitates a volatile environment where bad actors go without being held accountable. That

situation has led to, as Semple (2019) states, “many Haitians with the means to flee have left or

are planning to, while most who remain are simply trying to figure out where they are going to

get their next meals” (para.10). The poverty level continues to rise daily due to corruption while

many politicians and the elite class wealth grows exponentially. This exemplifies what
McGlinchey (2017) calls “poverty and wealth are often found side by side. They are two

dimensions in our world that are interrelated because they affect each other and influence both

the willingness and capacity of states to ensure a stable global system” (p. 113). In Haiti, the

stable system only applies to corruption because it is and has been the only consistent part of the

country’s history. “Politics represent a form of governability based on the acquisition of personal

wealth through the conquest of state offices” (Fatton Jr, 2011, p. 162). The corruption runs so

deep that it is “a major problem in all aspects of Haiti which is detrimental to the financial sector

because investors are hesitant to supply and invest capital into the country” (Diaz et al., 2008, p.

8). With not enough investments coming into the country and corruption by the politicians and

the elite class making Haiti weaker, the necessities such as food, water, education, and

healthcare- are almost nonexistent due to high cost, lack of access, and chronic insecurities in

every corner of the country. “Not surprisingly, Haitians call their rulers grands mangeurs, big

eaters—a rapacious species of office holders who devour public resources for their exclusive

private gains” (Fatton Jr, 2011, p. 162). This practice plays a role in maintaining the status quo

which has deepened the socio-economic situation in Haiti, where the poverty level has

skyrocketed while the politicians and elite class do little to nothing to help the population despite

their pleas for help daily.

Poverty Level in Haiti

Exploring the perception of leadership failures that led to the current socio-economic situation in

Haiti and its impact on the daily lives of the Haitian people is only possible by looking into its

effects on the poverty level in Haiti. Back in 2004, Sletten and Egset wrote that “one of the many

urgent problems facing any incoming government is the widespread deep poverty the majority of

Haitians live in” (p. 5). In their paper, they looked into every aspect of the poverty level
confronting Haiti and its impact on the Haitian people for two hundred years as an independent

country. Unfortunately, by every measuring factor used to do so, they note the following:

The first observation is that the data confirm Haiti's position as the poorest country in the

Western Hemisphere. Three-quarters of the population are poor, and over half – four and

a half million persons– are needy, a higher poverty incidence than any other country in

the region and comparable to the poorest African countries (Sletten & Egset, 2004, p. 9).

More recently, a study conducted on the global challenge of providing mental health services in

the poverty situation of northern Haiti found that:

Mental health is not simply an individual matter, as it can hinder the socio-economic

development of countries and thus should be considered as a potential threat to the

sustainable development when elaborating a country's comprehensive development plan.

This article helps illuminate the paradox wherein those in poverty are the most at risk of

suffering from mental health problems yet face the most barriers to accessing care. These

systemic barriers involve unaddressed basic needs, lack of transportation, education, and

financial resources (Cénat et al., 2021, p. 6).

The study was conducted in 2021. As of 2023, the situation in Haiti has gotten much worse.

Violence ramping all over Haiti by gangs that do as they please certainly adds to the mental

health crisis in Haiti. The leaders have done nothing to address this situation. This makes me

think of the youth and the future of Haiti in such a challenging situation. This is alarming,

considering Haiti has been independent since 1804. The alarming part finds root in questioning if

there is a definition of the current poverty level in Haiti while the people in charge of addressing
that situation, do nothing to help the people overcome the daily burdens of being poor to no fault

of their own.

Defining the poverty level in Haiti, “begins with a strong consideration of conditions that prevent

regions, states, and peoples from having access to wealth” (McGlinchey, 2017, p. 114). Haiti’s

current socio-political structure is built purposely to maintain the status quo. Additionally, with

over twenty years of study conducted relating to the poverty level in Haiti, one may ask why the

government has not taken any steps toward changing the current climate. Leadership has had

more than enough data to understand the implications of doing nothing to address that. But

again, going back to when Haiti was under a dictatorship, the poverty level was always a topic

discussed, emphasizing the socioeconomic inequalities in Haiti.

In 2023, access to food, education, healthcare, and essential goods including but not limited to

security to walk around without the fear of being kidnapped or murdered- remains a luxury in

Haiti. As inflation increases daily, the situation worsens without knowing when it will end. The

high poverty level has created a migrant crisis where- according to Yates (2021), “2021 is a

record year for Haitians transiting through Central America. Colombian officials estimated in

July that around 1,500 Haitian migrants crossed the border from Ecuador each day” (para. 16).

