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Understanding of The Concept of Uncertai
Understanding of The Concept of Uncertai
To cite this article: Tom Jansen, Liesbeth Claassen, Irene van Kamp & Daniëlle R.
M. Timmermans (2019) Understanding of the concept of ‘uncertain risk’. A qualitative
study among different societal groups, Journal of Risk Research, 22:5, 658-672, DOI:
10.1080/13669877.2018.1503614
Introduction
The concept of ‘uncertain risk’ is used to indicate there is uncertainty about the presence or
existence of risk (Tosun 2013; Van Asselt and Vos 2008; Zander 2010). In environmental health
CONTACT Tom Jansen tom.jansen@rivm.nl Centre for Sustainability, Environment and Health, National Institute for
Public Health and the Environment (RIVM), P.O. box 1, Postvak 10, 3720 BA Bilthoven, The Netherlands
This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.
ß 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/Licenses/
by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
JOURNAL OF RISK RESEARCH 659
the inability to make conclusive statements about the presence or existence of risk can be
the result of different epistemic uncertainties (Jansen et al. 2017). Inconclusive statements,
such as ‘a risk cannot be excluded’, may easily lead to miscommunication and misunderstanding
when parties involved in communication have different perspectives on the meaning specific
risk terminology (e.g. Scheer et al. 2014; Timmermans 1994) and terminology gives rise to differ-
ent associations (Visschers et al. 2007).
The combination of ‘uncertainty’ and ‘risk’ makes the concept and verbal expressions of uncertain
risk especially difficult to understand. At face value, uncertain risk seems to be a pleonasm because risks
are inherently uncertain. It can be questioned whether all parties involved in environmental health risk
communication consistently understand that ‘uncertain risk’ refers to situations in which epistemic
uncertainties prevent conclusive statements about the presence or existence of risk. Therefore, with the
aim of fostering effective risk communication, we research how different societal groups understand the
scientific concept of ‘uncertain risk’. This research hereby joins a line of research and a broader discus-
sion about the (semantic) value of risk concepts such as ‘risk’, ‘uncertainty’ and ‘uncertainty about
uncertainty’ (Aven 2010, 2012, 2014; Aven and Renn 2009; Boholm 2017; Flage and Aven 2015; Jansen
et al. 2017; Mazri 2017; Young, Brelsford, and Wogalter 1990).
The understanding of the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ may be influenced by the interpretation
of two central concepts in risk research: ‘uncertainty’ and ‘risk’ (Collins and Loftus 1975). The
concept of ‘uncertainty’ can be described differently in different situations (Smithson 2012). In
the current article, we adopt the typology and general definition of uncertainty proposed by
Walker et al. (2003). According to Walker and colleagues uncertainty is ‘any deviation from the
unachievable ideal of completely deterministic knowledge of the relevant system’(Walker et al.
2003). Two types of uncertainty are generally distinguished. First, epistemic uncertainties refer to
uncertainty from a lack of, or imperfection of knowledge (Pate-Cornell 1996; Walker et al. 2003).
Examples are a general lack of knowledge, data or observations (e.g. Brugnach et al. 2008; van
Asselt 2000) and a difficulty to identify and quantify links of causality (Klinke and Renn 2012),
Epistemic uncertainties may be reduced by more (empirical) research. Second, variability, or alea-
tory uncertainty refers to uncertainties due to inherent variability over space and time. Examples
are behavioral diversity (Walker et al. 2003) and natural randomness (van Asselt 2000). These two
types of uncertainty describe the nature of uncertainty (Walker et al. 2003), which expresses the
causes of the imperfection or lack of knowledge. In their typology of uncertainty, Walker et al.
distinguish two additional dimensions of uncertainty besides the nature: the level and location.
The level of uncertainty is an expression of the scale of the uncertainty (i.e. from completely
deterministic knowledge to total ignorance). The location of uncertainty describes about what
aspects in a specific model uncertainty exist.
