Last week I suggested to my good friend Alex Magaisa that

as a lawyer, he ought to look at the Auditor General’s report

and many such related reports and break them down in a
simple manner and language that we can all understand.

I am glad that the good Doc has done just that with the
Auditor General’s report and he has promised to do the
same with any other such new reports in order for us to
understand them fully.

It is pertinent for us here but more importantly, for our people

in rural areas and townships to understand that the real
source of their economic problems is the government that
nurtures and incubates Corruption, Incompetence,
Nepotism, Theft and Mismanagement.

For too long we have allowed the false and pathetic narrative
of Sanctions to be used as an excuse to explaining grand
theft that now includes US$3 billion that can’t be accounted
for under this present government.

Please read the article below and share it in your family

groups and make sure that your relatives in rural areas get
to read it too, explain it to them if necessary.

I have also created Whatsapp Groups where you can get the
BSR article by Alex Magaisa in PDF form.

Please simply join the Whatsapp group and get the

document then exit, don’t stay in the group, this allows
others to join and get the article too.

Share the PDF article as widely as you can within your many
groups and networks, the growth of corruption affects all of
us.
Corruption is responsible for NO electricity, NO jobs, NO
clean running water, NO food security, NO decent salaries,
NO medicines in public hospitals, NO Passports, NO books
in schools, NO national airline, NO good roads the list goes
on.

Those fighting this war will be ruthlessly attacked with lies

and smear campaigns by the corrupt elites because they are
powerful, but that is the price we pay for fighting EVIL!

WhatsApp Groups:
Group 1
https://chat.whatsapp.com/EFxvvqC4C1W4QNQ3YzbmL0

Group 2
https://chat.whatsapp.com/BPDR67kG1eg2UrM3rkogD6

Group 3
https://chat.whatsapp.com/IRs3IPrP8FjFWAoL4qEEPR

Group 4
https://chat.whatsapp.com/CDkoAYLibc6Cugg3OSe1OP

@daddyhope

______________________________________________________________

Big Saturday Read:

Looters' Paradise- Zimbabwe's Road to Perdition

The story of Zimbabwe’s fragile circumstances
cannot be attributed to a single cause
By Alex Magaisa
However, corruption, looting and leakages dominate.
The chief engineers are political elites and their
associates.

Only a handful of wealthy people derive their estates

from legitimate business activities.

There is no private enterprise to justify the

conspicuous consumption evident among the elites.

Very often tales of corruption and looting are couched

in little anecdotes.

However, once each year, the Auditor General, who is

the chief auditor of governmental affairs presents a
review of her work. Her name is Mildred Chiri.

She has been at it for years. Unfortunately, her

reports have barely won any serious attention in the
corridors of power. Her output is probably dismissed
as functional nuisance.

Beyond government, civil society activists and

opposition who should take an active interest are
probably daunted by the volume of the reports.
Newspapers pick a few highlights but there is no
sustained investigation of issues arising.
Anyone researching the kleptocratic tendencies of the
Zimbabwean regime should take interest in the AG’s
reports.

More importantly, the AG’s reports should be

compulsory reading for law enforcement authorities -
the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission, Police
and the National Prosecuting Authority.

The reports present a big picture of the state of

corruption and looting in the public sector.

Law enforcement authorities should be concerned by

the criminality revealed in the reports.

While the Mnangagwa government has made anti-

corruption one of its flagship policies, the rhetoric has
not been matched by action.

Nearly two years after taking power and promising to

clamp down on corruption, the results have been
woefully disappointing.

There is not a single high profile conviction. A few low

level convictions in the lower courts are on appeal.

This week, Mnangagwa appointed new members of

the ZACC, the anti-corruption body. The old ZACC
was disbanded last year, with the incumbents
resigning en masse - most likely forced to jump.
With a new ZACC much is expected and much has
been promised, but the public is still skeptical partly
because of previous history of inaction and also
because of the new board’s composition.

As with most boards of public entities, the new ZACC

has a retired military general among the
commissioners.

Such a figure is largely seen both as a sentry and

gatekeeper for the powerful military sector.

It’s unlikely that ZACC will do anything where military

interests are affected.

Curiously, Gabriel Chaibva, a man who

underwhelmed the nation with a dubious testimony at
the Motlanthe Commission which investigated the
August riots made the cut.

Some see the appointment as a sign of an

unrepentant ZANU PF, ready to reward loyalists and
to pack gatekeepers with pliable members to
safeguard its interests.

