Course Title: Economics of Development in South Asia

Course Code: Eco 353

Section: 1
Topic: “Mandal Commission and its impact on development in India”

Submitted by:

Name ID
MD Khalid Hasan 2020-3-30-005
Farhan Ihsas Farabi 2020-2-30-008
Nusrat Alam 2020-3-30-018
Atef Rashid Khan 2021-1-30 -008

Submitted to:
Parvez Karim Abbasi
Assistant Professor
Department of Economics

Date of Submission: 25 December,2023

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 Table of Content

Table of Contents
Abstract ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3

Introduction and Background…………………………………………………………………………3

Impact of Mandal Commission……………………………………………………………………….4

1.Increased Representation……………………………………………………………………………4

2.Political Empowerment………………………………………………………………………………5

3.Patronage Democracy and Caste and Identity based politics…………………………6

4.Impact of Mandal Commission after 30 years……………………………………………….8

5.The Sachar Committee findings…………………………….…………………………………….9

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………………………….10
Reference…………………………………………………………………………………………………………11

Abstract

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The Mandal Commission's recommendation to institute a 27% quota for Other Backward
Classes (OBCs) in governmental roles and educational institutions catalyzed significant societal
and political shifts in India. As a consequence, OBC representation surged in government
positions, with notable growth in various sectors and states. Additionally, the commission's
influence paved the way for enhanced political empowerment of OBCs, as evidenced by the
rise of OBC-led political parties and influential figures in national and state politics. This political
resurgence, however, also spurred patronage democracy and intensified caste and identity-based
politics, leading to a polarized electoral landscape. The emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) marked a shift towards development-centric politics, though with divisive tactics
targeting minority communities, as exemplified by events like the 2002 Gujarat riots. Despite
these advancements, recent studies and reports highlight lingering disparities and challenges, such
as incomplete OBC representation in government sectors and the socio-economic marginalization
of Muslim communities, especially those not classified as OBCs. The findings emphasize the
necessity for continued introspection and reform to ensure comprehensive and equitable societal
development.

Introduction and Background

The socio-political landscape of India has been significantly influenced by its complex caste
system, deeply ingrained in the country's societal fabric. Historically, this system has relegated
certain communities, particularly those classified as Other Backward Classes (OBCs), to the
margins, depriving them of equal opportunities and representation in various spheres of
life. Recognizing the need to address these inequities, the Mandal Commission in the late 20th
century proposed a revolutionary recommendation: a 27 percent quota for OBCs in government
positions and educational institutions. This quota system, implemented with the intention of
fostering inclusivity, not only reshaped the representation of OBCs in administrative and
educational realms but also catalyzed significant shifts in India's political landscape.

The post-Mandal era witnessed a surge in OBC representation across sectors. From a dramatic rise
in OBC employees in government jobs to increased enrollment in professional courses like
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medicine and engineering, the effects of the Mandal Commission's recommendations became
palpable. Moreover, this transformation was not limited to numbers alone; it ushered in a new era
of political empowerment for OBCs. Leaders like Mayawati, Lalu Prasad Yadav, and Mulayam
Singh Yadav emerged as influential figures, challenging the dominance of upper-caste elites and
establishing OBC-centric political entities.

However, as with any transformative policy, the Mandal Commission's recommendations also
sparked debates and raised pertinent questions about its efficacy and inclusivity. Concerns emerged
regarding the comprehensive representation of various OBC communities and the potential
marginalization of certain groups within this category. Furthermore, while the political landscape
saw the rise of OBC-led parties, it also witnessed the emergence of identity-based politics,
highlighting both the unity and divisions within the broader OBC community.

Parallel to the OBC-centric developments, the Sachar Committee shed light on the precarious
socio-economic conditions of the Muslim community in India. Despite constituting a significant
portion of the population, the Muslim community's socio-economic indicators, as highlighted by
the Sachar Committee, painted a grim picture, emphasizing their marginalized status.
This comprehensive backdrop sets the stage for a nuanced exploration of the implications,
challenges, and evolving dynamics in post-Mandal India, examining the interplay between caste-
based policies, political shifts, and socio-economic realities.