There is no universal definition of risk. The concept is generally understood to express some-
thing uncertain, but for that uncertainty to constitute a risk, something must be known about it
(Hansson 2002). Different approaches (e.g. ontological or epistemological) to risk and definitions
(e.g. based on probabilities, expected values, uncertainty or undesirable events) have been
discussed extensively in the risk literature (Althaus 2005; Aven 2010, 2012, 2014; Aven and Renn
2009; Aven, Renn, and Rosa 2011; Rosa 1998). In everyday use too the concept of risk may be
used to refer to differ things (Aven 2014). In the current article, ‘risk’ is defined in the context of
environmental health: ‘the probability of adverse effects resulting from exposure to an environ-
mental agent or mixture of agents’ (US EPA 2015). In this metric ‘risk’ is inherently uncertain and
expressed as a probabilistic value (i.e. the probability of adverse effects). A risk, as described
here, can be defined as ‘certain’ when a hazard is known to exist and mathematical probabilities
can be assigned to its occurrence (Zander 2010) (cf. Hansson 2002).
While these different interpretations of ‘uncertainty’ and ‘risk’ makes ‘uncertain risk’ a difficult
concept, it should be noted that it is intended as a distinct concept (see e.g. Van Asselt and
Renn 2011) and that uncertain risks need special attention in risk communication.
Communicating about uncertain risk can result in the misinterpretation of risk. That is: people
660 T. JANSEN ET AL.
may infer that there is a risk while the communication intends to convey it is unclear whether a
risk exists. The concept, however, is often loosely defined and used in the policy and risk govern-
ance literature (Renn 2008a,b; Tosun 2013; Van Asselt and Renn 2011; Van Asselt and Vos 2008;
Vos and Everson 2009; Zander 2010). For example, Van Asselt and Vos (2008) define uncertain
risks as ‘new, imaginable hazards, with which society has no or limited experience’. Tosun (2013)
defines uncertain risks as ‘[ … ] situations in which the relationship between activities and their
potential hazard cannot be established’. In order to further clarify the scientific meaning of the
concept ‘uncertain risk’ we conducted a conceptual review of the environmental health literature
(Jansen et al. 2017) and tried to answer about what aspects of risk uncertainty exists (location of
uncertainty) when scientists refer to ‘uncertain risk’. The review showed that the uncertainty
about the presence or existence of risk may be the result of six different epistemic uncertainties
(Figure 1). Epistemic uncertainty may exist about (1) whether an agent has hazardous properties;
(2) what adverse effects the agent causes; (3) at what levels of exposure these effects occur; and
(4) whether a suggested relationship exists between an agent and certain effects; (5) the source
of adverse effects; or (6) actual exposure levels. Thus, ‘uncertain’ in ‘uncertain risk’ does not refer
to the realization of outcomes as it does in the concept of ‘risk’ in the context of environmental
health (US EPA 2015) but to the causes or ‘initiating events’ (Aven 2010).
When one or more of these uncertainties are present in scientific risk assessment, quantitative
statements about probabilities of occurrence are arguably not be the best way to adequately
express the uncertainties present in risk assessment (see e.g. Zander 2010). Moreover, depending
on the specific ‘uncertain risk case’, the level of evidence and uncertainty about the presence of
risk differs. For example, communicating uncertainty about the intrinsic properties of an agent (1),
for example in newly engineered nanomaterials, implies a high level of uncertainty because there
also is uncertainty about nature of effects (2) and the nature of the hazard (3). In contrast, uncer-
tainty about the nature of the hazard, for example in chemicals with unclear toxicity, implies a lower
level of uncertainty because there has to be sufficient evidence for an agent’s hazardous intrinsic
properties and a certain effect must be associated (Jansen et al. 2017). These differences are not
clear in the concept of uncertain risk, in verbal presentations of uncertain risks, such as ‘a risk cannot
be excluded’ or ‘there possibly is a risk’, or in numerical expressions of probabilistic risk. This under-
specificity (Carey and Burgman 2008) presents a first issue for risk communication about uncer-
tain risks.
Furthermore, many different groups take part in public debates about uncertain risks.
Research has shown that non-experts as compared to experts have different knowledge and
Figure 1. Six situations in which reference is made to ’uncertain risks’ in environmental health. 1. Uncertainty about
intrinsic properties of an agent. 2. Uncertainty about the nature of adverse effects. 3. Uncertainty about the nature of the haz-
ard. 4. Uncertainty about the relationship between an agent and adverse effects. 5. Uncertainty about actual exposure levels.