The Chairperson of ZACC is a judge of the High Court

but some people have questioned her independence
since she is married to one of the most powerful
members of the Mnangagwa regime, Foreign Minister
SB Moyo, also a retired general.
She has come out fighting to assert her independence
since her appointment.
Her message is that she is not defined by her
marriage to the general, which is a legitimate point.

After her tough talk and apparent readiness to

engage, some will be willing to give her the benefit of
the doubt.

But it will be deeds, not words that will convince

people that she means business and is by no means
captured; that marital association is no restraint on
her fight against corruption.

The jury will be out but not for long. She has a very
short window to prove herself and allay concerns that
this is yet another window-dressing exercise.

The new ZACC comes just weeks after the Auditor

General presented her reports covering 2018 and
previous years.

These reports, as with previous ones that have been

ignored, are very revealing.

If ZACC is serious about its mandate, a thorough

study of the AG’s reports is a good starting point -
compulsory reading for each of the new
commissioners.
There is so much potential criminality in its content
that warrants further investigation.

Although publicly available, the reports are to most

ordinary people too long and probably boring, written
as they are in the dry and functional language of
persons whose primary tools of trade are figures, not
words.

This article highlights key themes of criminality and

misconduct from the report into state-owned entities.

The public may learn a few things about how public

funds are misused and abused while ZACC and
Police might pick a few leads to pursue in their
investigations.

A casual reader wishing to understand corruption in

Zimbabwe and why its institutions have been failing
may also find this useful.

This is, therefore, an account of Zimbabwe’s road to

perdition, as described by the Auditor General.

To be sure it is a financial horror story with jaw-

dropping tales of corruption, skullduggery and gross
negligence.

Framework Of Analysis
Analysing and organising the data has not been an
easy exercise.
The Auditor General’s report is written with details on
each state-owned entity.

I have organised it by picking recurring themes and

then referring to instances where that theme relates to
the different entities.

That way, repetition is avoided but also the

commonality if the issue across the public sector is
highlighted.

This shows that the problems are not random but

systematic. It also means solutions cannot be ad hoc
or entity-specific.

What is needed is a fundamental overhaul of the

entire system; the way we manage public entities.

Theme 1: Goods Paid For But Never Delivered

The report has a number of instances where a public

entity has paid for goods or services in advance but
the goods or services are never delivered.

What is worse is that nothing appears to have been

done over the years by the public entity to recover the
goods or the payment.
And the amounts involved are significant, which
represents a huge loss for the public entity and for the
taxpayer who funds them.

These cases reveal clear abuse of public funds and

suggest criminality on the part of those involved.

ZETDC and Pito Investments

In the first case, ZETDC, a wholly-owned subsidiary

of the power utility ZESA paid $4.9 million to Pito
Investments for the delivery of transformers.

The transaction was done in 2010. Pito Investments

has never delivered the transformers.

Zimbabwe Power Company and Pito Investments

In a second case, in 2016 the same company Pito

Investments was paid $561 935 by Zimbabwe Power
Company, another wholly-owned subsidiary of ZESA.
Again there has been no delivery.

Zimbabwe Power Company and York Investments

In a third case, the Zimbabwe Power Company paid

ZAR196 064 to York Investments for gas but there
has been no delivery.

It is not clear who are the beneficial owners of Pito

Investments and why it was awarded a contract by a
ZESA subsidiary 6 years after it got another large
contract with a member of the ZESA corporate family
in which it had failed to deliver.

How did the same company with such a bad credit

record get a new contract from a member of the
ZESA family?

Serious lines of enquiry are likely to reveal criminality

or at the very least, gross negligence on the part of
public officers and their associates.

ZACC should identify the ultimate beneficial owners of

Pito and York Investments and carry out deeper
investigations into how these contracts were awarded.

The non-delivery of goods after getting fines amounts

to theft of public funds.

Grain Marketing Board and another

In a fourth case, in 2016, the Grain Marketing Board

paid $1 million in advance for maize but this was
never delivered.

The party or parties to whom these funds were paid

is/are not named.

The management’s response to the AG was that their

lawyers had advised them to seek engagement with
the contractor and that engagements were in
progress.

It’s not clear why the lawyers did not recommend

legal action to recover the debt.

It is important to identify the contractor and if it’s a

corporate entity, the beneficial owners.

This might shed more light into why the GMB has
been slow to act.

