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 vi  Contents

Chapter 5 | Nuptiality  146 Basic Measures of Mortality    262

The Life Table   270
Introduction  146
Mortality Change through History   278
Nuptiality in Social Demographic
Aging and Health Dynamics in Advanced
Analysis  146
Societies  286
Measures of Nuptiality   148
Health Patterns in Low- and Middle-
Nuptiality Trends: Cross-national
Income Countries  294
Overview  154
Canadian Mortality: Trends, Patterns, and
Explanations of Nuptiality Change:
Differentials  301
Industrialized Countries  169
Inequalities in Health and
Explanations of Nuptiality Change:
Mortality   311
Developing Countries  174
Canadian Mortality in Comparative
Canadian Nuptiality Trends and
Perspective  323
Patterns  179
Conclusion  325
Conclusion  186
Notes for Further Study   325
Notes for Further Study   188
Exercises  331
Exercises   188
Additional Reading  337
Additional Reading  189
Notes   337

Part Three Part Four

Demographic Processes I: Demographic Processes II:
Fertility and Mortality Internal and International
Migration
Chapter 6 | Fertility  192
Introduction  192 Chapter 8 | Internal Migration  340
Basic Concepts and Measures    192
Introduction  340
Society and Fertility: Social–Biological
Basic Concepts    340
Interactions  205
Basic Measures of
Proximate Determinants of Fertility   211
Migration  345
Fertility Transition  214
Explanations of Migration   355
Theories of Fertility Change   217
Typological Models of Migration   358
Search for Underlying Uniformities   235
Spatial Models of Migration   359
Canadian Fertility Trends and
Social Demographic Aspects of
Patterns  238
Migration  369
Conclusion  252
Migration and “Social
Exercises  253
Disorganization”  379
Additional Reading  256
Internal Migration Patterns and
Differentials in Canada   379
Chapter 7 | Mortality and Population
Conclusion  391
Health  257
Notes for Further Study   391
Introduction  257 Exercises  394
Determinants of Population Health   257 Additional Reading  398

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 Contents  vii

Chapter 9 | International Migration  399 Chapter 11 | Population and

Resources  503
Introduction  399
The Complex Nature of International Introduction  503
Migration  400 Population Thought through
Basic Concepts    401 History  505
Data Sources and Basic Measures   406 Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834):
Estimating International The Principle of Population   507
Migration  407 Karl Marx (1818–83)   514
Migration in History: An Overview   410 Malthus and Marx
Theories of International Contrasted  520
Migration   419 Contemporary Perspectives  520
Canadian Immigration History   427 Population, Environment, Resources:
International Migration: Complex Interrelationships and
The Future    441 Challenges  528
Conclusion  444 Conclusion  536
Notes for Further Study   444 Notes for Further Study   536
Exercises  447 Exercises  537
Additional Reading  447 Additional Reading  538
Note   448 Note   538

Chapter 12 | Demographic Change and

Part Five Policy Concerns  539
Population Change and Introduction  539
Societal Interrelationships Population Policy  541
Population Policy–Societal
Chapter 10 | Urbanization  450 Interrelationships  544
Social Policy and Its Connection to
Introduction  450 Population Policy  551
Basic Concepts and Measures   450 Demographic Concerns: A Global
Urbanization History  460 Perspective  554
Urban Systems  464 Canadian Population Policy
Canadian Urbanization  476 Concerns  566
Urban Change in the Future   494 Conclusion  573
Conclusion  499 Exercises  574
Notes for Further Study   499 Additional Reading  574
Exercises  501 Note   575
Additional Reading  502
Notes   502 Glossary  576
References  582
Index  639

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 PREFACE
Canada’s Population in a Global Context:
An Introduction to Social Demography, Second Edition
S ince the early 1970s, generations of
Canadian college and university students
have learned about the demography of this
country from a select number of excellent
textbooks. Notable among these are the sev-
eral editions produced by the late Warren
Kalbach and his collaborator Wayne McVey
(Kalbach and McVey, 1971, 1979; McVey
and Kalbach, 1995). The works of Roderic
Beaujot and Kevin McQuillan (1982) and of
Beaujot and Don Kerr (2004) deserve men-
tion here as well. But although these intro-
ductory texts have provided a foundational
understanding of the demographic trends
and patterns of Canadian society, they give
limited attention to the broader global as-
pects of population as a field of study and
as a comparative discipline. This textbook,
which shares many features with its pre-
decessors, is designed to complement those
excellent textbooks on Canadian popula-
tion by incorporating a global perspective
as well as coverage of the fundamental con-
cepts, theories, and perspectives of demog-
raphy and population studies.
For a Canadian textbook such as this to
adopt an international perspective seems
particularly important today, given the in-
tense interest among scholars and the public
at large in the phenomenon of globalization.
The pervasive diffusion of Western values,
ideas, and economic practices has had a
111124_00_Prelims.indd 8
homogenizing effect on many countries.
Paradoxically, there are also widespread
socioeconomic gaps between countries,
with poverty an ongoing reality in many
parts of the globe. In terms of demograph-
ic development, it is clear that while some
developing countries have, or nearly have,
caught up to the industrialized countries’
stage of demographic transition, many
others continue to lag far behind. In the
light of these divergent demographic and
socioeconomic patterns affecting countries
worldwide, it seems no longer useful to
examine Canadian population in isolation
of the broader global context.
This textbook identifies issues at the
heart of demography as a scientific field
and covers areas of population studies typ-
ically included in introductory university
courses, including population history and
theories of population change; the relation-
ship of population to environment and re-
sources; fertility, mortality, and nuptiality;
migration and urbanization; age and sex
composition; and population policy. The
text’s twelve chapters are organized in five
parts. Part I deals with the concepts and
theories of population studies, including
data sources and population history. Part
II covers demographic composition, fo-
cusing primarily on age and sex structure
and nuptiality. Part III is devoted to the
4/28/15 6:21 PM