6. Uncertainty about the source of observed effects. Note. Updated from (Jansen et al. 2017).
JOURNAL OF RISK RESEARCH 661
beliefs about environmental risks such as health risks due to electromagnetic fields (Claassen,
Bostrom, and Timmermans 2016), wildland fires (Zaksek and Arvai 2004) or radon (Bostrom,
Fischhoff, and Morgan 1992). These existing knowledge and beliefs form the mental framework
in which new information is evaluated. This has implications for risk communication because dif-
ferent societal groups need information that is in line with their existing knowledge and beliefs
(Morgan et al. 2002) to support decisions. For risk assessors, information about the uncertainties
associated with scientific risk assessment may be important to be able to weigh the evidence
underlying their scientific advice about uncertain risks. For policy makers, it may be important to
convey how these uncertainties influence risk management options (Thompson and Bloom
2000). Non-experts, not familiar with the risk assessment process, do not clearly differentiate
between different types of uncertainties in communications, and, therefore, may draw mistaken
conclusions (e.g. about the presence or severity of a risk) (Miles and Frewer 2003; Wiedemann,
Schu€tz, and Thalmann 2008). Non-experts may also be interested in information other than
uncertainties in risk assessment, such as information about how someone can be exposed or
whether the risk can be controlled (Lion, Meertens, and Bot 2002). When such topics are not cov-
ered in risk communication, the odds of misinterpretation are high and a balanced dialogue
between different societal groups may be impeded.
With the many ways ‘risk’ and ‘uncertainty’ can be understood; the specific situations in which
the environmental health literature refers to ‘uncertain risk’; and the different mental frameworks
in which information is evaluated it is likely that communications about ‘uncertain risks’ may
lead to miscommunications and misunderstanding. A better understanding of how the concept
is understood within and between various societal groups is important for improving the match
between risk assessment, communication practices, and risk perceptions of different societal
groups. This study aims to explore how the general public, scientists, policy makers, and commu-
nication experts involved in the assessment and communication about environmental health
risks understand the concept of ‘uncertain risk’.
Method
A qualitative public-centered approach was used. We included four societal groups: the general
public, and three expert groups that play a formal role in the assessment of and communication
about uncertain risks in the Netherlands: scientists, policy makers, and communication experts.1
Representatives of the expert groups had to be experts in their respective fields.
First, we performed in-depth, open-ended semistructured interviews with 40 representatives
of the general public. After this, 49 representatives of the expert groups completed an online
open-ended questionnaire based on the same questions. Finally, after completing the question-
naire, 45 of the expert representatives participated in online focus groups. Below we discuss
these three steps in further detail.
between August and November 2016 by the first author. The interview followed a semi-
structured protocol and started by introducing the goal and general topic of the research.
This brief introduction was followed by open-ended questions addressing the participant’s under-
standing of the concept of ‘risk’ and of ‘uncertain risk’. After these questions, the interview
addressed a specific case of an uncertain risk. See Table 3 for the questions discussed in this article.
Table 3. General overview of methods, questions and statements applied in the different groups.
Group Method Questions/statements
General public In-depth interviews What comes to mind when I say we are going to talk
about ’uncertain risks’ today? Can you provide
some examples [of uncertain risks]?
Experts Open-ended questionnaire What comes to mind when you think of ‘uncertain
risks’? Write as much as comes to mind.a
Can you provide examples of uncertain risks?
Experts Focus groups For me it is clear what is meant with the statement
‘The risk is still uncertain’.
a
Participants were informed that this question was concerned with the concept of ‘uncertain risk’.
meaningful information about their understanding of the concept of ‘uncertain risk’. Descriptions
of individual participants could consist of one or several aspects. Judgment of relevance of text
fragments was guided by the three dimensions of uncertainty proposed by Walker et al. (2003).
The second author independently coded part of the data to ascertain that no relevant
fragments had been missed and to validate the descriptive level coding. The second coder identi-
fied a few additional text fragments to be relevant. The two coders discussed and resolved minor
differences in the coding and in the second phase categorized the descriptive level codes to create
higher-level, conceptual coding. The third author – who did not participate in the first phase of
the coding process – reviewed the categorization of all descriptive level codes. Categorization was
subsequently discussed by the first and third authors and minor adjustments were made.