Ideally, the board of the GMB should be demanding

action from management but it seems the board is
complicit or sleeping on the job.

The solution to this is to recover the money already

paid and to pursue the debtor for willfully misusing
public funds.

It doesn’t make sense that the country is facing food

shortages and will soon be begging for assistance,
yet there is someone who got a million dollars to
deliver maize but never did.

The fact that this debt has not been pursued

vigorously is scandalous.

ZIMSEC and the printing machine

In a fifth case, ZIMSEC, the national examinations

body bought a printing machine and paid $3.1 million
in 2016.

However, there was a balance of 1.3 million which

delayed the commissioning of the machine.

As a result, ZIMSEC outsourced the printing of

examinations papers in 2017 at a cost of
approximately $2.2 million.

This defies both economic and common sense

because the cost of outsourcing the printing the
examination papers was more than the balance for
the printing machine ZIMSEC had bought.

This is an important line of enquiry for ZACC to

pursue.

Another line of enquiry to establish the identity of the

printer to whom the job was outsourced.

They obviously benefited from the continuing

relationship, getting a contract where ZIMSEC could
have paid less for the balance of the machine.

NetOne’s million dollar contract

The sixth case involves NetOne, the mobile network

operator.
It paid $1 million in advance to a contractor without a
performance guarantee.
NetOne management tried to explain this by
suggesting that the production of bankcards for its
mobile money service was an on-going process.

However the AG rightly raised concern over the

absence of performance guarantees before the
prepayments were made because this exposes the
public funds to loss.

This is another case for ZACC to establish the identity

of the contractor and the beneficial owners and
whether in fact this debt has been liquidated.

NSSA, MetBank and Treasury Bills

There is also the case of NSSA and MetBank. The

AG found that in 2017 NSSA invested Treasury Bills
worth $20 million in MetBank against the advice of the
authority’s Risk Management Department.

The advice was based on concerns over the bank’s

financial vulnerability and the high risk of default.

Furthermore, the NSSA board went on to invest a

further $62.25 million worth of Treasury Bills with
MetBank but they were to be utilised only with the
authority of the board.
However, TBs worth $37.35 million were utilised on
the authority of an officer but without the board’s
authorisation. This exposed NSSA to a high risk of
financial loss.

The response by NSSA was lukewarm and

unsatisfactory.

It simply referred to the taking of corrective measures

but did not specify that offenders were or would be
held to account.

It did not explain why this had happened and whether

those who had broken the rules were held
accountable.

There is once again potential for corrupt dealings and

misuse of public funds, which warrants deeper
investigations.

CAAZ and airport furniture

Finally, the Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe was

found to have paid for furniture at the JM Nkomo
International Airport in Bulawayo but this furniture was
not delivered.

The AG recommended legal action for delivery of the

furniture or to recover the money.

A consistent theme in all these cases is that state

entity paid for goods in advance but the goods were
never delivered.

And the worst is this is the bit that is known and

revealed.

An auditor can only do so much. There is enough

information to raise suspicion of criminal dealings or
general misconduct in the use of public funds both by
persons within these entities and outside.

Theme 2: Dubious Donations and abuse of public

funds

It has been known for some time that the ZANU PF

regime has successfully conflated the party and the
state.

The ruling party has generally behaved like a tick,

sucking blood from the state and contaminating it with
disease in the process.

The Auditor General’s reports give concrete

illustrations of this blood-sucking behaviour often
under the guise of “donations”.

It is not only a use of public funds but it also

compromises political processes like elections.

The entity that demonstrates in good detail the abuse

of public funds under the guise of donations is the
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority, which was headed by
Karikoga Kaseke at the relevant time covered by the
audit.

There were several payments made for things that

were completely out of line from the authority’s core
business.

First, in 2013, the ZTA paid up to $22 000 for sewing

machines and “campaign material”.

In 2014 it donated $6 000 to a constituency rally and

a similar amount to a charity dinner.

$5 000 was spent on maize seed donation while

another $5 000 went to a High Court judge event.

The High Court judge is not named and it’s a matter

of interest to ZACC because it presents opportunities
for compromising judicial independence and raises
suspicions of corruption.

By far the biggest expenditure in donations was $50

000 which went to “the wedding” and more on this
shortly.

In 2015 $10 000 went to “the Birthday Dinner” and $5

000 was described as “holiday expenses” for the then
newly deputy minister.
$4 000 went to pay the Minister’s mobile phone bill. A
large amount was described as “ministry-related
expenses”, which included repair of vehicles and
travelling costs for ministerial staff.