central demographic processes of fertility
and mortality, while Part IV focuses on the
other key demographic process: migration.
Finally, Part V examines the interconnec-
tion of population with urbanization, the
interconnection of population with resour-
ces, and the interconnection of population
change with policy concerns, each of these
treated as a separate chapter. Together, these
five parts provide a framework for address-
ing some fundamental questions:
• What roles do individuals play in
the production of demographic
phenomena?
• How do culture and social structure in-
fluence individual demographic action?
• Why did the human population begin
growing at such explosive rates so
recently? What important demograph-
ic and non-demographic factors are
responsible for this?
• Why is the human population dis-
tributed unevenly across the world’s
geographic regions? Why are birth and
death rates so low in some parts of the
world and relatively high in others?
• Why do some nations discourage popu-
lation growth and others encourage it?
• How do the demographic histories
of Canada and other countries of the
industrialized world differ from those
of today’s developing nations?
• What accounts for the different tra-
jectories of population growth for de-
veloping nations versus industrialized
societies?
Both reader and instructor will find that this
text places strong emphasis on conceptual
and theoretical frameworks of demograph-
ic phenomena. Wherever possible, figures
and schematic representations are offered
111124_00_Prelims.indd 9
Preface  ix
to clarify key concepts and theories. In
over two decades of teaching, I have found
illustrations of this kind extremely useful in
helping students grasp complex ideas. I have
also tried to situate, wherever possible, cur-
rent and historical Canadian demographic
trends as either varying from or conforming
to patterns elsewhere in the world, an ap-
proach that will help instill in the beginning
student a strong appreciation of the univer-
sality of demographic concepts, measures,
and theories.
Another feature that distinguishes this
text from others in the field is its use, where
appropriate, of techniques of demographic
analysis, which are frequently minimized
in or omitted from introductory textbooks.
Technical matters are not avoided here, al-
though the techniques featured are kept at
an introductory level appropriate for begin-
ning students. I believe it is necessary and
beneficial to include technical rudiments of
demographic analysis as long as these are
presented in an accessible manner. Each
chapter, at its conclusion, offers exercises
designed to help reinforce substantive and
technical material covered in the main text.
Instructors are encouraged to incorporate
new data as they become available to com-
plement the study questions and the cor-
responding data laid out in this part of the
book. Each chapter also includes a list of
additional readings for further exploration.
As with any introductory textbook on
population, much of the information used
has come from published vital statistics
and census materials from Canada and
from international statistical agencies, most
notably the United Nations and the World
Health Organization. Fortunately, there
is an abundance of data on population.
However, one drawback of this is that new
data are always being published, making it
4/28/15 6:21 PM
 x  Preface
virtually impossible for any writer to keep
abreast of all the latest statistics. While rec-
ognizing this characteristic feature of the
field, I have tried to emphasize the enduring
and foundational principles of demographic
analysis and population studies in the hope
that instructors will feel confident relying
on the text as a source for the presentation
of basic concepts, theories, and methods to
their students, in spite of the availability of
newer data.
Demographic trends can never occur in
isolation of the social, cultural, and institu-
tional contexts of society. The substantive
orientation of this textbook is sociological.
In particular, I assume that since all soci-
eties are, by definition, populations, and
since populations are dynamic bodies that
are constantly changing, the systematic
study of population, to a significant ex-
tent, necessarily implies the study of social
change. Society cannot be understood in
isolation of demography, nor can demog-
raphy be fully appreciated without know-
ledge of how sociological structures and
processes affect people’s actions towards
such things as marriage, divorce, children,
or moving. Furthermore, demographic
change is thought to be both a cause and
a consequence of social, institutional, and
cultural processes, operating through their
effects on individuals’ decisions and actions.
A systematic appreciation of how popula-
tions change in size, distribution, and com-
position over time, and how these in turn
relate to societal processes, is a prerequisite
for anyone seriously interested in gaining
a fundamental understanding of how soci-
eties are structured, how they change, and
how they function.
The interconnectedness of demographic
and societal change can be illustrated with
numerous examples. How is it possible to
111124_00_Prelims.indd 10
fully understand the current baby dearth
in Canadian society (and in most other in-
dustrialized countries today) without first
knowing about the baby boom of the post-
war years, between 1946 and 1966? How is it
possible to properly appreciate the current
low fertility pattern without knowing about
the successive boom and bust trends in the
marriage rate between the 1950s and the
early 1980s? On a different note, most read-
ers are acutely aware that over the past three
decades or so, Canadian society has been
transformed into an increasingly multi-
racial nation. Is international migration
partly or mainly the cause? What has been
the role of changing immigration patterns
in this phenomenon?
It is my wholehearted belief that such
questions are best answered through an
interdisciplinary approach. Demography is
a field that overlaps greatly with many other
disciplines in the natural and social sciences.
So, even though the substantive emphasis in
this textbook is mainly sociological, many
of the theoretical perspectives presented
are contributions by scholars from diverse
fields, including biology, economics, geog-
raphy, history, mathematics, anthropology,
political science, public health, epidemi-
ology, and statistics, among others. This
interdisciplinarity is, in my view, an essen-
tial feature of demography as a scientific
discipline.
As with the first edition, this version
of Canada’s Population in Global Context
places strong emphasis on conceptual and
theoretical frameworks in the explana-
tion of demographic phenomena in their
cross-national variability and complexity. It
is hoped that readers will find this feature of
the book both interesting and informative
and that it will foster an appreciation of the
universality and usefulness of demography
4/28/15 6:22 PM

as a scientific discipline. The essential struc-
ture and conceptual framework underlying
the first edition have been maintained. Two
main considerations guided my decision to
revise. First, it seemed necessary to update
the text to take into account the most recent
developments in demography and popula-
tion studies—given the staggering volume
of publications in these interrelated fields,
this proved to be a challenging, though
highly rewarding task. Second, since the
publication of the first edition new data on
Canadian population has become available
based on the 2011 census, it seemed there-
fore appropriate to update the statistical
contents to take into account, where pos-
sible, the new census information. At the
same time, I have integrated the latest infor-
mation from the United Nations Population
Division on global population trends as well
as other major international agencies, in-
cluding the World Health Organization.
No changes have been made to the nota-
tion used in the text. As in the first edition,
the subscript x is typically used to denote a
given age group or category. For example,
in the presentation of the age-specific fer-
tility rate, the formula fx = Bx/Wx is used.
This formula says that the fertility rate (fx)
for women aged x is equal to the number
of births to women of that age (Bx) divided
by the number of women of that age (Wx).
As applied in this textbook, the symbol x
can represent either single years of age or
grouped age categories, most frequently
five-year age groups (e.g., 0–4, 5–9, 10–14,
. . . or 0, 1–4, 5–9, 10–14, . . .). In the formal
treatment of grouped age-specific rates, the
convention is to represent an age interval
symbolically as x, x + n, where x is the begin-
ning age in the interval, and n is the number
of years in the interval. Demographic rates
are typically computed for a specific period
111124_00_Prelims.indd 11
Preface  xi
of time, most often a calendar year; in such
cases, unless otherwise indicated, the popu-
lation at risk (the denominator) is the mid-
year (or more generally, the mid-interval)
population. These types of rates are conven-
tionally referred to as “central” demograph-
ic rates.
Acknowledgements
In producing this revision I have benefit-
ted from the valuable feedback received
from colleagues who teach and conduct
research in population studies. Their input
has allowed me to refine and expand on cer-
tain aspects of the text as to make it more
accessible. For this I am especially grate-
ful to Anatole Romaniuk, Rod Beaujot,
Ann Gauthier, Teresa Abada, and Alison
Yacyshyn. Many students at the University
of Alberta offered valuable insights as well,
and I am thankful to them. Of course, it
goes without saying that responsibility for
any inconsistencies or errors rests solely
with me.
Oxford University Press provided me in-
valuable assistance throughout the process
of completing this work. Special thanks are
due to Tanuja Weerasooriya for her dedicat-
ed editorial work and meticulous reading of
the chapters, and also Wendy Yano for her
excellent copyediting skills. Many thanks
to Mark Thompson, Sarah Carmichael,
Caroline Starr, Kate Skene, Peter Chambers,
and Phyllis Wilson for their involvement at
various stages of this project.
My deepest gratitude goes to my family,
Frances, Laura, and Cathy, for their patience,
continued support and encouragement.
Frank Trovato
Edmonton, 23 July 2014
4/28/15 6:22 PM
 To the memory of Antonio De Simone.

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 Part One

Population as a Scientific Discipline

111124_01_Ch01.indd 1 4/28/15 6:23 PM

 1 The Study of Population
Introduction
Demography is commonly perceived by
the layperson as a discipline whose princi-
pal concern is the rapid growth of human
population. This is certainly one aspect of
the field. The “population problem” receives
much attention in the literature and con-
tinues to stimulate important scholarly
inquiry. Interest reached a peak during the
1960s and 1970s, when the global popula-
tion was growing faster than at any other
time in history. The threat of “overpopu-
lation,” with its dire implications for the
future of a world with runaway population
growth, became a frequent topic of discus-
sion in the popular media and academic
circles, stoked by influential books like Paul
Ehrlich’s The Population Bomb (1968) that
warned of looming disaster. This anxiety
was also reflected in The Limits to Growth
(Meadows et al., 1972), a study grounded
on a massive simulation model of the world
system. It projected, among other things,
that the continued exponential growth of
humans would have a devastating effect
on environmental quality, renewable and
non-renewable resources, and industrial
output. Pondering the results of their simu-
lation models, the study’s authors concluded
that if the growth trends in world popula-
tion, industrialization, pollution, food pro-
duction, and resource depletion were to
111124_01_Ch01.indd 2
continue unchanged, the limits to growth
on the planet would be reached some-
time in the twenty-first century, resulting
most probably in a sudden, uncontrollable
decline in both population and industrial
capacity (Meadows et al., 1993: 23).
The population literature today remains
concerned with the question of how the
world can sustain a growing population
that, according to some estimates, will reach
8 billion by 2025 and possibly approach
10 billion by 2050. How will the world cope
with environmental and ecological challen-
ges that by most estimations are bound to
exacerbate?
The situation concerning population
growth is perceived differently, however,
depending on which part of the world we
examine. For the highly developed indus-
trialized countries the trouble on the hori-
zon may be tied not to explosive growth but
to below-replacement birth rates coupled
with annual rates of population growth
close to zero—into negative figures for
some countries. In these countries, popula-
tion aging and its associated societal impli-
cations have surfaced as critical concerns,
along with issues surrounding the growing
sociocultural diversity of their populations
due to increased immigration (Teitelbaum
and Winter, 1985). For the developing
countries, rates of population growth have
also been declining for some time, though
4/28/15 6:23 PM