Simultaneously, the second author coded a part of the data using the conceptual codes. No add-
itional text fragments were identified. In total, 10% of the data was coded by the first two authors.
Results
Within the studied sample, the aspects used to describe their understanding of the concept of
‘uncertain risk’ varied within and between groups. Some individuals described multiple epistemic
uncertainties found in Jansen et al. (2017), while others (including experts) described only one.
Additionally many different associations were found in the participants’ descriptions of the
concept of ‘uncertain risk’ (Appendix A). Some participants of the general public stated that the
distinction between ‘risk’ and ‘uncertain risk’ was not clear. Many participants had negative
associations with risk and specifically put forward that ‘risk’ is directly related to ‘danger’,
inherently uncertain, or represented a deliberate choice (e.g. ‘taking a risk’). Some participants
stated that ‘a risk’ represents something that could either go wrong or right; that risks are part
of our daily lives; and that risk also has positive aspects.
664 T. JANSEN ET AL.
In our results we follow (Neale, Miller, and West 2014) and make a distinction between com-
monly mentioned aspects, and rarely or occasionally mentioned aspects with the aim to clarify
patterns in the qualitative data. Because of the explorative and qualitative nature of this study
the results are not meant to convey generalizability beyond the study population (Neale, Miller,
and West 2014). Table 4 presents all aspects that were commonly used to describe the under-
standing of the concept of uncertain risk by at least one group. Table 5 presents example quotes
for each of these aspects. A single quotation can describe several aspects and could, therefore,
be allocated to multiple categories.
The commonly described aspects were categorized in six overarching themes and two
detached aspects.
1. Participants often described causes of uncertainty that define the concept of ‘uncertain risk’.
For example, participants mentioned that scientific knowledge can be insufficient, inconsist-
ent or contested. Additionally, participants from the general public put forward a lack of
personal awareness and knowledge.
2. Many participants identified specific uncertainties about qualitative properties of risk, such as
uncertainty about the nature of (adverse) effects, and uncertainty about, or due to, delayed
effects (i.e. effects that occur in the long term). Specific uncertainties were often described
in the context of a specific example or in abstract terms (see e.g. the quotations referring to
delayed effects and actual exposure levels in Table 5).
JOURNAL OF RISK RESEARCH 665
Table 5. continued.
Theme Aspect in description Example quotation (group representative)
Severity of risk In my interpretation it is a risk, of which the severity is
unclear (Communication expert)
Nature of risk For uncertain risks, it is unclear what the nature of the risk
is. (Scientist)
Uncertainty about the individual risk That you are, in fact, just at risk. And indeed, radiation …
you are insecure about it, in the fact that you do not
know how that works out on yourself (Male, 39,
low education)
Situations that are unpredictable Yes eh, something you cannot predict? Eh … Something you
do not see coming. (Male, 29, high education)
a
Level of uncertainty is reported here as a cause of uncertainty because each of the uncertainty aspects not related to a
cause of uncertainty implicitly indicates a level of uncertainty.
Note. A single quotation can describe several aspects and can therefore be allocated to multiple categories. For example
‘[ … ] That insufficient data is available in order to calculate a risk’ is allocated to both ‘Lack of scientific knowledge’ and
‘Risk that are difficult to quantify’.
3. Participants from all groups suggested that the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ indicated that
there was uncertainty about quantitative properties of risk. For example, uncertainty about
the probability of occurrence (i.e. one in a hundred or one in a thousand) was one of the
commonly mentioned elements for all groups. A few members of the general public under-
stood the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ to refer to a risk with a small chance, or extra small
chance (relative to the probability that the concept of ‘risk’ referred to).
4. Scientists in particular made general statements about the risk assessment process by stating
that uncertain risks are difficult to assess or quantify. Participants from the general public
stated that uncertain risks are difficult to assess by the public.
5. Several uncertainties about risk management were put forward. For example, uncertainty
about the effectiveness of policy options, but also uncertainties about the action perspec-
tives for the general public. Uncertain risks were commonly associated with a lack of per-
sonal control by participants from the general public.