The ZTA’s attempts to explain these “donations” were

farcical and ridiculous.

Some of them were described as the “CEO’s social

responsibility”.

This includes a donation of cement, the recipient of

which is not stated. This requires investigation.

The identity of persons involved in what were simply

described as “the wedding” or “the birthday” was not
revealed.

But presumably these were events related to political

elites.
The most high profile wedding around that period was
the wedding of Bona Mugabe, the daughter of the
then President and her husband.

The ZTA tried to justify the wedding donation by

saying “like any other corporate citizens [we] were
invited to the wedding and in line with its core
business the authority pledged a holiday package to
the bride and groom as sponsorship from its
corporate social responsibility budget”.
It is dishonest to justify a wedding gift to a member of
the political elite under the guise of “corporate social
responsibility”.

“The birthday” is likely to have been former President

Mugabe’s birthday, which ZANU PF had turned into a
national event.

The management states that they had bought a table

for 10 ZTA officials “after an invitation to participate at
the Birthday Dinner”.

It is impossible in both cases to justify the use of

public funds for what were essentially personal events
and in any event the ZTA has no business deploying
public funds to such projects.

As for “the charity dinner” at which the ZTA bought a

table for 10 guests, the management’s explanation is
typically obscure and cryptic:
“The ZTA works closely with some stakeholders
hence pledging its support on their activities such as
buying a dinner table”.

It does not state the identity of the “stakeholder” in

this particular instance and what activities it does
which the ZTA was supporting.

While there is a high likelihood that the stakeholder

was ZANU PF to avoid doubt and speculation it would
be good for ZACC to investigate and establish the
identity of this stakeholder.

This would help establish whether public funds were

used properly or misused for purposes that are
prohibited by law.

The “campaign material” and donations of maize seed

and finding a constituency rally all suggest political
activities which reveal potential abuse of public funds
and a violation of electoral laws.

Public entities are supposed to remain apolitical and

objective.

They are prohibited by the constitution from acting in

a manner that gives an advantage to or prejudices a
political party.

The identity of the party that benefited from the

donations is not stated but it is likely to have been
ZANU PF.

The campaign material was described as “a gesture

to the then tourism Patron”, namely the then leader
Mugabe.

This was blatant abuse of public funds for political

ends.
The donation of maize seed was described quite
bizarrely and dishonestly as part of “marketing
domestic tourism to rural folk” and “as part of
enhancing agro-tourism”.

However, in order to avoid any doubt or speculation,

ZACC can easily carry out an investigation into these
issues raised by the Auditor General and establish
identities of the recipients of the ZTA’s so-called
donations.

It would help establish a pattern: were these events

related to one political party or to all parties?

Was the ZTA being partisan in the use of public

funds?
It would help establish whether this was criminal
abuse of public funds and even more whether the
ZTA was involved in bribery contrary to the Electoral
Law.

However, it is the answers that these questions are

likely to yield which will mean ZACC or any other law
enforcement authority will probably do nothing about
them.

The Auditor General also found that NetOne had no

donations policy which meant there was no
accounting for $334 154 between 2017 and 2018.

In the words of the AG, “I was not able to determine

the basis on which amounts totalling $334 154 were
donated”.
The AG rightly raised the risk of “financial loss due to
irregular donations”. These matters require deeper
investigation.

The management’s weak response was that the

company had now adopted a donations policy which
was awaiting board approval.

This does not answer questions over the $334 154

which could not be accounted for.

ZACC can take up this investigation to identify the

nature of donations, the recipients and to determine
their propriety.
Public funds can easily be abused under the
amorphous label of “donations”.

Another company which also made “donations” that

were unaccounted for is Petrotrade which donated
$152 644 which was in excess of the cap of $50 000.

It warrants a similar investigation to establish the

nature of the donation, the recipients and its propriety.

Theme 3: When the gatekeepers run amok

One of the key organs of corporate governance is the

board of directors which is expected to provide
strategic direction to the company and to supervise
and monitor the executive management.
In the case of state entities there is an additional layer
of the relevant Ministry which is responsible for
political accountability and represents the interests of
the shareholder.

With the government as the sole or majority

shareholder in a state entity, the responsibility for
appointing the board lies with the Minister.

The Minister is also responsible for approving certain

decisions such as payment of board fees, allowances
and other benefits.