clearly not uniformly across all regions. In
a subset of countries—the least developed
ones—growth rates remain well above the
global average, aggravating existing prob-
lems of poverty, unemployment, and slow
socioeconomic development.
Perhaps less alarmist in tone, scholars
remain highly concerned about our collect-
ive future given the complex interactions of
demographic change with critical dimen-
sions of the human condition—ecological
sustainability, climate change, resource scar-
city, sociopolitical unrest, and poverty. The
world has perhaps escaped the “population
bomb,” but may not be “out of the woods”
(Lam, 2013). A recent work by Jørgen
Randers (2012), 2050: A Global Forecast for
the Next Forty Years, is a 40-year follow up
to The Limits to Growth study (himself a
past member of that team). He warns that
the world can no longer continue as busi-
ness as usual. Over the next four decades,
the course of the human conditions will be
shaped not only by demographic change
but also our increasingly fragile capitalist
system that is impacted heavily by declin-
ing global resources, our ability to maintain
democracy in the face of ecosystem decline,
rising tensions between the young and older
generations, and climate instability.
As concerned individuals, we need to be
attentively informed about these important
issues facing the planet. Less evident, per-
haps, to the beginning student is the fact that
the subject matter central to demography is
based on some common experiences we all
share. Consider this: all of us were born and
will someday die, and between these two
fateful occurrences we will experience a host
of formative events, which might include
graduation, a first full-time job, marriage,
parenting, divorce, remarriage, widow-
hood, change of residence, and so forth.
111124_01_Ch01.indd 3
1 | The Study of Population  3
The timing and intensity of these events—
when in life they occur, and how frequently
in the population—are important subjects
of investigation. Demographers—those
who study population dynamics—investi-
gate what we call aggregate manifestations
of such behaviours among broadly defined
groups of people.
An example of an aggregate measure
is the birth rate. It summarizes the extent
to which individual women in the popu-
lation have given birth during a specified
period. Similarly, the death rate can tell
us how many members of a particular
group, on average, died over a particular
time interval. Aggregate measures such
as these also mirror aspects of population
change. In particular, whether a popula-
tion will grow, decline, or remain stable
in real numbers will depend on shifting
rates of fertility, mortality, and migra-
tion—the three fundamental variables of
demographic analysis.
While fertility, mortality, and migration
are central to population change, other fac-
tors play an indirect role by acting on these
variables. Two examples are age and sex.
At the individual level, age and sex are bio-
logical facts: every one of us is born male
or female, and we measure our age in years.
In the aggregate, age and sex are used to
characterize the composition of an entire
population, so that a population may be
described as having a relatively young or
relatively old age structure, and a balanced
or distorted sex composition. Age and sex
are so important in population analysis that
they merit their own chapter.
“Population analysis” sounds like an
occupation reserved for specialized aca-
demic study, yet a look through any of our
major daily newspapers reveals that demog-
raphy is a topic we encounter frequently in
4/28/15 6:23 PM
 4  PART ONE | Population as a Scientific Discipline
the popular press. For example, a headline
in the 18 February 2013 edition of the Globe
and Mail announces, “The baby bust: In a
first, the newly retired outnumber the newly
hired” (Friesen, 2013). The ensuing story,
based on a Statistics Canada report, outlines
an unprecedented development in Canada’s
population: during 2013 the ratio of persons
aged 15 to 24 to those aged 55 to 64—a rough
measure of the number of new entry-level
workers to the number of workers nearing
retirement—would fall to below parity (that
is, a value of 1:1). Thus, while historically, the
number of young Canadians entering the
workforce has always exceeded the num-
ber nearing retirement, this is no longer the
case. Earlier, in the mid-1970s, there were
many more young adults to enter the labour
force, and this ratio reached a historic max-
imum at 2.4 to 1. Over the next half-century
or so, this ratio is expected to fluctuate, but
overall the anticipation is that there will
be relatively fewer entry-level workers as
compared to older workers. It is important
to note that this is not solely a Canadian
phenomenon, as many other highly indus-
trialized countries are undergoing a sim-
ilar demographic change. Common to all
these countries is a continuing pattern of
below-replacement fertility that began in
the early 1970s and therefore accompanying
increases in population aging. Among the
many possible societal implications of these
interrelated trends, Canada is faced by a situ-
ation in which the baby boom generation of
workers is steamrolling into retirement and
soon there will not be enough young people
to replace those leaving the workforce. On
the other hand, this type of scenario may
augur well for young adults’ socioeconomic
prospects. As they are in short supply, there
would be an increased demand for younger
workers and consequently a rise in the
111124_01_Ch01.indd 4
average wages for entry-level workers. Of
course, increased immigration will also
figure into this picture as a way to address
worker shortages. Clearly, the societal rami-
fications of an aging population are com-
plex and multidimensional and should be of
great interest to both the public at large and
especially policy officials.
Another Globe and Mail headline warns:
“We have seen the future, and it’s sprawl and
emissions” (Simpson, 2007). This article
confirms what many of us know: Canada,
the world’s second-largest land mass, is a
predominantly urban country, with most of
its population living in large and expand-
ing metropolitan areas. Urban expansion is
gobbling up agricultural land at an alarming
rate, with outlying suburban areas growing
much faster than urban centres themselves.
One consequence of urban sprawl is a
greater reliance on automobiles to commute
longer distances to work, which results in
more greenhouse gas emissions and more
pollution. In this case, population growth
can be viewed as an indirect contributor to
the problems of urban sprawl and increased
carbon emissions. With population growth
there is increased demand for housing in the
less expensive outlying areas surrounding
large cities. This in turn generates increased
commuting distance to the city and there-
fore more gas emissions from the increased
number of motor vehicles on the road.
In a related Globe and Mail story, Dawn
Walton (2013) asks: How is the environ-
ment on this day? (5 June 2013); 18 facts
are reviewed regarding the environment.
Population growth is included as a factor
in environmental conditions. Walton points
out that there are over 7 billion people
on the planet, and that 82 per cent of the
world’s population lives in the developing
countries. Moreover, it is stated that in 2012,
4/28/15 6:23 PM