6. When no specific uncertainties were put forward, participants typically made general uncer-
tainty statements about risk. For example, participants in each group suggested that the con-
cept of ‘uncertain risk’ refers to uncertainty about the presence of the risk and/or that
‘uncertain risks’ were defined by uncertainty about the nature of the risk.
Finally, and not classifiable in any of the themes above, ‘uncertain risk’ evoked statements
that referred to uncertainty about individual risk (i.e. will an individual experience adverse effects
or not) and participants of the general public expressed that ‘uncertain risks’ referred to situa-
tions that are unpredictable.
Figure 2 shows the overlap between commonly mentioned aspects by the different groups
involved in this study. It shows that all groups commonly mentioned uncertainties associated
with risk assessment and commonly made general statements about uncertain risks (e.g.
‘uncertainty about the presence of risk’). Scientists and representatives of the general public
commonly put forward aspects that were not shared with any other group (e.g. actual exposure
levels and a lack of personal [public] knowledge). Communication experts put forward one gen-
eral statement (uncertainty about the severity of risk) that was not (commonly) mentioned by
other groups. All groups mentioned unique topics that are relevant for their own (professional)
group. For example, policy makers put forward that ‘uncertain risks’ also signified uncertainties
in risk management. Members of the general public specified uncertainties that pertained to per-
sonal relevance (e.g. lack of control). Communication professionals (shaping communication
between different groups) identified uncertainties that were considered relevant for specific
groups: uncertainties in risk assessment for scientists, uncertainty in risk management for policy
makers, and uncertainty about action perspectives for the public. Scientist relied on uncertainties
associated with risk assessment in their descriptions of the concept of uncertain risk.
JOURNAL OF RISK RESEARCH 667
Figure 2. Commonalities and differences between groups in commonly used aspects to describe the concept of ‘uncertain risk’.
Note. Components in overlapping areas are components that all overlapping groups commonly used in their descriptions.
Discussion
This research aimed to gain insights into how the scientific concept of ‘uncertain risk’ is
understood by different societal groups. The concept intends to describe situations in which
epistemic uncertainties prevent definitive statements about the presence or existence of risk.
Results show that the understanding of ‘uncertain risk’ varied within and between groups.
While at least some representatives of all groups described epistemic uncertainties, some
recognized that the concept could refer to multiple epistemic uncertainties, while others only
put forward one. Different groups also focused on different aspects of (uncertain) risk. Scientists
based their descriptions only on uncertainties in risk assessment. Policy makers commonly
indicated that these uncertainties in risk assessment caused uncertainty in risk management
(options). Communication experts mainly gave general descriptions, but also recognized aspects
that were considered important for other groups. Representatives of the general public often
described associations with uncertain risks that deviate from the scientific understanding, such
as a lack of personal control. Additionally, participants commonly mentioned uncertainties (e.g.
‘uncertainty about the magnitude of the risk’) that imply the understanding that a risk exists.
668 T. JANSEN ET AL.
The general public in particular attributed many aspects to ‘uncertain risk’ that deviate from
the scientific-technical concept. Most of these attributions were not mentioned by scientists, pol-
icy makers, or communication experts.3 For example, members of the general public commonly
mentioned a low perceived likelihood and uncertainty due to delayed effects. These factors are
identified to attenuate people’s risk perceptions (Slovic 2016). In addition, representatives of the
public stated that they ‘do not concern themselves with’ uncertain risks. This indicates that part
of the public may not find uncertain risks an important issue and, as a consequence, are not
worried about ‘uncertain risks’ (Powell et al. 2007).
However, some members of the general public expressed that ‘uncertain risks’ refers to ‘risks that
they are not aware of’, that is, environmental health risks that are known to science or policy but are
unknown to the public. An example is an incident in which tap water in contaminated, that is not
communicated to the public because exposure levels are too low to cause adverse effects. If the public
is informed by the media about these risks and not by the government, this may undermine their
trust in the government, even though there was no risk to personal health (Powell et al. 2007).
Additionally, a feeling of a lack of personal control – also commonly mentioned – may amplify public
perception of the seriousness of risk (Miles and Frewer 2003; Slovic 2016).