Haitians are constantly leaving or looking to leave the country daily. Those unable to flee for one

reason or another find themselves living in fear of being kidnapped or murdered every day due to

extensive gang violence that both poverty and corruption contribute to continuing the terrors

never seen before all over Haiti. That situation has further increased the lack of access to

essential services that the Haitian population desperately needs but never gets a chance to have

due to the continuous leadership failures that this country has been going through since 1804.
 Lack of Access to Basic Services

According to Verner, D., & Heinemann, A. (2006), “Haiti's poverty-conflict trap is fueled by

demographic and socio-economic outcomes of widespread poverty and inequality, rapid

urbanization, and high youth unemployment, which result in high social risks and demands on

weak state institutions for basic services” (p. 1). From lack of education and healthcare

exacerbated by fuel shortage, the Haitian people continue to find themselves in a difficult

situation where they risk dying from a minor infection since most hospitals are not operating

fully stacked with necessities. According to Kitroeff and Abi-Habib (2021), “Gangs blocking

Haiti's ports, choking off fuel shipments. Hospitals are on the verge of shutting down as

generators run dry, risking the lives of hundreds of children” (para. 1). In any other country

where there is leadership in place, hearing the possibility of anyone dying would prompt the

government to take drastic measures to prevent that from happening. In Haiti, unfortunately, as

Fatton Jr (2011) states, even though the lives of many children are on the line due to leadership

failures to protect them, “politicians manipulate the crisis which always leads to millions of

dollars in property and private asset losses, and millions of people going hungry” (p. 54). That is

a sad reality considering youth is the country's future. But, according to the World Bank, “a child

born in Haiti today will be 45 percent as productive when she grows up as she could be if she

enjoyed complete education and full health (World Bank 2022).” Due to political unrest and the

government's inability to curtail gangs’ activities, education and healthcare are almost

nonexistent in Haiti. The stoppage of fuel subsidies by the government created more problems

and insecurities, which continue to make life more complicated, leaving everyone to question the

very existence of what it means to be Haitian in Haiti and abroad.

Due to the fuel shortages in the country, many sectors that were dealing with other challenges

found themselves in limbo. The healthcare system is one of them. Hospitals cannot provide care

for those in need. Since Haiti does not have a functioning power grid, everything runs on fuel.

According to Kitroeff and Abi-Habib (2021), “cellphone towers going without power, leaving

swaths of the country isolated. And an acute hunger crisis is growing more severe each day”

(para. 1), has taken the country from bad to worse. The fuel shortage has had a devastating

impact on the healthcare system to the point that, as stated by Kitroeff & Abi-Habib (2021), “the

machines sustaining the children’s life will stop running and the entire hospital will have to shut

down,” (para. 12). The stoppage of fuel subsidies, a decision made by the current prime minister,

Ariel Henry, without adequate planning nor a backup plan to absorb and minimize the impact on

the Haitian people in their most desperate needs- is another sign of leadership failures.

Additionally, the education sector, paralyzed and unable to start the school year in September,

puts children in a precarious situation regarding their education. Another fallout of the fuel

shortages which is a result of Ariel Henry’s subsidies cut at a time when the Haitian people

could barely afford a loaf of bread. In a country like Haiti, even though education is a luxury, it

is nevertheless critical to changing the socio-economic landscape. When it comes to education in

Haiti, (Diaz et al., 2008) note the following:

Education is a crucial condition for growth that brings more than just skilled labor to an

economy. Education also benefits nutrition, health, and empowerment of girls and

poverty. It offers hope that children will help families break the vicious cycle of poverty.

Access to education in Haiti has declined recently, and disparities between urban and

rural enrollment have worsened (p. 15).

That was in 2008. We are in 2023, and the education system is worse off than in 2008.

According to (Gedro et al., 2021), “In Haiti, private schools dominate 80 % of the learning

institutions in primary education, and 75% of the institutions in secondary education are private

schools (Hebblethwaite, 2020)” (p. 3). Additionally, the government has not done much to help

alleviate the burden of the cost of education on parents. Education, which should not be a luxury,

remains a luxury in Haiti. As (Gedro et al., 2021) state, the Ministry of Education gives

extremely little capital to sustain public education, and the private sector has become a substitute

for governmental public financial investment in learning” (p. 3). In a country with that poverty

level, one may wonder how the Haitian people can afford to pay for school when they barely

have enough to eat daily. The lack of education is real in Haiti; to many, it remains out of reach

in 2023.