worldwide births outpaced deaths, with 267
births occurring on average every minute as
compared to 107 deaths. Although this net
positive natural gain of population bodes
well for the continuation of our species,
this fact serves to highlight an important
point: population growth is an integral part
of a complex equation explaining global
environmental change—a topic we shall
return to later in this book.
A final example is based on a cover story
in the 28 May 2007 issue of Maclean’s maga-
zine: “Hey Lady! What will it take to make
you breed?” (George, 2007). This provoca-
tive headline speaks to another important
population issue facing Canada and most
other high-income nations today: baby
dearth. Over the last four decades the birth
rate has been falling and currently sits at its
lowest point in Canadian history. The aver-
age Canadian woman in her childbearing
years has just 1.6 children; in some coun-
tries, this figure is even lower. The demo-
graphic implications of very low fertility are
far-reaching, and it is the role of the dem-
ographer to discover the causes and con-
sequences. We shall discuss this matter in
greater detail later in Chapter 6, which deals
specifically with fertility.
Newspaper coverage of issues like
Canada’s aging workforce, urban sprawl,
the environment, and baby dearth is proof
that these matters are of interest to all
Canadians. The importance of popula-
tion expands beyond Canada, however.
Population is a topic of central concern to
all citizens of the world. The importance
attributed to population issues is high-
lighted in periodic articles and analyses
appearing in influential magazines, includ-
ing Science, Nature, National Geographic,
and the medical journal Lancet (see, for
example, the story in National Geographic
111124_01_Ch01.indd 5
1 | The Study of Population  5
[11 July 2013], “On World Population Day,
Unpacking 9.6 Billion by 2050,” and the
feature article in Nature by Zlotnik [2013],
“Population: Crowd Control,” discussing
the United Nations’ population projections
to the year 2050).
Demographers, as we shall see through-
out this textbook, play an important role in
shedding light on these and other aspects of
importance to society.
Population Defined
We have already noted that demography is
concerned with the study of population, but
before we proceed much further we should
clarify that term. Generally, the term popu-
lation refers to a collectivity sharing certain
common features. For example, in research-
ing animals in the wild, ecologist Peter
Turchin (2003: 19) defines population as “a
group of individuals of the same species
that live together in an area of sufficient size
to permit normal dispersal and migration
behavior, and in which population changes
are largely determined by birth and death
processes.” In the case of humans one can
think of a variety of collectivities: students,
workers, physicians, parents—and each one
may be considered a population. To a dem-
ographer, however, population refers specif-
ically to a collectivity of people co-existing
within a prescribed geographic territory,
such as a country, a province, or a state, at
a given point in time (Pressat, 1985: 176);
and consistent with Turchin’s definition,
the collectivity changes as a function of
the interplay of migration, birth, and death
processes.
Because human populations are con-
stantly changing in size and compos-
ition, temporal continuity must also be
4/28/15 6:23 PM
 6  PART ONE | Population as a Scientific Discipline
introduced as another element in our def-
inition. The notion of temporal continu-
ity recognizes that people living today are
descendants of many earlier generations
(Ricklef, 1990). Norman Ryder (1965) refers
to the succession of generations in a popula-
tion as “demographic metabolism”—a con-
tinuing process of societal renewal through
the fundamental demographic processes of
birth, death, and in- and out-migration. In
modern times, the census is the tool that
allows us to count the number of persons
present in a given area at a specified time
(Clarke, 1997: 13–14; Petersen, 2000: 1).
A human population, then, is a dyna­
mic aggregate existing within a defined geo-
graphic boundary and continuously changing
as a result of the complementary processes of
attrition (losses through deaths and emigra-
tion) and accession (gains through births and
immigration). A national population exists
through time and can be projected using
mathematical procedures guided by sound
assumptions concerning the anticipated dir-
ection and magnitude of changes in fertility,
mortality, and migration (Preston, Heuveline,
and Guillot, 2001: 1).
Notwithstanding this seemingly strai­
ghtforward definition, in actuality there are
always challenges in delimiting the bound-
aries of a population. Geoffrey McNicoll
(2003a: 731) provides the following example
to reinforce this point. “Consider,” he writes,
“the population of a city. . . . Even if there
are agreed physical boundaries, the num-
ber of legal residents may differ greatly
from the number of de facto residents. . . .
The actual number of people within a city’s
defined borders varies greatly by time of
day, day of the week, and season.” We can
add, to this challenge, the fact that for any
national population, the census can iden-
tify three subsets of the overall population:
111124_01_Ch01.indd 6
the civilian population, the total resident
population, and the total population liv-
ing abroad (including nationals who are
military personnel, tourists, professionals
of various types, missionaries, students,
employees of voluntary organizations, and
so forth). As a result, it is seldom possible
for the census to trace and enumerate every
living citizen of a country, and so there will
always be varying degrees of census under-
count of population. In Canada, the census
undercount has been estimated to be in the
range of 2 to 4 per cent (Statistics Canada,
The Daily, 2003).
Formal Demography and
Population Studies
The term demography derives from the
Greek words demos, meaning “people,”
and graphia, meaning “the study of.”
Demography, then, is the scientific study
of population and how population is
affected by births, deaths, and migration.
Roland Pressat (1985: 54) suggests that
most demographic work focuses on three
core areas:
1. the size and makeup of populations
according to diverse criteria (age, sex,
marital status, educational attainment,
spatial distribution, etc.)—in short,
pictures of a population at a fixed
­
moment;
2. the different processes that bear directly
on population composition (fertility,
mortality, nuptiality, migration, etc.); and
3. the relationship between these static
and dynamic elements and the social,
economic, and cultural environment
within which they exist.
4/28/15 6:23 PM
 1 | The Study of Population  7

This last point identifies sociology (and by Some of the other characteristics subject to
extension, the social sciences) as an import- this kind of analysis are racial and ethnic ori-
ant vehicle towards a proper understanding gin, language, religion, employment status,
of population phenomena. Nathan Keyfitz income, and occupation. The final part of the
(1996a: 1) is explicit in his acknowledgement question, where?, refers to formal demog-
of this, calling demography “. . . a branch of raphy’s concern with the geographic dimen-
sociology [that] uses birth and death rates sion of population analysis—the distribution
and related statistics to determine the char- and concentration of the population across
acteristics of a population, discover pat- geographic space, and its mobility across
terns of change, and make predictions.” The borders.
social sciences figure prominently in popu-
lation studies, one of two principal branches
of demography customarily recognized in
introductory courses. The other branch is
commonly known as formal demography.
While it would be misleading to suggest
Achille Guillard, a French political
there is consensus on whether and how to
economist, coined the term demog-
differentiate population studies from for-
raphy in his Eléments de statistique
mal demography, the division is helpful,
humaine, ou démographie comparée
particularly in a text of this kind. These two
(1855). William Petersen (2000: 4)
branches are explained in the sections that
observes that
follow.

earlier writings about birth

Formal Demography and deaths, the growth in
numbers, and the relation of
The statistical and mathematical aspects of
population to other social pro-
the field constitute what is commonly called
cesses went by different names:
formal demography. Formal d ­emography
“political arithmetic” (used to
deals with the quantitative study of population
denote the pioneer efforts of
in terms of growth, distribution, and develop-
such mercantilist writers as the
ment (or change). As David Yaukey (1985: 1)
English professor of anatomy
neatly puts it, formal demography is con-
William Petty, who coined the
cerned with finding out “how many people, of
phrase); “political economy”
what kind, are where.” The first part of this
(the term current at the time
question, how many?, highlights the account-
of Thomas Robert Malthus to
ing aspect of demographic a­ nalysis involved
designate the study of popula-
in determining or ­estimating, for example,
tion, among other topics); and
the size of a population and its change over
“human statistics” or simply
time. The question of what kind? draws atten-
“statistics” (used particu­l arly
tion to population composition, the statistical
by German analysts of the
analysis of the distribution of a population
early modern period).
in terms of specific demographic characteris-
tics, particularly age, sex, and marital status.