This is because to leave the board to make such

decisions would result in a conflict of interest.

They would almost always favour their own interests

ahead of the interests of the state-owned entity they
are supposed to serve.

The Public Entities Corporate Governance Act was

enacted to guide and regulate how state-owned
entities are governed.

The system is broken when the board breaks the

rules it is supposed to enforce.

Problems arise when the Minister has a close

relationship with the state-owner entity such that he or
she draws benefits from it with the agreement of the
board and management.
Such cases remove the layers of oversight as all
parties - the minister, the board and management -
are virtually on the same side.

It is hardly surprising that it is the state-owned entity

that suffers from plunder.
The gatekeepers are consuming what they are
supposed to safeguard.

Ultimately, since these are public funds, it is the

taxpayers who carry the losses.

The Auditor General found that at the Grain Marketing

Board the tenure of the board had expired on 14
November 2017 and it had not been formally
extended.

When the Minister was told that the board’s tenure

had expired he simply issued a verbal instruction that
it had been extended.

This was tantamount to having no board at all which

meant there was no lawful oversight. This is no way to
run any company.

Even the tax-collecting agency ZIMRA was found to

have an improperly constituted board.

There were not enough board members which meant

key committees which should be kept separate such
as the Risk and Audit committees were occupied by
the same persons thereby compromising their
performance.

The Tobacco Research Board was also improperly

constituted with only 5 of the required minimum 7
board members.
The management explained that the Minister was not
responding despite repeated requests.

The most common feature reported among the state-

owned entities was the payment of board fees and
allowances without approval by the Minister.

Boards even increased their fees and benefits without

seeking ministerial approval demonstrating a blatant
disregard for oversight rules and exposing public
funds to abuse.

At the Zimbabwe Parks and Wildlife Management

Authority, $11 421 was used for the installation of
WiFi at the individual residences of board members.

This expenditure was not approved by the Minister.

According to the Auditor General, the management of
ZimParks “relied on the Board approval” for the WiFi
installation at board members’ residences.

The management said the WiFi installation was to

ensure easy access to emails.

There are three problems in this situation: first, there

was no approval by the minister which means the
decision was made without proper oversight and they
broke the law.

Second, there was a clear conflict of interest since the

board members made a decision that favoured them
in a matter in which they had a direct interest.

Third, the justification is lame. If a director cannot

afford WiFi in his own residence he is probably not fit
to hold that office.

Imagine a situation in which a person has multiple

directorships in state-owned entities and has such
benefits from each of them.

The Zimbabwe Tourism Authority had many

violations.

The AG found no evidence to show that board fees

after 2013 had been approved by the Minister.

In the 2104 audit, the AG found that executive

directors were getting a monthly fuel allocation worth
$2 000 (equivalent to 1316 litres per month) but found
no grounds for such allocation.

The management’s response was that the fuel

allocation was for “both conditions of service and
operations”, which by all accounts is ridiculous given
the magnitude of the allocation relative to the national
economic conditions.

The ZTA was also paying for various unauthorised

benefits to employees including security services at
staff residences, electricity bills, holiday and
education allowances.

The Robles is that ZIMRA the tax collector found that

these benefits were not being taxed, the ZTA was hit
with a penalty of $706 000.

The board and management failure to comply with

basic tax laws is gross incompetence and someone
must take responsibility for the unnecessary loss of
public funds.

Besides, such lavish packages are outlandish and

wasteful.

They make no sense in a poor country struggling to

make ends meet.

Their counterparts in better resourced countries can

only dream of such largesse from their employer.

It’s abuse of scarce public funds and a review is

needed across state entities where such practices are
rampant.

The lack of ministerial oversight might be explained

by the incestuous relationship between the Ministry
and the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority.

We already saw how the ZTA made numerous

donations to the Ministry under the auspices of
assisting the Minister, his deputy and staff.

For example, the Minister’s phone bill worth $4000

was paid by the ZTA which also funded holiday
expenses for the deputy minister under the guise of a
“familiarisation” tour.

The then Chairman of the Public Service

Commission, Mariyawanda Nzuwa, was also given a
$6000 package as part of “promoting domestic
tourism”.

The audit also revealed that the ZTA was owed $62.8
million by the Ministry.

It had been advanced as a “loan”.

Given the close proximity between the Ministry and

the ZTA, and the apparent dependence of the former
on the latter, it is not surprising that the board and
management misused public funds under the guise of
donations and promoting tourism.

