Tips - One Hundred Thousand Moons An Advanced Political H

One Hundred Thousand Moons
One Hundred Thousand Moons

Brill’s
Tibetan Studies
Library
Edited by
Henk Blezer
Alex McKay
Charles Ramble
VOLUME 23
Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa
Finance Minister of Tibet
One Hundred
Thousand Moons
An Advanced Political History of Tibet
By
Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa
Translated and annotated by Derek F. Maher
Volume 2
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2010
On the cover (back & front): Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Finance Minister of Tibet
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Shakabpa, W. D., 1908–

[Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs. English]
One hundred thousand moons : an advanced political history of Tibet / by Tsepon
Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa ; translated and annotated by Derek F. Maher.
v. cm. — (Tibetan studies library ; v. 23)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-17732-1 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Tibet (China)—History. 2. Tibet
(China)—Politics and government. I. Title. II. Title: 100,000 moons.
DS785.S3813 2009
951’.5—dc22
2009035414
ISSN 1568-6183
ISBN 978 90 04 17790 1
SET ISBN 978 90 04 17732 1
Original publication in Tibetan: Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, BOD

KYI SRI DON RGYAL RABS, (Kalimpong, India), 1976. Copyright Tsoltim N.
Shakabpa, T. Chukie Shakabpa-Wangdu.
Copyright to the English translation: Derek F. Maher, Tsoltim N.

Shakabpa, T. Chukie Shakabpa-Wangdu.
Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints BRILL, Hotei Publishing,

IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

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printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS
VOLUME 2
List of maps and illustrations

Illustration Section
Chapter Twelve Eleventh and Twelfth Dalai Lamas; the
Dogra War in Ladakh; Regent Shedra and Treasurer Pelden
Döndrup .......................................................................................... 575
Chapter Thirteen Thirteenth Dalai Lama and the Border
Dispute with Britain ...................................................................... 621
Chapter Fourteen Younghusband Military Mission and its
Consequences ................................................................................. 657
Chapter Fifteen Chinese Invasion of Lhasa and Tibet’s
Struggle to Maintain Her Independence ................................... 713
Chapter Sixteen Proof of Tibet’s Enduring Independence ...... 755
Chapter Seventeen Tibetan-Chinese War in Kham .................. 783
Chapter Eighteen Emergence of Political Conflict within
the State ........................................................................................... 845
Chapter Nineteen Great Fourteenth Dalai Lama is Enthroned 875
Chapter Twenty Chinese Communist Invasion of Tibet ......... 915
Chapter Twenty-One Necessity for the Fourteenth Dalai
Lama to Assume Religious and Political Authority Suddenly 943
Chapter Twenty-Two Beginning of the Revolt against the
Chinese in Kham, Gradual Suppression of the Entirety of
Tibet, and Necessity for the Dalai Lama and Others to Seek
the Protection of India ................................................................. 995
Chapter Twenty-Three Dalai Lama’s Appeal to the United
Nations upon arriving in India ................................................. 1033
Afterword .......................................................................................... 1065
Appendices
Appendix I International Treaties and Agreements ........... 1079
Appendix II Dalai Lamas, Paṇchen Lamas, Regents, and
Ganden Tripas ......................................................................... 1133
Bibliography of Tibetan Resources ............................................... 1139
Bibliography of Other Resources .................................................. 1155
General Index ................................................................................... 1165
Index of Locations ........................................................................... 1177
LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Maps
1. Southern Tibet ............................................................................ 244

2. Lhasa City .................................................................................... 322
3. Tibet within Asia ........................................................................ 622
4. Eastern Tibet ............................................................................... 784
Illustrations
1. Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa

2. The Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821 inscribed on a stone pillar
3. Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa wearing customary jewelry
prior to his departure on the 1948 Tibetan Trade Mission
4. Members of the Tibetan Trade Mission of 1948
5. Tsepon Shakabpa with the British Viceroy of India, Lord Louis
Mountbatton, in 1948
6. Tsepon Shakabpa meeting with Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1948
7. The Tibetan Trade Mission outside 10 Downing Street in London
8. Tsepon Shakabpa meeting with the President of India, Rajendra
Prasad, in New Delhi in 1950
9. The Tibetan Delegation to India meeting with Indian Prime Minister
Nehru in New Delhi in 1950
10. Tsepon Shakabpa receiving a visit from Jayaprakash Narayan in
Kalimpong in 1968
11. Tibetan soldiers with the Tibetan national flag. Circa 1947–8
12. Certificate presented to Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa by the
Tibetan cabinet in 1985
13. Tibetan passport employed by Tsepon Shakabpa during the Tibetan
Trade Mission in 1948
ILLUSTRATION SECTION
This stone pillar (rdo ring), which is inscribed in Tibetan and Chinese with the
Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821, was erected below the front of the Potala Palace
in the ninth century.
Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Finance Minister of Tibet, seen here
wearing a gold and turquoise crown and a gold, turquoise, and pearl earring.
The photograph was taken prior to his departure on the 1948 Tibetan Trade
Mission.
Members of the TIBETAN TRADE MISSION—1948 Left to right: Khenchung
Taikhang (younger brother of Tsepon Shakabpa), Zurkhang Surpa, Tsepon
Shakabpa (Leader of the Mission) and Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel.
Tsepon Shakabpa met with the last British Viceroy of India, Lord Louis
Mountbatton, in 1948. Kuladharma Ratna translated, while Pomdawa Lozang
Yarpel, member of the Trade Mission, stood in the background.
As leader of the Tibetan Trade Mission, Tsepon Shakabpa met in 1948 with
Dwight D. Eisenhower, then the President of Columbia University.
The Tibetan Trade Delegation met with British Prime Minister Clement Atlee
at 10 Downing Street in London. Left to right: Kenchung Thubten Tsepal
Taikhang (younger brother of Tsepon Shakabpa), Tsepon Wangchuk Deden
Shakabpa, Rimzhi Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel, Prime Minister Clement Atlee,
Dzasa Zurkhang Surpa, Kaludharma Ratna (translator).
Jigme Taring (left) translated during a meeting between Tsepon Shakabpa and
the President of India, Rajendra Prasad, in New Delhi in 1950.
The Tibetan Delegation to India met with Indian Prime Minister Nehru at his
residence in New Delhi in 1950. Front row: Tsecha Thubten Gyalpo, Pema
Yudon Shakabpa (wife of Tsepon Shakabpa), Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister
Jawaharlal Nehru, Tsering Dolma (older sister of His Holiness the Dalai Lama),
Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Depon Phuntsok Tashi Takla (husband of
Tsering Dolma). Back row: Dzasa Jigme Taring, Unknown monk, and Chepon
Chemo Driyul (brother-in-law of Tsepon Shakabpa).
The prominent Indian politician, Jayaprakash Narayan, visited Shakabpa House
in Kalimpong, West Bengal, India in 1968. Front row: Tsepon Wangchuk
Deden Shakabpa, Jayaprakash Narayan, Pema Yudon Shakabpa (Tsepon’s wife),
Mrs. Jayaprakah Narayan, and Margaret Hennessy Shakabpa (the Tsepon’s
daughter-in-law and wife of Tsoltim Ngima Shakabpa). Back row: Wangchuk
D. Shakabpa (Tsepon’s grandson & son of Tsoltim & Margaret Shakabpa),
Chamba Wongmo Thonsur (Tsepon’s daughter), Kunsang Namdrol Shakabpa
(Tsepon’s son). Photo taken by Tsoltim N. Shakabpa.
A squad of Tibetan soldiers with the Tibetan national flag. Circa 1947–8.
This Certificate of Award was presented to Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa
by the Kashag, the cabinet of the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala,
India. In an official translation, the text reads as follows:
23rd May 1985

To Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa,
In addition to your sincere and faithful service to the Government of Tibet
both in Tibet and exile, you have authored “A Political History of Tibet”
which was an eye opener for the general public about the status of Tibet as
a nation. In recognition to your excellent service to the Tibetan nation and
for its independence, the Kashag (Cabinet) confer this special certificate
honoring you as “An Authority over the Political History of Tibet.”
Signed,
Juchen Thupten
The Tibetan passport employed by Tsepon Shakabpa during the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948.
CHAPTER TWELVE
ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS;

THE DOGRA WAR IN LADAKH; REGENT SHEDRA
AND TREASURER PELDEN DÖNDRUP
TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION
The ninth to twelfth Dalai Lamas (1806–1875) all died as youths, and
it has been darkly suspected that they were murdered, perhaps by the
ambans seeking to advance Qing power, perhaps by their monastic
retainers hoping to maintain control over resources, or perhaps by
nobles intent on enhancing the interests of their class. Shakabpa does
not advance any of these theories, instead accepting that the deaths
were a result of natural causes. As the 19th century advanced, changes
swirled all around Tibet. Britain was establishing a presence all along
Tibet’s southern borders, Russia was encroaching through Central Asia
and the Mongolian lands, and the Qing found their power in dramatic
decline within China. These external shifts contributed to a period of
change within Tibet, as well. A series of weak regents ruling in place of
the youthful Dalai Lamas ultimately gave way to more powerful figures
able to consolidate power and resist incursions from without. This trend
reached fulfillment with the ascension of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, a
figure charismatic and powerful enough to be compared to the great
fifth Dalai Lama.
The chapter opens with the by now familiar process of identifying
a new Dalai Lama, this time the eleventh in the lineage. According to
Shakabpa, the child, born in 1838, had already been determined to be
the correct incarnation when the Golden Urn Lottery was performed
confirming the selection. As we saw in Chapter 11, he was anxious to
provide evidence that the Golden Urn method, an unwelcome intru-
sion in Tibetan religious matters, was of little consequence. He further
minimizes the significance of its use in the case of the eleventh Dalai
Lama by pointing out that there are no records of a rival candidate.
Yet, the young incarnation, Khedrup Gyatso (1838–1855), would not
survive to adulthood, barely ruling for six months.
Meanwhile, turmoil in India bubbled up over the edge of the Hima-
layas to influence events in Tibet. Tibet is often wrongly depicted as
576 chapter twelve
having been more isolated, more homogenous, and more monolithic in

religious identity than it was. In fact, there has long been a considerable
presence of people from other religions. Beginning in the 12th century,
Kashmiri immigrants arrived in Western and Central Tibet by way of
Ladakh, their homeland providing the toponym employed in Tibetan
to refer to all Muslims, “Khaché.” It was to the descendants of these
people that the fifth Dalai Lama famously provided land grants for both
a cemetery and a mosque, the latter being built as early as 1650. In the
process, he also legitimized and normalized the status of Muslims in
Lhasa. Moreover, Hui people, Muslim descendents from Central Asian
traders, made their way to Lhasa from northeastern Tibet; especially
in the early 18th century, a significant number of Hui arrived in the
capital as support troops for the invading Dzüngar Mongolians.a
The present chapter recounts how another population of foreign-
ers came to complicate the religious landscape in Tibet even more. A
member of a declining family of Hindu princes in Jammu in northern
India, Mahārāja Gulab Singh (1792–1857) managed to revitalize his
family’s fortunes by attaching himself to the ascendant Sikh king, Ranjit
Singh. By the 1820s, Gulab and his brothers had become such a powerful
force in Jammu and Kashmir that they inspired British apprehensions,
fearing that a powerful independent force in Kashmir might disrupt
British aspirations in Afghanistan, the Himalayas, Gurkha Nepal, and
elsewhere. The Mahārāja made his move against Ladakh by dispatching
his general Wazir Zorawar Singh (1786–1841) with an army, led by
Hindu officers and composed mainly of soldiers of the Sikh faith. The
Buddhist Ladakhis, with long ties to Tibet, found themselves unprepared
to resist, whereupon their king Tsepel Namgyel was deposed. Despite
this setback for Tibetan interests, British records also register some
ambivalence in that they hoped a belligerent Dogra attitude towards
Tibet might serve to drive the Tibetan shawl wool trade into markets
controlled by the East India Company.b
In 1841, the emboldened Zorawar Singh attacked Tibet itself with
Ladakhi and Sikh troops under his command. While the more well-
a
This little studied area of Tibetan religious history deserves more scholarly atten-
tion. See, for example, Chen Bo, “A Multicultural Interpretation of an Ethnic Muslim
Minority: The Case of the Hui Tibetan in Lhasa,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
23 (2003), 41–61 and Gray Henry, ed. Islam in Tibet & Tibetan Caravans (Louisville,
KY: Fons Vita, 1997).
b
Robert A. Huttenback, “Gulab Singh and the Creation of the Dogra State of Jammu,
Kashmir, and Ladakh,” Journal of Asian Studies 20 (1961), 477–488.
eleventh and twelfth dalai lamas 577
armed invaders enjoyed success initially, the Tibetans made strategic

use of their greater familiarity with the terrain and the difficulties of
operating in frigid winter weather. After three days of fighting, a deep
snow fell. As the Dogra troops suffered, the Tibetans and their Mon-
golian allies attacked from all sides, and bitter hand-to-hand fighting
ensued. Zorawar Singh was dragged from his horse and beheaded, three
hundred of his troops were killed in combat, and about seven hundred
were captured. While the captives were taken to Central Tibet, the
remainder of the fleeing army was pursued all the way back to Ladakh,
where the Tibetan army was ultimately defeated. After extensive nego-
tiations and the signing of a treaty, the Sikh captives were freed and
granted leave to return home. However, more than two hundred of
them elected to remain in Tibet where they settled in Lhasa, Yarlung,
Chongyé, and points to the south. Many of the Dogra soldiers married
Tibetan woman, adopted local customs, and worked as butchers, culti-
vated fruit trees, or performed other work. Perhaps owing to their status
as outsiders in Tibetan culture, many of them seem to have identified
with other marginalized people, a fact which may have contributed to
their gradual conversion to Islam. They became known as the “Singpa
Khaché” (sing pa kha che) people, a curious blending of names for the
Sikh and Islamic faiths. The Singpa Khachés came to be stalwarts of
the Lhasa Islamic community, and their status was legitimized by the
fact that Singpa butchers were subsequently selected to provide meat
for the table of the Dalai Lama.
In 1844, the Regent Tsemönling Nomihen Ngawang Jampel Tsül-
trim Gyatso was deposed for malfeasance after twenty-four years of
rule. Echoing the common theme, Shakabpa suggests that one of the
reasons for his dismissal was his assertion that the Golden Urn had
been employed in selecting the tenth Dalai Lama when it had not.c
The regent’s dismissal and his subsequent treatment by the authorities
caused a great rift with Sera Monastery from which the regent had
risen, reinforcing that there could often be substantial gaps between the
interests of the great monasteries and the government. The regent from
Tsemönling was replaced for just nine months by the fourth Paṇchen
Lama Tenpé Nyima (1781–1854) and Radreng Ngawang Lozang Yeshé
Tsültrim Gyeltsen (1816–1863). In 1855, the regent retired to Radreng
Monastery when the seventeen-year old Dalai Lama assumed control
c
See p. 569 above and p. 588 below.
578 chapter twelve
over the government. However, within six months, he died. Radreng

Rinpoché resumed the regency for a second time.
Throughout this period, unrest prevailed along Tibet’s western and
southern borders. A conflict broke out with the Ladakhis in 1853. More-
over, a general sense of turmoil was fostered by the serious conflicts
in British India, including the notable Sepoy Rebellion which began in
Lucknow in 1857 and rapidly spread across northern India. Internal
tensions within Nepal resulted in territorial incursions into Tibet, a
situation that was resolved swiftly in 1856. As tumultuous as matters
were among these neighbor’s of Tibet, they were even more chaotic in
China. The Opium Wars, coastal conflicts with the western powers, the
Taiping Rebellion, a restive Muslim population, and yet other sources
of distraction meant that the Manchurian regime in Beijing could no
longer exercise detailed control over even their own delegation in Lhasa,
never mind the Tibetan factions.d
In this environment, the Manchu presence in Tibet became ineffec-
tive. Shakabpa mentions that the amban had fewer than a hundred
bodyguards, the government in Beijing was unable to keep up with the
pay of the military, “[m]ost of the Manchu officers and functionaries
were opium addicts,” and Tibetans were disgusted with them all because
of their affliction with syphilis, which they called “the Chinese disease.”e
Shakabpa’s tone is very dismissive of Qing pretensions to authority in
Tibet at this time.
Radreng Rinpoché conducted the search for the twelfth Dalai Lama,
ultimately selecting a boy from Ölga known as Trinlé Gyatso (1856–
1875). Extensive tests were performed on the child, all confirming what
had been independently determined by various incarnations, i.e., that
he was certainly the correct incarnation. Nonetheless, since there were
three candidates, it was decided to perform the Golden Urn Ceremony
to determine definitively the identity of the new Dalai Lama. Since
public sentiment was clearly in favor of the child from Ölga, extensive
public services were performed to pray that he was selected; in the end,
his name was chosen by the lottery method as well.
d
Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton,
1990), 143–193.
e
See p. 598 below.
A power struggle broke out between the cabinet and the regent when
Cabinet Minister Shedra (1795–1864) was suspected of attempting to
displace the regent. When Shedra was sent into internal exile, a case was
made against him asserting that he had been hatching a conspiracy with
Jung Bahadur Ratna, the Prime Minister of Nepal. When an assassin
was sent to dispose of Shedra, the assailant was dissuaded from kill-
ing him. Instead, he was placed under house arrest in a monastery in
Nyemo. Before long, word leaked to monks from Ganden Monastery
that the former minister was being held there. Pelden Döndrup, the
steward of Ganden Shartsé Monastery, reached out to monks from
Drepung, and an alliance of the two great monasteries permitted Shedra
to return to Lhasa, depose Radreng Rinpoché, and secure the regency
for himself. The monks from Sera, Radreng’s own monastery, remained
allied to him. However, in the end, it was not enough, and Radreng
fled to China. In an effort to unify the public, the seven-year old Dalai
Lama was invested with political power, with Shedra ruling as regent.
Subsequently, he was replaced by Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap
Wangchuk, the seventy-sixth Throne Holder of Ganden (d. 1872).
Shakabpa next narrates a series of conflicts in the eastern border-
lands. His objective is to show that the central government was able
to exercise control over those regions throughout this period, and the
Qing in China played no significant part in these events. The most
notable sign of Qing impotency is the mention of the court’s issuance
in 1867 of a wooden plank with a trilingual inscription. In former times
that were happier for the Qing, such proclamations had been etched
on gold tablets.f
In the wake of the previous events surrounding the ascent of Regent
Shedra, Pelden Döndrup was elevated to the status of a cabinet min-
ister, and eventually he was appointed as the Dalai Lama’s personal
attendant. Shakabpa depicts Pelden Döndrup as being corrupted by
his great power. Quoting his own grandfather’s eye-witness reports,
Shakabpa describes him as arrogant and capricious. Overestimating his
own authority, he attempted to usurp the regency. He assassinated one
of the cabinet ministers, but the regent had been warned. The next day,
many of Pelden Döndrup’s co-conspirators were arrested, and Pelden
Döndrup died in the melee.
f
See p. 608 below.
580 chapter twelve
The regent died in 1872, and the Dalai Lama nominally assumed
authority over the government, even though he was only sixteen. In
1875, at the age of eighteen, he succumbed to an illness and died.
Kündeling Tatsak Jedrung Tungzhen Hotoktu Ngawang Pelden Chökyi
Gyeltsen (1850–1886) was appointed regent.
CHAPTER TWELVE
ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS;