111124_01_Ch01.indd 7 4/28/15 6:23 PM

 8  PART ONE | Population as a Scientific Discipline
Population Studies
The study of population is an interdisciplin-
ary science. This means that demographers
usually expand their analyses beyond the
formal methodologies of the discipline to
include perspectives, models, and theories
drawn from diverse fields, including sociol-
ogy, economics, geography, history, anthro-
pology, biology, ecology, epidemiology, and
medicine. Likewise, specialists from these
and other disciplines frequently rely on
demography in their work. Economists, for
instance, would use demography to study
the interrelation of demographic and eco-
nomic variables across human populations;
ecologists study human (and animal) popu-
lations to see how they develop and change
in the context of varying conditions in their
natural environment; sociologists and other
social scientists investigate demographic
change in terms of underlying social forces;
geographers look at spatial dimensions of
demographic development; medical sci-
entists and epidemiologists focus on the
demographic bases of population health;
and so on. In short, scientists from these
different fields, though they approach the
study of population from the perspectives
of their respective disciplines, share a com-
mon appreciation of and reliance on formal
demographic methods and their proper
application to the analysis of population
phenomena. The interplay between dem-
ography and these other disciplines makes
up the bulk of demography’s second branch,
population studies (also known as social
demography).
Central to population studies is its
emphasis on identifying determinants and
consequences (broadly speaking) of demo-
graphic change. Whereas formal dem-
ography is concerned with statistics and
111124_01_Ch01.indd 8
finding out “How many people, of what
kind, are where?” population studies has
as its core questions “How come?” and “So
what?” (Yaukey, 1985: 1). Implicit in the
first of these questions is the importance of
specifying the causal mechanisms respon-
sible for population change—in other words,
the social determinants of demographic
change. The term social here is used in its
broadest sense to encompass environmental
and societal factors (political, cultural,
psychological, etc.) of potential relevance.
The “So what?” question points to the con-
sequences of population change for both the
individual and society (for instance, social
policy issues that derive from current and
projected demographic trends). Table 1.1
reviews the core questions of formal dem-
ography and ­population studies.
The demarcation of formal demog-
raphy and population studies provides
a neat division that helps the beginning
student gain a basic understanding of the
field, but it should be noted that in actual
practice, this distinction is often a matter
of degree; the two aspects are seldom sep-
arate in true demographic study. The scien-
tific analysis of population usually involves
the use of both principles or methods of
formal demography and substantive con-
ceptual frameworks of population studies.
Seldom does a demographer rely on a for-
mal technique or methodology for purely
technical motives. Rather, formal methods
are typically developed and applied in the
context of some clearly specified theor-
etical groundwork. This is the case even
in applied demography (where formal
techniques are typically applied to address
practical problems in areas such as in busi-
ness or urban planning), though in such
cases the theoretical context may be sub-
ordinate to the technical application.
4/28/15 6:23 PM
 1 | The Study of Population  9

Ta b l e 1 . 1   Typology of the two traditional domains in the scientific

study of population

Domain Central questions Analytical approaches Principles implied in the question

Formal How many people, of • Q uantitative accounting of
demography what kind, are where? demographic processes and
phenomena
• Formulation and application
of mathematical and
statistical models of
population processes and
dynamics
• Planning and collection of
demographic data (census,
vital registration, surveys)
• Detection and adjustment of
errors in demographic data
• Estimation and projection
of population, and
demographic parameters
Population How come? (i.e., why, • Development and
studies how, where, when, application of substantive
who) theories/models from the
social sciences and other
So what? sciences to describe and
(implications) explain systematically micro-
and macro- level population
phenomena (models-based
approach)
• Application of multivariate
methods for analysis (formal
demographic methods and
models)
“How many people?” implies: Population
size and its change over time (i.e., growth,
stability, decline)
“Of what kind?” implies: The distribution
(i.e., composition) of the population in
accordance with specific characteristics
(esp. age, sex, and marital status) and
change over time in these distributions
“Are where?” implies: The distribution and
concentration of population with respect
to geographic space (e.g., urban/rural,
province/state, etc.), and change over time
in distribution and concentration
“How come?” implies: How and why
population processes occur and change over
time; where and when is change occurring?
(past, current, future) Who (what part
of the population) is/are involved in the
phenomenon? (The whole population? One
or more subset of the population? etc.)
“So what?” implies: What are the sociological
implications of population change for
the present and the future? What policy
interventions, if any, are needed to address
the current and projected implications of
demographic change?

Source: Adapted from Yaukey (1985).

This text is premised on the view that
formal demography and population studies
represent complementary rather than sep-
arate aspects of population analysis. For this
reason, a statistical description of demo-
graphic trends is usually complemented by
substantive sociological analysis. In fact,
it may be argued that many technical quan-
titative methods thought of as “formal”
and thus separate from substantive popula-
tion analysis are fundamentally theoretical
descriptions of demographic processes
(Burch, 2002a, 2002b). We may ask ques-
tions such as “Is the population increasing

111124_01_Ch01.indd 9 4/28/15 6:23 PM

 10  PART ONE | Population as a Scientific Discipline
or decreasing?,” “Is the change in popu-
lation over some period of time due to a
rise or a decline in fertility?,” “Is change
solely accounted by migration?” But once
answered, these questions typically lead us
to how-, why-, and so what–type queries.
The Nature of Demographic
Change
The study of population phenomena may
be approached from either a static or a
dynamic perspective. A static analysis
would focus on demographic conditions
at a fixed point in time. By contrast, a
dynamic analysis would study the change
in demographic conditions over a per-
iod of time. This kind of analysis might
emphasize process variables—variables
that reflect human behavioural processes,
such as fertility, mortality, and migration.
Fertility can be treated as a process vari-
able because it presupposes the existence
of couples, in sexual unions, undergoing
sequential stages of the fertility process:
conception, gestation, and parturition.
Mortality can be described as a process
because a variety of causal mechanisms
and conditions can operate over a per-
iod to cause the death of an individual.
Consider, for example, that currently on
an annual basis about 36 000 Canadians
die of ischemic heart disease (Statistics
Canada, 2013a)—a condition caused by a
reduced amount of blood supplying the
heart muscle due to the presence of thick
plaque along the inner walls of arteries
formed by the building up of cholesterol
or other lipids. This disease typically
develops over many years; for some, there
111124_01_Ch01.indd 10
may be a genetic predisposition, while for
others, poor diet and a host of lifestyle-­
related problems (smoking, stress, lack of
exercise, and so on) may be responsible.
Migration is also a dynamic process. In
most cases, geographic relocation involves
a conscious decision by an individual, but
the move is not instantaneous. The person
will have to make arrangements to leave
his or her place of residence and arrange-
ments to take up residence elsewhere; all
of these aspects of migration presuppose
a process of decision making and adjust-
ment on the part of the individual. In the
population as a whole, these three demo-
graphic processes—fertility, mortality, and
migration—take place more or less on a
continuous basis.
Change in Population Size
We can measure the change in the size
of a population between two points in
time by examining the natural processes
of fertility and mortality, as well as net
migration (the net difference between
the number of incoming and outgoing
migrants). This principle is illustrated
by the demographic balancing equation,
also known as the demographic compon-
ents equation:
Pt +1 − Pt = ( Bt , t +1 − Dt , t +1 ) +
(IN t ,t +1 − OU
UTt ,t++1 )
Pt and Pt+1 represent, respectively, the popu-
lation at the beginning and the population
at the end of some specified interval, t to t+1.
The numerical change in population over the
interval (Pt+1 – Pt) can be expressed as a func-
tion of the difference in births and deaths
(Bt,t+1 – Dt,t+1) plus the net exchange in the
numbers of person migrating into the
4/28/15 6:23 PM
 1 | The Study of Population  11

population (INt,t+1) and those leaving
(OUTt,t+1). The component Bt,t+1 – Dt,t+1 is called
natural increase, and the term INt,t+1 – OUTt,t+1
is net migration. Therefore, we may summar-
ize the demographic equation as follows:
Pt +1 = Pt + (natural increase t , t +1 )
+ (net migration t , t +1 )
Figure 1.1 displays the demographic balan-
cing equation in graphic form for Canada
for the period 2010–11. During this one-
year interval, births in Canada exceeded
deaths by a notable margin, and immi-
grants greatly outnumbered emigrants.
However, as the figure shows, the net effect
of migration was greater than the effect of
natural increase and therefore played a lar-
ger role in population growth. In propor-
tionate terms, natural increase accounted
for 37 per cent of population growth,
while net migration accounted for 63 per
cent. Over recent years net migration has
surpassed natural increase in a­ ccounting
for Canada’s population growth, a phe-
nomenon attributable to a continued pat-
tern of low fertility in conjunction with
rising immigration. Table 1.2 presents a
conceptual view of how the demographic
­components interact.

400 000

350 000

300 000

250 000
Number

200 000

150 000

100 000

50 000

0
Population Births Deaths Immigration Emigration Natural Net
growth increase migration
Component of growth

Figure 1.1 Demographic components of Canada’s population growth between

1 July 2010 and 30 June 2011
Note: Population and components of growth as of 1 July of each year. Immigration derived as follows:
(immigrants + net non-permanent residents + returning emigrants). Emigration derived as follows:
(emigrants + net temporary emigrants).
Source: Statistics Canada (2013b, 2013c).