Impact of Mandal Commission

1. Increased Representation

The commission's main suggestion was to adopt a 27 percent quota for Other Backward Classes
(OBCs) in government positions and educational institutions. OBC representation in various
sectors increased dramatically as a result, propelling them into previously held positions of power
and influence held by members of upper castes.

In terms of government jobs, according to research conducted in 1994 by the Indian Institute of
Public Administration, the percentage of OBC employees in government posts rose from 8.5% in
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1979 to 25.5% in 1992, surpassing the legally required 27% reservation. Since OBC populations
and administrative practices differ throughout states, OBC representation varies. For instance,
compared to states like Punjab or Haryana, states with sizable OBC populations, like Bihar and
Tamil Nadu, have higher representation in government jobs. OBC representation in the judiciary
has also witnessed an upward trend. In 2021, OBC judges constituted around 8% of the total judges
in high courts and the Supreme Court.

OBC enrollment in professional courses like medicine and engineering saw a significant rise: from
8% in 1984 to 21% in 1995. Similar trends were observed in other fields, like law and
management. Data suggests a steady increase in OBC enrollment at all levels of education since
the Mandal Commission. For instance, a 2017–18 report by the National Sample Survey Office
(NSSO) found that OBCs constituted 44% of students enrolled in higher secondary schools.

OBC representation in the judiciary has also witnessed an upward trend. In 2021, OBC judges
constituted around 8% of the total judges in high courts and the Supreme Court.

2. Political Empowerment

The recommendations of the Mandal Commission, which were put into practice by creating
reservations in government positions, greatly enhanced the political representation of
underrepresented groups. Reservation policies created a more inclusive political environment by
allowing leaders from the lower classes to rise to prominence in a variety of political arenas. OBC
leaders were instrumental in developing employment, social welfare, and education policies that
improved their communities.

In order to mobilize voters and further their interests, OBC groups established political parties and
associations. For instance, the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh became a strong force thanks to
the backing of the OBC. Prominent OBC political figures like Mayawati (Bahujan Samaj Party),
Lalu Prasad Yadav (Rastriya Janata Dal), and Mulayam Singh Yadav (Samajwadi Party) came to
prominence as a result of the commission's efforts. In addition to gaining national fame and serving
as role models for aspiring OBC politicians, these leaders opposed upper-caste rule. In states with
sizable OBC populations, their parties won sizable electoral victories, which had an impact on
national politics and policy.
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Following the Mandal Commission, the proportion of OBCs in the Indian Parliament and state
legislatures increased gradually. According to data from PRS (PRS Legislative Research) India,
OBCs made up 48% of MPs in the lower house of the Lok Sabha (2019), as opposed to 22% in
1989. Similar patterns were seen in state legislatures, where OBCs have a sizable percentage of
seats in states like Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar.

This also led to the phenomenon known as ‘Mandal vs. Kumandal’. Mandal, in this case, said that
the Mandal Commission inspired the backward caste people to form regional political parties to
further their cause. Because of the Mandal Commission, backward castes had political
mobilization. Kumandal, in this case, means the Mandal Commission inspired the Hindutva strand
of politics. This was one of the reasons the BJP became big in the political sphere. This is because
the forward-caste people felt betrayed by the Congress, which led them to look for alternatives.

Because of this policy of reservation, there was a sense of political empowerment across India,
especially in North India in the Hindi Belt.

3. Patronage Democracy and Caste and Identity based politics

Patron means boss. The clients will vote the patron into office and in return the patron, who will
provide the clients with amenities, jobs, subsidies, and premium agricultural land.

With reservations giving them more power, OBCs avidly pursued political participation.
Specifically targeting OBC populations, new parties such as the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) arose. Prominent OBC leaders emerged from within established
parties like the Congress as a result of their adoption of OBC-attracting tactics. This led to a
multipolar political environment in which parties fought for the allegiance of different caste
groupings. Since no party could win elections by relying only on its caste base, coalition formation
became vital.

In the case of India, patronage democracy prevailed. Regional parties founded based on caste, such
as the BSP and SP in Uttar Pradesh and Janata Dal in Bihar, were emerging. Members of their
caste voted for their politician to hold important positions in the federal government or to power at
the state level.