THE DOGRA WAR IN LADAKH; REGENT SHEDRA
AND TREASURER PELDEN DÖNDRUP
The Protector Regent Tsemönling Hotoktu Nomihen and the cabinet

announced throughout Tibet that the names of all remarkable children
should be reported. From among all of the reports, delegates were
dispatched to investigate the candidates. One delegation consisting of
Lodrö Tenpa who was the Abbot of Drepung Monastery’s Dülwa, the
Potala guard Sangyé Pelzang, and regiment leader Nangkarsé arrived
in Gartar on their way to Dartsedo. There they heard about a remark-
able child named Namjom Dorjé who was born on the first day of the
ninth month of 1838 in the family of Menchö Küntsek.
When they went to meet him, he was no more than three years old
and his behavior was unlike other children. He immediately recognized
the Potala guard Sangyé Pelzang. There had been marvelous signs for the
parents and the people of the region. By virtue of his great superiority,
he was able to recognize clothes and other personal possessions of the
previous Dalai Lama without error. These facts were reported to Lhasa.
Since there was perfect agreement even among the lamas and gods that
the government had consulted, and so forth, the child was formally
clothed in robes on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of 1840.
On the fifth day of the second month of 1841, the party began travel-
ing toward the capital of the golden valley of Ü; they stayed for a while
at Sangngakkhar in Dechen. The all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, the
Regent Trichen Nomihen, the cabinet ministers, lamas and incarnations
of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and so forth gathered; the
incarnation was shown religious objects, robes, and personal items of
the previous Dalai Lama as well as copies of them amidst the group. He
recognized the correct ones without any doubt. Still, the Golden Urn
Lottery was performed at the Potala on the twenty-fourth day of the
fifth month, and the child was selected again by that method. Regiment
leader Nangkarsé and two assistants arrived in Dechen to announce
the news. Except for the mention of the Golden Urn Lottery drawing,
the biographies and records make no mention of the other candidates
for the incarnation.
582 chapter twelve
Gungtang died on the first day of the sixth month. On the auspicious
fourth day of the sixth month, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Lozang Tenpé
Nyima Chok ceremonially cut the Dalai Lama’s lock of hair and gave
him the name Khedrup Gyatso. The Dalai Lama immediately left for
Rikya Samtenling Monastery on horseback.1
The party left Rikya Samtenling Monastery on the fourteenth day of
the fourth month of 1842, proceeding in the traditional manner to Pün-
tsok Dögutang, where they stayed. On the fourteenth day, a procession
of the important figures from throughout Tibet, as well as an extensive
array consisting of Changkya Hotoktu, a deputy offering congratulations
on behalf of the Manchu emperor, officials of Chintrel,a the Manchu
amban in Lhasa, Muslims, Nepalis, and Acharyas, a monastic proces-
sion of Sera, Drepung, and other monasteries, dancers and singers from
throughout the four areas of Lhasa and the surrounding area all processed
to [the Potala Palace,] the inconceivable mansion, the second home of
Avalokiteśvara. The Dalai Lama was established on the golden throne.2
Thereafter, the enthronement ceremony lasted for six months with the
participation of Trashi Lhünpo, Regent Nomihen, the Manchu delegate,
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the cabinet, the drungchi,
the senior figures of Ü Tsang, the rulers of Sakya, Drigung, Taklung,
Drukwa, and Dergé, and all of the monks and lay people.
In that year, a severe earthquake struck Horkhok, Lingtsang, Rudam,
Dergé, and so forth, causing terrible losses in human life, livestock, land,
and property. The central government sent representatives to investigate
the situation and to distribute aid such as shelter, grain, and money.3
War Between Tibet and Ladakh4
For more than ten years, the Dogra King Singh5 had continually harassed
the border region of Ladakh. As a result, the descendents of Tibet’s
ancient religious kings escaped to Tibet under terrible difficulties.b
a
It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the
ambans in Lhasa were Meng Bao (1839–1842) and Haipu (1839–1842). See Josef
Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague:
Oriental Institute, 1994), 48.
b
In the turmoil following the assassination of King Lang Darma in the early 9th
century, members of the Tibetan royal family fled central Tibet, eventually reaching
Ladakh and founding a royal dynasty. See p. 40 and also Luciano Petech, A Study of
the Chronicles of Ladakh (Calcutta: Calcutta Oriental Press, 1939), 82–85.
Thereafter, Mahārāja Gulab Singh sent Wazir Zorawar Singh and his
troops in order to support of the Singh Dogra army; they arrived on
the Ladakh border. After some resistance by the Ladakhis at several
places along the border, Ngödrup Tendzin, the minister of Ladakh,
surrendered to Wazir Zorawar Singh.
Zorawar Singh deposed Lala, the ruler of Ladakh, placing Ngödrup
Tendzin on the throne. Each year, he was supposed to pay six thou-
sand rupees to the Kashmiri king in tribute. Whether it was because
he was unable to make this payment or if it was for some other reason,
Zorawar Singh again led six thousand Sikh troops back to Ladakh six
years later. Ngödrup Tendzin was deposed and the former ruler, Lala,
was restored to the throne.
Formerly, when Tibetan government traders sold tea, wool fabric,
raw wool, and so forth in Ladakh and purchased items needed by
the Tibetan government, such as dried fruit, linen, and so forth, the
Ladakhis would arrange accommodations for them and provide for
their transportation, hay, horse porters, and animals. Not only was this
custom discontinued in 1841, but large armies of Ladakhis and Sikhs
also attacked Ngari Korsum.
As soon as this news reached Lhasa from the Tögar leader, Tsang
Dapön Pelzhiwa, Ü Dapön Zurkhangpa, and Tseten’s forces6 were dis-
patched. As they fought with the Sikh troops, the Tibetan army had a
few Mongolian and Tibetan-made guns, but mostly they were armed
with bows, swords, and spears. The Sikh army had mechanical guns
and cannon. Thus, the Tibetans lost territory and the Ladakhi and Sikh
troops reached as far as Taklakotra in Puhreng and Droshö in Sanga.
Again, the Tibetan government quickly dispatched Ü Dapön Shedra
Wangchuk Gyelpo7 and the Ü Tsang militia under the leadership of
Cabinet Minister Pellhün; when they arrived in Ngari, one regiment of
the foreign army was stationed at Rutok, another was at Trashigang,
and a third was at Rupshö. Secret preparations were made for the
Tibetan troops to confront each unit. Zorawar Singh and the most
seasoned troops, who were stationed at Taklakhar Castle, were con-
fronted by Cabinet Minister Pellhün. In the eleventh month, during
the coldest weather of the year, the Tibetan troops attacked from all
directions simultaneously. Three days after the fighting began, a heavy
snow fell. Thus, the Sikh troops who were at Taklakotra became fro-
zen solid. Trembling under their difficulties, the Sikhs were attacked
by the Tibetans in terrible hand-to-hand fighting. They were attacked
wherever they were. While Zorawar Singh was riding his horse, rushing
584 chapter twelve
back and forth, he was recognized by a Yasor8 called Mikmar. He threw

a spear and Zorawar Singh fell from his horse. Leaping off of his own
horse, Mikmar cut Singh’s head off and carried it into the middle of
the Tibetan camp. This was seen by the Sikh soldiers, and they fled in
whatever way they could.9 The Tibetan army killed about three hundred
Sikh troops and about seven hundred were captured. Among them,
there were two Ladakhi ministers. They were also sent off to Ü Tsang.
The Tibetan soldiers pursued the remaining troops as far as a place
called Dumra,10 just one day’s journey from Leh, where the Tibetan
army pitched their camp.
Several months later, in the beginning of the summer of 1842, Mahā-
rāja Gulab Singh inflicted a terrible defeat on the Tibetan army with
eight thousand troops under Dewan Hari Chand and Wazir Ratun,
along with Dogra troops attacking Dumra suddenly under the cover of
night. Dapön Zurkhang, Dapön Pelzhi, and sixty troops, were captured
and taken to the capital, Leh.11
Cabinet Minister Pellhün’s deputy arrived in Leh, Ladakh; he met
with Dewan Hari Chand and the two reached a temporary agreement.
It said that whatever Tibetan troops there were in Ladakh would be
withdrawn. Both sides were to permit any troops who wished to return
to their respective regions to go, and they were to be returned immedi-
ately with horses, and so forth. Subsequently, fully empowered delegates
were to meet and reach a final settlement. Both Dapön Zurkhang and
Dapön Pelzhi and all of the troops who were in Ladakhi hands were
returned to Tibet. The two Ladakhi ministers and just two-thirds of the
Sikh soldiers were returned. However, the other third married Tibetan
women and settled in Yarlung in Lhokha, Chongyé, and Zangri. They
cultivated many things such as apricots, apples, and grapes. There are
many descendents of the Sikhs in the Lhokha region.
At the conclusion of the war, Cabinet Minister Pellhün, Dapön Zur-
khangpa, and Dapön Pelzhiwa returned to Lhasa. The cabinet minister
was praised and Dapön Zurkhang was promoted to the rank of cabinet
minister. However, Tsang Dapön Pelzhiwa did not receive any sort of
reward. Nothing clear is mentioned in the records as a reason for this.
Immediately, Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa went to Leh to negotiate
a final peace agreement with Ladakh; he was assisted by Tsang Dapön
Pelzhiwa, Lejar Tsechak Sarjung, Nyitang Lama Yeshé. The Sikhs and
the Tibetans conferred on how to restore a peaceful atmosphere in
Ladakh; to this end, the Sikh side presented the following signed agree-
ment sworn to the Tibetan government:
Śrī Khalsaji Apsarani Śrī Mahārājah; Lhasa representative Cabinet Minister

Zurkhang; investigator Dapön Pelzhi, commander of forces; Balana, the
representative of Gulam Kahandin; and the interpreter Amir Shah, have
written this letter after sitting together. We have agreed that we have no
ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain
friends forever. The relationship between Mahārājah Gulab Singh of
Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Tibet (Dalai Lama) is now established.
The Mahārājah Sahib, with God (Könchok) as his witness, promises to
recognize ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side
without resorting to warfare. When the descendents of the early kings,
who fled from Ladakh to Tibet, now return, they will be restored to their
former stations. The annual envoy from Ladakh to Lhasa will not be
stopped by Śrī Mahārājah. Trade between Ladakh and Tibet will continue
as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Ladakh will receive free
transport and accommodations as before, and the Ladakhi envoy will, in
turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Ladakhis will take an oath
before God that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan
territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Śrī Mahārājah Sahib
and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same
household. We have written the above on the second of Assura, Sambhat
1899 (September 17, 1842).
Sealed by Wazir, Dewan, Balana, and Amir Shah.
The Tibetan government deputies also presented the deputies of the
Ladakhis and the Sikhs with a sworn agreement, as follows:
This agreement is made in the interests of the friendship between the Lhasa
authorities and Śrī Mahārājah Sahib and Mahārājah Gulab Singh. On the
thirteenth day of the eighth month of the Water-Tiger year (September
17, 1842), the Lhasa representative Cabinet Minister Zurkhang, investiga-
tor Dapön Pelzhi, Śrī Raja Sahib Dewan Hari Chand, and Wazir Ratun
Sahib, the representative of Śrī Mahārājah Sahib, sat together amicably
with the Three Precious Jewels (Könchok) as witness. This document has
been drawn up to ensure the lasting friendship of the Tibetans and the
Ladakhis. We have agreed not to harm each other in any way, and to look
after the interests of our own territories. We agree to continue trading
in tea and cloth on the same terms as in the past, and we will not harm
Ladakhi traders coming into Tibet. If any of our subjects stray into your
country, they should not be protected. We will forget past differences
between the Lhasa authority and Śrī Mahārājah. The agreement arrived
at today will remain firmly established forever. The Three Precious Jewels,
Mount Kailash, Lake Manasarowar, and Khochak Jowo have been called
as witness to this treaty.
Sealed by Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Dapön Pelzhi.
586 chapter twelve
The king and queen of Ladakh and a relative of his returned to Ladakh
from Tibet. A sworn letter was sent to the Tibetan government saying
that the ruler, his ministers, and the public would behave properly as
follows:
To the crown ornament of gods and men, the sovereign of the assembly
of patrons and preceptors on the twentieth day of the ninth month of
1842:
Those of us whose names are signed below offer our unflinching and
voluntary promise that I, the ruler of Ladakh will pay the traditional
tribute to the great land of Tibet in the future. We will preserve and
protect our respective regions without any faulty strategy. The Three
Precious Jewels are witness to this letter.
Sealed by the ruler of Ladakh and the representatives of the public.
The agreement was impressed with red and black ink.12
Hugh Richardson comments on this agreement between Ladakh
and Tibet, saying:c
The Tibetan signatories had been taken prisoner and it does not
appear that any reference was made to Lhasa before the conclusion of
the agreement.
As mentioned above, when Dapön Zurkhangpa and Dapön Pelzhi
were captured, they had the rank of Dapön. However, after the tem-
porary agreement was reached, they went to Lhasa; when they arrived
in Ladakh again to negotiate the terms of the treaty, Zurkhang had
been promoted to the rank of Cabinet Minister Taiji, and Pelzhi had
been given the responsibilities of an Investigating Dapön. As such they
made the agreement. It clearly says “Cabinet Minister Zurkhang” and
“Investigating Dapön Pelzhi.” Thus, they did not reach the agreement
while they were in prison. However, there is also a slight basis for doubt
because of the difficulties involved in their completing the treaty within
five or six months of their capture by the Ladakhis.
Ü Dapön Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo was also given the rank of cabinet
minister for his role in the war. On the thirteenth day of the second
month of 1843, a military ceremony was held on the grounds of the
Drapzhi compound in Lhasa during which the general commander
Cabinet Minister Peljor Lhünpo, the previously promoted Cabinet
Minister Taiji Zurkhangpa, and Cabinet Minister Shedra and other
c
Hugh Richardson, A Short History of Tibet (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1962), 247.
functionaries were rewarded. Yasor Mikmar, who had killed Zorawar

Singh, was granted a military estate.13
In 1844, Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo went to do a
detailed survey of Markham and Sangen. In the same year, a large num-
ber of foreign travelers such as the representatives from the four regions
of Khelkha (Helha), as well as such people as Torgö Gyeltsün arrived
in order to invite the incarnation of Khelkha (Helha) Jetsün Dampa. In
the seventh month, the Regent Tsemönling Nomihen Ngawang Jampel
Tsültrim Gyatso was deposed for malfeasance, after twenty-four years
of responsibility for the Tibetan government. His monastic estate was
also seized. The cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly asked the
all-seeing Paṇchen Tenpé Nyima to take over responsibility for the time
being since the Dalai Lama was still too young. He did so on the sixth
day of the eighth month.
At that time, Tsemönling was kept at his monastery in retirement
since his estate had been confiscated. Treasurer Dzasak Takgo Rapsel
was interrogated while in prison. One day, when the cabinet minis-
ters went to the monastery to examine documents, a group of monks
from Sera Mé Monastery suddenly arrived and beat cabinet ministers
Zurkhangpa and Chikhang Chakdrongpa. Thus, for several days, the
cabinet was unable to meet. They took the retired Regent Rinpoché to
Sera Monastery in protest against the harsh conditions of his imprison-
ment. In consequence, the government planned to enter Sera Monastery
with a large force.14
Although there is not the slightest mention of the reason the regent
was deposed in the hagiographies, there are several different reasons
which may or may not be in the records. First of all, there had been a
disagreement between Dradül, who was an old official of Trashi Lhünpo
monastic estate and who was a descendent of the Zhölsharwa family
under Zhikatsé’s jurisdiction, and the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate.
Thus, Dradül appealed to the government for protection. Accordingly,
the regent had appointed him as the steward of Tromsikkhang in Lhasa.
Also, the steward of Trashi Lhünpo’s Norbu Residence came into con-
flict with the monastic estate, left there, and sought a position in the
government. He was given the rank of abbot and assigned the position
of senior secretary. These sorts of things formed the basis for the con-
tinuing conflict between the government and the monastic estate.
The monastic estate dispatched Donangpa and the steward Menriwa15
to arrest Dradül. Although they had intended to report their plans to
the regent before they arrested him, they could not do so because that
588 chapter twelve
day he was involved in a dance ceremony at Tsemönling Monastery.

On the twenty-ninth day of the ninth month of 1841, Donangpa
and Menriwa led about thirty-people bearing swords and sticks, who
stealthfully entered Tromsikkhang where they tried to arrest Dradül.
For these reasons, harsh words were exchanged between the all-seeing
Paṇchen Rinpoché and the regent, resulting in a great dispute. These
events made the situation ever more serious.16
Moreover, there was a legal case between Taiji Gönpo and a gov-
ernment official named Chokpewa Tseten Trashi. The latter did not
accept the government’s verdict. In addition, the Manchu amban in
Lhasa, Trung Tazhin (Krung ta’ zhin),d wrongly supported him. When
several monk and lay government officials and palace guards came
to arrest Chokpé, he and his servants attacked them, firing guns and
arrows at them. Several of them were killed and wounded. Chokpé and
his servants were arrested and punished. The amban was dissatisfied
with this.17
On the one hand, the Chinese were unhappy that the regent refused
to grant a government estate to the incarnation Changkya Hotoktu while
he was a student at Drepung. On the other hand, although the Golden
Urn Lottery had not been used in the selection of the reincarnation of
the tenth Dalai Lama, and although this was according to the wishes
of all of China and Tibet and had been reported widely, the regent
announced the spurious claim that he had performed the Golden Urn
Lottery. Consequently, following a dangerous custom, it became nec-
essary to select the eleventh Dalai Lama by the Golden Urn Lottery.
Thus, the government officials and the Tibetan people were unified in
being terribly saddened. In this way, the regent lost his position and
had his estate seized because of these smaller errors.
Aside from that, the regent had primarily worked for Tibetan freedom
(rang dbang), merely wanting to have a preceptor-patron relationship
with the Manchu or the Chinese government. He did whatever he could
to resist the infiltration of Chinese political influence in Tibet. As a
result, much later, the thirteenth Dalai Lama gave great consideration
to restoring his estate. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché held political
responsibility for just nine months. Although the reasons for his sudden
d
It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time,
the ambans in Lhasa were Meng Bao (1839–1842) and Haipu (1839–1842). See Josef
Oriental Institute, 1994), 48.
resignation are not known, one can imagine.e Immediately, the cabinet,
the senior government officials, and the Tibetan National Assembly
unanimously offered the regency to Radreng Elchi Hotoktu Ngawang
Lozang Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen.f Paṇ chen Rinpoché handed over the
regent’s seal and returned to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. Radreng Elchi
Hotoktu assumed responsibility on the twelfth day of the sixth month
of 1845.
The Dalai Lama received his monastic ordination before the image
of Jowo Rinpoché in Lhasa on the seventh day of the fourth month of
1846 with Paṇchen Rinpoché serving as the abbot. In that year, cen-
suses were taken in the Gyantsé and Panam regions. People who were
actually too poor to pay taxes were placed under the care of religious
estates. Untaxed properties were taxed and a new Revenue Office where
tax books were kept was founded in 1847. The following year, Cabinet
Minister Shedra and his assistants were sent to investigate the rivalry
between the junior and senior lamas of Drakyap; at the same time
they performed censuses of Markham, Sangen, Gojo, and so forth.18
Cabinet Minister Sarjungpa went to the Ngari region to investigate
how to resettle the people who had been displaced during the conflict
with Ladakh and the Sikhs.
The small chapel on top of Norbu Lingkha Palace was newly built in
1848. The following year, monastic dances were performed in the small
chapel after the End of Summer Festival; this was the beginning of the
Yogurt Festival.g Ever since then, this tradition has become ever more
elaborate. Each year, during the Yogurt Festival, there is dancing and
opera, and sometimes the monks of Meru Monastery perform plays
at Norbu Lingkha Palace during Pongsang,19 recounting the religious
lives of Buddha and the bodhisattvas. Many people would have the
seeds of liberation planted in their continua through this incomparable
method.
e
Shakabpa may be alluding to the growing tension between the Trashi Lhünpo
monastic estate and the Lhasa government. For example, the steward of Trashi Lhünpo’s
Norbu Residence resigned his duties over some unspecified conflict and was then given
a job in the Lhasa government.
f
Radreng Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen initially assumed the regency in 1845. He
remained in the position until the eleventh Dalai Lama reached the age of seventeen
and assumed authority over the government. Less than a year later, the youth died,
and Radreng had to assume the position as regent once again.
g
See Tsepag Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala, India: Library of Tibetan Works
and Archives, 1993), 49–52. It is also known as the Opera Festival.
590 chapter twelve
The Dalai Lama moved into Norbu Lingkha Palace during the fourth
month of 1858. Previously, the cabinet ministers and certain officials
would rotate turns attending to the Dalai Lama at weekly intervals.
From that year onward, the Dalai Lama would be in permanent resi-
dence throughout the summer; thus, one cabinet minister, a chief abbot,
attendants for food, clothing, and rituals, a senior abbot, an uncle, two
senior secretaries, a treasurer, four stewards, a Potala guard, translators,
a storekeeper, an office manager, office workers, several ordinary clerks,
cooks, as well as the abbot and twelve monks from Namgyel Monastery
lived there continually. They were given extensive orders to fulfill their
duties, unless they were taking their tea break.
During 1852 and 1853, the Dalai Lama began his studies at Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries, made a pilgrimage to the southern
region, and so forth. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa, Lejar Tsang
Dapön Dorjé Gyelpo, and Mipön Ngapöpa went to perform censuses
in Markham and Drakyap. In the same year, the all-seeing Paṇ chen
Tenpé Nyima died for the sake of others at the age of seventy.
As the Ladakhis failed to provide transportation to a government
trader named Kelzang Gyurmé, the government sent a steward who
was a deputy of Tögar Bönzung on a negotiating mission. The agree-
ment follows:
The third day of the third month of 1853.
During the last year, Kelzang Gyurmé, a Tibetan government trader, has
not been able to bring a full quota of brick tea into Ladakh. Usually the
Ladakhis provide a certain number of horses to transport the tea, but this
year, they did not provide any, claiming that there was an insufficient
quantity of tea to be transported. Kelzang Gyurmé, on the other hand,
claims that it is not a question of the quantity of tea brought in, but of
the number of horses that are supposed to be supplied. As this has caused
misunderstanding, two Tibetan stewards of the Gardok governor met
with representatives of Ladakh, Bhisram Sahib, and Cabinet Minister
Rikdzin, and a mediator, Yeshé Wanggyel, and concluded this agreement
over future procedures.
It is agreed that the Ladakhis should supply horses to the Tibetan trade
agencies according to the limit previously agreed upon.
It is further agreed by the two governors of Gardok that they should
recommend to the Lhasa government that in the future more capable
trade agents should be sent to Ladakh; the Ladakhis agree to send better
envoys to Tibet to pay the annual oath of allegiance.
Whenever Tibetan government trade agents arrive at Ladakh, they are
to be provided with kitchen boys and grooms for their horses, as in the
past. Tibetan traders bringing tea to Gardok and Ladakhi traders bring-
ing cloth to Gardok should trade only with each other and not with any
third party. The boundary between Ladakh and Tibet will be maintained
according to the established custom.
Salt and wool carried from Rutok (a district in western Tibet) to
Ladakh should not be turned back. Similarly, tsampa (barley flour), and
grain taken from Ladakh to Rutok should not be restricted. The prices of
commodities and custom duties must not be raised by traders on either
side; they must be maintained at the previous level.
Tibetan traders carrying a permit from the Gardok Governor and
Ladakhi traders carrying a similar permit from Thanedar are exempt from
custom duties and need only make a token offering to the authorities.
Traders without permits will have to pay a two percent custom duty.
Both parties agree that the local inhabitants of the two countries will
provide free transportation and accommodations to special agents travel-
ing in emergencies. These agents will carry letters of authority.
Tibetan and Ladakhi traders may freely graze their pack animals at
any place in both territories, on the condition that they do not bring
domestic animals with them.
Local officials will cooperate with each other in implementing this
agreement.
Signed and sealed by Thanedar Bisram and Cabinet Minister Rikdzin of
Ladakh, and the two stewards of the Tibetan Governor at Gardok.
Witnessed by Yeshé Wanggyel.
Also, with regard to the withdrawal of forces from the border region
at Rutokö, Thanedar Bisram sent Drangtsé Kharpön and the ministers
the following letter:
Two similar letters of agreement have been signed concerning the border
between Ladakh and Tibet according to legal traditions. The three, Ladakh,
Tibet, and the Sikhs are completely equal. Thus, in the future, each should
hold their own territory; there should be no pretext for conflict over the
(Rutok)ö border.
Fourth day of the third month of the Water-Ox year (1853)
Thanedar Bisram
Both of the preceding documents are in the index of Tögar Pöndrelpo.
There are also originals in the cabinet offices in Lhasa. I have copied
the cabinet’s copies.20
At that time, there were continual troubles within Tibet and her
neighbors. However, the cabinet ministers took immediate and appro-
priate measures to respond to these disturbances, and thus the troubles
were pacified.
Moreover, a Tibetan called Sherap Drakpa of the Mön region on the
border between India and Tibet refused to pay the district taxes. When
592 chapter twelve
he was about to be arrested, he fled into India, seeking the protection of