111124_01_Ch01.indd 11 4/28/15 6:23 PM

Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
like articles of Porto Rican manufacture: Provided, That on
and after the date when this Act shall take effect, all
merchandise and articles, except coffee, not dutiable under
the tariff laws of the United States, and all merchandise and
articles entered in Porto Rico free of duty under' orders
heretofore made by the Secretary of War, shall be admitted
into the several ports thereof, when imported from the United
States, free of duty, all laws or parts of laws to the
contrary notwithstanding; and whenever the legislative
assembly of Porto Rico shall have enacted and put into
operation a system of local taxation to meet the necessities
of the government of Porto Rico, by this Act established, and
shall by resolution duly passed so notify the President, he
shall make proclamation thereof, and thereupon all tariff
duties on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
Rico shall cease, and from and after such date all such
merchandise and articles shall be entered at the several ports
of entry free of duty; and in no event shall any duties be
collected after the first day of March, nineteen hundred and
two, on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
Rico.

"SECTION 4.
That the duties and taxes collected in Porto Rico in pursuance
of this Act, less the cost of collecting the same, and the
gross amount of all collections of duties and taxes in the
United States upon articles of merchandise coming from Porto
Rico, shall not be covered into the general fund of the
Treasury, but shall be held as a separate fund, and shall be
placed at the disposal of the President to be used for the
government and benefit of Porto Rico until the government of
Porto Rico herein provided for shall have been organized, when
all moneys theretofore collected under the provisions hereof,
then unexpended, shall be transferred to the local treasury of
Porto Rico, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate
 the several ports and sub-ports of entry in Porto Rico, and
shall make such rules and regulations and appoint such agents
as may be necessary to collect the duties and taxes authorized
to be levied, collected, and paid in Porto Rico by the
provisions of this Act, and he shall fix the compensation and
provide for the payment thereof of all such officers, agents,
and assistants as he may find it necessary to employ to carry
out the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That as soon as
a civil government for Porto Rico shall have been organized in
accordance with the provisions of this Act and notice thereof
shall have been given to the President he shall make
proclamation thereof, and thereafter all collections of duties
and taxes in Porto Rico under the provisions of this Act shall
be paid into the treasury of Porto Rico, to be expended as
required by law for the government and benefit thereof instead
of being paid into the Treasury of the United States."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (April).

Act to provide temporarily for the civil government
of the Island.

The fundamental provisions of the act of the Congress of the

United States to provide temporarily for the civil government
of Porto Rico, which the President approved April 12, 1900,
are the following:

"SECTION 6.
That the capital of Porto Rico shall be at the city of San
Juan and the seat of government shall be maintained there.

"SECTION 7.
That all inhabitants continuing to reside therein who were
Spanish subjects on the eleventh day of April, eighteen
hundred and ninety-nine, and then resided in Porto Rico, and
their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and
held to be citizens of Porto Rico, and as such entitled to the
protection of the United States, except such as shall have
 elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain on
or before the eleventh day of April, nineteen hundred, in
accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between
the United States and Spain entered into on the eleventh day
of April, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine; and they, together
with such citizens of the United States as may reside in Porto
Rico, shall constitute a body politic under the name of The
People of Porto Rico, with governmental powers as hereinafter
conferred, and with power to sue and be sued as such.

{416}

"SECTION 8.
That the laws and ordinances of Porto Rico now in force shall
continue in full force and effect, except as altered, amended,
or modified hereinafter, or as altered or modified by military
orders and decrees in force when this Act shall take effect,
and so far as the same are not inconsistent or in conflict
with the statutory laws of the United States not locally
inapplicable, or the provisions hereof, until altered,
amended, or repealed by the legislative authority hereinafter
provided for Porto Rico or by Act of Congress of the United
States: Provided, That so much of the law which was in force
at the time of cession, April eleventh, eighteen hundred and
ninety-nine, forbidding the marriage of priests, ministers, or
followers of any faith because of vows they may have taken,
being paragraph four, article eighty-three, chapter three,
civil code, and which was continued by the order of the
secretary of justice of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth,
eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and promulgated by
Major-General Guy V. Henry, United States Volunteers, is
hereby repealed and annulled, and all persons lawfully married
in Porto Rico shall have all the rights and remedies conferred
by law upon parties to either civil or religious marriages:
And provided further, That paragraph one, article one hundred
and five, section four, divorce, civil code, and paragraph
two, section nineteen, of the order of the minister of justice
of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth, eighteen hundred and
ninety-nine, and promulgated by Major-General Guy V. Henry,
United States Volunteers, be, and the same hereby are, so
amended as to read: 'Adultery on the part of either the
husband or the wife.' …

"SECTION 14.
That the statutory laws of the United States not locally
inapplicable, except as hereinbefore or hereinafter otherwise
provided, shall have the same force and effect in Porto Rico
as in the United States, except the internal-revenue laws,
which, in view of the provisions of section three, shall not
have force and effect in Porto Rico.

"SECTION 15.
That the legislative authority hereinafter provided shall have
power by due enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal any
law or ordinance, civil or criminal, continued in force by
this Act, as it may from time to time see fit.

"SECTION 16.
That all judicial process shall run in the name of 'United
States of America, ss: the President of the United States,'
and all criminal or penal prosecutions in the local courts
shall be conducted in the name and by the authority of 'The
People of Porto Rico'; and all officials authorized by this
Act shall before entering upon the duties of their respective
offices take an oath to support the Constitution of the United
States and the laws of Porto Rico.

"SECTION 17.
That the official title of the chief executive officer shall
be 'The Governor of Porto Rico.' He shall be appointed by the
President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate;
he shall hold his office for a term of four years and until
his successor is chosen and qualified unless sooner removed by
the President; he shall reside in Porto Rico during his
official incumbency, and shall maintain his office at the seat
of government; he may grant pardons and reprieves, and remit
fines and forfeitures for offenses against the laws of Porto
Rico, and respites for offenses against the laws of the United
States, until the decision of the President can be
ascertained; he shall commission all officers that he may be
authorized to appoint, and may veto any legislation enacted,
as hereinafter provided; he shall be the commander in chief of
the militia, and shall at all times faithfully execute the
laws, and he shall in that behalf have all the powers of
governors of the Territories of the United States that are not
locally inapplicable; and he shall annually, and at such other
times as he may be required, make official report of the
transactions of the government in Porto Rico, through the
Secretary of State, to the President of the United States:
Provided, That the President may, in his discretion, delegate
and assign to him such executive duties and functions as may
in pursuance with law be so delegated and assigned.

"SECTION 18.
That there shall be appointed by the President, by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate, for the period of four
years, unless sooner removed by the President, a secretary, an
attorney-general, a treasurer, an auditor, a commissioner of
the interior, and a commissioner of education, each of whom
shall reside in Porto Rico during his official incumbency and
have the powers and duties hereinafter provided for them,
respectively, and who, together with five other persons of
good repute, to be also appointed by the President for a like
term of four years, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, shall constitute an executive council, at least five
of whom shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico, and, in
addition to the legislative duties hereinafter imposed upon
them as a body, shall exercise such powers and perform such
duties as are hereinafter provided for them, respectively, and
who shall have power to employ all necessary deputies and
assistants for the proper discharge of their duties as such
 officials and as such executive council. …

"SECTION 27.
That all local legislative powers hereby granted shall be
vested in a legislative assembly which shall consist of two
houses; one the executive council, as hereinbefore
constituted, and the other a house of delegates, to consist of
thirty-five members elected biennially by the qualified voters
as hereinafter provided; and the two houses thus constituted
shall be designated 'The legislative assembly of Porto Rico.'

"SECTION 28.
That for the purposes of such elections Porto Rico shall be
divided by the executive council into seven districts,
composed of contiguous territory and as nearly equal as may be
in population, and each district shall be entitled to five
members of the house of delegates.