Another basic necessity that Haiti struggles with is clean water. Lack of access to clean water led

to cholera's resurgence in Haiti in October 2022. According to Kitroeff and Zehbrauskas (2022),

“The nation's water utility stopped functioning normally, and clean water became scarce in its

large slums” (para. 14). Due to the government’s inaction, cholera is back in Haiti. As Kitroeff

and Zehbrauskas (2022) states, “Cholera spreads through contaminated water and is relatively

easy to treat with simple rehydration” (para. 8). The government is unable to curtail gangs’

violence preventing the health professional from providing desperately needed care to cholera

patients, has led to many dying from a disease that can be treated with simple rehydration. That

is another instance that speaks to the leadership failures this research aimed to explore. As the

leadership failures keep piling on, the perception of leadership by the Haitian people of their

leaders is paramount to understanding the complexity of leadership in Haiti.

 Perception of leadership by the Haitian people

The perception of leadership by the Haitian people is vital to understanding why after so many

years, they still tolerate the kind of leadership failures that do not do much to change the socio-

economic situation of Haiti. Perhaps, different aspects of leadership need to be explored in order

to gain knowledge of why leadership failures in Haiti, is a continuous struggle for the Haitian

people. Briscoe (2022) explores different aspects of leadership in poverty, mainly focusing on

community-based leadership. Additionally, the focus of the case study was “supporting the

development of localized leadership, which requires a better understanding of how leaders and

leadership are conceptualized among community members” (p. 140). The conception aspect of

leadership by community members is similar to my main goal of exploring the perception of

leadership failures by the Haitian people. The participants in Briscoe’s case study were “the

Haitian Dominicans and stateless Haitians living in the three Bateyes of Muñoz. ‘The Bateyes’—

another name for ghetto—have been traditionally populated with both documented and

undocumented Haitians” (p.143). Her case study is relevant to my research because “what makes

this community unique is its large Haitian population, which is composed of naturalized citizens,

immigrants, and stateless persons” (p. 143).

The case study was conducted using ““semi-structured interviews”” emphasizing six main

categories: the few categories that caught my attention are: “a) how the participants see

themselves as leaders in the community and b) their thoughts about leadership as well as their

engagement in leading their community” (p. 144). The case study is essential in the quest to

understand the perception of leadership by Haitians. Additionally, it offers excellent insights into

the struggle of Haitians living in a foreign country (Dominican Republic), even though it is on

the same island linked to the leadership failures that my research seeks to explore.
For my research, this section was completed using a qualitative research method. Seven

interviewees participated, answering fifteen questions about their perception of leadership in

Haiti, as well as how they are affected by the continuous failure of leadership in Haiti. Their

recorded responses were used to corroborate and correct the record where needed and then

transcribed and translated for comparison and analysis.

Summary

Leadership in Haiti, Leadership, Leadership failures, The role of corruption in the lack of

leadership, Poverty level in Haiti, Lack of access to essential services, perception of leadership

by the Haitian people. There are many articles, debates, and research conducted in the field of

leadership failure and its impact on associated responsibilities. Yet, the situation in Haiti has

been so complex that the perception of leadership failure has to be explored through different

lenses to come up with an understanding of what it is and what can be done about it. The

limitations of previous studies did not shine enough light on the perception of leadership failures

in Haiti.

The primary literature review conducted- provides a broad view of Haiti from its independence,

through its ups and downs, as well as how poverty, mainly driven by corruption- to where Haiti

is right now as a country struggling to get out of a very dire situation after the assassination of

the last democratic elected president, Jovenel Moise. The lack of access to education and basic

infrastructure has crippled Haiti, which is on the brink of collapse. While I understand and gain

valuable knowledge conducting the literature review, I am left wondering, as a researcher, why

the perception of the Haitian people through a personal account of the continuous leadership

failures in Haiti- has not been addressed in more detail. This research aimed to provide a
personal account of the perception of the Haitian people of their leaders through interviews. The

main goal of the exploration is to understand and, if applicable, provide support and help through

recommendations based on the findings of this research.

Chapter 3- Methodology

This qualitative research focused on exploring the perception of leadership failures that led to the

socio-economic situation in Haiti. Before conducting this research, I applied for and received

ethical approval from my academic institution. I chose to conduct this research to focus on the

perception of leadership failures that led to the current socio-economic situation in Haiti and its

impact on the daily lives of the Haitian people using a small sample size which included Haitian

currently living in Haiti and abroad and additional first-hand accounts through daily news

coverage in Haiti. The selection process involved seven Haitians who live in Haiti and recently

began living abroad, identified as the target population for this research. The participants were

recruited via email and based on recommendations of volunteers who also participated in this

research as part of the small sample size. Before the interviews, informed consent was obtained

from each identified and selected participant. The participants were allowed to ask any questions

they may have had before the interview.

Additionally, each participant chose and scheduled the interview with me as the principal

investigator at a time that was convenient for them. Upon final agreement based on informed

consent and scheduling, a Zoom meeting took place for each face-to-face interview accordingly.