the East India Company. He continued to harass the Mön region with
his gang. Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo happened to be
on his way to the border to investigate local revenue matters; he sent
a representative to Tezpur (Ti Tsi sPur) to confer with a deputy21 of
the British Foreign Office on the Sherap Drakpa issue. The agreement
they reached follows:
The treaty concluded on the first day of the third month of 1853
confirms:
The company cannot give Sherap Drakpa to the Tibetan government,
as the company is not in the habit of extraditing individuals. Still, the
company will not support Sherap Drakpa in any new attacks, unrest, or
destruction in Tibetan territory. Peaceful mutual relations between the
company and Tibet should be improved. Given that Ganden Pedé,22 the
monasteries, and the people will be suspicious if Sherap Drakpa is kept
near the border and given that Sherap Drakpa may create further troubles,
he will be taken to Guwahati (Gho ha kri) where he will be detained for
life. The British Sahib guarantees that he will not be released or escape.
The two Devarajas23 of the Gandenpa army and the Commander Sahib24
of the company army have amicably resolved the issue in such a decisive
manner, we, the undersigned swear this oath with Nyenshar Ama, the
god of the Kerapara region as a witness.
Signed and sealed by Darka the English Administrator of the Otalakura
border region, Tragur Kendura the popular leader, Ratibir, Mindha, and
Lautop, and sealed by Namdé Laratsa and Drungyik Gyeltsen.
Although the parties swore to this agreement, while Cabinet Minister
Shedra was in the region, there were rumors that Sherap Drakpa was
not abiding by it. The Cabinet Minister sent his assistant Kyitöpa and
Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé to Titsipur to ensure the operation
of the Trade Marts at Ampatalai, Mön. A conference was held of the
senior figures under the jurisdiction of both Tibet and India; in order
to ensure harmonious and peaceful relations, they swore to the fol-
lowing agreement:
With lamas, the Three Precious Jewels, and the Red and Black Protector
Deitiesh as witnesses, the government of Tibet and the Queen’s Company25
entered into an agreement last year about the Tibetan Sherap Drakpa,
according to which, both sides agreed not to harm the other’s interests,
h
The two main oracles of the government, Pelden Lhamo and Nechung, are black
and red, respectively.
regarding each other as friends. However, in the meanwhile, various sorts

of rumors have been bandied about, as if inspired by spirits. Since both
sides had become a little suspicious, Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé
and Shedra’s assistant Kyitöpa26 were sent to the Chukar River Valley.
While holding talks about the rumors with Bhimchen Sahib, Martin Sahib,
George Sahib, and Nakdar Sahib of Tezpur, it was clear that nothing had
changed from the agreement.
In the future, the great Ganden Podrang and the Queen’s Company
should remain well-disposed towards one another, like water and milk. If
any Tibetans should cause disturbances, they should be sent to Takdzong
Castle and if any Acharya under the jurisdiction of the company should
cause disturbance, they should be sent to Tezpur. In order to preserve
consideration between us in the future, this agreement, signed on the
fifteenth day of the twelfth month of 1853, and the previous agreement
are undertaken in order to clear suspicion and deceit that contradicts
them. May the Three Precious Jewels and the protector deities swiftly
judge the guilty.
Signed by Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé and Shedra’s assistant Kyitöpa and Bhim-
chen Sahib, Martin Sahib, George Sahib, and Nakdar Sahib of Tezpur.
What I have quoted here does not differ from the original of this
sworn oath which is among the cabinet’s papers, in both English and
Tibetan.27
When Shedra and his assistants returned from the border mission, by
general accord, two of Shedra’s descendants were awarded the rank of
Taiji, Shedra’s nephew Tseten Peljor was awarded the second ranking
Taiji, and Pokpön Kyitöpa was awarded the third rank.
Since the Dalai Lama had completed his studies and since he had
reached the age of seventeen, he assumed the religious and political
leadership on the thirteenth day of the first month of 1855 according to
the wishes of the gods and people of Tibet. The Regent Radreng Elchi
Hotoktu retired to Radreng Monastery.
For many years, there had been internal disharmony in Nepal
between the royal family and the ministers. However, during the time
of Mahārāja Rajendra Vikram Shah, there was a military leader named
Jung Bahadur who had been given the responsibilities of senior minister
by the king. In violation of treaties, he had continually made incursions
into Tibetan territory at Nyanang, Kyirong, and Rongshar. At the time,
the British were experiencing severe difficulties with the Indian rājās
rising up against the East India Company. The Gurkha minister Jung
Bahadur sent six thousand armed Gurkha soldiers to assist the British.
As they were very useful in the British campaign, the British granted
the fifth ranking Śrī title to the Gurkha king and the third ranking Śrī
594 chapter twelve
title to Jung Bahadur.28 Vast areas of border lands called Terai were
also returned to the Gurkha king. After achieving this great victory,
the Gurkha king awarded Jung Bahadur Ratna and his descendents the
authority of the presidency. Because of this increase in prestige, Jung
sent troops into Nyanang, Kyirong, Dzonga, and Rongshar, looting
and pillaging without limit.
Ü Dapön Rangjönpa Dorjé Döndrup and Tsang Dapön Petselwa were
dispatched with their troops, but their efforts were unsuccessful because
of their inferior weapons. Cabinet Minister Pellhün and his assistants
went to Dergé, Dimchi Nyernga, Riwoché, Chamdo, and Pashö, while
Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar and his assistants went to Ba, Litang,
Gyelrong, Gyeltang, Chakla, Beri, and so forth and to places in Horser,
to recruit troops. The day Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa returned
to Lhasa, he was appointed as general commander to resist the Gur-
kha campaign. Many young monks from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries volunteered for service and left for the war. Since this was
overwhelming for the Dalai Lama, he repeatedly said:
Each of us must work for the benefit of Buddhism. If monks are called
into military service, this will diminish the monastic discipline. The
diminishment in the vows of many beings will be tremendously harmful
to Buddhism. Thus, there must be no recruitment.
Whether it was due to the force of the Dalai Lama’s perpetual prayers
or the activities of the Protector Deity Damchen, the Gurkhas heard
that a huge army was coming their way since the Tibetan government
was recruiting an inconceivable army of people from Kham between
the ages of eighteen and sixty29 and of monks from Drepung, Sera, and
Ganden monasteries. This caused serious concern among the Gurkhas
and so, before the snows fell in the ninth month of 1855, they called
for peace talks. The Tibetan government delegated Cabinet Minister
Shedra, his assistants, and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries to hold talks. As the Gurkhas said the talks had to take
place in Kathmandu, the Tibetans delegates initially went to Shelkar
and then on to Nyanang. Finally, they reached the capital of Nepal.
In the meanwhile, the Dalai Lama became ill after holding religious
and political authority for just six months. Even though he was treated
with medicine and services were performed on his behalf, he passed
into nirvāṇ a on the twenty-fifth day of the twelfth month of 1855.
The cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s chief attendant, and the Tibetan
National Assembly conferred; since the political responsibilities entailed
by the Gurkha-Tibetan conflict were especially grave, it was universally

agreed to appoint the retired Regent Radreng to be the regent of the new
Dalai Lama. A delegation was sent to invite him. Thus, upon arriving
in Lhasa, he resumed political responsibility. The New Year’s ceremo-
nies were not performed in 1856; although the Great Prayer Festival
was held as usual, most of the military processions and the ceremonies
were thought to be unnecessary. Prayer supplications were performed
for the speedy arrival of the Dalai Lama’s incarnation and work was
begun on a reliquary for the Dalai Lama’s remains.
The Tibetan delegation that arrived in Kathmandu consisted of
Drönnyer Ngawang Gyeltsen, Cabinet Speaker Bhumpasé, and so
forth, deputies of the cabinet ministers, representatives of the abbots of
Drepung, Sera, Ganden, Sakya, Trashi Lhünpo, Tsechokling monaster-
ies. They held peace talks over many days, after which they signed the
following agreement on the twelfth day of the second month (March
24, 1856):30
Treaty of 1856 between Tibet and Nepal
The undermentioned gentlemen, monks and laymen, of the Gurkha and
Tibetan governments held a conference and mutually agreed upon and
concluded a treaty of ten articles, and invoked the Supreme Being as
their witness, and affixed their seals to it. They have agreed to regard the
Chinese emperor as heretofore with respect, in accordance with what
has been written, and to keep both the states in agreement and to treat
each other like brothers. If either of them violate the treaty, may the
Precious Ones not allow that State to prosper. Should either state violate
the terms of the treaty, the other State shall be exempt from all sin in
making war with it.
Here follow the seal, names and titles of the signatories:
Sri Minister in whose hands are all the offices of the Gurkha King-
dom; Sri Madraja Kumara Kumarangta Mudza, Prime Minister and
Commander-in-Chief General Jang Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal;
Sri Madraja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Sri Minister General Bam
Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Gururaja Paṇ ḍita Dharma Adhikari
Sri Bijayraja Pandita and seal; Sri Madraraja Kumarangta Madza Sri
Commander-in-Chief General Krishna Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal;
Sri Madraraja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Commander-in-Chief Gen-
eral Rana Udhey Singh Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara
Kumarangta Madza Sri General Zakara Shamsher Jang Kuwar Ranaji and
seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta Madra Sri General Dir Sham-
sher Jang Kuwara Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta
Sri General Bhakta Bir Kuwara Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara
Kumarangta Madza Sri Lieutenant General Khakata Jung Kuwar Raja and
seal; Sri Met Choudary Yata Dakshi Saha and seal; Karsheltim Bikrama
596 chapter twelve
Singhtasa and seal; Kar Dili Singh Basa Nyara and seal; Sri Kamel Kumen
Singh Basa Nyara and seal.
The Tibetan lamas and high officials who have come to Kathmandu: The
representative of the Dalai Lama, the Chamberlain Drönnyer Ngawang
Gyeltsen and seal; Abbot of Drepung Monastery Ngawang Samdrup and
seal; Representative of the Common Council of Drepung Monastery
Lozang Rapgyel and seal; Abbot of Sera Monastery Lozang Tuchen and
seal; representative of the Common Council of monks of Sera Monastery
Lozang Jamyang and seal; Abbot of Ganden Monastery Ngawang Nyima
and seal; Representative of the Common Council of monks of Ganden
Monastery Rapgyel Nyima and seal; Abbot of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery
Lozang Gyeltsen and seal; Representative of the Common Council of
monks of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery Gelek Drakpa and seal; Representa-
tive of the Holy Head Lama of Sakya Monastery Jamyang Mönlam and
seal; Representative of the incarnate Lama of Tsechokling Monastery
Gyeltsen Döndrup and seal; the Chief Representative of the Lhasa Gov-
ernment Cabinet Minister Shedra and seal; Cabinet Minister Pellhün and
seal; Cabinet Minister Taiji Samdrup Podrang and seal; Cabinet Minister
Trashi Khangsar and seal; the Manager of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery
Nyima Döndrup and seal; and Cabinet Minister Shedra’s cousin, Cabinet
steward Bhumpasé and seal.
I. The Tibetan Government shall pay the sum of ten thousand alés31
annually as a present to the Gurkha Government.
II. Gurkha and Tibet have been regarding the Great Emperor with
respect. Tibet being the country of monasteries, hermits and celibates,
devoted to religion, the Gurkha Government have agreed henceforth
to afford help and protection to it as far as they can, if any foreign
country attacks it.
III. Henceforth Tibet shall not levy taxes on trade or taxes on roads or
taxes of any kind on the merchants or other subjects of the Gurkha
Government.
IV. The Government of Tibet agrees to return to the Gurkha Govern-
ment the Sikh soldiers captured by Tibet, and all the Gurkha sol-
diers, officers, servants, women, and cannon captured in the war.
The Gurkha Government agrees to return to the Tibetan Govern-
ment the Tibetan troops, weapons, yaks, and whatever articles may
have been left behind by the Tibetan subjects residing at Kyirong,
Nyanang, Dzonga, Purang, and Rongshar. And on the completion
of the Treaty all the Gurkha troops in Purang, Rongshar, Kyirong,
Dzonga, Nyanang, Darling, and Lhatsé. will be withdrawn and the
country evacuated.
V. Henceforth the Gurkha Government will keep a high officer (a
Bahadar), and not a Newar, to hold charge at Lhasa.
VI. The Gurkha Government shall open shops at Lhasa, where they can
freely trade in gems, jewelry, clothing, food, and other articles.
VII. The Gurkha Officer is not allowed to try any case arising from
quarrels amongst Lhasa subjects and merchants, and the Tibetan
Government is not allowed to try any case arising from quarrels
amongst the Gurkha subjects and traders and the Muslims of
Kathmandu who may be residing in the jurisdiction of Lhasa. In
the event of quarrels between Tibetan and Gurkha subjects the
high officials of the two governments will sit together and will
jointly try the cases; the fines imposed upon the Tibetan subjects
as punishments will be taken by the Tibetan official, and the fines
imposed upon the Gurkha subjects, merchants, and Muslims as
punishments will be taken by the Gurkha official.
VIII. Should any Gurkha subject, after committing a murder, go to the
country of Tibet, he shall be surrendered by Tibet to Gurkha; and
should any Tibet subject, after committing a murder, go to the
country of Gurkha, he shall be surrendered by Gurkha to Tibet.
IX. If the property of a Gurkha merchant or other subject be plundered
by a Tibetan subject, the Tibetan official after inquiry will compel
the restoration of such property to the owner. Should the plunderer
not be able to restore such property, he shall be compelled by
the Tibetan official to draw up an agreement to make good such
property within an extended time. If the property of a Tibetan
merchant or other subject be plundered by a Gurkha subject, the
Gurkha official after enquiry will compel the restoration of such
property to the owner. Should the plunderer not be able to restore
such property, he shall be compelled by the Gurkha official to draw
up an agreement to make good such property within an extended
time.
X. After the completion of the treaty neither government will take
vengeance on the persons or property of Tibetan subjects who may
have joined the Gurkha government during the recent war, or on
the persons or property of Gurkha subjects who may have joined
the Tibetan government.
Dated the eighteenth day of the second month of the Fire-Dragon year
(1856).
After signing the treaty, the Gurkha troops were gradually withdrawn.
The prisoners were exchanged within a limited time. As the Gurkha
troops were on Tibetan territory when the treaty was signed, matters
went as the Gurkha wished without much regard for the treaty’s provi-
sions. The Gurkhas achieved a great victory and according to the first
provision, the two Shopas of Nyanang had to make a payment to the
Gurkhas every year until the Chinese invaded Tibet in 1950. However,
the second provision said, “Gurkha and Tibet have been regarding
the great emperor with respect.” According to this provision, both
598 chapter twelve
the Gurkhas and the Tibetans were respectful toward the emperor as
allies, but it clearly indicates that legally, neither the Gurkhas nor the
Tibetans were under the Chinese jurisdiction.
Once again, in 1857, the Gurkhas erected new stone pillars [mark-
ing the border] without abiding by the stone inscription that had been
erected in 1792 in the Kyidrong region. There was talk that they were
grazing, building corrals, and harvesting honey. The Tibetan govern-
ment sent a mission consisting of Ü Dapön Dorjé Döndrup and his
assistants, and the Nepali government sent Captain Sana Shingadhir
and his assistants. They met with the older people from both sides of
the border and visited the area of dispute. Finally, it was decided to
adhere to the traditional markers. Four copies of an agreement between
the Gurkhas and the Tibetans on this arrangement were signed.
As mentioned above, during the first Gurkha-Tibetan war, the Man-
chu emperor sent military assistance to Tibet as an ally. Subsequently,
during the Tibetan-Sikh war and the second Gurkha-Tibetan war,
China did not send military assistance or even general assistance, such
as weapons. Not only that, but the bodyguard of the Manchu amban
in Lhasa did not exceed one hundred and during this time, [the Man-
chu government] was unable even to replace those who transferred or
who became ill or died; thus people of mixed Tibetan-Chinese heritage
served. The Chinese were unable to keep current with the military pay,
and so they borrowed heavily from the Tibetan government and the
large monastic estates. Most of the Manchu officers and functionaries
were opium addicts who did not know the difference between day and
night. All Tibetans were disgusted by them because they were afflicted
with syphilis, which the Tibetans called “the Chinese disease.”
In order to be able to buy food and clothing, the members of the
amban’s bodyguard had to perform the lion and dragon dances on
occasions when people would be promoted or at festivals, and so forth.
It was a time of tremendous difficulties; the Taiping Rebellion was
happening within China, and China was fighting the Opium War with
Britain and France. Thus, it was a tumultuous time in China.i
i
The Taiping Rebellion arose out of a messianic quasi-Christian movement headed
by Hong Xiuquan, believed by his followers to be the younger brother of Jesus. The
bloody suppression of the insurrection by Qing troops resulted in widespread death
and destruction from both warfare and famines. See Jonathan D. Spence The Search
for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), 170–178.
As was traditional, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu conducted the search

for the incarnation of the Dalai Lama; among the many children born
with auspicious signs, the three from Ölga, Zangri, and Lhasöl showed
great promise. Accordingly, Gomang Monastery’s Tsenzhap Geshé
Ngawang Norbu and Sera Mé Monastery’s Geshé Ngawang Tsültrim
went to the birthplaces of the three candidates to investigate; caution
was urged in this important matter. The boy from Ölga, who was born
on the first day of the twelfth month of 1856 to a nomadic family of
Nyangtsang, was the most likely to be recognized. When the former
Sakya Dakchen, Dorjé Rinchen, had made a pilgrimage to Dakpo and
Kongpo in 1857, he indicated that there was no mistake that the child
from Ölga was the actual incarnation. In addition, many lamas and
gods, including the Tradruk Tsangpa Oracle, expressed their agreement.
However, since the matter was of such crucial importance, caution was
necessary. Thus, an order was issued to the Tibetan National Assembly,
and on the collective advice of the oracles, it was decided that the three
incarnations should be clothed in robes and brought to Lhasa. They
were to be housed at the Barzhi Trashi Chöding Estate next door to
the Norbu Lingkha Palace.
On the seventh day of the tenth month of 1857, the regent, the
ministers, a variety of government secretaries, the lamas, incarnations,
and officials of Sera and Drepung monasteries, and others gathered
at Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace; the three candidates were led into
their midst. Each in turn was shown possessions of the previous Dalai
Lama, such as a rosary, vajra, bell, and so forth. They were also shown
similar objects that had not belonged to him. The young incarnation
from Ölga selected all of the correct articles, even though he was no
more than ten months old; thus, he clearly demonstrated himself to be
the actual incarnation. However, it was decided to use the Golden Urn
Lottery in order to engender certainty in all of the people. The monk
and lay government officials as well as the general population felt that
no further tests beyond what had been administered the previous day
were necessary. If the young incarnation from Ölga was not selected,
the people would not be satisfied. Thus, if any disturbance broke out,
the regent would be blamed.
The regent called upon the ocean of monks who had assembled during
the Great Prayer Festival in the first month of 1858 to offer prayers that
the candidate from Ölga be selected; he also called for the intervention of
Lhamo. At the same time, bodyguards were positioned at the residences
600 chapter twelve
of each of the young incarnations. The public likewise offered countless

prayers that the candidate from Ölga would be selected.32
Following the tests at Norbu Lingkha Palace, the candidate from Ölga
stayed at Tsangdra Khyegönsar for the time being to ensure his well-
being. Khenchung Ngözhiwa Ngawang Tenkyong, Tsenzhap Ngawang
Norbu, and Pellhün Sé Gewang were appointed to care for him while he
stayed there. The lottery was drawn at the Potala Palace on the thirteen
day of the first month in the presence of the Regent Radreng Rinpoché,
the former Ganden Tri Rinpoché, the cabinet ministers, the previous
Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and the Manchu amban. There was
tremendous happiness because the candidate from Ölga was selected
in fulfillment of the prayers of all of the people.
He was invited from Gönsar Mountain Retreat to Norbu Lingkha
Palace on the fifteenth day of the first month and installed in the Zim-
chung Nechu Temple. There, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu Rinpoché
ceremonially cut a tuft of his hair and gave him the name Lozang Tenpé
Gyeltsen Trinlé Gyatso. Thereafter, he was installed on the fearless high
golden throne in the Zimchung Nyiö Chamber. Greeting scarves were
presented to him by the regent, the monk and lay government officials,
and representatives of the abbots and officials of Drepung, Sera, and
Ganden monasteries.33
Cabinet Minister Kyitöpa and his assistants were sent to do a census
on Khyungpo Karnak. Around that year, the British continued to harass
the people of Sikkim on border and trade issues, and there was a small
skirmish between Sikkim and the British at Rongbuk. The British were
terribly hostile toward the Sikkim army commander Trokhang Drön
Namgyel. As a result, he went into exile in Tibet; the Tibetan govern-
ment awarded him with the fourth rank and granted him the Dotra
Trashiling Estate.34
Regent Radreng Hotoktu was making excessive use of the regency
seals for orders, edicts, and titles; thus, being unable to bear this, Cabinet
Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo recounted his concerns to Cabinet
Minister Trashi Khangsar, a close confidant of the regent. As he was
in agreement, they raised the issue in the cabinet meeting the follow-
ing day, explaining the matter to Cabinet Ministers Taiji Samdrup
Podrangpa and Kyitöpa. Since they all had common concerns about it,
they immediately went before the regent in the Shözimchung Chamber.
In explaining the situation to the regent, they said that even the seals
of the Actual Protector, the Dalai Lama,35 were kept by the abbot who
was the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and a meeting of the Potala
secretaries was convened when he would apply his seals. Accordingly,