Some participants did not differentiate between the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ and ‘risk’,
and associated ‘risk’ with ‘danger’ and something that could go either wrong or right. These
attributions will influence how the general public responds to communications about uncertain
risks. For example, just mentioning the word risk in the statement ‘A risk cannot be excluded’ –
commonly used in scientific reports to indicate there is no evidence for risk – may elicit uninten-
tional associations with danger.
The concept of uncertain risk may be a useful catchall term to describe situations in which there
is uncertainty about the existence or presence of risk. Current findings suggest that respondents of
different groups may have partial, different or conflicting representation of what the concept entails.
The ambiguity of the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ challenges risk communication efforts as much as
the epistemic uncertainties in risk assessment that define the concept (Lundgren and McMakin
2013). For example, the statement ‘Research is conducted into the risks of nanomaterials in food.
Currently, these risks are uncertain.’ intends to convey that it is uncertain whether (specific) nanoma-
terials in food are hazardous to human health. The results of the current study show that policy
makers and scientists may understand there is uncertainty about the hazardous properties – and
thus uncertainty about whether a risk exists –, but that the general public may believe that the pres-
ence of risk is already determined. They may feel that they are unnecessarily exposed and that their
concerns are not being heard, which may complicate a balanced dialogue. While previous research
suggests that the general public does not clearly differentiate between specific types of uncertainties
in communications (Miles and Frewer 2003; Wiedemann, Schu €tz, and Thalmann 2008), clarifying the
available evidence and remaining uncertainties about the presence of a risk may improve consistent
understanding between different societal groups (Wiedemann et al. 2011). When ‘uncertain risk’
evokes the idea that a person has no control over a risk, this has to be accounted for in risk commu-
nication in order to fit an individual’s existing knowledge and beliefs (Morgan et al. 2002).
Otherwise, different terminology should be used to avoid associations that are unwanted or may
have unintended consequences.
Overall, results of this explorative study show that the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ elicits differ-
ent associations within and between groups. Contrary to the scientific-technical understanding
of the concept, individuals may understand that the presence of risk is determined or feel they
have no control over the situation. In risk communication, stating that ‘a risk cannot be excluded’
is not clear. Explicating uncertainties may improve a mutual understanding and foster a more
balanced dialogue between different societal groups. Further (empirical) research is needed to
demonstrate if and how explicating evidence and uncertainties in specific cases of uncertain risks
improves consistent understanding within and between groups.
JOURNAL OF RISK RESEARCH 669
Limitations
The focus on the semantic value of the concept of ‘uncertain risk’ may be considered
an important limitation of the current study because (especially for the general public) risk
concepts may only acquire (different) meaning in a specific context. However, participants were
explicitly asked to put their descriptions in context. Conversely, participants also commonly put
forward examples in order to explain their understanding of the concept.
Results from qualitative analysis are susceptible for bias due to the coder’s perspective. We
minimized this potential for bias by involving three authors in the coded process. In this process
we stayed close to the participants’ own words. That is, when participants talked about risk,
we coded ‘risk’; when participants talked about effects, we coded ‘effects’, etc. This assures that
the general statements presented in this research can be interpreted as the participants’ own,
free of interpretation by the researcher.
Notes
1. In addition, four medical experts with expertise on antibiotic resistance participated in the current study.
Because this group was too small to make meaningful comparisons, the results will not be discussed
in this article.
2. Four experts who completed the online questionnaires could not participate in the focus groups. Due
to technical issues, some participants could only participate via an audio connection
3. Communication experts recognized that some of these aspects would be mentioned by the general public.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Ilse Gosens, Henk van Kranen and Jim van Steenbergen for their efforts in chairing
the focus groups. We would also like to thank everyone involved in recruiting participants and organizing the
focus groups for their effort.
Disclosure statement
The authors declared no conflicts of interest.
Funding
This research was carried out in the framework of RIVM Strategic Programme [grant S/121003/01/PU], in which
expertise and innovative projects prepare RIVM to respond to future issues in health and sustainability.
ORCID
Tom Jansen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0087-937X
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Appendix A
Overview of all associations put forward by the groups.