Using the Zoom platform facilitated the recording of each session which was then downloaded

and saved on a password-protected drive of the principal investigator. Each participant answered

fifteen questions during the hour-long interview. The main objective of the research sought to
acquire an understanding of how people in Haiti perceive their leadership. The fifteen questions

aimed to facilitate an open-minded discussion, where interviewees were free to speak/answer

authentically to the designed questions in Appendix A.

There was no release of identifiable data of participants, and no existing data was used in this

research. Participants’ identity was protected because all questions answered- remained fully

anonymous. To ensure the confidentiality and privacy of the participants, their data was de-

identified using the code Esample1 to Esample7. French or Haitian Creole were used to conduct

each interview. Interpreters were not needed because the principal investigator speaks the native

languages (French and Haitian Creole) fluently. Oral information in responses to the questions

asked was captured by recording via Zoom. The recording was used to corroborate/correct the

record where needed.

The information collected during each interview was transcribed and translated into English for

comparison and analysis. Ultimately, the goal was to understand in the hope of providing

recommendations based on the findings. Additionally, assist where applicable if the opportunity

presents itself in the future by using the results to understand and theorize ways to help the

Haitian people fill the leadership void. A mixture of qualitative (response-based, unguided) and

quantitative questions (response based, guided) were presented to the participants to gauge their

perception of their leaders and leadership regarding the leadership failures in Haiti. The

questions were expanded upon the examples outlined in Appendix A.

Chapter 4- Findings

This qualitative research focused on exploring the perception of leadership failures that led to the

socio-economic situation in Haiti. I chose to conduct this research to focus on the perception of
leadership failures that led to the current socio-economic status in Haiti and its impact on the

daily lives of the Haitian people. The research used a small sample size that included Haitians

living in Haiti and abroad. Additionally, first-hand accounts through daily news coverage in

Haiti were used to understand the current reality in the country regarding the leadership failures

that continue to hinder the aspiration of the Haitian people.

The analysis of the data collected from the seven interviews conducted in this research yielded

several commonalities that will be discussed in depth further:

● weak justice system,

● self-interest of Haitian politicians,

● corruption,

● the lack of a solid education system,

● and lack of constructive collaboration amongst leaders to change the direction of Haiti for

the better).

As I look into the data collected from the seven interviews that I had the opportunity to do, one

commonality that I see in each data set reviewed and analyzed is the need for a robust justice

system where corruption and impunity are not as normalized as they are in Haiti. One leadership

failure that has led to the current socio-economic situation in Haiti is the lack of accountability.

All the interviewees agree that the leaders in the country have not been held accountable for their

actions, which has resulted in a lack of trust between the people and the people elected to serve

them. This lack of confidence has led to a lack of investment in the country, which has

contributed to the poor state of the economy. The lack of a functioning and fair justice system
plays a massive role in that and has resulted in a country where, if you are rich and powerful, you

are less likely to be held accountable by the system.

Politicians and people in a position to do so take great advantage of that, while the people at the

bottom of the food chain are not even afforded justice in instances where it is warranted. To most

interviewees, Haiti is a failed state where the government is powerless, and the gangs do as they

see fit. The Haitian people's desire to see an equal and proportional response to all the terrors that

the teams have been able to bring to the doors of all has yet to become a reality, while the current

leaders in Haiti act as if everything is fine and going as smooth as it can be. The leaders seem to

be concerned by everything but the start of working on behalf of the Haitian people as opposed

to their agenda. The absence of a robust justice system has propelled corruption to new heights

where Haitian politicians2 and elites are being sanctioned by the international community for

their involvement in many forms of corruption and the instability ravaging Haiti.

Another common theme is the self-interest of Haitian politicians, which is connected to

corruption and shows in every data set reviewed and analyzed. One of the significant leadership

failures that have led to the current socio-economic situation in Haiti is corruption. Corruption

has been rampant in the country, affecting all aspects of life. All the interviewees agree that

corruption3 has led to the mismanagement of public resources, which has resulted in the poor

state of the country's infrastructure, health, and education systems. The corruption runs so deep

that it is the main contributor to the weak institutions that continue to hinder the development of

Haiti. One example is when a young Haitian starts public service, they usually do not get paid for

months. I can only imagine not being paid for months while I continue to go to work every day,

2 Based on press releases by the U.S. Department Of The Treasury on April 5, 2023.
https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy1389
3 https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Appendix-C-Developments-in-Haiti-004977.pdf
hoping today will be the day I get paid. While that is a reasonable expectation, that hope does not

factor in the obligations that must be met daily financially to keep hoping. From the

accumulation of debts to a clear path to enter the corruption avenue, people in that situation often

find themselves trapped.