if the same customs were followed in the case of the regent’s seals, they
argued, it would prevent turmoil in the government and it would benefit
the status of the Regent Rinpoché in name and in fact through increas-
ing the stability of the country. Since the regent thought it was a good
idea, he ordered that a keeper of the seals should be appointed.36
Immediately, the cabinet conferred and decided that Cabinet Minister
Shedra should be the keeper of the seals by virtue of his seniority. This
was reported to the regent. That night, the regent and the Dalai Lama’s
personal attendant Darhen Lozang Trinlé37 spoke about the idea of
having a keeper of the seals. The latter said that it was a preparation
to seize the regent’s power, and thus, he should find out who had initi-
ated the move. Accordingly, the regent asked Cabinet Minister Trashi
Khangsar about it in private. He said that it had been Cabinet Minister
Shedra’s idea. Thus, immediately before he was to be made the keeper
of the seals, Shedra was criticized on some minor pretext. His rank of
cabinet minister and his standing in the cabinet were withdrawn, and
he was exiled to his Jago estate in Nyemo Mönkhar.
While Shedra was living at Nyemo, the Prime Minister of Nepal,
Jung Bahadur Ratna wrote him a cordial letter asking why he had not
heard anything from him in recent times and asking how he was get-
ting along. In response, Shedra explained that he had been removed
from office under some minor pretext by Regent Radreng; as a result,
he had been staying at his Jago estate in Nyemo doing religious prac-
tices. Along with the letter, he sent a carved wood table. His wife stole
the handwritten letter in which Shedra had explained matters, and she
sent a detailed letter to the regent through Shedra’s assistant Wangdu
Gyelpo saying that Shedra had been attempting to establish relations
with the Gurkha king. It is said that she undertook this wicked plan out
of jealousy because the cabinet minister had a mistress named Yangkyi
of the Serkhang Sharma.
As soon as the regent heard this report, he conferred with the cabinet
and thus sent Dapön Tönpa and some soldiers. Although he did not
expressly give orders that Shedra should be killed, he ordered that they
should make certain that he would never return to Lhasa. An order
proclaiming his punishment was also sent. Having arrived in Nyemo
Mönkhar, Dapön Tönpa’s troops surrounded Shedra’s residence under
the cover of night. The Dapön snuck into the residence to arrest Shedra.
Once in his chamber, Shedra recognized him instantly and without the
slightest display of fear, he sat up in his bed. Inviting the Dapön to sit
602 chapter twelve
in a chair which was near his bed, he told him there were no more than
three or four servants in the house and that since it was unnecessary to
use an ax to kill a flea, he ought to prevent excessive force from being
used. Then, as it was cold, he called his servant to bring hot noodle
soup for the Dapön and also to bring a bowl for himself. Thereafter, he
asked Dapön Tönpa why he and his troops had come, saying, “Being
an old man, I am in your hands to be killed or arrested.”
Dapön Tönpa explained in detail the evidence that had been received
of an improper relationship between Shedra and the Gurkhas, as he
had been ordered by the regent and the cabinet minister. He then
presented Shedra with the cabinet’s order. Examining the document
carefully, it seemed that he was to be killed as a way of preventing
him from returning to Lhasa. Nonetheless, he thought it necessary to
recount the extent of his previous service to the government. Shedra
explained how he had arrived in Shedraj in the service of the govern-
ment and how he had been gradually promoted thereafter. Then he
spoke about being appointed as a cabinet minister after the war with
the Ladakhis and Sikhs. He recounted his two census investigations in
Sangen, Drakyap, Markham, and so forth and his census investigations
in Dartsedo, Gyelrong, Gyeltang, Mön, and so forth. He also explained
how he had benefited the government and the people of Tibet in his
role in the peace treaty between the Gurkhas and Tibet.
After describing each of his roles in government service, he said
that although he had good relations with the Gurkhas while he was at
Nyanang negotiating the treaty, he had to correspond with Jung Baha-
dur. Thereafter, he had merely corresponded with him. “Now,” he said,
“it is fine if you carry out your orders to kill, beat, or arrest me.”
Dapön Tönpa thought that if he killed such a man who had done
so much, not only would the people blame the regent, but his own
name would be marked in blood. He thought that both he and his
descendents would be the targets of revenge by Shedra partisans. In
one moment, he changed his mind about killing Shedra; he thought
that if he could put him in a secure prison, Shedra would not be able
to return to Lhasa. He told Shedra that he need not be afraid that he
would be killed; he would instead be placed under the charge of Gyel-
jetsel Monastery in Nyemo.
j
As was quite common in Tibet, Cabinet Minister Shedra seems to have come to
be called Shedra by virtue of having served in the place of that name.
Shedra said that he was not the sort of person to fear death; it was, he
said, the nature of the world for beings to die. However, if he could go
on for even one more day without being killed, then he would be able
to engage in religious practice. Accordingly, if he were put in prison,
he promised that unless the government released him, he would do
absolutely nothing to violate the regent’s intentions such as escaping
in secret.
Dapön Tönpa had an extremely strong preceptor-patron relation-
ship with Gyeljetsel Monastery in Nyemo, and so he constructed a
special prison on top of the temple there. In the guise of a monk and
with his head shaved, Shedra was placed in the prison. He assigned
responsibility for taking care of Shedra to the teachers and officials of
the monastery and ordered that he was not to meet with anyone, monk
or lay person, of high or low station. Upon returning to Lhasa, Dapön
Tönpa explained his actions to the regent and the cabinet.
During this time, the people of Lhasa whispered that Shedra had been
killed. Then after more than a year, the monks from Ganden Monastery,
who had been his special supporters, sent someone to Nyemo to inquire
whether he had been killed. When they asked around, they discovered
that he was being imprisoned at Gyeljetsel Monastery.
Some of the monks from Ganden Monastery routinely went to the
village of Nyemo to do a little trading in snuff, chilies, matches, and
cloth; they also bought incense from Gyeljetsel Monastery to bring
back. The steward of the abbot of Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé Col-
lege, Pelden Döndrup, hid a letter within some snuff and passed it to
Shedra through a prison guard. He received a reply in a like manner.
The courageous Pelden Döndrup38 explained that he had established
relations with all of the important people in Ganden Monastery and
that they were determined to revolt against Regent Radreng. Shedra
replied that since it would be terribly difficult for Ganden Monastery
to rise up against the regent by itself, it would be best if the assistance
of other monasteries, such as Drepung, could be secured.
It was a remarkable time. A small basis for conflict arose between
Drepung Monastery and the regent because he had substituted money
for grain in paying a religious tribute to the monastery. The Ganden
monks criticized the regent for this and protested against him. Not only
was it impossible to hold the customary Great Prayer Festival in 1862
and the other great prayer convocations, but Ganden and Drepung
monasteries sent monks to Gyeljetsel Monastery in Nyemo to invite
the retired Cabinet Minister Shedra back to Lhasa. On the day that
604 chapter twelve
he arrived, he was received by the monastic council of Ganden and

Drepung monasteries at Kyangtang Nakha.
Meanwhile, there were attendants of the Dalai Lama who were from
Ganden and Drepung monasteries; as knowledgeable and skilled ser-
vants of the actual protector, they sent refreshments to the reception.
Usually, this was not done except in the case of important figures who
had relations with the government. When this courtesy was extended,
it was customary to prostrate to the Potala in gratitude and to send
a greeting scarf. He did not send such a scarf during the reception;
rather, when Shedra reached the stone pillar directly in front of the
Potala Palace on a litter carried by four supporters, he prostrated in
the direction of the Potala and sent a greeting scarf. All of the people
of Lhasa and Zhöl concluded from this that he had been summoned
to Lhasa on the orders of the actual protector. This version of events
became very famous.
Thereafter, Shedra returned to his home, with many monks from
Ganden and Drepung monasteries guarding him. After consulting with
the cabinet, Regent Radreng immediately positioned government troops
and monks from Sera Monastery around his monastic estate. It seems
that the cabinet ministers also did not know what to do at that time.39
The night that Shedra had arrived in Lhasa, the monks from Ganden
and Drepung monasteries announced that the government officials in
Lhasa should attend a meeting at the retired cabinet minister’s estate
the following day. An order was posted that they all must attend at
that time. Meanwhile, the Khampa tea merchants from Dranak Zhöl
were summoned to be prepared. The government officials did not know
whether these measures were at the order of the government, and so
they went to the meeting for fear of being disobedient.
When Shedra arrived, he explained the situation to the assembly; he
explained how he had been unjustly punished despite his service to the
government, and he cataloged Regent Radreng’s faults. Afterwards, he
explained the purposes of the revolt by the monks from Ganden and
Drepung monasteries and how this was for the benefit of the govern-
ment and the people of Tibet. He continued to say that nothing more
would be said if Radreng would retire from the regency on his own.
Otherwise, Ganden and Drepung monasteries would revolt and depose
him. He told the government officials to weigh the costs and profits
and choose sides.
Several officials like Changlo Lachak and Cabinet Secretary Shenkha
supported the regent and withdrew. Most of the rest remained with-
out expressing support or criticism. Immediately thereafter, several

government officials from Shedra’s side proclaimed the formulation
of the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries.40 They
called on Radreng to resign, and monks from Ganden and Drepung
monasteries posted guards at the Potala Palace,41 the Tsuklakhang, and
so forth. Young monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries and
Khampas from Dranak Zhöl launched an attack on Radreng’s monas-
tic estate from four sides over several days. The government officials
and the government army gradually had to withdraw. Thus, only the
monks from Sera Monastery remained on the regent’s side. The Regent
Rinpoché, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Cabinet Minister Trashi
Khangsar, and so forth escaped to Sera Monastery carrying the regent’s
seals. However, since they could not remain there, they eventually fled
to China by way of the north.42
Immediately, at the behest of all the monks and lay people of Tibet,
including the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries,
the Dalai Lama was invested with religious and political authority, even
though he was no more than seven years old. Internally, the retired
Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo was appointed regent to
assist him with the title “Nomihen,” Although Shedra was a layman,
he had the appearance of a monk because his head was shaved; he
wore robes and so seemed like a desi. Thus, he became renowned as
Desi Shedra.43
Regent Radreng and his retinue went to Beijing through the north
with great hopes of receiving the emperor’s support. However, as men-
tioned above, it was a tumultuous time in China, and so the emperor
was unable to offer support. Instead, the emperor appealed to Desi
Shedra through the Manchu amban in Lhasa, asking that Radreng be
restored to his former position as regent or at least to permit him to
return to Tibet with the status of a retired regent and to live in peace
on his estate. Desi Nomihen, the cabinet, and the General Secretariat
of Ganden and Drepung monasteries conferred, and as it was an appeal
from the emperor, they agreed to allow Radreng to return to his estate
with the rank of “hotoktu” out of consideration for the preceptor-patron
relationship. Further, they decided that the estates that had been in
possession of the Radreng monastic estate since the time of Trichen
Ngawang Chokden would be restored, but that all the lands that had
been newly acquired by the present Radreng would been confiscated
by the government. As this reply was sent to Beijing, Radreng and
his retinue began to return to Tibet. During the journey, Radreng
606 chapter twelve
died on the road and his remains were returned to Radreng monastic
estate. The estates of Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar and Trungzhi
Ngödrup Ding were seized by the government, like taking hold of a
string of beads. Finally, they were transferred to Drepung Monastery’s
Loseling College.
As Desi Shedra assumed the leadership, he appointed Pulungpa
in Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar’s place and Khenché Lozang
Wangden in the place of chief attendant Darhen Lozang Trinlé. The
steward of the abbot of Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé College, Pelden
Döndrup sought a position in the government and was given the rank
of Khenchung. Before long, Pelden Döndrup became cabinet minister
and later he became the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant. He became
extremely powerful. Both his positive and negative actions will gradually
be recounted below. In that year, since the Great Prayer Festival could
not take place previously, it was celebrated during the ninth month.
All of the rites were performed according to tradition.
For the previous several years, Rinang Pelgön’s son, Gönpo Nam-
gyel and his son, Gönpo Tseten, had been forcefully attacking places
throughout the Dotö Kham region. They pillaged the six regions of
Nyakrong, Hormazu, Drakgo, Khangsar, Tehor, Tongkhor, Beri, and
Lingtsang. They also attacked, without restraint, Dergé, Chakla, Geshé
Tsaza, Drokyap, Litang, Ba, Gartar, and so forth. As a result, the com-
mander of Drak Wangchen Dradül, the female commander Norbu,
about five hundred families included under Jaisang Lakhö, Khangsar
Ngödrup Püntsok, and about three hundred families included under
Mazur Nyerpa Zhugu Trashi could not remain in their homes and
came seeking the protection of the Tibetan government. They were
provided with relief supplies and settled in the Chushur, Gongkar,
and Tölung areas. Once again, the Nyakdra army had pillaged in Ba,
Litang, Chatreng, Dzakhok, Minyak, and Gyeltang. In addition, the
government stores of tea to be provided to Drepung, Sera, and Gan-
den monasteries were stolen from the storehouse under Dogar Pön.
The trade road between China and Tibet was also obstructed. Such
reports were continually arriving in Lhasa. Having arrived in Nyakdra
in Dergé, Gönchen seized power over the estates and pastureland of
Dergé. He also made hostages of the queen and prince of Dergé and
the incarnation of Katok.
The regent and the ministers conferred on these reports and appointed
Cabinet Minister Pulungpa Tsewang Dorjé as the commander-in-chief
in charge of expelling Gönpo Namgyel and his son, Gönpo Tseten.
Ü Dapön Trimonpa Chimé Dorjé, Ü Dapön Dokharwa Tsewang

Norbu, and their forces, along with Pokkhang and his assistants, left
Lhasa together on the ninth day of the second month of 1863. On the
way, they recruited militia from Shopa, Dardzong, Lhokha, Riwoché,
Chamdo, and Bashö, reaching Nyakrong during the ninth month. The
Nyak army was extremely powerful as they had been active for several
years. Moreover, they were able to endure for a long time by virtue of
the secure terrain. Since the Nyak army did not know the difference
between right and wrong, they not only killed and looted, but when they
could not steal possessions, they burned houses, fields, and forests.
Because of the terrible severity of the Nyak army, the government
forces were regarded as a divine army by the people. Dongkam Trülku,
the leader of the volunteer militia from Markham and Drakyap joined
the government army. Great beings of all of the religious groups, such
as Kongtrül Yönten Gyatso, devoted themselves to reciting prayers and
performing services. As a result, Ü Dapön Trimonpa’s forces gradually
seized Dodzong, Chagö Dradzong, and Nyakchukhé Dradzong. In the
seventh month of 1864, they surrounded Rinangdzong. On the first
day of the eighth month, Gönpo Namgyel and his son Gönpo Tseten,
about thirty relatives, and forty senior officers were burned to death
at one time. The remainder of the troops surrendered, and victory was
achieved.
On the thirteenth day of the fourth month of 1864, the Dalai Lama
received his vows from his tutor, the former Ganden Throne Holder
Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk, in front of the image of Jowo Śākyamuni
in Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang. Desi Shedra Nomihen, who had led the coun-
try for three years, died at Lhupgatsel in the Norbu Lingkha Palace on
the twenty-eighth day of the eighth month of that year.44 Thus, at the
advice of the Actual Protector Dalai Lama, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s
personal attendant, and the Tibetan National Assembly conferred on
whom to appoint to assist the Dalai Lama as regent. Thus, on the sec-
ond day of the ninth month, the Nechung Oracle was invited into the
Dalai Lama’s chambers. He advised that the tutor who was the former
Ganden Throne Holder Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk must be given
the responsibility. On the twenty-ninth day, he presented a greeting
scarf to the Dalai Lama and assumed his duties.
Commander-in-Chief Cabinet Minister Pulungpa went to Nyakrong,
and Pok leader Pünrappa Tsering Pelden was appointed as Nyakkhok
governor45 with the “taiji” title. Thus, those areas were under the direct
control of the central government. An investigating committee of abbots
608 chapter twelve
and dapöns was appointed to inquire into the atrocities committed

by the Nyakdra forces in Dimchi Nyernga, Dergé, Lingtsang, Lhatok,
Gulok, Beri, Mazur, Khangsar, Drakgo, Tongkhor, Geshé, Chakla,
Drokyap, Litang, Ba, Chatreng, and so forth. The respective rulers, tusis
(thu si),k and leaders were consulted about their losses, and their lands,
possessions, horses, and cattle were identified and returned. The leaders,
senior figures, and so forth that had been imprisoned were released.
The leaders were restored to their former positions. They were to pay
taxes and follow the laws as these had been established during the time
of the great fifth Dalai Lama. Militias were established so that each area
could protect its own territory. They were also to respond to the call of
the central government without complaint. If any disputes arose among
the leaders, they were to be adjudicated by the Nyakkhok governor. If
no suitable arrangement could be found, they were to be referred to
Lhasa. All of these measures caused the monks and lay people such joy.
Thus, they swore a unanimous oath to voluntarily follow the orders of
Jamgön Kongtrül Yönten Gyatso also performed a special ceremony
when the queen and prince of Dergé and Wöntrül were released out of
appreciation. He also praised the government office holders including
Governor Cabinet Minister Pulungpa, the dapön, the pokpön, and so
forth who had brought peace to Domé.46
Since the war in Nyakrong had been completely resolved in 1867, the
Chinese-Tibetan border was pacified and the trade roads were reopened.
In this regard, the Manchu Emperor in Beijing, Tongzhi,47 sent a wooden
plank on which the following congratulatory words were addressed to
the Tibetan government in Chinese, Manchurian, and Tibetan:
The light of the activities of the supreme leader radiate in all directions.
It was placed on display in the Sizhi Püntsok Meeting Hall of the Potala.
The meaning of the inscription is as follows: the supreme leader is the
one who primarily leads beings from the vast ocean of cyclic existence,
that is, the Dalai Lama. Having called upon him, his compassion and
his activities are likened to the sun’s rays because they disperse in all
directions without delay.
k
Tusi is a Qing title for local leaders.
In 1868, the Cabinet Deputy Darhen Pelden Döndrup was appointed

as the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant.l During this time, the Dalai
Lama was a minor, and his assistant, the regent, was of a gentle disposi-
tion. Thus, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Pelden Döndrup, and
the general secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries held all of
the power. The government officials and the people suffered terrible
oppression. Moreover, the accomplished Cabinet Minister Pulungpa
had previously been a partisan of Pelden Döndrup. Yet, he had resettled
the women, children, and old people of Ba, Litang, and Chatreng in
Kham who had been dispersed by the army from Nyakdra. Many of the
remaining people, young monks and lay people, had become thieves and
begun to rob people all over Kham. In consequence, he could not resettle
them in their native places, and he was forced to send several of them
into exile. As a result, the people of Kham continually lodged complaints
against Pulungpa saying that he had weakened the people.
Cabinet Minister Pulungpa was a man of good qualities and was
very accomplished. Pelden Döndrup was afraid that he would not
be able to bring Cabinet Minister Pulungpa under his control. Thus,
when the latter was returning to Lhasa from Kham, Pelden Döndrup
sent a falsified order affixed with the Dalai Lama’s seal to the district
commander in Tardzong. It said that he and his son should be thrown
into the river when they arrived. When he was crossing the Zhapyé
Bridge, the Tardzong district commander met him, but, by virtue of
Cabinet Minister Pulungpa’s charismatic presence, the commander
could not bring himself to throw him into the river. The commander
showed him the order, and the cabinet minister said, “Now there is
no alternative. It is unnecessary for you to incur the sin of killing me
for I will kill myself.” After reciting a long prayer, it is said that he
grabbed his son from behind and leapt from the Zhapyé Bridge into
the Tsangpo River.48
My kind grandfather, the retired Tsipa, Tenzin Norgye, told me the
following about Pelden Döndrup:
He was born in Mili in Kham. When he came to Ü to become a monk, he
joined Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé College, in the Dokhang House, as a
member of the Mili fraternity. During the Great Prayer Festival, he would
go to Shedra’s house to serve tea at sūtra recitations and Tārā services.
That was how he initially came to have contact with Shedra. For a period
l
See p. 606 above.
610 chapter twelve
of time he stayed at the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, where he was

the steward for three years. Since he was very capable and talented, he
was appointed to be the manager of Ganden Shartsé’s abbot. While the
retired Cabinet Minister Shedra was imprisoned at Gyeljetsel in Nyemo,
he initiated the most forceful actions against Regent Radreng, and he was
the primary person responsible for getting Shedra out of prison.
Pelden Döndrup was powerful in appearance, and he had wrinkles on
his face. He said he also had a hoarse voice. My grandfather continued,
saying:
Not only was Pelden Döndrup feared by all of the government officials,
but his name was used to inspire fear in the young children of Lhasa.
The reason for that is that he founded the Revenue Investigation Office
and dealt harshly with the district officials and office holders who were
in arrears or had violated the law. He kept a dried yak hide in a large
bronze pot at the threshold of the Revenue Investigation Office; it was
said that he would wrap tax offenders in the skin and throw them in the
river. There were accounts of his having carried out this threat.
When someone was making a new official or private seal, there was a
custom of inscribing it with words of good fortune. However, the seal of
the Revenue Investigation Office was inscribed with the words, “Crooked-
ness is disapproved.” Sometimes, Pelden Döndrup would explain it saying
that if someone did one crooked act, then they would be condemned.
He was the abbot’s manager. Then he became a cabinet deputy lama
for just nine months, and then he immediately became the Dalai Lama’s
personal attendant. In collecting taxes, there would be no difficulties if
someone was willing to pay what they owed. The best forms of payment
were gold, silver, cloth, tea, grain, and butter. Otherwise, other similar
items of value could be paid, and they would be accounted against one’s
bill. A tremendous accumulation of articles was built up at Deyangshar.
After announcing a sale, all of the items would be sold cheaply and their
value converted into gold and silver, which was stored in Namsegen
Treasury. Subsequently, as Pelden Döndrup’s influence declined, when
the cabinet ministers had the stores taken out, the Potala officials said,
“The gods are withdrawing what has been deposited by the devil.”
He was egotistical in all of his work, but would never admit his
mistakes. In fact, he would flaunt his evil activities. One time, while he
was announcing a verdict on a man, he held the piece of paper upside-
down. Pretending to brush his sleeve, Pelden Döndrup’s secretary told
him it was upside-down. He shouted in a loud voice, “Ah! This man is
an upside-down man. For this reason, I am reading the verdict upside-
down.” Another time, he issued an order calling for a horse to be sent.
Since he could not spell very well, he wrote:
“Send a da (ta).” A functionary pointed out the error. He said, “You
will bring me a horse (rta) if I only write da (ta) and you will bring
me a horse even if I write ‘horse’ (rta). Even if I write ‘tiger’ (stag),
you will bring a horse; you cannot bring a tiger.
As for the decline of Pelden Döndrup, my grandfather said:

The officials, monks, and people of Ganden Monastery were solidly
behind Pelden Döndrup; also in Drepung Monastery, he had the support
of Gendün the Treasurer of Loseling College, Neulé of Kongpo, Dopdok
the Treasurer of Tehor, the regent’s private treasurer, and so forth. In
addition, since the regent was a member of Drepung Monastery, Pelden
Döndrup expected his support. Believing he could rely on both Ganden
and Drepung monasteries, he launched his evil plan to take control over
all of Tibet without a limit to his power. In dependence on these percep-
tions, he intended to depose the Dalai Lama and place him in a mountain
retreat like Pabongkha, providing him with a pension. In particular, he
planned to remove the obstruction posed by the Regent Dedruk.
Cabinet Ministers Sarjungpa Kelzang Dradül , Tsogowa Mikmar
Tsering, Shedra Tsering Wangchuk, and Bhumpa Namgyel Dorjé were
incapable of resisting his authority. One day, the cabinet ministers were
meeting to report to the Regent Rinpoché. As they were leaving, Cabinet
Minister Tsogowa turned back as though he had forgotten something.
He went before the regent and told him that in recent times, Pelden
Döndrup had been doing anything he pleased. In addition, the cabi-
net minister said, he wondered whether Pelden Döndrup was plotting
against the Dalai Lama and the Regent Rinpoché. Thus, he advised that
an investigation be undertaken and the Dalai Lama’s welfare be secured.
The regent’s private treasurer was standing behind a curtain and so he
heard what the two were discussing. As a result, Pelden Döndrup became
extremely suspicious of both Tsogowa and Cabinet Minister Bhumpa; he
wanted to kill both of them.
In 1870, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché completed his studies at Drepung
and Sera monasteries and returned to the Potala Palace.
One day at the end of the first month of 1871, when the cabinet
and the Dalai Lama’s chief personal attendant Pelden Döndrup were
meeting, the latter suggested that they ask the Regent Dedruk to resign
since he was unable to fulfill his political duties. He said that it would
be beneficial if they did this. Although the other cabinet ministers made
no comment, Tsogowa explained that he had no criticism of the Regent
Rinpoché’s actions.
Several days later, Pelden Döndrup sent a message to the cabinet
ministers saying that they must come to his Lhasa residence Künzangtsé
to discuss an important issue. Bhumpa could not come because he was
terribly sick, but the other three cabinet ministers came. That evening,
Cabinet Ministers Sarjung and Shedra returned home. However, he told
Tsogowa that he would have to stay the night since their discussion
was not finished. His bedding and prayer books were brought from his
house. In fact, that very night along with his superintendent Tsogowa
612 chapter twelve
was handed over to the Raktoppa,49 who was to throw Tsogowa’s corpse
into the Kyichu River. While they were on their way, the cabinet min-
ister told the Raktoppa that since he had a nice turquoise earring, he
could have it. Accordingly, he cut it from Tsogo’s ear. Tsogo was tossed
into the Kyichu River from atop the dam in Chakdzö Park with his
hands bound behind his back.50 Although the story was circulated that
the cabinet minister was kept at Künzangtsé so that his murder could be
kept secret, the Raktoppa sold the turquoise earring to a Nepali trader.
Thereby, it was understood that he had been thrown in the river.
Immediately thereafter, the Regent Dedruk Khyenrap Wangchuk,
indicating his own capacities, secretly put forth his strategy to trust-
worthy government officials. A trusted official of Loseling in Drepung
Monastery, Zhara, dispatched some young monks that night. His own
manager was to be arrested and taken to Drepung Monastery. The
following morning, after a monastic council meeting, Gendün the
Treasurer of Loseling College, Neulé of Kongpo, Dopdok the Treasurer
of Tehor, and his own manager were to be arrested and whipped; then
they were to be conveyed in the midst of the young monks and handed
over to the government. He also said that he intended to arrest Pelden
Döndrup and his partisans the following day. At the same time, he sent
a short note from the Shözimchung Chamber telling Pelden Döndrup
that early the next morning, he had to attend a cabinet meeting as there
was an important point to discuss.
At about midnight that night, fifty monks from Loseling College went
to Dedruk monastic estate, arrested the regent’s private treasurer, and
secretly took him to Drepung Monastery. Early the next day, Pelden
Döndrup left Künzangtsé; he met Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering
Wangchuk on the way, and they proceeded on to the Potala by way of
the Zhöl gate. On its threshold, one of Pelden Döndrup’s partisans told
him that he must exercise caution since secret preparations were being
made inside the palace. As soon as he heard this, he immediately fled
on his horse towards Drepung Monastery. He left Drakgokaṇ i.m While
he was rushing along, a messenger from Drepung met him all out of
breath. He recounted that Gendün the Treasurer of Loseling College
and the regent’s private treasurer had been arrested by the monastic
council. Pelden Döndrup became a little concerned. He could not go
m
Drakgokaṇi is a gate to the west of the Potala Palace.
to Drepung or to his house in Lhasa; thus, he immediately fled in the

direction of Ganden Monastery.
Instead of going to Ganden Monastery, he went to Shedra’s private
estate, Shedra Okpa. His intention was to obtain horses, mules, clothes,
and other necessary items and then escape to his paternal home in
Kham. However, the Ganden monastic council learned of his scheme
that night. Thus, all of the officials went to Shedra Okpa, saying they
would assist in getting Pelden Döndrup and Cabinet Minister Shedra to
Ganden Monastery. In addition, they said they would negotiate with the
government, and if a suitable agreement could be reached, that would be
best. If in the end, the government used force, they continued, then the
Ganden monastic council would take responsibility, working tirelessly,
even to the point of having to balance salt with wool.n Consequently,
they went to Ganden Monastery.
Regent Khyenrap Wangchuk, in consultation with the cabinet dis-
solved the committee called the General Secretariat of Ganden and
Drepung monasteries. Soldiers permanently in Lhasa were summoned,
and they forced their way into Ganden. Many Sera monks volunteered
and thus assisted the government forces. In those days, my grandfa-
ther, the retired Tsipa Tenzin Norgye, was working in the Military
Pay Master’s Office, and he said that he was making arrangements to
pay the soldiers up to Drakha Zhöl and Tsangtok. He described these
events:51
Due to the natural security of the terrain around Ganden Monastery, it
was not possible to slip inside immediately; the government forces sur-
rounded the monastery and cut off the water, supplies, and so forth. As
a result, being unable to last very long, Pelden Döndrup and a relative,
Drönnyer Gönpo finally escaped under the cover of night from Nyakré
House in Ganden Monastery. Soldiers pursued them and just as the
government forces were closing in on them within the Gyama Valley,
Pelden Döndrup told Drönnyer that he had to kill him. He stabbed him
with a spear. Drönnyer Gönpo was shot in the foot, arrested, and taken
away. Thereafter, the monastic council of Ganden Monastery capitulated;
n
Since only a small volume of salt is quite heavy and a quite large volume of wool
would be needed to strike a balance on a scale, the image (tshwa ya bal ’degs) suggested
that the council would be willing to go to great lengths to reach an agreement even
between seemingly irreconcilable positions. The next phrase which I have rendered as
working tirelessly (lag zad dpung pa ma thug ba), means “until the exhausted hand is
worn down to the shoulder.” It is similar to the expression of working one’s fingers
to the bone.
614 chapter twelve
many of the primary guilty parties were arrested and taken away. At
the same time, Pelden Döndrup’s corpse was placed on horseback with
a wooden plaque; in this way, it was conveyed around Lhasa among a
group of soldiers.
At that time, the regent and the cabinet newly founded the Tibetan
National Assembly. While the assembly investigated all of the issues,
the throne holder of Ganden Monastery Drakpa Samdrup prostrated to
the Dalai Lama, asking him to show mercy toward the guilty parties. He
also urged the regent with sincerity. Compassionately, Cabinet Minister
Shedra Tsering Wangchuk was ejected from government service; it was
agreed that he would retire to his estate in Nyemo, not being allowed to
seek other offices. The remaining Ganden officials were judged leniently,
and the case was completely resolved.
Although the Dalai Lama’s biography does not mention anything in
this regard, it says that for several days the Dalai Lama would behave as
though he were being burned when he passed the threshold of Pelden
Döndrup’s quarters; this was out of playfulness. It also said that before
long, there was turmoil in Ganden due to the Pelden Döndrup affair.52
Other than that, I have not seen any other records that clearly discuss
these matters.
Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk was replaced in the cabinet
by Dapön Dokharwa Tsewang Dorjé. Since Pelden Döndrup was killed
for his crimes, Khendrung Tā Lama Lozang Yönten was appointed in
his place. On the eighteenth day of the ninth month of 1872, the Regent
Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk died after serving as the
Dalai Lama’s political assistant for ten years. Although the Dalai Lama had
nominally taken over religious and political responsibilities, he was still
a minor and had to complete his studies; thus, assistants were appointed
to serve him. By this time, the Dalai Lama had reached majority and had
finished his studies. For this reason, a ceremony was held to mark his full
investiture on the fourteenth day of the second month of 1873. During
the four months between the regent’s death and his full assumption of
authority, Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, the cabinet
ministers, and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant undertook the affairs
of government with efficiency.
In 1874, the Dalai Lama gave monastic vows to Tendzin Wangchuk, the
incarnation of Khelkha Jetsün Dampa. In this connection, he granted titles
and gifts to Khurel Abbot of Khelkha, Tā Lama, and representatives of
four kingdoms. The Dā Khurel Abbot of the incarnation of Tönmi Gönsar,
Khelkha was given various emblems such as the title of paṇḍita, a round
seal, an equestrian emblem, and an insignia of leadership. Kyorlung Ngari
was appointed as the tutor to the incarnation of Khelkha Jetsün Dampa

and Khenchung Jampa Yönten was appointed as his cook.
In the same year, the Dalai Lama went on the traditional pilgrimage to
Ganden Monastery and places in Lhokha, such as Chökhor Gyel. Since
Püntsok Namgyel replaced Jikmé Namgyel as the Desi of Sikkim, repre-
sentatives were sent with congratulations. When the Prince of Sikkim,
Tutop Namgyel, attained majority in Tumlang, the district leader of Pakri
was sent with congratulatory offerings.
On the thirtieth day of the second month of 1875, an elaborate monastic
procession was held, and there was a complete solar eclipse, as though
dusk came in a moment. Since even stars could be seen, the monks and
lay people who had gathered raised a great clamor. There was even a little
looting in Lhasa and Zhöl.
The Dalai Lama became ill on the fourth day of the third month and
although services were performed and medicines administered, his condi-
tion worsened. At the age of eighteen, on the twentieth day of the third
month, he continued to sit in bliss before the great throne in the Nyiö
Chamber of the Potala. Finally, when the Nechung Oracle was brought
into his presence, he passed into nirvāṇa.
Immediately, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, the Dalai
Lama’s elder brother, and so forth, monk and lay government officials, the
Manchu amban in Lhasa, functionaries, and the Gurkha ambassador also
prostrated to his precious remains, wearing the mourning clothes accord-
ing to their respective customs. My grandfather, the retired Tsipa Tenzin
Norgye, was an officer of the cabinet. Thus, he could vividly describe the
twelfth Dalai Lama’s death; he said that the government officials, includ-
ing the cabinet minister, put on mourning clothes at that time and the
Cabinet Records of 1875, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror clearly describes
the extent of suffering by the people of Lhasa and Zhöl.
Thereafter, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and the
Tibetan National Assembly gathered to confer. Thus, Kündeling Tatsak
Jedrung Tungzhen Hotoktu Ngawang Pelden Chökyi Gyeltsen enjoyed
universal faith as the candidate to be the new regent.53 Accordingly, he
assumed the religious and political responsibilities. Upon the recommen-
dations from the regent and the ministers, Cabinet Minister Dokharwa,
the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khenpo Lozang Yönten, Lachak
Khenchung Lozang Jinpa, and Tsechak Lozang Rapgyé were appointed
with the responsibility of constructing the new reliquary, and Khenché
Kokdrongpa Ngawang Namgyel, and so forth were appointed with
responsibility of overseeing the masonry. With the completion of the
616 chapter twelve
reliquary, on the fourth day of the second month of 1876, the remains
of the King of all Wish Fulfilling Jewels were placed in a vessel, and a
consecration ceremony was performed; people who had been responsible
for the work, functionaries, workers, and the population all came making
abundant offerings.
Notes to Chapter Twelve
1. For information about the eleventh Dalai Lama, I have relied upon the Dalai
Lama’s attendant Darhen Khentrül Lozang Trinlé Namgyel, Biography of the Victorious
Lord Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music.
2. Darhen Khentrül Lozang Trinlé Namgyel, Biography of the Victorious Lord
Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music, 18-na-6.
3. Cabinet Records of 1843, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror.
4. See Memé Tseten of Kharlatsé’s description of these events in A. H. Francke,
Antiquities of Indian Tibet (New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972), vol. 2, Tibetan version,
pp. 245–50; English translation pp. 250–256.
5. He was the king of a place called Jammu.
6. It is unclear if this is the name of a paternal estate, but one wonders if it might
be a rank, like Dapön.
7. This Ü Dapön Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo subsequently was famous for becoming
a cabinet minister and finally for also becoming the regent of Tibet.
8. In Mongolian, yasor (ya sor) means a military commander or a leader.
9. Margaret W. Fischer, Leo E. Rose, and Robert A. Huttenback. Himalayan
Battleground (New York: Praeger, 1963), 165 and A. H. Francke, Antiquities of Indian
Tibet (New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972), vol. 2, p. 254. After just three weeks of the
Sikh-Tibet Battle in Taklakhar, a heavy snow fell. Thus, the Sikh army was resound-
ingly defeated. On the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of 1841, Zorawar Singh
took his own life. However, that may be, the Sikh soldiers who escaped took his body
with them. A mausoleum was constructed. Translator’s Note: There are contradictory
accounts about the disposition of Singh’s remains. The text says he was beheaded. Other
sources indicate his body was dismembered and distributed amongst several monaster-
ies. See Sukhdev Singh Charak, “Extract from General Zorawar Singh,” in History of
Tibet, vol. 2, ed. by Alex McKay. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003).
10. These days, Dumra is called Nupra.
11. Ladakhi records say that three Dapöns were arrested; they say that on the road,
Dapön Rakhashak took his own life. However, he is not mentioned at all in Tibetan
records.
12. There is no difference between this third sworn agreement and the original
among the records of the cabinet in Lhasa. However, the version in C. U. Aitcheson,
A Collection of Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads Relating to India and Neighbouring
Countries (Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publication Branch, 1929), vol. 14,
p. 15, is not translated from Tibetan into English very well. In addition, that version
includes the words, “the Emperor of China.” I have studied many documents of Ladakh
and Tibet and there is absolutely nothing of the sort. Thus, these words must have
been added later. I must strongly protest against this single point.
13. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa’s notes on this are included within Kyangpo
Ngödrup Ding’s documents.
14. Cabinet Records of 1844, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror.
15. This is the great scholar who is called Kyapying Menriwa.
16. Compilation of Private Records.

17. Cabinet Records.
18. Drakyap Chetsang Hotoktu Nomihen Lozang Tupten Jikmé Chökyi Gyatso
and Chungtsang Lozang Tendzin Gyatso were not friendly with each other. Both of
their servants were partial to their bosses’ sides, and so a dispute emerged. Jamshé
Jepa sent Chamdo Dzözur Lozang Tsültrim and Dergé Nyerchen Gyangkar Gelek to
investigate; they investigated and reached a judgment that was accepted in the Fire-
Sheep year (1847).
19. As for the meaning of Pongsang, Kyapjé Yongdzin Dorjé Chang Chenpo says
that after the three month vow of the summer retreat is completed, it is possible to go
outside. Translator’s Note: People take the vow not to go out during the three months
when the bugs are at their peak so that they will not inadvertently kill the crawling
creatures.
20. Compilation of Records.
21. Initially, when it was held by the British, India was called the East India Com-
pany. During that time, Lord Dalhouse was the Viceroy. That was the time when the
railroad and the first postal system were introduced into India.
22. Ganden Pedé means the areas under the jurisdiction of the Tibetan govern-
ment.
23. One wonders if they weren’t a council of district leaders.
24. This is a leader of the British army.
25. I do not know the significance of calling the East India Company the Queen’s
Company.
26. Although here he is just called Shedra’s assistant, below, he is called Pokpön
Kyitöpa when he is awarded the third rank.
27. Compilation of Treaty Records. Translators Note: I have been unable to locate
the original English translation of these documents and have, therefore, retranslated
them.
28. At that time, the Gurkha king was given the name Pamchasarkar and Jung
Bahadur was given the name Tinsarkar.
29. In the past, when the Tibetan government recruited militia, the soldiers were
from the age of eighteen to sixty. Thus, there was a limit to recruitment.
30. I have copied the sealed original of this treaty from the cabinet archives in Lhasa.
Translator’s Note: I have modified Charles Bell’s translation, Tibet: Past and Present
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 278–280.
31. Alé means Gurkha coins. Translator’s Note: Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 278, translated alé as rupee.
32. Records of the Birthplace of Radreng Rinpoché, Kyarpo Ngödrup Ding.
33. Primarily, I have relied upon Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso,
Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror. I have consulted other texts to fill
in the holes.
34. Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, Dynastic History of Sikkim.
35. The twelfth and thirteenth Dalai Lama’s were called the actual protector (skyabs
mgon sbug).
36. Although the regent’s seals were locked in a chest which was placed in the Shö
Zimchung chamber, the keys were kept by the keeper of the seals. In order to use the
seals, the keeper would have to come.
37. He was the author of the biographies of the tenth and eleventh Dalai Lamas and
also of the biography of Jé Tsongkhapa called Biography of [Lama Tsongkhapa] the
Omniscient Jé Rinpoché, A Beautiful Ornament of the Subduers, A Garland of Marvelous
Jewels. During his appointment at the Treasury Office, he composed the fundamental
government documents during the 1830 and 1847. Working together with a group of
other people, he became as famous as Gyelwang Chöjé.
38. He was a man whose capacities gradually increased.
618 chapter twelve
39. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar was partial to the regent’s side because they
were related. I wonder if Samdrup Podrang, Kyitöpa, and Changkyappa didn’t remain
neutral.
40. This was a new collective organization formed from members of Ganden and
Drepung monasteries as well as the corps of secretaries from the Potala.
41. At that time there were one hundred Drepung monks in the Potala Guard. One
of them was Jamar Tsawa Zhara; he developed an excellent strategy in the conflict over
Zhidé Monastery and thus became popular. He subsequently held the posts of the
treasurer of Loseling Monastic College and the Dzasak of Kündeling monastic estate.
The retired minister Neshar Tupten Tarpa told me about him.
42. At that time, the Radreng monastic estate, the birthplace estate of Kyangpo
Ngödrup Ding, and Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar’s estate were seized by the
government. Chikhen Darhen Lozang Trinlé Penpo was escaping over the Gola Pass.
He later died and was found by the monks of Ganden and Drepung monasteries
who were pursuing him. His corpse was not retrieved after several days. This story is
probably a legend.
43. There is very little about Radreng and Shedra in Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim
Jampa Gyatso’s Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror ; Shedra was the Dalai
Lama’s assistant for several months after retiring as the minister. Then he was promoted
to the title of nomihen. However, I have examined such sources as the Gongkar Nesar
Chronology, the personal records of Desi Shedra, the chronology of Kadrung Nornangpa,
and the books of government seals. I have also spoken with some elderly people on
several occasions such as the Acting-Minister Shakha Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé Chok,
Shechak Gyellak, and Shechak Maṇitang.
44. As for Desi Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo, he was from the Pelzhiwa, a private
family of Panam. When he was young he became a monk and served in the butter
lamp office of Samyé Monastery. Cabinet Minister Shedra Döndrup Dorjé lived a long
time because of the merit gained through restoring Samyé. The two of them became
acquainted. In the meanwhile, the younger man sent his accounts to the government;
there was a big deficit. The Zhöl Court Office investigated thoroughly. He did not have
any money of his own. Thus, he was put in a wooden collar for seven nights and then
he was sent to the jail at Döl estate. He was placed in front of the stone pillar below
the Potala. Cabinet Minister Shedra saw him there. He brought the matter up in the
cabinet meeting, offering to pay the deficit on the young man’s behalf. The cabinet
agreed and he paid the deficit to the office. The cabinet minister took responsibility
for the young monk who was brought to his house. He then wrote a recommendation
for him to Treasurer Utishakpa.
The monk Pelzhiwa did outside errands for him. Finally, he married Shedra’s daugh-
ter. He was very capable and skilled in office work. Cabinet Minister Shedra had no
son, so he adopted Pelzhiwa. Then he became very famous as the Desi Shedra. He also
had no children, so he adopted another Pelzhiwa family member. That adopted son
became Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk.
45. Since he was the governor of Nyakrong and the entire Horkhok region including
Dartsedo, he was called the Nyakkhok Governor.
46. Autobiography of Jamgön Lodrö Tayé, Colored Jewels, 108-na-1 to 109-na-1.
47. At that time, since Emperor Tongzhi had not yet reached the age of eleven, all
authority was held by Cixi.
48. Other than oral accounts of these events, I have not seen any records. Thus, I
asked Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang Rinpoché about it. He said that his teacher when he
was studying at the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa was from Ngödrokhé, Tang district.
He said that when he was young, he heard the sounds of the battle in Nyakrong.
49. The Raktoppa are the people from within the government who capture criminals
and who take unclaimed corpses to the cemetery.
50. I asked Kyapjé Trijang Rinpoché about this. He said that the daughter of Cabinet
Minister Changkyappa, Lhalu Lhacham, became a nun. She was quite young and was
adopted by Cabinet Minister Tsogowa. This is similar to what I have heard elsewhere;
thus it is definite.
51. In this regard, my grandfather said that he had spoken to the retired Cabinet
Minister Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé Chok (He was Shedra’s son). He said
that he remembered what he had said; thus, it is certain.
52. Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear
Crystal Mirror, 184-na-6.
53. When the incarnation of the Dalai Lama dies, the name gyeltsap (rgyal tshab)
is applied to the regent; when the incarnation ascends to the throne, then the regent
is called sikyong (srid skyong).
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE

BORDER DISPUTE WITH BRITAIN
According to Shakabpa, the thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876–1933) was

the most effective of all the Dalai Lamas. This chapter recounts the
first twenty years of his life, including his identification and his educa-
tion. Even while he was still a teenager, the Dalai Lama is said to have
mediated border disputes and conflicts among the nobility, launched
governmental reforms, and sidestepped a magical assassination attempt
authored by his former regent. In all ways, Shakabpa represents the
young Dalai Lama as an extraordinary figure. This chapter provides
insight into the operation of the Tibetan cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s
inner circle. Shakabpa also presents a detailed account of Britain’s
growing influence throughout the Himalayan region, particularly in
Bhutan and Sikkim, describing a series of British spies that were sent
into Tibet. Likewise, Sikkim became the site of a significant conflict
between Tibetan and British forces. Spies from the British in India,
from Russia, and even from Japan found their way to Lhasa during
this period.a
With the death of the twelfth Dalai Lama, customary and by now
familiar inquiries were made, with miraculous signs being investigated.
A boy born in Lower Dakpo to the southeast of Lhasa showed remark-
able qualities even before reaching the age of six months. In due course,
he was selected in accord with the unanimous determination of the
oracles, the determinations of many high incarnations, and the declara-
tions of the regent and the government. Despite the fact that there were
three candidates, the Golden Urn Lottery was not performed, a clear
sign that the Qing court had little real authority in Lhasa by this time.
The fifth Paṇchen Lama (1854–1882) named him Tupten Gyatso.
The “Great Game” is a term used to describe the 19th century contest
between British and Russian imperial interests for power and access to
a
See p. 641 below.
622 chapter thirteen
Tibet
The political border of Tibet is contested. Tsering Shakya (1999) includes nine maps dem-
onstrating that the extent of Tibet has been defined differently by many individuals with an
interest in the region. Each of the possible political boundaries that might be drawn would
be tendentious and could only be considered to be accurate for a limited time frame. In this
map, I have depicted what might be called cultural Tibet or linguistic Tibet. Naturally, the
cultural and linguistic reach of Tibet has also drifted throughout time. I based my sketch
on the first map in Shakya’s book and the very fine 1998 map published by the Amnye
Machen Institute depicting language groups in the Tibetan and Himalayan region. I have
indicated the Indian region of Ladakh since the residents there speak of a dialect of Tibetan,
but I have not shown the areas along the remainder of the Himalayan borderlands where
other smaller groups speak Tibetan dialects.
thirteenth dalai lama’s dispute with britain 623
trade in Central Asia. Tibet’s location meant that it was among the more
important stages where this drama unfolded.b As part of this tumultu-
ous struggle, a controversial Bengali scholar named Sarat Chandra Das
(1849–1917) spied for the British during a three-year visit to Tibet in
1879–1882. Eventually becoming a scholar of Tibet, he would write one
of the most important early English-Tibetan dictionaries.c As Shakabpa
indicates, Tibetan suspicions of the British and other foreigners were
notably enhanced when his subterfuge was discovered. Various Tibet-
ans that had been involved with Das were punished, and strict travel
prohibitions were placed on foreigners. These actions provide context
for the Tibetan apprehensions that inspired such resistance to British
overtures at the beginning of the 20th century.d
Despite its hesitance, Tibet was being drawn in various ways into
interacting with other nations. A dispute between a Nepali trader and
two Tibetan women in the marketplace in 1883 threatened to turn into
an international conflict. A Mongolian patron of the Dalai Lama paid
for the damages in order to pacify the situation. Some Chinese people
were thought to have been disrespectful to the Dalai Lama; they were
ejected from the country, and the amban ultimately had to apologize
in order to address the public discord. Meanwhile, Qing troops crossed
into Tibetan territory from Sichuan. A Tibetan delegation negotiated
terms in China, and the invaders were withdrawn.
Various reforms in the structure of the government were instituted in
1894. Some governmental posts, which had become almost hereditary,
were transformed in an effort to get more talented people in place. The
structure of the cabinet, which had been established at the time of the
seventh Dalai Lama, was formalized so that three lay ministers were
accompanied by one monk minister.
After the Dalai Lama had completed his education in 1898, he took
the traditional examinations. That same year, there were intimations
that someone had harmful designs on the young incarnation. After four
Dalai Lamas in a row had died at a young age, people were alarmed that
the thirteenth’s welfare might be threatened. Investigations indicated
b
See Nikolai S. Kuleshov, Russia’s Tibet File (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works
and Archives, 1996) and Tatiana Shaumain, Tibet: The Great Game and Tsarist Russia
(Oxford: Oxford Univesity Press, 2000).
c
Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-English Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass,
1979).
d
See chapters 14 and 15 below.
that sorcery had been perpetrated under the authority of the Regent
Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé (1855–1899) through the chief
cook of his monastic estate at Tengyeling Monastery in Lhasa. Although
the attack was effected through Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen, the latter was
regarded as blameless. A variety of people involved in the plot were
punished, and most of the estates attached to the Demo incarnation
lineage were seized. Shakabpa does not mention that the regent was
executed or that he committed suicide as a consequence of this episode;
instead he indicates only that the regent retired. When the amban tried
to intervene in the judicial process, the Dalai Lama rebuffed his efforts,
demonstrating Chinese impotence. These facts help explain why ele-
ments of Tengyeling Monastery sided with the Chinese forces when
fighting broke out between Chinese and Tibetan troops in Lhasa in
1912, after the Qing Empire came to an end.e
In the decades surrounding the turn of the 20th century, the Brit-
ish Raj government in India created a far more dominant position all
along the Himalayas for itself than it had enjoyed in the past. They
gained territorial concessions in Pakistan, Kashmir, Ladakh, Nepal,
Sikkim, and Bhutan, all along Tibet’s mountainous border to the west
and south. Meanwhile, Russia, Britain, and China were all mutually
suspicious of each other. Within Tibet, this struggle manifested in the
form of machinations to prevent both of the others from gaining a
foothold on the high plateau. As Shakabpa points out, these concerns
were unwarranted because none of the three were exerting influence
in Tibet as the 19th century drew to a close:f
In fact, not only was there no foreign influence in Tibet, there was no
wish to have Chinese, British, or Russian influence in Tibet. Tibetans
worked to remain free and independent, merely wishing to live peacefully
in accordance with their religion.
Meanwhile, the British worked to increase their influence in Tibet by
playing China and Tibet against each other and by continually attempt-
ing to establish a position in Tibet.
e
See pp. 739–748 below. Initially, Chinese forces merely took refuge in Tengyeling
Monastery during a conflict with Tibetan forces. However, it was eventually determined
that some of the Tibetan monks from the monastery had been complicit in protecting
the Chinese. As a consequence, the estates of Tengyeling Monastery were distributed
to others who were known to be loyal, and the monastery itself was dissolved.
f
See p. 642 below.
As part of this policy, they had reached an agreement with Qing

authorities at Chefoo in 1885 permitting British travel through Tibet.
The Tibetans, having not been a party to the agreement, refused to
accept its terms and vowed to resist any incursions from foreigners.
With the king of Sikkim serving as an intermediary, both the Tibetans
and the British explored the limits to which they could push the other
side. Tensions came to a head in the form of a conflict over the Tibet-
ans’ construction of border fortifications at Lungtur in southern Tibet.
The British forces overwhelmed the ill-equipped Tibetans, inspiring
the Tibetan government to recruit an army. Shakabpa says that as ten-
sions between Tibet and Britain heightened, British colonial authorities
instructed the government of Sikkim to cut off contact with Tibet, a
close traditional ally in the region. With each British effort to tighten
control over the Sikkimese, the Tibetans became more concerned about
the ever more alarming threat beyond the Himalayas.
These fears were only elevated when Britain and China concluded
treaties concerning Tibet in 1890 and 1893 without the participation
of Tibetans negotiators. In light of these encroachments, Tibet felt
compelled to seek relations with other powerful nations:g
(T)he Tibetan government not only had religious relations with Russia,
but there had most certainly already been political relations, as well. The
reason for [seeking out such relations] was that China and Britain had a
policy of regarding Tibet as stupid. In addition, despite the fact that the
Tibetan government is the owner of Tibetan territory, China and Britain
kept signing agreements about Tibet. The British were continually harass-
ing Tibet’s border region and gradually took possession of nearby areas.
For these reasons, the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché was left with no
alternative but to establish both public and secret relations with Russia
and Japan in an effort to maintain Tibet’s freedom and independence.
Tibetans approached the turn of the century apprehensively.
g
See p. 653 below.
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE

BORDER DISPUTE WITH BRITAIN
Of all the Dalai Lamas, the thirteenth incarnation was the most effec-
tive in all religious and political matters because of the greater interest
he took in the political and economic affairs of the land. In addition,
despite the tremendous difficulties he faced, he was possessed of inex-
haustible courage and overwhelming power. After the twelfth Dalai
Lama died for the benefit of others in 1875, Kündeling Tatsak Jedrung
Chökyi Gyeltsen became the regent. An order was announced saying
that a search should be conducted throughout Tibet and that remark-
able children should be identified.
There were clear signs, such as the corpse turning its head to the
east of Lhasa when the tutor Purchok Rinpoché was washing it, and
so forth. Similarly high lamas, such as the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché
and Regent Tatsak, as well as the state oracles, foresaw that the new
incarnation would be born to the southeast. As a result, the retired abbot
of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, Lozang Dargyé, a member of the
government’s search committee, offered ceremonies on a pilgrimage to
Dakpo in the south and went to Chökhor Gyel where he had a vision
in Lhamo Latso Lake.a Within the lake he had a perfectly clear vision
of the region and the house in which the Dalai Lama would be born,
and so forth. A government steward in the area reported that a child
of the Langdün family under the jurisdiction of Nangdzong in Lower
Dakpo had displayed remarkable signs.
The search party went to see him there. His family was middle class.
His father, Künga Rinchen, was a descendent of Luktöpa of the Gongkar
region, and his mother was Lozang Drölma. He had been born on the
fifth day of the fifth month (May 27, 1876). The lay of the land, the
birth house, and so forth accorded with visions that had been seen in
Lhamo Latso Lake, and the names of his parents were similar to what
had been prophesied by the great oracle. However, since the young
a
See p. 855 below for Shakabpa’s first hand account of a pilgrimage made to this
same lake when the incarnation of the fourteenth Dalai Lama was being sought.
incarnation had not yet reached five months of age, it was not possible
to recognize him as the Dalai Lama. The party returned to Lhasa and
reported these matters to the regent and the cabinet.
Thereafter, Khenché Jangchup Namdröl and Cabinet Secretary
Lhawang Norbu were secretly sent to investigate; they came to believe
that he was the incarnation because of his behavior. Although the child
from the Langdün family seemed to accord with all of the prophesies of
the lamas and gods, he was examined further, just as gold is tested by
burning, cutting, and rubbing. In the sixth month of 1877, the retired
abbot of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa and the Dalai Lama’s
personal attendant went to his birthplace with religious items, clothes,
and other articles of the previous Dalai Lama. Thus, after performing
tests, he was recognized without error. As a result, the retired abbot
of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa and several monks rented a
house near the child’s birthplace in order to watch out for his personal
cleanliness and his safety.
The all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, Regent Tatsak, and the state
oracles such as Nechung Dorjé Drakden, Gadong Nesung Chenpo,
Lamo Tsangpa, and Samyé Tseu Marpo, that is all the lamas and gods,
expressed their agreement that the child of the Langdün family was
the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. Accordingly, the Tibetan National
Assembly also took the issue up for discussion. There was nothing to
be done except for the regent and all of the cabinet ministers to devote
themselves to the examination. Thus, the Tibetan National Assembly
issued an edict saying that since gods and men had already unanimously
determined that the child born in the Langdün family in Lower Dakpo
was indeed the incarnation of the omniscient protector, it was unneces-
sary to waste time by performing the Golden Urn Lottery. Thus, they
were able to come to a decision. This edict was impressed with four seals
and was announced in the meeting of the Tibetan National Assembly
on the first day of the ninth month of 1877. At the same time, it was
announced throughout the land.1
At that time, the Manchu ambans, Song and Gui, who were living
in Lhasa demonstrated their extreme displeasure. However, as if to
conceal their shame, they said that the Manchu emperor had written a
letter granting recognition to Lozang Tapkhé Gyatso, the son of Künga
Rinchen of the Langdün family in Dakpo as the Dalai Lama without
requiring the Golden Urn Lottery. In fact, they could not do anything
except recognize him.
The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with the Manchu
Emperors of China by the American ambassador to China, Rockhill,
says that there were three candidates for the thirteenth Dalai Lama,
that the Golden Urn Lottery was performed in the Jokhang Temple,
and that the name of the child from Dakpo was drawn.2 Tieh-tseng Li’s
The Historical Status of Tibet says:3
In the case of . . . the thirteenth Dalai Lama, the emperor, by special decree,
suspended the drawing of lots, because there was but one claimant.
Neither of these accounts is correct. In fact, at that time, there were
three other suitable candidates: Lamo Chöjé’s son, and others in Dakpo
Lhasöl and below Nangdzong. They were thoroughly examined through
seeking advice from lamas and prophesies from the oracles and also
through religious means. In dependence upon these efforts, the child
born to the Langdün family in Lower Dakpo was selected without error.
Accordingly, the monks and lay people of Tibet unanimously agreed
that the Golden Urn Lottery was unnecessary. In addition, the Dalai
Lama himself has written about the Golden Urn Lottery:4
From the beginning, it was unnecessary to employ the Golden Urn Lot-
tery; on the basis of clear prophesies and tests, I was recognized as the
incarnation of the Dalai Lama and installed on the throne.
Thereafter, Cabinet Minister Yutok, the Dalai Lama’s attendants for
food, clothing, and rituals, a guard, housekeeper, and several secretaries
were sent to accompany the Dalai Lama.
They left his Dakpo birthplace on the first day of the eleventh month
of 1877, reaching Tsel Gungtang Dewachen near Lhasa. There they
were met by the Regent Tatsak Rinpoché, monks and lay government
officials, lamas and officials from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monas-
teries, the Manchu ambans in Lhasa, the Nepali ambassador, Acharya,
and so forth. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Tenpé Wangchuk went
to Gungtang Dewachen in order to cut the ritual lock of hair from
the Dalai Lama’s head signifying his entrance into monkhood; he also
bestowed upon him the name Jetsün Ngawang Lozang Tupten Gyatso
Jikdrel Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé Dé.
At that time, he spontaneously composed a poem for the occasion in
supplication to the Dalai Lama for his marvelous service. During this
period, the Paṇchen Lama had a poet in his entourage, Denjé Ngawang
Chöjor, who composed marvelous poems recording the ceremonies over
which his lama presided, as well as his journeys. On the eighteenth day
of the first month of that year, the senior figures of Tibet left Gung-
tang Dewachen reaching the mountain retreat of Samtenling through
the north of the Kyichu Tsangpo River. The Dalai Lama stayed there
for more than a year with his Tutor Purchok Lozang Tsültrim Jampa
Gyatso and with the cabinet ministers each visiting in turn.
Preparations for the Dalai Lama’s investiture on the golden throne
in the incomparable palace of the Potala, the second home of Avalo-
kiteśvara were completed in 1879. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama’s party left
the mountain retreat of Samtenling and moved to the upper residence
at Dögu Tang on the eleventh day of the sixth month. On the thirteenth
day, the Dalai Lama was conveyed to the Tsuklakhang in Lhasa amidst
a large party of people speaking different languages and wearing the
traditional dress of various foreign nations; the party included monks
and lay government officials, the great lamas and incarnations of
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the rulers of smaller regions
in Tibet, the kings of Lo, Bo, Dzum, and Li, regional leaders, Chintrel
Ambanb who offered congratulations on behalf of the Manchu throne,
the amban’s deputies in Lhasa, the leaders of the Muslims and of Nepal,
and various leaders of Mongolia.
Thereafter, they proceeded through central Zhöl to the Potala where
the Dalai Lama was established on the throne of the five fearless lions in
the Nyiökhyil Chamber. On the fourteenth day, a magnificent investiture
ceremony took place, establishing the great incarnation on the golden
throne in the Sizhi Püntsok Chamber. [Representatives of ] Trashi
Lhünpo Monastery and Kündeling monastic estate, the cabinet, the
Dalai Lama’s chief attendant, the general secretaries of Lhasa and Zhöl,
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, Ling Pentsün, the important
figures from throughout Ü Tsang, the paternal estates, regional kings,
lesser kings, regional leaders, and monasteries without distinction of
school all came in turn to offer the traditional congratulations from
the fifteenth day.
Sarat Chandra Das, a Bengali man sent to make detailed observa-
tions of Tibet on behalf of the British government in India, entered
the country with the Sikkim Lama Ogyen Gyatso under the pretense of
b
It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. Around this time, the
ambans in Lhasa were Xizhen (1878–1879), Selenge (1879–1885), and Weiqing (1879–
1882). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological
Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 58–59.
studying Buddhism. He arrived at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery in 1879.

With the assistance of Kyapying Drongtsewa Sengchen Trülku Lozang
Pelden Chöpel, the storekeeper of Gyeltsen Tönpo monastic estate,c
Das went to several monasteries in Tsang such as Sakya, Ngor, Khül
Drongtsé Chödé in Gyantsé, and Pelkhor Chödé, where he was able to
collect many Tibetan texts. Sengchen Trülku’s relative, Ü Dapön Palhé
Lhacham assisted Das in going to Lhasa, Yardrok Samding, and so
forth and several places in Lhokha. Sarat Chandra Das toured around
Ü Tsang for more than three years. He wrote an important book about
his experiences. In addition, he made new maps of Yardrok Yutso. Since
he had come as a spy with the mission of determining whether or not
Tibet had relations with other foreign nations, the Tibetan government
became suspicious. Just as they were going to arrest him, that plan was
leaked to him, and he suddenly escaped to India.5 For these reasons,
several people who were known to have provided assistance to Das,
Kyapying Sengchen Trülku, the Palha family, and some others were
severely punished by the Tibetan government. This and similar events
caused the Tibetan government to become suspicious of the British in
control of India; the government issued an order denying permission
for any foreigners to make pilgrimages in the border region or to go
site-seeing at the mountains and lakes. By virtue of the severe punish-
ment given to Kyapying Sengchen, the seeds of hard feelings between
the attendants of Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and the Tibetan
government were sown.
The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Tenpé Wangchuk continually over-
saw the discipline of the monks at Trashi Lhünpo and the officials of
his monastic estate. Consequently, several of the monks and several of
the attendants would not obey his orders, and so forth.6 Because of the
need to protect the Paṇchen Lama from these inauspicious signs and
more importantly because of his ill health, he was taken to Jelangma
Chaptsen Hot Springs with Tsang Dapön Palhawa serving as his host.
However, his illness became more critical and he passed into nirvāṇa
on the sixteenth day of the sixth month of 1882.
In the same year, the governor of Nyakrong Ü Dapön Zurkhangpa
made an offering to the government of one hundred and twenty bags
c
Alex McKay points out that Das regarded this man as the Paṇ chen Lama’s prime
minister. See, for example, Sarat Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet,
edited by W. W. Rockhill (London: J. Murray, 1902), xi.
of five gold sang each and two hundred and seventy bags of fifty sang
each in exchange for his five years of service.
In 1883, on the evening of the day of the annual Great Offering
Ceremony in Lhasa, two women went into a shop owned by a Nepali
trader named Ratnamana. The trader accused the women of taking a
coral necklace without paying for it. Thus, a dispute broke out between
them, and even the efforts of the Drepung Monastery disciplinarian
could not prevent a clamorous crowd of many hundreds of monks
and lay people from gathering by nightfall. All of the Nepali shops in
Lhasa were looted simultaneously, due to which there seemed to be
no hope of mediating the situation between the Gurkha and Tibetan
governments; war seemed imminent. Representatives of both govern-
ments finally met on the border for talks, and the Tibetan government
agreed to pay for the losses of the Nepali shop keepers in the sum of
67,579 ṭamsang, nine zho, and three karma. At that time, a Mongolian
man named Chahen Hotoktu Künga Gyeltsen was visiting the Dalai
Lama; he paid the entire sum as an offering of faith. Peace was restored
between the two peoples.
Tatsak Jedrung Tongshen Hotoktu, who was Tibet’s regent for twelve
years, died in the east end of the Potala Palace on the eighth day of
the fourth month of 1886. He was among the most effective of all the
regents in religious and political affairs. When an epidemic of vene-
real disease spread in Tibet, he immediately intervened with prayers
to Pelden Lhamo; the disruption was resolved, and people throughout
Tibet were protected from the disease. During a smallpox epidemic,
the regent himself got the disease, and miraculously, the illness became
very light; thus, many tens of thousands of children were saved from
the illness. Thereafter, he was known as “Tatsak White Pox.”
Because he regarded the people of Tibet lovingly, when grain prices
in Ü Tsang rose from three zho to six zho and five karma, he released
all of the grain in his private stores at Kündeling monastic estate. Since
the price stabilized, the people of Lhasa praised him as the “Five Zho
King.” I have heard from many impartial observers that his life was
cut short because of the hardships of his service in religious and politi-
cal matters. As the Dalai Lama had not completed his studies, Demo
Jihren Senshi Hotoktu Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé of Tengyeling
Monastery became the regent according to the general consent of the
cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly.
The blessed image of the glorious Vajrabhairava, which was located
in the reliquary of the powerful Ralo Dorjé Drak, the primary relic
of Drepung Tantric College, was destroyed by fire on the evening of

the fourteenth day of the tenth month; a committee was appointed
to rebuild it. Also around that year, the British-Tibetan border con-
flict began, but the history of those events will be gradually unfolded
below.d
In 1888, three candidates for the incarnation of the all-seeing Paṇchen
Rinpoché were put forth and examined through religious means. The
candidate born in Dakpo Bhrumkasha was selected. The Dalai Lama
ceremonially cut a lock of his hair and gave him the name Lozang
Chökyi Nyima Gelek Namgyel.
Also at this time, the Dalai Lama’s attendant was appointed to
investigate the dispute over Powo Kanam Depa. His successful efforts
were rewarded.
The ruler of Dergé, Chimé Takpé Dorjé, invited the Dalai Lama to
lead the Great Prayer Festival in 1889. The king of Torgö, Mongolia, his
wife, his ministers, and retinue met with the Dalai Lama; they made a
pilgrimage to the religious land, made offerings, and so forth, and they
were given an elaborate reception. When they left, they were praised
by being granted seals and titles. In addition, they were given a letter
charging them to found a new monastery in Torgö territory.
A new mint was built in Kongpo Zhokha. Thus, a 1524 t ̣amkar bill
was issued in 1890 and a 1525 ṭamkar bill was issued in 1891. They
were distributed as offerings at Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival in 1892,
and from that time, they were circulated throughout Tibet.
Around that year, the Dalai Lama seemed to enjoy riding horses.
With a group of seasoned riders, he would ride from Norbu Lingkha
Palace to the Potala Palace. In addition, he would continually ride to
Sera and Drepung monasteries, Purchok, Panglung, Sera Tsé, Keutsang,
Rikya, Drak Yerpa, Ratsak, and so forth. Government officials and the
general populace were extremely concerned that he might fall from
his horse.
At that time, a temple steward of Nyetang Drölma Lhakhang, who
bore a likeness to the Dalai Lama, would pretend to be him. He and
his three servants went to several mountain retreats in disguise. His
identity was revealed, and he was severely punished. This story is told
in the oral tradition.
d
See Chapter 14.
In 1894, cabinet ministers had mainly been laymen in recent times,

and moreover, several noble households continually held the posts as
if by hereditary right. Thus, the remaining monk and lay government
officials were dissatisfied. In addition to this complaint, a petition was
drafted saying that there should be an equal number of monk and lay
cabinet ministers. Previously, during the time of the seventh Dalai Lama
Kelzang Gyatso, when the cabinet had initially been founded, one monk
had been appointed. This is clear from biographies and different sorts
of documents. In addition, there is a painting on the right hand side of
the Drölma Temple in the Rasa Trülnang Tsuklakhang depicting the
seventh Dalai Lama in the form of Avalokiteśvara meeting with three
lay cabinet ministers and one monk cabinet minister.
From that point on, three lay cabinet ministers and one monk cabi-
net minister were appointed. Moreover, it was decided that except for
awarding special commendations for past service to the government,
appointments should be made on the basis of one’s learning, experi-
ence, effectiveness, good training, popularity, and honesty. Beyond
that, people would not be promoted on the basis of possessing estates
or on hereditary connections, as had previously been the case. Lama
Khenchung Yutok was appointed as the Cabinet Minister Lama and
Barzhi Jedrung Ngawang Ngödrup was appointed to the position of
general responsibility as the Dalai Lama’s attendant in charge of cor-
respondence and chamberlain duties.
An order was issued to the monastic officials of all the monasteries
without distinction to school, including Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries, saying that the monastic discipline and the regulations
must not decline, but that they must conform to the regulations set
out by Buddha and the monasteries.7
The Dalai Lama received his monastic vows from his Tutor Purchok
Rinpoché during the Great Prayer Festival in 1895. On the evening
of the traditional festival of the fifteenth day of the month, the Dalai
Lama passed on the streets in procession. Several Chinese people
watched the procession from the upper story of a restaurant owned
by a Chinese man named Tsungshang Yehrin (Tsung shang Ye hrin).
When the organizer of the Great Prayer Festival and the disciplinar-
ian questioned the owner of the restaurant, they said that according
to Tibetan law, it was improper to view the Dalai Lama from the
upper story of a building. However, the three treasurers and the three
delegates from the festival site went to the amban explaining that this
should not be done. As a result, when the matter was recounted to the
Manchu amban, he responded that as the Chinese officials were new