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The plan was for people to elect a member of their community, and in exchange, that member
would attempt to appropriate as many public assets as possible and distribute them to the
community that supported them. This is how India's patronage democracy became established.
Therefore, these caste-based parties have, at best, a mediocre record of governance when they
come to power. Due to the "Us vs. Them" mentality, these parties continued to gain popularity and
caste members' votes even back then. This is an example of the polarization and fragmentation of
elections. They now had captive voters. Even when corruption, lawlessness, and crimes were
increasing in the states where these caste-based parties operated, their caste members were still
voting for them. The voters did not care about these things, and they kept voting for these caste-
based regional parties regardless of how corrupt and incompetent they were.

It also led to caste- and identity-based politics. Political parties campaigned on issues specific to
different castes, promising them social and economic benefits. This led to a sense of solidarity and
collective action among caste groups, but it also exacerbated existing caste tensions and rivalries.
This also led to "vote bank" politics, where parties focused on consolidating the support of
particular caste groups.

The advent of the BJP and its politics of regionalism initially found support among those from the
advanced caste. They were not supported by OBCs. Subsequently, the BJP began to emphasize
"development first" in their election campaigns, altering their tone. This was the 2014 Modi
election process. This led to development-based politics. Also, this resulted in micro-coalitions.
This indicates that numerous factions existed even within the schedule caste and schedule tribe.
The BJP started to break them up. They claimed that the BJP would be more capable of providing
for their needs than the more established political figures. The BJP dangled religion and progress
as bait. They stated that differences in caste are irrelevant. All that matters is that they identify as
Hindus. It makes no difference if they belong to a higher or lower caste. This shaped the political
dynamics of many states in India.

However, to achieve this, the BJP made Muslims the common enemy. As a result, the OBC,
schedule caste, and schedule tribes came together, forgetting about their shared struggles with
poverty and prejudice. The OBS, schedule caste, and schedule tribe were incited to conduct acts of
violence against Muslims during the riots. One such instance of violence against Muslims occurred

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during the Gujrat riots in 2002, when official estimates state that 1,044 people died as a result of
violence between Muslims and Hindus, of whom 790 were Muslims and 254 were Hindus. 223
people went missing, and another 2,500 suffered injuries. The violence was allegedly encouraged
by Narendra Modi, the current prime minister of India and the former chief minister of Gujarat.
The Gujrat state government was accused of not doing enough to put an end to the disturbances.

4. Impact of Mandal Commission after 30 years:

Experts claim that there is still disparity in the way that various OBC communities benefit from
reservations, nearly 20 years after they were put into place.

In February 2019, a parliamentary subcommittee on the welfare of OBCs discovered that the 27%
of positions set aside for them were not being filled. According to the committee, the data on OBC
representation in central government posts and services as of March 1, 2016, obtained from 78
ministries and departments, showed low OBC occupancy rates in central government ministries.
Based on official government data, 7 lakhs out of 32.58 lakh government employees (which
includes Group A, B, and C) are OBC, or 21 percent of the total, compared to 27 percent. The
largest percentage of OBC workers, 6.4 lakh, or 22.65%, are in Group C, which comprises mainly
the safai karamcharis, i.e., the sanitation department staff.

In October 2017, the administration of Narendra Modi established the Rohini Commission. The
four-member commission, headed by retired Delhi High Court Chief Justice G. Rohini, was tasked
in October 2017 with investigating the issue of subcategorization within OBCs as well as the
implementation of the 27% OBC reservation in employment and education and whether or not all
OBC categories were benefiting from it.

Of the over 6,000 castes and groups classified as OBCs, the panel discovered that only forty of
these communities had received 50% of the reservation advantages for enrollment in centrally
located educational institutions and hiring into the civil service. The panel also discovered that,
between 2014 and 2018, nearly 20% of OBC communities did not receive quota benefits. They
also discovered that the economically stronger OBCs benefited more from the Mandal Commission
recommendations than the castes with the lowest social status.

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 5. The Sachar Committee findings

The Sachar Committee, formed in 2005, assessed the socio-economic and educational status of
Muslims in India. Chaired by Justice Rajindar Sachar, the seven-member High Level Committee
submitted its final report to the Prime Minister on November 17, 2006.

Through this inquiry, it was found that other background caste conditions have marginally
improved, but for the Muslim community, which accounts for 15 to 18 percent of the total
population, their socio-economic status or profile is worse than that of the schedule caste and
schedule tribe in terms of income, education, health outcomes, maternal mortality, and divorce
rate.