Being trapped in a situation like that only exuberates the need to start thinking outside of the box

from the service that you are paid to provide free of charge, requesting others to pay you for the

simple act of doing something that should be free of the extra money added to the process. That

extra money never goes to the government's revenue. It stays with the person orchestrating the

act and, at times, with the support of higher public service officials. That is how corruption starts

at the lowest level. The survival aspect involved in that- makes me wonder why no one seems to

care enough to want it to change.

The answer to this question is straightforward, and it finds roots in the lack of accountability

from top to bottom at every level of the government. Corruption itself exists in every known

activity where humans are at the center. The difference that I noticed based on the interviews and

other reporting done in that category relies on the fact that in almost every country, impunity is

not tolerated. In Haiti, impunity is normalized to the highest level, as shown after the brutal

killing of President Jovenel Moise, which remains unsolved due to a weak and corrupt justice

system.

According to the legal authority of the government's Anti-Corruption Unit (ULCC):

The judicial system generally oversees corruption cases. Still, the Senate prosecutes high-

level officials and parliament members accused of official crimes. Law enforcement

authorities and the government's anti-corruption agencies have launched several

 corruption investigations since January 2015, but no administration has prosecuted a

high-level official for corruption. Despite many reports of widespread corruption

associated with the PetroCaribe program, the alleged scandal has yet to result in a single

prosecution (2022).

Additionally, public records in the archives in Haiti show that there has not been a trial for any

acts that rise to the level of a civil or criminal offense in the justice system for at least a decade.

At times, the accuser is in charge, challenging impartiality. Being accused without due process is

wrong. Being accused and at the same time being in control of the due process often leads to no

method to get to the bottom of whatever it is or may not be is why Haiti continues to strive for

impunity, as shown in the many reports published by ULCC.

The lack of a solid education system is another common theme that all the interviewees agree is

tied to why it seems so difficult for the Haitian leaders to collaborate for the betterment of Haiti.

According to the data, the answers to that question present their challenges due to the many

contributing factors involved in why Haiti, unlike other countries, has been unable to join the

roadmap to essential development. According to USAID, currently, the majority of Haitians4

lack access to quality education, a prerequisite for sustained social and economic development.

Haiti has faced significant challenges in establishing and maintaining a solid education system.

The lack of a robust education system has profoundly impacted the country's development, social

mobility, and human capital. One of the critical issues is the low level of access to education in

Haiti. Many children, particularly those from disadvantaged backgrounds, struggle to access

quality education. Poverty, lack of infrastructure, inadequate school facilities, and distance to

schools contribute to low enrollment rates.

4 https://www.usaid.gov/haiti/documents/usaidhaiti-education-fact-sheet-january-2020
According to UNICEF, only about half of school-aged children in Haiti are enrolled in primary

education, and the situation worsens at higher levels of education. The quality of education is

also a concern. The availability of trained teachers, teaching materials, and appropriate curricula

is very limited in many schools. Teacher shortages, lack of professional development

opportunities, and inadequate teacher-student ratios further hamper the quality of education

provided. This has had a direct impact on the learning outcomes of students and their

preparedness for higher education or the job market.

Additionally, the education system in Haiti faces challenges related to governance and financing.

Limited public investment in education, coupled with a lack of efficient allocation and

management of resources, affects the overall functioning and quality of schools. Weak

governance, corruption, and mismanagement of funds also hinder the development of a solid

education system. All, regardless of how you look at it, have a direct link to the continuous

leadership failures in Haiti.

Chapter 5- Conclusions, Discussion, and Recommendations

This qualitative research examined the role of corruption, perception, and leadership failures that

transpired to create the current socio-economic situation in Haiti. The impact on the daily lives of

the Haitian people also came into the frame- in the hope of better understanding their ties to the

leadership failures in question. Also analyzed was the role of leadership and its perception by the

Haitian people. Face-to-face interviews with seven participants and additional first-hand

accounts through daily news coverage of Haiti offered a greater understanding of the perception

of the Haitian people of their leaders regarding the failures outlined in this research. This

research provided the path for more research to understand why leadership failures continue to
hinder the aspiration of the Haitian people. This task was by no means simple, but the hope was

to understand first, then, as applicable, seek to identify a better path forward through research-

based recommendations.

The interpretation of the data collected leads to the conclusion that Haiti has long struggled with

a weak justice system, which has had significant consequences for the country and its people.

The justice system in Haiti has been plagued by corruption, inefficiency, and a lack of resources,

leading to widespread impunity and a lack of trust in the system. Crime is one of the most

significant challenges facing the Haitian justice system. It has infiltrated all levels, from law

enforcement to the judiciary, hindering the fair and impartial administration of justice. Bribery,

political interference, and nepotism are common, undermining the rule of law and eroding public

confidence. The inefficiency of the justice system is another primary concern.