SECTION 29.
That the first election for delegates shall be held on such
date and under such regulations as to ballots and voting as
the executive council may prescribe. … At such elections all
citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been
bona fide residents for one year and who possess the other
qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in
force on the first day of March, 1900, subject to such
modifications and additional qualifications and such
regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be
prescribed by the executive council. …

{417}

"SECTION 32.
That the legislative authority herein provided shall extend to
all matters of a legislative character not locally inapplicable,
including power to create, consolidate, and reorganize the
municipalities, so far as may be necessary, and to provide and
repeal laws and ordinances therefor; and also the power to
alter, amend, modify, and repeal any and all laws and
ordinances of every character now in force in Porto Rico, or
any municipality or district thereof, not inconsistent with
the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That all grants of
franchises, rights, and privileges or concessions of a public
or quasi-public nature shall be made by the executive council,
with the approval of the governor, and all franchises granted
in Porto Rico shall be reported to Congress, which hereby
reserves the power to annul or modify the same.

"SECTION 33.
That the judicial power shall be vested in the courts and
tribunals of Porto Rico as already established and now in
operation, including municipal courts. …

"SECTION 34.
That Porto Rico shall constitute a judicial district to be
called 'the district of Porto Rico.' The President, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a
district judge, a district attorney, and a marshal for said
district, each for a term of four years, unless sooner removed
by the President. The district court for said district shall
be called the district court of the United States for Porto
Rico.

"SECTION 35.
That writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of
the supreme court of Porto Rico and the district court of the
United States shall be allowed and may be taken to the Supreme
Court of the United States in the same manner and under the
same regulations and in the same cases as from the supreme
courts of the Territories of the United States. …

"SECTION 39.
That the qualified voters of Porto Rico shall, on the first
Tuesday after the first Monday of November, anno Domini
 nineteen hundred, and every two years thereafter, choose a
resident commissioner to the United States, who shall be
entitled to official recognition as such by all Departments,
upon presentation to the Department of State of a certificate
of election of the governor of Porto Rico, and who shall be
entitled to a salary, payable monthly by the United States, at
the rate of five thousand dollars per annum: Provided, That no
person shall be eligible to such election who is not a bona
fide citizen of Porto Rico, who is not thirty years of age,
and who does not read and write the English language.

"SECTION 40.
That a commission, to consist of three members, at least one
of whom shall be a native citizen of Porto Rico, shall be
appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate, to compile and revise the laws of Porto Rico; also
the various codes of procedure and systems of municipal
government now in force, and to frame and report such
legislation as may be necessary to make a simple, harmonious,
and economical government, establish justice and secure its
prompt and efficient administration, inaugurate a general
system of education and public instruction, provide buildings
and funds therefor, equalize and simplify taxation and all the
methods of raising revenue, and make all other provisions that
may be necessary to secure and extend the benefits of a
republican form of government to all the inhabitants of Porto
Rico."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (May).

Organization of civil government.
Appointment of Governor Allen.

Under the Act to establish civil government in Porto Rico,

Honorable. Charles H. Allen, formerly a representative in
Congress from Massachusetts, and lately Assistant-Secretary of
the Navy, was appointed to the governorship of the island. Mr.
J. H. Hollander, of Maryland, was appointed Treasurer, and Mr.
 John R. Garrison, of the District of Columbia, Auditor.
Governor Allen was inducted into office with considerable
ceremony, at San Juan, on the 1st of May.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (August-October).

First steps in the creation of a public school system.

"The report of M. G. Brumbaugh, commissioner of education, on

education in Porto Rico, dated October 15, 1900, shows what
has been accomplished in the short time that elapsed after the
commissioner entered upon his duties on August 4, 1900. … The
people want schools … and the pupils will attend them. In
1899, 616 schools were opened in Porto Rico. In 1900 the
department will maintain at least 800 schools, an increase of
30 per cent, which will provide for nearly 9,000 additional
pupils.

"In 1899 there were 67 Americans in the teaching force of the

island. Since October 1, 1900, the number has increased to
100. The commissioner criticises one class of teachers who are
'seekers after novelty and new experiences, who imposed upon the
administration and the children, and who used the salary and
position of teacher solely to see a new country for a year and
then return. … The people of Porto Rico have patiently borne
with these adventurers, and quietly longed for their
departure.' This class of teachers is now gone and the newly
selected American teachers have some knowledge of Spanish and
are graduates of universities, colleges, and normal schools in
the States, and are for the most part young men and women of
ability and discretion. The salaries of American teachers were
fixed by law at $40 per month for nine months in cities of
less than 5,000 population. In cities of larger population the
salary was $50 per month for nine months and both are
inadequate, although at the time the salaries were fixed the
War Department provided free transportation from and to the
United States. This transportation may now be withdrawn at any
time, and the small inducement held out by the meager salary
 offered to teachers is not calculated to invite the best class
of them to the island.

"The new normal and industrial school at Fajardo, which was to

have been established by the joint efforts of the local
municipality and the American Government, was only so far
advanced that the land had been purchased by the end of
September, 1900. The normal department was opened October 1,
in a rented building, while the industrial department cannot
be opened until suitable quarters are provided. The
commissioner recommends that the United States make this place
the site of an agricultural experiment station for which it is
pre-eminently fitted. On account of the industries of the
country—coffee, sugar, tobacco, and fruit—agriculture could be
well studied here, and free boarding, lodging, and tuition would
be given the students, who would be for the most part poor
boys and girls.

"As to the school accommodation, the commissioner states that

there are no public school buildings in Porto Rico. The
schools are conducted in rented houses or rooms which are
often unfit for the purpose, and the hygienic conditions are
bad. There is a wide field, or rather a demand, for
improvement in this direction, as well as in the school
equipment and material.

{418}

In 1899, $33,000 was expended for school-books, and in 1900,

$20,000 will be expended for books and supplies, which shall
be free. In the United States 'free books' means usually their
purchase by local boards and free use by the pupils. In Porto
Rico the books and supplies will be free to the pupils without
expense to the local boards. A pedagogical museum and library
has been established for the benefit of teachers and others.
About 300 volumes have been contributed to the library from
friends in the States, and the Department will make the number
 up to 500 by purchase. A library of 5,000 volumes of standard
Spanish and American literature was found in a building in San
Juan, which has been installed in suitable rooms as a public
library.

"Many of the leading institutions of the United States have

responded cordially to the application of the Department of
Education on behalf of young Porto Ricans who wish to
prosecute their studies in colleges and universities. Some
have offered free tuition, some have added free lodging, while
others have offered even free living to all such students as
wish to avail themselves of their instruction. Many young
Porto Ricans have availed themselves of these generous offers.

"There are now 800 schools in Porto Rico, and 38,000 pupils
attending them, while there are 300,000 children of school age
for whom there are no accommodations. But the commissioner
expresses the hope that gradually the great illiteracy in
Porto Rico will be reduced, and the people prepared for the
duties of citizenship in a democracy by means of the schools
that shall be established. … The total expenditure for
education in Porto Rico from the 1st of May to the end of
September was $91,057.32."

United States, Secretary of the Interior,

Annual Report, November 28, 1900, page 116.

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (November-December).

The first election under U. S. law.
Meeting of the Legislative Assembly.

The first election in the Island under the provisions of the

Act recited above occurred on the 6th of November
simultaneously with the elections in the United States. It
seems to have been almost entirely a one-sided vote. "About
two weeks before election day," says a despatch from San Juan,
November 7, "the Federal Party, which carried the island at
the election of less than a year ago by a majority of 6,500
votes, suddenly withdrew from the electoral contest. The
Federal leaders sent instruction to their followers not to
appear at the polls, but the Federal Election Judges were
instructed to appear and watch the proceedings until the
elections were concluded in order to gather evidence of any
unfairness in the registration and any irregularity in the
voting. The Federal Party intends to institute court
proceedings after the election in the hope of nullifying it,
claiming that gross irregularities in the registration and
voting will be shown, and alleging that the districting was
not done according to law." Only about 200 Federals voted, it
is stated, while some 60,000 votes were cast for the
candidates of the Republicans. Governor Allen cabled the
following announcement of the election to President McKinley:
"I am gratified and delighted. The outcome in Porto Rico is a
guarantee of the island's future. To bring people who had long
been under different rules and conditions to their first
general election, to have the election pass off as quietly and
orderly as in any State of the North conducted by the people
without let or hindrance, and without a soldier or armed force
of any sort, and to have nearly 60.000 men march to the polls
to deposit their first ballot for self-government in such a
manner, are good reasons for congratulation, not only to the
people of the island, but to the painstaking members of the
Administration, who had worked diligently and patiently to
this end. This overwhelming Republican victory also means
legislation for the good of the island in line with the
American Administration. It means stable government and the
protection of property interests, with which prospective
investors in Porto Rico are deeply concerned. It means
education, public works, and all the beneficent works which
follow legislation wisely and conscientiously undertaken. It
is an emphatic declaration of unqualified loyalty to the
United States."