The Tobacco Industry Marketing Board (TIMB) and

the Tobacco Research Board are other state entities
that were found to be paying board fees and
allowances without Ministerial approval.

At the TIMB the board had even paid itself a

performance-related bonus for the year 2015 without
ministerial approval.

Theme 4: Lack of controls

There are more cases of poor controls and

negligence that show how public funds are plundered.

For example, the ZTA was found to have two luxury

vehicles, Mercedes S600 and S350 which were
bought by the authority but were registered in
individual names.

In another case, a ZBC employee was found

receiving the corporation’s funds into his personal
EcoCash account.

The mixing of personal and corporate assets clearly

exposes public funds to abuse.

At Allied Timbers up to 8 bank accounts were in other

persons’ names.

At the GMB the AG found significant variations in the

depot-to-depot transfer of maize which suggested that
there were fraudulent activities taking place when
maize was being moved.
At ZIMSEC, three contracts - for cleaning and security
services and supply of bond paper were signed in
retrospect, suggesting nepotism and corruption.

At ZESA the AG found that the power utility was

paying insurance premiums for goods that did not
exist.

The computers had long been stolen back in 2010,

but years later ZESA were still paying premiums.

At ZUPCO, the AG found that there were 8 properties

without title deeds.

Likewise, Petrotrade claimed to have property in

Epworth but upon inspection the AG found that the
land was occupied and the company had no title
deeds or agreement on sale.

At NSSA the AG found that several posts were filled

without the job being advertised and where it was
advertised, persons who had not applied had been
shortlisted and eventually employed.

NSSA had also engaged an “investment expert”

based in South Africa incurring a bill of more than
$20000 in violation of the governing law which
prohibits employment of non-resident persons.
In probably the most blatant case of impropriety, the
CEO of ZTA was appointed without a contract.
Instead the ZTA used his old contract at the Civil
Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe from where he had
been transferred.

The management explained that they had complied

with an instruction from the Chief Secretary to the
President and Cabinet, Misheck Sibanda who
directed them to take Karikoga Kaseke on the same
terms as his old job offered.

Leakages: Under-declaration of Mineral Exports

While Zimbabweans like to refer to their rich mineral

resources, most will be shocked that the bodies
responsible for ensuring they get maximum value
from them are all at sea when it comes to critical
issues.

According to the AG, the Minerals Marketing

Corporation of Zimbabwe could not provide geological
maps of areas covering its mining claims.

In other words, they have no clue of the very assets

that they are supposed to oversee, control and
protect.

Secondly, there are lots of leakages at ports of exit

when minerals are exported.
This means ZIMRA is failing to collect full mining
royalties due to a combination of lack of proper
systems and knowledge.

The AG found that there were no policies and

procedures for regular inspections in order to verify
production output and sales volumes that are
declared by miners in order to determine royalties.

There was “no structured exports’ clearance

documents and equipment to confirm the mineral
quantity and quality on export declarations at ports of
exit”.

Instead ZIMRA relied on documents provided by

clearing agents.

It is not surprising that there are probably serious

leakages due to under-declaration of mineral exports.

This means the country is getting only a tiny fraction

of what is otherwise due to its coffers.

In other words, a grand heist is taking place right in

front of the gatekeepers.

It is damning when the country’s chief auditor says,

“There is currently no way of confirming the quantities
of raw (ores) minerals being exported”.
The irony is that it is the political elites, the ones who
should be protecting the family silver who are
exploiting the loopholes for personal gain.

This means they are conflicted. They have incentive

to fix the loopholes and plug the leakages because
they are the chief beneficiaries.

Conclusion

The purpose of this BSR was to put together in a

simple and accessible way the detailed information
contained in the Auditor General’s comprehensive
report.

We have only focused on the report of state-owned

entities.

There is a lot more, covering actual government

departments and councils and also some public
companies which we intend to cover in the second
part.

The idea is to make this information more intelligible

to the ordinary person so that people have a better
appreciation of how their funds are misused and
abused by both elected and unelected political elites.

It is also to assist law enforcement agencies,

including the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission,
Police and National Prosecuting Authority to identify
lines of enquiry if they are really serious about fighting
corruption.

WaMagaisa

Wamagaisa@me.com

https://www.bigsr.co.uk/single-post/2019/07/20/Big-
Saturday-Read-Looters-Paradise--Road-to-Perdition