Delays in the processing of cases are rampant, resulting in prolonged pretrial detention and a

substantial backlog of cases. The lack of trained personnel, inadequate infrastructure, and limited

resources contribute to this problem. This inefficiency not only denies justice to victims but also

contributes to overcrowded prisons, as individuals may spend years in pretrial detention without

being convicted. Additionally, there is a lack of access to justice for many Haitians, particularly

those from marginalized communities. The high costs associated with legal representation,

coupled with limited legal aid services, mean that many individuals cannot afford or access legal

assistance. This leads to a significant disparity in the ability to seek justice, further exacerbating

the weak justice system.

The weak justice system in Haiti has profound implications for human rights, the fight against

corruption, and the country's overall stability. Without a solid and independent judiciary, it is
challenging to hold individuals accountable for human rights abuses, combat crime effectively,

and foster a sense of security and justice among the population. Addressing these issues requires

a comprehensive approach that includes tackling corruption, improving infrastructure and

resources, enhancing legal education, and training, and expanding access to justice for all

Haitians. International support and cooperation are crucial in assisting Haiti in strengthening its

justice system and promoting the rule of law. Not having a solid justice system allows the self-

interest of Haitian politicians to flourish at the peril of their citizens.

Like in any country, there have been instances in Haiti where politicians have prioritized their

self-interests over the general population's welfare. Corruption, nepotism, and a focus on

personal gain have been prevalent among some Haitian politicians, leading to detrimental effects

on governance, public trust, and socio-economic development. Corruption is one of the most

significant challenges in Haiti, and it often involves politicians abusing their positions of power

for personal enrichment. This can be embezzlement, bribery, kickbacks, and misappropriation of

public funds. Such acts divert resources that could have been used for public services,

infrastructure, and poverty alleviation, exacerbating the country's socioeconomic challenges.

Nepotism is another issue that has been observed among Haitian politicians. Some politicians

have appointed family members or close associates to key government positions, disregarding

merit and transparency. This not only undermines the principles of fairness and equal

opportunity but also leads to the concentration of power within a select few, limiting democratic

participation and fostering a sense of entitlement among the political elite. Furthermore, some

politicians in Haiti have prioritized their political survival and personal interests over addressing

the pressing needs of the population.

Political instability and power struggles have, at times, overshadowed the implementation of

necessary reforms and policies that could promote long-term development and improve the lives

of Haitian citizens. It is important to note that while there have been cases of self-interest and

corruption among Haitian politicians, it does not reflect the actions or motivations of all

politicians in the country. Many politicians in Haiti are dedicated to serving their constituents

and working to improve society. It is crucial to distinguish between those who act in their self-

interest and those who genuinely strive for the well-being of the Haitian people.

To address the issue of self-interest among politicians, building strong institutions, promoting

transparency and accountability, and empowering civil society organizations are vital.

Strengthening anti-corruption measures, enhancing oversight mechanisms, and promoting ethical

conduct in politics can contribute to curbing self-serving behaviors and fostering a culture of

public service among politicians. Additionally, enabling a more inclusive and participatory

political system that encourages the engagement of diverse voices and holds politicians

accountable to their constituents can help address self-interest in politics. Not being able to do

that leads to normalizing corruption at every level.

Corruption is a significant issue in Haiti and has had a detrimental impact on the country's

development, governance, and overall well-being of its people. Haiti consistently ranks poorly in

global corruption indexes, indicating the extent of the problem. Corruption in Haiti permeates

various sectors, including the government, judiciary, law enforcement, and business. It takes

multiple forms, such as bribery, embezzlement, fraud, nepotism, and favoritism. These practices

undermine the rule of law, erode public trust in institutions, and divert resources that could be

used for public services and development projects.

One area where corruption is particularly prevalent is public procurement. Government contracts

are often awarded without fair competition or transparent processes, allowing for kickbacks and

inflated costs. This not only leads to the mismanagement of public funds but also hinders the

efficient delivery of essential services, such as infrastructure development, healthcare, and

education. Another consequence of corruption in Haiti is the lack of accountability for human

rights abuses. Impunity is a persistent problem, as individuals with political connections or

wealth can evade justice, regardless of their involvement in criminal activities. This creates a

culture of impunity and undermines citizens' trust in the justice system.

Corruption also affects the business environment in Haiti, deterring both domestic and foreign

investments. The prevalence of bribery and extortion can make it difficult for businesses to

operate transparently and sustainably. This hampers economic growth, job creation, and poverty

reduction efforts. Addressing corruption in Haiti requires a comprehensive approach that

includes legal reforms, institutional strengthening, and robust anti-corruption measures. This

includes enhancing transparency and accountability in public administration, establishing

effective oversight mechanisms, and promoting a culture of integrity and ethical conduct.