There is a presence of Muslim castes in various parts of India, and some Muslim castes are also
included in other background castes and schedule caste groups. Still, the majority of Muslims are
economically alienated. The Muslims are also being politically and socially marginalized.

The situation of Muslims who are not recognized as OBCs and, therefore, are not eligible for
reservations is compared to that of Muslim OBCs in the report. The Mandal Commission
designated a minimum of 82 distinct socioeconomic groups within the Muslim community as
OBCs. 40.7% of Muslims are OBCs, or 15.7% of the nation's total OBC population, according to
the most recent round of the NSSO poll. The report states that "the appallingly low representation
of Muslim OBCs suggests that they have not yet benefited from entitlements meant for the
backward classes." The general Muslim population lives in worse conditions than the OBC Hindus,
who are entitled to reservations. Nonetheless, compared to the overall Muslim population, the
circumstances facing Muslim-OBCs are more dire. The three groups of Muslims in India- ashrafs,
ajlafs and arzals, (in order of “caste” hierarchy) require different types of affirmative action.

6. Impact of Mandal Commission and its Impact on Development in India

The goal of the Mandal Commission was to give India's Other Backward Classes (OBCs) more
chances. The goal of the Mandal Commission was to give India's Other Backward Classes (OBCs)
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more chances. OBCs now have a stronger voice in politics, more opportunities for education and
employment, and a higher social status as a result of this action. However, some people criticized
the Commission for emphasizing caste too much. They argued that this approach further divided
society along caste lines and created competition among different OBC groups for the limited
reserved seats.
In essence, the Commission had both positive and negative impacts. On the positive side, it
increased OBC representation and gave them better access to education and jobs, improving their
social status. But on the downside, it deepened caste divisions, causing tension and turning caste
into a political tool. Here are some of the specific impacts of the Mandal Commission:

 Increased political representation of OBCs

 Improved social mobility for OBCs
 Reinforcement of caste divisions
 Increased social and economic tensions
 Politicization of caste

7. Affirmative action in case of Bangladesh

In Bangladesh, despite the Constitution guaranteeing equality for everyone under the law, there are
specific provisions acknowledging the need for special measures to support women and other
disadvantaged groups. For example:

 Article 28 (4) allows the government to take special steps to help women, children, and
marginalized sections of society.
 Article 29 ensures equal job opportunities but also allows the state to take actions to ensure
fair representation for disadvantaged groups in public employment.
 The constitution's fifteenth amendment increased the number of reserved seats for women
in Parliament to 50, filled through elections by members of Parliament.
 Bangladesh also has special laws, like the Nari O Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain of 2000,
designed to provide extra rights and protection for women and children.

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These measures aim to address the historical disadvantages faced by women and other
marginalized groups, ensuring they have a fair chance at representation and access to opportunities.

In Bangladesh, the government set up a system to reserve jobs for certain groups, following the
Constitution's rules. However, in 2018, due to strong opposition from students, they removed this
system for higher-level public service jobs. Although more women got into public jobs because of
this system, ethnic minorities still aren't well represented. Ending the quota for these top jobs might
be unfair to ethnic minorities, affecting equal opportunities.

Despite the Constitution supporting fair treatment, its implementation in Bangladesh isn't very
strong. Laws also reserve seats for women in local government bodies, ensuring some equality.
Courts have upheld equality rights, like in a case against an airline that had different retirement
ages for male and female employees.

Conclusion

The Mandal Commission significantly altered India's socio-political landscape, elevating OBC
representation in various sectors and spawning influential OBC leaders and parties. While its
impact is evident in increased OBC presence in governance and education, disparities persist.
The Rohini Commission revealed uneven benefits among OBC groups, with more affluent
sections gaining disproportionately. Additionally, the Sachar Committee highlighted the dire
socio-economic challenges faced by non-OBC Muslims. In summary, while the Mandal
Commission advanced OBC empowerment, continued efforts are essential to address
disparities and ensure inclusive growth.

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Reference

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2. https://prsindia.org/files/policy/policy_committee_reports/1242304423-Summary%20of
%20Sachar%20Committee%20Report.pdf
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