arrivals, they did not understand the custom. Amban Yamön (Ya mon)e
also said that he had not notified the Chinese people in Lhasa on this
protocol. In the future, he continued, such problems would not arise.
He said he planned to overcome such harmful behavior. The regent
and the cabinet urged that the accused individuals be interrogated in
turn. All of the monks and lay people in Lhasa were becoming angry
that the amban was protecting the evil people in the restaurant. There
was tremendous tension over these events. The amban could not bear
it, and so, he apologized to the Dalai Lama. The accused people were
punished and sent back to China.8
At this time, the Dalai Lama was twenty years old; he had com-
pleted his studies of sūtra and tantra, and he had taken the vows of
full ordination. Thus, all of the people of Tibet, and in particular, the
Nechung Oracle had continually called on the Dalai Lama to take up
the religious and political responsibilities from that point. Accordingly,
the Dalai Lama joyously adopted the insignia of the religious and politi-
cal authority, the golden wheel, on the eighth day of the eighth month
(September 26, 1895). At the same time, he issued a five-point decree
impressed with his seal; it directed all of the people of Tibet on what
to adopt and what to abandon. In essence, it said:9
1. The tradition of making offerings at Rasa, Tadül, Yangdül, and Runön
Tsuklakhangs and the Jokhang Tsuklakhang must be restored.
2. The education and discipline of the monks of all schools, as well as
the observance of religious festivals by lay people must be kept pure.
The practice of children abandoning their aged and decrepit parents,
leaving them without food and clothing, is prohibited. In addition, it
is prohibited to evict blind family members and servants or to place
excessive loads on horses, and so forth.
3. This provision concerns the functions of civil and military officials in
both internal and external matters.
4. Regional officials are enjoined to be considerate of the extent to which
they use transportation, and bi-annual audits are to be undertaken.
5. Improvements in resources are to be furthered through opening up
new farm lands and planting trees.
The Regent Demo Hotoktu resigned from his post at this time.
e
It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans
in Lhasa were Kuihuan (1892–1896), and Naqin (1894–1896). A previous amban named
Yanmao had departed for China in 1894. See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant
Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 61–62.
Khelkha (Helha) Uchu Muchen Wang was granted a seal and a

title. The Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khenché Yeshé Chöpel was
sent on a political mission to the Khelkha (Helha) region, with Tse-
drön Tendzin Chödrak and Shödrung Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin
being appointed as his assistants. During the time of the governor of
Nyakrong Khenchung Yeshé Tupten and Dapön Dudül Dorjé, new
taxes were levied on the monks in the Nyakrong district at Dra, Nak,
and Shok and also at Dampa Rangdröl Monastery. By virtue of the
evil influence of Midrinshok of Chakla Pass, a dispute arose over the
dishonest evaluation of the Nyakrong governor.
The Hemé incarnation in Ladakh was granted a title, paper, a seal,
an equestrian silks, an insignia, and so forth in 1896. Ever since that
year, it became customary to parade from Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang to the
Nechung Drayangling Monastery on the tenth day of the Monkey year
with the precious object which grants liberation to those who see it,
the image that was discovered as a replacement of the statue of Guru
Padmasaṃ bhava.f
The image of Tertöng Sönam Gyelpo or Chökyong Lingpa was
displayed. The yellow papers of Jang Rinchen Drönmé and of Lerap
Lingpa, which were revealed by tertöns were taken to the Norbu Lingkha
Palace, and prayers were recited in accordance with them. The Ne-
chung Oracle also prophesied that there would be threats to the Dalai
Lama’s activities and his physical well-being, as well as to the religious
and political form of government in Tibet. Accordingly, the medium
of the oracle shook all over, saying that all beings on all fours sides of
the palace appeared as scorpions.
As mentioned above in regards to the Nyakrong dispute,h Tsungtu
of Sichuan stole behind Midrin Tusi, the leader of Chakla Pass. The
Chinese troops under the officer Trangsi entered Nyakrong, igniting a
war between China and Tibet.
f
We have already seen that this statue had been used to swear an oath. See p. 448.
g
A tertön (gter ston) is person who reveals, through mystic means, sacred texts or
other objects that have been hidden in the past, most commonly by Padmasaṃ bhava.
See, for example, David F. Germano, “Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet:
Contemporary Ter Visionary Movements in the People’s Republic of China,” in Bud-
dhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, eds. Melvyn
C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1998), 53–94.
h
See p. 606.
The ruler of Dergé, his wife, and his sons were arrested and impris-
oned at Drintu. As a result, the ruler and his wife died in prison and
the two sons were released with the support of the Tibetan government.
The older son, Akya, was given the rank of ruler. According to tradition,
he was married to the daughter of the government official Gerampa.
Being in possession of the ruler’s house, he vowed to treasure the terri-
tory given to him by the Tibetan government and to obey whatever the
Tibetan government ordered him to do in civil or military matters.
Lachak Khenchung Khyenrap Püntsok and his assistants were
appointed to resolve the dispute over Nyakrong and Chakla in 1897.
They left Chamdo with Dapön Sönam Topgyé and his forces. All of the
Chinese and Tibetan officers met and resolved the issue. Meanwhile, a
delegation left Lhasa for Beijing through India and then by sea in order
to protest the unwarranted incursions into Nyakrong by Sichuan’s
Tsungtu. The people, livestock, and territory which had been taken
from Dranakshok and Dampa Rangdröl monasteries were returned to
the Tibetan government through the efforts of Tsedrön Lozang Trinlé
and representatives of the monasteries. In addition, the Chinese troops
under Trangsi were immediately withdrawn from Tibetan territory.
People who had illegally conspired against Nyakrong were severely
punished.10 The following year, Ü Dapön Dzasak Horkhangpa was
appointed as the new governor of Nyakkhok.
Tsedrung Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang and Shelchö Jabukpa Damchö
Pelden were appointed as the Dalai Lama’s senior and junior physi-
cians, respectively. The Potala secretariat recruited intelligent young
monks from the main monasteries and the private monastic estates to
be trained in medical science and the Tibetan Medical and Astrological
School was founded.i
During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival of 1898, the Dalai Lama took
his examinations for the degree of Geshé Lharampa by touring around
to Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. While he was at Ganden
Monastery, he secretly went to the east side of Gokpari where he pulled
from a rock face a hat and a pouchj that had been worn for a long time
by Tsongkhapa himself.
i
It is commonly said the Medical and Astrological Institute was founded in 1916
or 1917; thus, this remark seems premature at this point in the text.
j
A pouch (sku chabs) used to be worn by high lamas more commonly than is the
case now.
Tusi Lakṣi, the leader of Ichin Torgö, his attendants, and Kachi
Ogyen of Bhutan also met with the Dalai Lama during the same year.
There was a reception with refreshments, and talks were held with
them. Sera Mé Monastery’s Gyeltang Trülku completed his studies;
when he returned to his home, he became the abbot and was granted
a title, paper, and so forth.
The fifth Dalai Lama took the lengsék examination at Drepung, Sera,
and Ganden monasteries, and the seventh Dalai Lama took the lengsé
examination at Drepung Monastery. However, the thirteenth Dalai
Lama took the examination on the five fundamental texts at Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries. During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival,
he took his examinations for the degree of Geshé Lharampa amidst
many hundreds of scholars. The Dalai Lama’s fame was renowned
throughout the three worlds.l However, gradually ominous signs began
to emerge.
The Nechung Oracle was consulted by Drepung Monastery’s Loseling
College on the thirteenth day of the third month of that year. Again
on the third day of the fifth month, Drepung Monastery’s monastic
council consulted the oracle which responded as follows:
Some people have disrespect toward
The three secret bodies of the master,
How can this be bearable
Also for the master’s assembly?
Again and again, the oracle explained that harmful designs were aimed
at the Dalai Lama by malicious beings.
In particular, when the oracle was summoned to the Dalai Lama’s
chamber, he said that if an investigation were made into a pair of shoes
that a monk had given to Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen,11 then evil designs
which were increasingly threatening to the Dalai Lama’s body, speech,
mind, and activities would be discovered. As a result, Tertön was
summoned and questioned. He said that in the eleventh month of the
previous year, the chief cook of Tengyeling monastic estate, Chöjor,
had given him a pair of shoes. He said that he had worn them one day
and that he had developed a nose bleed. Without knowing what had
happened, his explanation continued, he had become suspicious.
k
The lengsé (gleng bsre’i dam bja’) is an examination in which one recites a large
number of texts.
l
I.e., below, upon, and above the ground.
Accordingly, he immediately went to get the shoes. When the shoes

were torn apart in front of Tertön and his chief cook, clothing atten-
dant, and ritual attendant, a piece of paper was found with the Dalai
Lama’s name and year of birth written upon a wheel, along with the
mantra of the god of the dead.
The retired Regent Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyém had the
characteristics of a superior person; he was extremely knowledgeable in
the scriptures, he was highly regarded by the Dalai Lama, and his past
service to the government was excellent. However, it is like the adage
which says, “The greedy are blinded by desire. Who is not blinded by
arrogance?”n
Accordingly, Tengyeling monastic estate and its supporters had
become like a second government in all sorts of ways, including their
great resources. However, all of the honest older government officials
of Tengyeling Monastery had died in the meanwhile, and several
hypocritical people who did not know what was proper had come into
leadership roles, including the regent’s nephew Norbu Tsering, Pelchö’s
Abbot Lozang Dönden, and so forth.
The cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant consulted and
decided to take the retired Regent Demo Hotoktu into custody at Tse-
shar Chenchok; his relatives who were involved in the plot were taken
into custody at the Zhöl Office. The circumstances were reported to the
Tibetan National Assembly which presented an order calling for the
immediate creation of an investigating body so that the guilty would
not be released, and the innocent would not be punished.
Accordingly, a committee was appointed to investigate, consisting
of Khenché Changkhyimpa Khyenrap Jangchup, Khenchung Sönam
Gyeltsen, Pay Master Dongnasé Dudül Dorjé, and Tsechak Zhölkhang
Tseten Wangchuk. As the retired Regent Demo was questioned by
peaceful means, he said that he had been forced to retire when he was
still young and thereafter many monk and lay government officials
had continually treated him with contempt. He confessed that as a
m
The monastic seat of the Demo incarnations was Tengyeling Monastery in Lhasa.
The clear implication is that the regent had caused the chief cook from his monastic
estate to give these shoes to Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen in an effort to harm the Dalai
Lama.
n
The adage is obscure. Perhaps it means that desire particularly afflicts the greedy,
and that was not a problem for Demo. But all people are harmed by arrogance, and
this was a downfall for Demo. Chags pas long bas ’dod ldan ma/ dregs pas long bas ci
yang min.
result, he had hoped to regain political responsibility. The regent’s

nephew Norbu Tsering, Pelchö’s Abbot Lozang Dönden, the Minyak
incarnation, his teacher Pema Tsering, the Pelri incarnation, his son
Tutop, Lama Lhaksampa, Lozang Chöjor, and the retired cook Tendzin
Dargyé were interrogated with harsh and soft means. They confessed
their roles in the plot.
The verdicts were decided as follows: The retired Regent Demo
was placed in internal exile for life in a newly constructed building in
the courtyard of Tengyeling Monastery. It was decided that if in the
future, his incarnation were found, he would not be given a ranking
higher than Tsokchen Trülku. The government confiscated all of the
properties of Tengyeling Monastery except those that it had possessed
at the time of Demo Jampel Delek Gyatso and the Bentsang College
estates. Norbu Tsering and Pelchö Lozang Dönden were imprisoned
in a specially constructed prison for the rest of their lives. The Minyak
incarnation took his own life, and the Pel incarnation had already died.
The remaining figures were punished as the occasion demanded. A final
determination of the cases was presented publicly in Lhasa and Zhöl.
The order that was distributed in both Lhasa and Zhöl and throughout
the districts was also affixed with the Dalai Lama’s seal.12
Unfortunately, several attendants of Tengyeling monastic estate and
several monks from Bentsang College bribed the Manchu Amban Wen
(’un),o who was soon to return to China. A secret report was sent to
Beijing about Tengyeling’s situation. In addition, the guilty parties also
asked that the conflict be considered again in the amban’s court. The
Dalai Lama wrote two letters to the new Amban Yugang (Yu’i kang)
urging that it was unsuitable to reopen the investigation, as he was
Tibet’s sole court and Wun had been bribed. The Tibetan National
Assembly also issued an order to the new amban saying that the issue
had already been resolved, and that the Tibetan National Assembly and
the people of Tibet were fully aware of the actions of the guilty parties,
including the retired Regent Demo, by virtue of their written records.
Moreover, the punishments had already been decided for all of the guilty
parties in a fair manner. It went on to say that Wen Amban had been
blinded to the truth by the bribes he had received. Given that there was
no other legal authority in Tibet aside from the Dalai Lama, the case
o
This is probably Amban Wenhai. See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant
Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 62.
could not be reopened in the Manchu court. There would be no way

to implement such a contradictory plan. In addition, they finished by
saying that it would be impossible for the old Amban Wen to return
to China until the issue of the Tengyeling monastic estate was resolved
definitively. Moreover, there was nothing at all the Chinese could do
to alter the situation.13
It will be explained below how during the conflict between China
and Tibet in Lhasa in 1912, Tengyeling monastic estate sided with the
Chinese forces and was, as a result, destroyed until not even the name
survived.
In 1900, the Dalai Lama made a pilgrimage to holy sites in southern
Tibet as his predecessors had, including Chökhor Gyel, Trasam, and
so forth. As he toured around, he brought tremendous happiness to
the people of the region. While he was in Samyé on the first day of
the eighth month, he fell ill with smallpox; he was completely cured
through rituals and medication. With the completion of the services
on the twenty-third day, he returned to Lhasa.
At the request of the Gurkha Prime Minister Bir Shamsher the previ-
ous year, a complete set of the Buddhist canon was sent as a basis of
worship for the population of Nepal. Each volume had cloth covers,
embroidered ends, and wooden planks. Sera Mé’s Trinlé Tenpa was
sent to Nepal with the volumes and a letter. The Gurkha prime minister
sent a captain with a letter of gratitude, and a present of an elephant
and a horse and fodder for both.
Around that same year, Gomang Monastery’s Tsenzhap Ngawang
Lozang arrived from Mongolia, paid his respects to Drepung, Sera,
and Ganden monasteries, and made the traditional offering to invite
the Dalai Lama to the Great Prayer Festival. Later, during the border
dispute between Britain and Tibet, this fact would be the cause of sus-
picions among the British in control of India.p
At that time also, a Japanese man named Kawaguchi was studying
Tibetan at Sera Jé Monastery under the pretense of being a Ladakhi.q
While he stayed at Pitup House, he sent a variety of questionable
information about Tibet to India. This made the Indian government
very suspicious toward the Tibetan government. All sorts of foreigners
p
See p. 652 below.
q
See Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Benares, India: Theosophical Publish-
ing Society, 1909).
were secretly entering Tibet from the east and west, actually attempt-
ing to tour Tibet. In addition, the Manchu emperor’s government was
trying to alter the situation by positioning themselves in Tibet without
permission. The Tibetan government was also extremely suspicious of
both India and China. This was a marvelous and difficult time when
each side did not understand the other.
One must investigate in detail the British policy towards Tibet while
they held India and Tibet’s suspicion towards them by going back more
than fifty years. Moreover, policy towards Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet
dated from the time when Ladakh had been included within Kashmir
fifty years before.14 The Tibetans heard that Spiti and Lahore had been
separated from Ladakh and included under the jurisdiction of the Brit-
ish Indian government. Previously, Almora in Gurkha territory also
had been incorporated into British territory. The Tibetan government
also heard that they were presently attempting to find a road to Lhasa
through Bhutan and Sikkim. On the other hand, the Manchu officers
continually said that the British would destroy Tibet’s religion and
consume its territory [everywhere], like oil diffuses through paper. As
a result, the Tibetan government made a priority of avoiding contact
with the British. Simultaneously, the British knew that the Manchu
emperor was powerless in Tibet, and they were terribly concerned about
Russia’s perpetual efforts to establish contacts with Tibet.
In fact, not only was there no foreign influence in Tibet, there was no
wish to have Chinese, British, or Russian influence in Tibet. Tibetans
worked to remain free and independent, merely wishing to live peace-
fully in accordance with their religion. However, because Tibetans had
not developed relations with foreign nations, the British did not pay
attention to what was clear in the records. It was their wish to maintain
an unclear policy for the purpose of fortifying the Indian border; they
employed whatever means they could to further their cause, publicly
and secretly, and they worked both sides against the middle. Because of
this approach, even today a variety of problems have not been resolved;
China and India continue to be dissatisfied and in particular, neutral
Tibet has fallen into unbearable difficulties.
In 1863, the British officer Lieutenant Colonel Cowler and the civilian
official Ashley Eden traveled up to the border of Sikkim and insisted
on having a meeting with the ruler of Sikkim. Since the Ruler Tsukpu
Namgyel was in Dromo Chumbi, his oldest son Sikyong Trülku met
with them on his father’s behalf. The British officials presented him
with a twenty-three point plan which proposed that if the provisions
were accepted, the British would return four districts which they had
seized, and they would also pay for Darjeeling. The most important
provision was that the ruler of Sikkim would not be able to reside in
Tibet, and the Tibetan government would not be able to interfere in
Sikkim’s affairs.
The following year, Tsukpu Namgyel retired because of his advanc-
ing age and passed the authority to his son Sikyong Trülku. As soon as
the son took over, the British began paying for Darjeeling. From 1868
on, they voluntarily increased the payment by three thousand rupees.15
Sikyong Trülku held power over Sikkim for seven years and then passed
authority on to his brother Tutop Namgyel; until he attained majority,
he was assisted by Chakdzö Karpo or Tendzin Namgyel.16 All of these
decisions were carried out in accordance with Tsukpu Namgyel’s will.
Tutop Namgyel became the ruler in 1876, and the Tibetan government
offered their congratulations, as was the custom.
Around 1860, a civil war broke out in Bhutan with Desi Nadziwa,
Wangdzong, and Timdzong on one side and Darlung Topgyel and
Trongsa Jikmé Namgyel on the other. The desi appealed to Tibet for
assistance, while the Darlung faction sought the assistance of the Brit-
ish. The British intervened first, and they were able to suppress the
conflict. However, another small conflict broke out between Britain
and Bhutan. At its conclusion, arrangements were made to build a
road to Lhasa through Bhutan, and a British representative was to be
stationed in Bhutan.
Four representatives of the Bhutan government and an equal number
of British representatives held talks in 1867 at a place called Shingchula
Pass. They agreed that if the Tibetan government did not interfere in
Bhutan, the British would also refrain from doing so. The British gov-
ernment agreed to pay two hundred thousand rupees for use of a forest
in Bhutan that they wanted to harvest. As soon as the Tibetan govern-
ment heard of this arrangement during the tenure of Regent Dedruk
Khyenrap Wangchuk (1864–1872), the cabinet and the general secretar-
ies of Ganden and Drepung monasteries conferred. They decided that
if the British did not try to build a road to Tibet through Bhutan and
if they did not interfere in Bhutan, then the Tibetan government would
be forced to refrain from involving themselves in Bhutan’s politics.
In 1874, several British people went trekking in Sikkim near Natöla
Pass and Dzalepla Pass. When the Tibetan government heard about
this, they asked the ruler of Sikkim why the British were on the border.
They were told that beyond looking at the mountains and trekking,
they had no purpose. The British had asked permission to construct

rest houses for trekkers. The Tibetan government protested, but noth-
ing came of it.
Several years later, two people reported that several British spies were
in the area. It is not known with certainty that they were British. How-
ever, at that time, Tibetans considered all Caucasians to be British. The
Tibetan government sent representatives who caused the foreigners to
leave. In 1883, Sikkim’s Ruler Tutop Namgyel, Yeshé Drölma who was
his wife and Lhading’s daughter, and their son went to Tibet to have
an audience with the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan government received
them with hospitality, and when they departed, it is recorded in a book
of the Potala Protocol Office that they were given special gifts beyond
what was traditional. The ruler, his son, and the servants were given
cloth, thirty-six silver coins, sixty or seventy bricks of tea, permission
to take one thousand loads of grain from Zhikatsé, and transportation
up to Dromo Chumbi.
In 1885, a power struggle took place in Bhutan due to which many
people were killed, and many castles were destroyed. The Bhutanese
leader Alu Dorjé, Gongzim Tamdrin Ngödrup, Agé Damchö Rinchen,
and so forth were sent to Tibet by both sides to request the Tibetan
government to mediate. The regent and the cabinet ministers conferred
and consulted with the Tibetan National Assembly. The Tibetan gov-
ernment had previously agreed not to become involved in Bhutan;
even so, both sides had requested their assistance in mediating peace
talks, and the Tibetan and Bhutanese people were neighbors and of the
same religious faith. Thus, since there did not seem to be any contra-
diction in their mediating an agreement, deputies were sent. Cabinet
Minister Rampawa and the Chinese officer Gowo Dāloyé (Go bo rDa’
lo ye) went to Padro by way of Pakri. They were able to implement a
mutually satisfactory agreement, and the conflict was resolved. Thus,
the government of Bhutan also sent deputies to offer their gratitude to
While the British were harassing Tibet, spying on her from all sides,
it was learned through the Manchu amban in Lhasa that when the
Manchu government, owner of China, and the British government,
owner of India, had reached an agreement at Chefoor in 1885, per-
mission had been granted for British people to travel between India
r
The city of Chefoo, now known as Yantai, is located in Shangdong Province.
and China by way of Tibet. Immediately, a meeting was held between