International cooperation and support are crucial in the fight against corruption in Haiti.

Assistance from the international community can help strengthen institutions, provide technical

expertise, and promote good governance practices. Additionally, empowering civil society

organizations, supporting investigative journalism, and protecting whistleblowers can contribute

to exposing and combating corruption effectively. It is important to note that tackling corruption

is a long-term endeavor that requires sustained efforts and commitment from all stakeholders.

Efforts to address corruption should be coupled with broader development initiatives to create an

enabling environment that promotes transparency, accountability, and the rule of law in Haiti.
Doing that will ensure that corruption stops affecting the quality of education that children,

although not all, can receive as a fundamental human right.

Haiti has faced significant challenges in establishing and maintaining a solid education system.

The lack of a robust education system has profoundly impacted the country's development, social

mobility, and human capital. One of the critical issues is the low level of access to education in

Haiti. Many children, particularly those from disadvantaged backgrounds, struggle to access

quality education. Poverty, lack of infrastructure, inadequate school facilities, and distance to

schools contribute to low enrollment rates. According to UNICEF, only about half of school-

aged children in Haiti are enrolled in primary education, and the situation worsens at higher

levels of education.

The quality of education is also a concern. The availability of trained teachers, teaching

materials, and appropriate curricula is limited in many schools. Teacher shortages, lack of

professional development opportunities, and inadequate teacher-student ratios further hamper the

quality of education provided. This has a direct impact on the learning outcomes of students and

their preparedness for higher education or the job market. Additionally, the education system in

Haiti faces challenges related to governance and financing. Limited public investment in

education, coupled with a lack of efficient allocation and management of resources, affects the

overall functioning and quality of schools. Weak governance, corruption, and mismanagement of

funds also hinder the development of a solid education system.

The consequences of a weak education system are far-reaching. It perpetuates cycles of poverty

and inequality, limiting opportunities for social and economic advancement. Access to quality

education is necessary for individuals to be equipped to participate effectively in the labor

market, hindering economic growth and sustainable development in the country. Addressing the

challenges in Haiti's education system requires a multi-faceted approach. This includes

increasing investment in education, improving infrastructure and school facilities, ensuring

access to trained and qualified teachers, and developing a relevant and inclusive curriculum.

Efforts should also promote equitable access to education for marginalized populations, such as

girls, children with disabilities, and those in rural areas.

Reforms in education governance and management are crucial to address issues of transparency,

accountability, and efficiency. Strengthening teacher training and professional development

programs, as well as investing in educational technologies and resources, can help improve the

quality of education. Collaboration with international partners and organizations can provide

support regarding expertise, resources, and best practices. Overall, a solid education system is

essential for Haiti's future development, and concerted efforts from all stakeholders, including

the government, civil society, and the international community, are needed to address the

challenges and ensure quality education for all Haitian children. Perhaps, the lack of meaningful

collaboration amongst Haitian leaders to change the country's direction to a better path may be

connected to the lack of a solid education system in Haiti.

The lack of meaningful collaboration among Haitian leaders has been a significant obstacle to

effecting positive change and driving the country in a new direction. Political divisions, personal

rivalries, and a lack of consensus on critical issues have hindered formulating and implementing

cohesive policies and reforms. One factor contributing to the lack of collaboration is the highly

polarized nature of Haitian politics. Political parties and leaders often prioritize their interests

and agendas over the common good, leading to a fragmented political landscape. This
fragmentation hampers the ability to build broad-based coalitions and consensus on critical

issues.

Furthermore, the frequent changes in political leadership in Haiti, including frequent government

turnover and challenges to the legitimacy of elected officials, have disrupted continuity and

hindered long-term planning. These political transitions often lead to disruptions in governance,

policy discontinuity, and a lack of stability, making it challenging to sustain collaborative efforts

toward meaningful change. The absence of a strong culture of dialogue and compromise among

Haitian leaders also contributes to the lack of collaboration. Sometimes, personal rivalries and

animosities overshadow the need for cooperation and compromise. This hinders the development

of a shared vision and the ability to work together towards common goals.

In addition to these internal challenges, external influences and interventions have also played a

role in exacerbating divisions and hampering collaboration. Political interference from external

actors, competing geopolitical interests, and aid dependency have, at times, fueled divisions

among Haitian leaders, making it difficult to foster a unified approach to addressing the country's

challenges. To facilitate meaningful collaboration among Haitian leaders, several steps can be

taken. First, there is a need for strong leadership committed to prioritizing the national interest

over personal and partisan interests. Leaders who can rise above political divisions, bridge

ideological gaps, and promote a culture of collaboration are crucial. Promoting dialogue and

creating platforms for constructive engagement among political leaders, civil society

organizations, and other stakeholders can help build trust and facilitate consensus-building. This

can involve inclusive and transparent processes for policy development and decision-making,

where diverse voices and perspectives are heard and considered.