The newly elected Legislative Assembly met and the House of

Delegates was organized December 3. A correspondent of the
"New York Tribune," writing a week later, said: "Already
nineteen bills have been introduced. To introduce nineteen
bills in six days after organizing, as well as forming the
regular committees, is not bad work when it is considered that
not one of the members had the slightest idea of parliamentary
procedure. During the session one of the members may be seen
making frequent trips to the Executive Mansion, where he
confers with Secretary Hunt in regard to some doubtful point.
It is said by some that in a short time the lower house will
be controlled entirely by the portfolio members of the
Council. It is known that the five Porto Rican members of the
Council, when considering the question of franchises, etc.,
often vote contrary to their own ideas in order that the
Council may continue harmonious. But it is not likely that the
heads of departments will be able to control the thirty-five
members of the House. The House, although regularly elected,
is not representative of the island; the Federals refraining
from voting kept over half the natives from the polls. The
Federal party, it is asserted, is made up of the richest and
best element of Porto Rico. The Republicans, though in power,
do not feel that they are able to run things alone, so the
majority is willing to be dictated to by the Council.
Nevertheless there is a certain element in the House which
will not be dictated to. So soon as any really important bill
comes up for debate it is predicted that the House will divide
against itself. And a little later, when the House passes some
pet bill and the Council rejects it, the House will probably
resign in a body. It is a natural trait of the people.'

After another fortnight had passed, the same correspondent

wrote very discouragingly of the disposition shown by a
majority of the members of the House of Delegates, and their
conduct of business, and stated: "The popular opinion among
the Americans, even among some of the higher officials, is
that if the House continues as it is Congress will abolish it
altogether, and govern the island through a Governor and
 Cabinet. Such irregular procedure has been followed that it is
a question here whether any business has been legally done."

{419}

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (January),

Close of the first session of the Legislative Assembly.

The first session of the first Legislative Assembly of the

island came to a close on the 31st of January, 1901, and the
following remarks on its work were made in a newspaper
despatch of that date from San Juan: "Over one hundred bills
have been introduced in the House of Delegates, and dozens
have been passed by both houses, and are awaiting the
Governor's approval. … Committees have a hard day's work if
they get together and agree to pass the bills on hand before
midnight to-night. Ever since the House of Delegates resumed
business after the new year, eight or nine members have been
continually absent. There are only thirty-five members
altogether, and the island is small, yet twenty-six has been
the average attendance. A full attendance for even one day is
not recorded. It was predicted that a number of the members
would resign; they did not. They simply remained away, like
truant schoolboys. A bill has been passed providing for the
education of certain young Porto Rican men and women in the
United States, about two hundred of them having petitioned the
House of Delegates to be sent north at the island's expense.
It is not known on what ground these petitions have been made.
The island expends about $400,000 yearly on education, and
excellent educational facilities are offered. But the people,
in a way, seem to discredit the value of the opportunities at
hand."

PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (April).

Distress of the workingmen of the Island.
Their appeal to the President of the United States.
 The following petition, signed by 6,000 of the workingmen of
Porto Rico, was brought to the United States by a delegate
from the Federation of Labor in Porto Rico and presented to
President McKinley on the 15th of April:

"The undersigned, workers of Porto Rico, without distinction

of color, political or religious creed, have the honor to
bring to your attention the following facts: Misery, with all
its horrible consequences, is spreading in our homes with
wonderful rapidity. It has already reached such an extreme
that many workers are starving to death while others, that
have not the courage to see their mothers, wives, sisters and
children perish of hunger, commit suicide by drowning
themselves in the rivers or hanging themselves from branches
of trees. All this, honorable sir, is due to the scarcity of
work, which keeps us in enforced idleness, the mother of our
misery. Our beautiful estates are idle; our lands are not
being cultivated; our shops remain closed; and our Chambers do
absolutely nothing to prevent our misery on this once so rich
an island. The Government and municipality do not undertake
any public works to keep us out of idleness. The emigration of
workers, unknown in this island before, increases day by day,
in proportion as misery increases. Under these trying
conditions we are no longer a happy and contented people. We
therefore, beg of you, honorable sir, to interest yourself in
our cause, leading us, as the father of our country, in the
path that will bring us work, and with it the means of
subsistence. We want work; nothing but work. We want to earn
the means of subsistence by the sweat of our brows; and nobody
better than our Chief Magistrate can help us by lending ear to
our appeals. "

----------PORTO RICO: End--------

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1891-1900.
Delagoa Bay Arbitration.
 See (in this volume)
DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.
Alleged Treaty with Great Britain.

There is said to be knowledge in diplomatic circles of a

treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, concluded in 1898,
which has never been made public, but which is understood to
engage the former to assist the latter financially and to
protect the kingdom as against dangers both external and
internal. In return it is believed that England received the
right to embark and disembark troops, stores and ammunitions
at any point on Portuguese territory in Africa, to keep them
there, or to convey them across Portuguese territory to any
point she might see fit, irrespective as to whether she was at
war with any third Power. Circumstances have given some
support to this rumor, but it has no positive confirmation.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899.
Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899 (May-July).

Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

See (in this volume)

PEACE CONFERENCE.

PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896.

War with Gungunhana.

See (in this volume)

AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).
POSTAGE, British Imperial Penny.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

POWERS, Concert of the.

See (in this volume)

CONCERT OF EUROPE.

POWERS, The four great.

See (in this volume)

NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

PRATT, Consul:
Interviews with Aguinaldo at Singapore.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

"PREDOMINANT MEMBER," Remarks of Lord Rosebery on the.

See (in this volume)

ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

PREHISTORIC DISCOVERIES.

See (in this volume)

ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

PREMPEH, Overthrow of King.

See (in this volume)

ASHANTI.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES: Union in Scotland.

See (in this volume)

SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.

PRESS, The:
Relaxation of restrictions in Poland.

See (in this volume)

RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

PRESS, The:
Prosecutions in Germany.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

PRETORIA: A. D. 1894.
Demonstration of British residents.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

PRETORIA: A. D. 1900.
Taken by the British forces.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

PRIMARY ELECTION LAW.

See (in this volume)

NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.

PRINCE EDWARD'S ISLAND.

 See (in this volume)
CANADA.

{420}

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY:
Celebration of 250th anniversary.
Assumption of new name.

See (in this volume)

EDUCATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1896.

PRINSLOO, Commandant: Surrender.

See (in this volume)

SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PROCTOR, Senator Redfield:

Account of the condition of the Cuban Reconcentrados.

See (in this volume)

CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

PROGRESSISTS,
PROGRESSIVES.

See (in this volume)

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;
JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898, and after;
SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898,
and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

PROHIBITION PARTY, The.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
 A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

PROHIBITION PLEBISCITE, Canadian.

See (in this volume)

CANADA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

PROTECTIVE TARIFFS.

See (in this volume)

TARIFF LEGISLATION.

PROTOCOL, for suspension of Spanish-American War.

See (in this volume)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: Census, 1895.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.
Canal projects.

See (in this volume)

GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.
Bicentenary celebration.

The bicentenary of the coronation of the first King of Prussia

was celebrated with much ceremony and festivity on the 18th of
January, 1901.