For comparison, I looked into Colombia as a country with insecurities and impunity, similar to

Haiti since 1964 and up to 2016. From the arms conflict to the war on drugs, Colombia went

through a very dark time, identical to what Haiti has been going through for almost three decades

and counting. As I looked through what transpired and the collective efforts made to change

Colombia into the country it is today, two critical factors came into frame.

1. The involvement and willingness of Colombian people to change Colombia from how it

was before to what it is today.

2. The involvement and efforts made by the international community, mainly the United

States, to help push the change in Colombia.

Colombia had come a long way since the 1990s, when it was known for drug cartels and gang

violence. The country has transformed in recent years, and today it is a popular tourist

destination with a thriving economy. This transformation results from a combination of factors,

including government initiatives, private sector investment, and the resilience of the Colombian

people. One of the critical factors in Colombia's transformation was the government's

commitment to improving security. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, the government launched a

series of initiatives aimed at combating drug trafficking and reducing violence. These initiatives

included increasing the size and effectiveness of the police force, cracking down on corruption,

and investing in social programs to address poverty and inequality.

Another critical factor was the growth of the private sector. As the government made progress in

reducing violence, entrepreneurs saw opportunities to invest in the country. This led to the

development of industries such as tourism, technology, and manufacturing, which helped to

diversify the economy and create new jobs. The resilience of the Colombian people was also
crucial in the country's transformation. Despite their challenges, Colombians remained optimistic

and committed to building a better future. This was evident in the growth of civil society

organizations, which played a crucial role in addressing social issues and promoting democracy.

Today, Colombia is a popular tourist destination known for its vibrant culture, beautiful

landscapes, and friendly people. The country has also become a hub for business and innovation,

with a growing tech sector and a thriving startup scene. In conclusion, Colombia's transformation

from a country plagued by violence and instability to a flourishing tourist destination and

economic powerhouse is a testament to the resilience and determination of its people. The

government's commitment to improving security, the growth of the private sector, and the

strength of the Colombian people all played essential roles in this transformation. Today,

Colombia is a shining example of what can be achieved when a country comes together to build

a better future.

The assistance that Colombia benefited via Plan Colombia5 that the United States played a

significant part in is perhaps an example of what can be possible in Haiti. Of course, it has to

start with the willingness of the Haitian people to choose that part and, most importantly, to work

towards securing a better future for themselves. International actors and the broader international

community can support this by encouraging and facilitating dialogue, providing technical

assistance, and promoting good governance practices. However, external interventions must

respect Haiti's sovereignty and prioritize the empowerment of Haitian leaders and institutions.

Ultimately, fostering meaningful collaboration among Haitian leaders requires a long-term

commitment to inclusive and participatory governance, institutional strengthening, and building

a culture of dialogue and compromise. By working together, Haitian leaders can overcome their

5 https://www.usglc.org/media/2017/04/USGLC-Plan-Columbia.pdf
differences, prioritize the common good, and steer the country toward a more prosperous and

stable future.

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Appendix A- Interview Questions

1) For someone who does not know much about the reality of living in Haiti, can you please
paint the current picture that reflects the current fact in Haiti?
2) What is your view of leadership in Haiti?

3) Is there anything you would like leadership to understand about the daily struggles of the
people of Haiti? If yes, what are those things? If No, why?

4) Do you think there is a path forward out of the current situation? If Yes, what is the path? If
No, why do you believe there is no path?

5) How does leadership in Haiti help or hinder progress for the Haitian people?

6) In your own experience, what are some barriers (s) to better leadership in Haiti?

7) Why are Haitian leaders not held accountable for their failures?

8) How do the current kidnapping and insecurities affect your life daily?

9) Can you please provide some examples of how the current socio-economic situation in Haiti
affects your life daily?

10) Have you recently thought about leaving the country? If Yes, why? If No, why?

11) In the past five years, in your own opinion, do you believe that Haiti has taken a step
backward? If yes, how? If not, explain by providing some examples.

12) Do you think the lack of education opportunities impacts leadership failures? On a scale of 1-
5, 1 being Not at All, 5 being Definitely?

13) How are you coping with the insecurities ravaging the country?

14) On a range of 5 to 20 years, how long do you think it will take for Haiti to have a functioning
and prosperous country? Please explain why?

15) Do you think the international community should do more or less to help Haiti? If Yes, what
do you think the international community should do? If No, what do you think the international
community should do instead?