the regent and the cabinet, and an emergency meeting of the Tibetan
National Assembly was held. They discussed the fact that while the
British were harassing Tibet from all directions and using all sorts of
false pretexts, the Tibetans were obstructing them. However, more
recently, the Chinese government had signed an agreement granting
permission for the British to travel through Tibet from India and to
go to China through Tibet. In addition, many British people would be
permitted to travel through Tibet with Chinese visas. Upon hearing
of all these new developments, the members of the Tibetan National
Assembly were utterly astonished.
They said that the Tibetan government was the owner of Tibetan ter-
ritory. Likewise, it was completely unsuitable for the Chinese Manchu
government to make agreements to send British people into Tibet. Thus,
the members of the Tibetan National Assembly swore a unanimous
oath that they would not permit any foreigners into Tibetan territory
without permission or visas from the Tibetan government. All of the
border forts were informed that any British people who might arrive,
whether civilian or military, must not be permitted to enter Tibet with-
out Tibetan government visas, even if they had Indian or Chinese visas.
The cabinet issued an order to this effect and broadcasted it throughout
Tibet. Since the Manchu government could not implement their agree-
ment with the British, in 1886 the Chinese government accepted that
Burma was a part of British territory.17
The ruler of Sikkim sent a report through the district leader of
Pakri recounting a letter he had received from the British officer in
Darjeeling, Colman Macaulay. The letter said that a group of ten Brit-
ish people would visit Tibet with visas from the Manchu emperor to
meet the Dalai Lama, to discuss British-Tibetan trade relations, and to
form agreeable relations. They would be bringing gifts of ten elephants,
marvelous offerings, and a large quantity of gold and silver. Their plan
was to go to Tibet through Dzalepla Pass. The Tibetan government
sent a reply through the ruler of Sikkim. It said that since the Tibetan
National Assembly had already decided not to allow any British people
to travel into Tibet on Chinese or Indian visas, they must not be allowed
to cross the border.
The ruler of Sikkim also said that the British had permission to build
several rest houses near a place called Kobuk. Because of being so fear-
ful of the situation, the Tibetan government sent Khenché Drukgyel,
Ü Dapön Tsarong Wangchuk Gyelpo, and representatives of Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate to

investigate the area in 1886. Because the representatives held discus-
sions with the local people, including Tsenpo Tsering of Lower Dromo,
and so forth the Tibetan government decided to build outposts around
Lungtur for the purposes of investigating and protecting the border
against enemies.
At that time, the ruler of Sikkim was continually expressing to the
British government the Tibetan government’s concern about the rest
houses at Kobuk. He also told representatives of the Tibetan government
that if they built outposts around Lungtur, it would cause suspicions
among the British. Even though he was primarily working to create an
agreeable relationship between Britain and Tibet, the British would not
listen because they were just interested in deceitful methods and the
utilization of force; the Tibetans would not listen because they were
just stubbornly interested in proclaiming what they saw as the truth.
Afterwards, in 1887, the Tibetan government did build an outpost at
Lungtur. In preparing the outpost, images of Pehar Gyelpo and Dorjé
Drakden were consecrated in the newly built Nyiö Chamber of the
Potala.s When the Nechung Oracle was invited into the medium,t the
oracle spoke with dissatisfaction: “What would happen if these images
turned on us instead of vanquishing the enemy?” In a state of fear, the
medium fled.18 However that may be, religious articles and the images
were arranged; a ritual officiant, a cook, a leader of the border guards,
and twenty-five soldiers were posted there.
As soon as the British heard about the outpost at Lungtur, they
reported to the Manchu emperor that the Tibetans were constructing
military fortification on the border facing India. In addition to their
unhappiness with the outpost, the British government was already dis-
satisfied that the Macaulay Mission had been unable to go to Tibet; thus
they wrote to the Dalai Lama through the ruler of Sikkim saying that if
the outpost was not removed from Lungtur by the fifteenth day of the
third month of 1888, they would attack it and expel the Tibetans. The
cabinet responded to the ruler of Sikkim saying that their border guard
s
The passage ought to say “newly refurbished” since the chamber had existed for a
long time. For example, the twelfth Dalai Lama died in that room in 1875. See p. 615
above. Pehar Gyelpo, a dharma protector of Samyé Monastery, had a shrine at Nechung
Monastery. Dorjé Drakden is the deity who possesses the medium of the Nechung
Oracle.
t
A distinction is to be made between the oracle, which is a spirit, and the medium,
who becomes possessed by the oracular spirit temporarily.
would remain on their own territory, and the British would be unable
to prevent them from doing so. However, the Tibetan government was
making preparations to resist the approach of the foreigners.
Immediately, Cabinet Minister Lhaluwa left Lhasa for Dromo, com-
manding nine hundred troops under Dapön Ngapö and Dapön Zur-
khang. As mentioned just above, the ruler of Sikkim tried many times
to foster discussions between the Tibetan government and the British
government, even at the cost of severe difficulties to himself. In addi-
tion, he was unable to impress the Tibetans with the great might and
strength of the British Empire. Instead, the Tibetan government would
not believe him and wondered if he hadn’t gone over to the British side.
At the time, the Tibetan army had no training in modern warfare and
had not even seen some weapons, never mind whether they had used
them. They were vainly confident in themselves as being great within
their small country.
In particular, all Tibetans, both monks and lay people, had tremen-
dous faith in Buddhism. Thus, they were afraid that the British would
try to destroy their religion. They made no efforts whatsoever to try
to understand the actual situation. In addition, the officer in charge of
the outpost, Tsipön Changchensé, arrived at Lungtur, whereupon the
soldiers sounded a horn, set off firecrackers, and so forth. As a result
of the great commotion, the conflict arose three months before the
date of the ultimatum.
Mr. Paul from Darjeeling wrote to the ruler of Sikkim saying that the
British forces were heading up to Lungtur and asking the ruler to tell
the representatives of the Tibetan government that the Tibetan troops
at the outpost should be withdrawn before the peace was broken. It also
said that the Tibetan government should send a delegate to Lungtur so
that talks could be held with the British. In addition, the ruler of Sik-
kim was asked to go to Lungtur also. At the same time, two thousand
British troops along with four cannon had arrived at Kalimpong.
On the day that the letter reached the ruler of Sikkim, he dispatched
his son Trinlé Namgyel and Zhöldrön Purbu to Cabinet Minister
[Lhaluwa Lhengyé] in Dromo to promote a peaceful settlement. At the
same time, he sent Zhöldrön and Yanggang Nyertsang to Mr. Paul in
Kalimpong, hoping that the troops would not proceed beyond there.
The leader of Sikkim said that when the Tibetan government had
sent a reply, he would go to Kalimpong himself. However, the British
troops had already left Kalimpong, and according to the orders from
the territorial government,19 they had no choice but to go. The British
troops left according to their plan. As they had been unable to prevent
the British from proceeding, Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel and his servants
left. When they got close to Tsogo, they heard about the attack on the
Lungtur check post on the eleventh day of the second month (March
21, 1888).20 This was the first time that the Tibetan army had fought
against modern weapons. The well-trained and well-armed British
troops decisively beat the Tibetans in a short time. The Tibetan troops
fled the outpost in fear. Dapön Zurkhang and several of his soldiers
lost their way in the forest and ended up in Bhutan.
When news of the event reached Lhasa, songs of derision such as
the following were circulated:
Lhalu has returned.
The seril guns were lost.
The enemy outpost built over a lifetime
Was destroyed in one morning.
Ngapö was feigning courage.
Zurkhang left the corner.
Changchen, while being so intelligent,
Fled on his brown horse faster than a bird.
Two cannon that had been used in the outpost, called serils, had been
lost to the British. “Zurkhangu left the corner” means that they took the
wrong path and ended up in Bhutan. Tsipön Changlochen escaped on
his brown horse early in the conflict. Thus he was being criticized by
the line, “Changchen fled on his brown horse faster than a bird.”
Given that Britain and Tibet were engaged in war, the Tibetan gov-
ernment began recruiting soldiers throughout Tibet and made arrange-
ments to pay them. As a result of the deceptions of the British even
within Sikkim, there was a variety of problems between the officers and
the people. The ruler could no longer bear to remain. Thus, on the day
that he heard that Mr. Pal was leading his troops to Gangtok, Sikkim,
he and his wife secretly fled to his mother’s house in Dromo Chumbi.
When Mr. Pal and his troops arrived in Gangtok, they discovered that
the ruler was gone; they immediately pursued him, sending troops over
Dzalepla Pass and Natöla Pass. In violation of Tibetan law, they reached
as far as Richen Gang, Dromo. The ruler and his wife met up with his
mother and his son at the Chumbi Palace from Jemepu. Having stayed
u
The first syllable of Zurkhang’s name means “corner.”
there one night, the ruler, his wife, and son were captured by the Brit-
ish. They were forced to go to Naktang by way of Langra.
When they met the military officer Mr. Pal there, he permitted the
ruler to return to Gangtok, but Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel, Gyelsé Tsodrak
Namgyel,21 and Khachö Lama were sent to Dromo and not to Sikkim.
When the ruler went to Gangtok by way of Rinak, he discovered that
there was a ruling council consisting of Mr. War,22 Podong Lama,
Khangdrön, Zhöldrön, and so forth. The ruler no longer had any of his
traditional duties and was merely provided with a monthly stipend of
five hundred rupees. He was also forced to live in a dirty house near his
palace. In addition, British troops forcibly took the ruler to Kalimpong
on the first day of the twelfth month. He was kept there for several
months without being able to meet anyone.
The deputy-secretary of the viceroy of India, Mr. Pal, Mr. War,
Yangpa Ogyen Gyatso, and so forth arrived in Kalimpong from Calcutta
in the first month of 1889 to meet with the ruler of Sikkim. He was
questioned about the relations between Sikkim and Tibet, about the
quantity of religious offerings Sikkim traditionally made to Tibet, and
about Chinese and Tibetan ranks. Finally, he was told that from then
on he would not be permitted to have any relations with Tibet and he
could not make religious offerings. He was also enjoined to maintain
all suitable relations with the British government. After about three
months, he was allowed to go back to Gangtok. However, he had no
authority. As soon as his wife heard that their son Tsodrak Namgyel
had become extremely ill in Dromo, she secretly went there. When the
British learned of her departure, the ruler was once again placed under
house arrest on the top floor of his palace.
The ruler met with the viceroy when the latter went to Tumlang
in the eighth month of 1889. He explained the entire situation to the
viceroy, who said that he must ask his wife and son to return from
Tibet. He said:
My wife went to Dromo to attend to our son who is sick, but she will
return to Sikkim soon. My son and my relatives were forced to return
to Tibet by Mr. Pal. For the time being, they are studying religion and
writing in Zhikatsé; they cannot return until they have completed their
studies.
He said there was no point in discussing the matter.
In the first month of 1890, his wife returned to Sikkim. Mr. War and
the ruling council distributed all of the royal estates, and they required
his seal on the deeds. He replied that since he was without authority
and was forcibly deprived of his power, there was no need for them to
have his seal on the deeds; he did not give it to them.
Having soldiers posted around his residence all of the time, the ruler
was living in an unsatisfactory way. They harassed him, obstructing him
even when he would call his servants, attempt to obtain some necessity,
and so forth. He decided to disappear for the time being because he
could not perform any sort of religious or worldly observance. Since
he wanted to go to Dotra Estate in the Tingkyé district temporarily,
the ruler, his wife, his daughter Künzang Wangmo, his son Sikyong
Trülku,23 and several servants gradually made their way to Walung from
Raptsé on the fifteenth day of the first month of 1892. The servants
were sent to get provisions from Dotra.
At that time, the district officer of Tingkyé had instructed the people
around the border not to assist any people from Sikkim on orders
from the Tibetan government. When they heard that they would not
be received, the ruler and his wife were saddened, knowing they could
not rely upon the Tibetan government. They thought that if they could
not go to Tibet at present, then they should make a pilgrimage to
Kathmandu, Nepal and then see what to do from there.
Thirty soldiers as well as Captain Ḍ iṭa and two constables from
the Gurkha government arrested them and took them to Dhanakoté,
a distance of ten days march. The district leader told them that the
Gurkha government ordered them to be taken back to Sikkim at the
request of the British government. Together with about three hundred
soldiers, they were taken to a place called Shimin on the India-Nepal
border three days travel away. They were handed over to the British
police commander there.
Thereafter, despondent and sad, the party was taken to Dotsuk
Gying Monastery in Darjeeling for several months and then in 1893,
they were placed under house arrest at Kharshang. (The late king of
Sikkim was born while his family was imprisoned at Kharshang.)v The
ruler and his wife were forced to stay there for more than two years
under difficult circumstances. While he was confined there, he wrote
v
Shakabpa has in mind the eleventh Chögyel Tashi Namgyel (1893–1963, reigned
1914–1963). He was the younger brother of the tenth Chögyel Sidkeong Tulku (1879–
1914), who briefly ruled in the last year of his life. See Alex McKay, “ ‘That he may
take due pride in the empire to which he belongs’: the education of Maharajah Kumar
Sidkeon Namgyal Tulku of Sikkim,” Bulletin of Tibetology (2003), 39:2, 27–52.
a letter to India’s Viceroy Lord George Nathaniel Curzon. His petition

was investigated by the British officials, whose suspicions of him had
diminished when they realized that evil people had fostered them. The
Darjeeling Commissioner P. Nolan was sent to Kharshang where he
explained that if the ruler accepted ten provisions, there would be no
inquiry into past mistakes; he would be restored to his former author-
ity over Sikkim. The essence of the agreement’s provisions was that a
governing council would be established under the ruler, and it would
have to confer with the British on the general governance of Sikkim.
He accepted the terms. On the ninth day of the ninth month of 1895,
the ruler and his wife were permitted to return to Gangtok, the capital
of Sikkim, their motherland.
Throughout his life, the Ruler Tutop Namgyel had made tremendous
efforts to maintain peace between the Tibetans and the British, but his
opponents had plunged him into difficulties with the British authori-
ties. He was a brave man with strong principles. At the height of his
troubles, while in custody at Dotsuk Gying Monastery, he was told he
could be released if he would resign and give up all claims to power in
Sikkim, but this he resolutely refused to do. He had caused no harm
to the Tibetans or the British in any manner, and he only wanted to
secure his own hereditary rights.
In 1890, a convention was drawn up in Calcutta by Lord Lansdowne,
the Governor-General of India and Shengtai, the Manchu amban from
Lhasa, without consulting the government of Tibet.w The first article
of the convention agreement defined the boundary between Tibet and
Sikkim, and the second article recognized a British protectorate over
Sikkim, which gave them exclusive control over the internal administra-
tion and the foreign relations of that country. There was, however, no
corresponding acknowledgment on the part of the British of China’s
authority over Tibet.24 The remaining six articles related to Tibet, and
since it was not represented at the convention, the Tibetans did not
permit those articles to be put into practice. The British were aware that
China exercised no real power in Tibet at that time; however, it suited
their interests to deal with the Manchus because of the advantages they
gained from the convention. It is also possible that, because of the brief
clash between the Tibetans and the British at Lungtur, the Manchus
w
See Appendix 1, p. 1091 below.
were afraid that Tibet and Britain might enter into direct negotiations;
they therefore agreed to a convention to forestall such a possibility.
An addition was made to the convention, known as the Trade Regula-
tions of 1893, in which the question of increasing trade facilities across
the Sikkim-Tibet frontier was discussed.25 Again, the provisions of that
agreement could not be enforced because Tibet had not been a party to
the negotiations. It is surprising that the British entered into a second
agreement with the Manchus when they knew from the results of the
first agreement that there was no way of putting the agreement into
effect. The Manchus had signed on behalf of the Tibetans; yet they were
totally unable to persuade or force them to carry out the provisions
of the agreement.
A Tibetan, Lachak Shedrawa Peljor Dorjé, was sent to Darjeeling to
study the situation. He sent several valuable reports to Lhasa. Although
they were accurate, they completely failed to account for the strength,
economic power, and resources of the British. He suggested that a
peaceful approach should be pursued directly between the British and
Tibet and that matters would improve if honest trade relations were
formed between India and Tibet. However, this view was not even con-
sidered by the Tibetan government since there were serious doubts as
to whether he had been bribed by the British. Cabinet Minister Lama
Bumtang Yeshé Püljung and the second ranking official Yutok were
dispatched to Darjeeling.
As mentioned above,x around that year, a Japanese monk, Ekai Kawa-
guchi, pretending to be a Ladakhi monk, was enrolled for studies at
Sera Monastery. He was delivering inaccurate information to the Brit-
ish in India through Sarat Chandra Das. Those inaccurate reports led
the British to believe that Tibet was receiving military aid in the form
of “small firearms, bullets, and other interesting objects” from Russia.
Moreover, Kawaguchi estimated that there must have been over two
hundred Buriat (an area in Russia and near Mongolia) students in the
major monasteries of Tibet.26
According to Perceval Landon’s The Opening of Tibet, the Mongolian
monk Dorzhiev (Gomang Monastery’s Ngawang Lozang) had continu-
ously appealed for the establishment of relations between the Lhasa
government and Russia because he was a Russian spy. Finally, the Dalai
Lama planned to go to St. Petersburg, the capital of Russia. Thus, his
x
See p. 641 above.
personal articles, books, and so forth were sent ahead. Dorzhiev met
with Czar Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia, and the czar wrote to the Dalai
Lama and sent him presents, and so forth. Subsequently, Dorzhiev and
two representatives of the Dalai Lama went to Russia by sea and were
shown kind hospitality by the Russian government. It was also decided
after a meeting with the czar to send a Russian prince together with a
bodyguard to Tibet.27 Due to these circumstances, there was concern
about the danger to India if relations with Russia were enhanced.
In fact, the Tibetan government not only had religious relations with
Russia, but there had most certainly already been political relations, as
well. The reason for [seeking out such relations] was that China and
Britain had a policy of regarding Tibet as stupid. In addition, despite
the fact that the Tibetan government is the owner of Tibetan territory,
China and Britain kept signing agreements about Tibet. The British
were continually harassing Tibet’s border region and gradually took
possession of nearby areas. For these reasons, the protector Dalai Lama
Rinpoché was left with no alternative but to establish both public and
secret relations with Russia and Japan in an effort to maintain Tibet’s
freedom and independence.
Moreover, religious and political contacts were established with Czar
Alexander III through the king of Torgö and with Czar Nicholas II
through Gomang Tsenzhap Darhen Khenché Lozang Ngawang.28 In
1896, Gomang Tsenzhap, together with Tsedrön Lozang Khechok and
Letsen Gyeltsen Püntsok traveled by sea, after passing through Nepal
and India, and Tsedrung Tamnyen Ngawang Chödzin and his assistants
traveled through Mongolia on foot with several items made of gold,
silver, copper, and iron and books for the library. If British power was
not extended into Tibet, the Russians had no intentions of extending
their influence into Tibet, beyond learning of the marvels within its
borders. In this, they were like the British.
Similarly, the Manchu government did not want the might of either
Russia or Britain in an area bordering their own. Based on these facts,
everyone clearly understood at that time the desirability of a neutral,
free, and independent Tibet, without the military influence of China,
Britain, or Russia. However, not only was there no mutual honesty
during this period, but there was fear and suspicion. For these reasons
and because of the ambiguity of British policy, there were delays in
the formation of relations between Britain and Tibet. In addition, the
Tibetan government did not want to establish relations with Britain
until it had fortified its relations with Russia.
The fact that the Convention of 1890 and the Trade Regulations of 1893
proved in practice to be utterly useless was due to the fact that Tibet did
not accept them. Younghusband’s book, India and Tibet, quotes Claude
White as saying that the Chinese had “no authority whatsoever” in Tibet
and that “China was suzerainy over Tibet in name only.”29
Notes to Chapter Thirteen
1. I have mainly relied upon Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim’s Biog-
raphy of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels for information
on the religious activities of the thirteenth Dalai Lama.
2. William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with
the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910), 71.
3. Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press,
1956), 58.
4. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord
Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 300-na-4.
5. Sarat Chandra Das, Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (London: J. Murray,
1902). Graham Sandberg, Exploration of Tibet (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co., 1904)
163–172. He was fluent in Tibetan and compiled the excellent multi-volume work entitled
A Tibetan-English Dictionary with the assistance of a Mongolian Geshé named Sherap
Gyatso.
6. Yongdzin Lhopa Gendün Tenpé Gyatso, Biography of Paṇ chen Lozang Tenpé
Wangchuk, Sun that Causes the Lotus Garden of Faith to Bloom.
7. A copy of the original order is included in Private Papers.
8. An original of the government document is in the Compilation.
10. There is a detailed report on the dispute in Nyakrong within the Compilation
of Records. I have taken this from the Tibetan government records.
11. Except for this document, which says Sönam Gyeltsen, all other documents say
Sönam Gyelpo.
Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, vol. 1, 322-ba-6 to 324-ba-6. The verdicts
and orders are included in Compilation of Records.
14. I have relied upon the histories of Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet, original govern-
ment documents, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London:
J. Murray, 1910).
15. Some sources also say that they increased the payment by six thousand rupees.
16. It is said that Chakdzö Karpo was the illegitimate son of Tsukpu Namgyel.
17. China and Britain signed a treaty at Chefoo in 1876 granting British people
permission to travel through Tibet. Since it was clear that the Chinese people in Tibet
would be utterly unable to implement the terms agreed upon in the side treaty of 1886,
y
Suzerainty is a term of international law used to describe the relationship between
a nation and a dependent region or group of people. The dominant partner in the
relationship, called the suzerain, controls the foreign relations of the other, while the
other partner enjoys internal autonomy.
there was a change; thus, they used the issue as a pretext for sending traders into Tibet.
Translator’s Note: Chefoo is now called Yantai.
Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 148-ba-2.
19. “Territorial government” (sa gzhung) means the Indian government.
20. History of Sikkim says the seventh day of the second month of 1888.
21. Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel and Gyelsé Tsodrak Namgyel remained in Tibet; the
Tibetan government did not give them permission to stay at Taring Estate in Gyantsé
or at Dotra Estate in the Tingkyé district in Tapnön; they remained in service to the
Tibetan government.
22. Sikkimese records say “Mr. War,” but one wonders if they don’t mean Claude
White. Translator’s Note: This is in fact the case.
23. Tsukpu Namgyel’s older son, who was called Sikyong Trülku, was the seventh
king of Sikkim. Being recognized as his incarnation, he was called Sikyong Trülku.
24. The complete convention is given in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1968), 280–281, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An
Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York:
E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 250–251.
25. The details of the Trade Regulations are given in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and
Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 282–284, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History
of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion
(New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 251–253.
26. Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1979),
496 and 506, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray,
1910), 313 and 319–323. Buriatia is a Mongolian area near Russia.
27. Perceval Landon, The Opening of Tibet (Washington, DC: Ross and Perry, Inc.,
2001), 18.
28. Sometimes he is called Ngawang Lozang; the British called him Dorzhiev.
29. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 54.
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
YOUNGHUSBAND MILITARY MISSION AND ITS

CONSEQUENCES
As the turn of the century approached, the British, well-ensconced all

along the southern face of the Himalayas, resolved to open up trade
relations with Tibet. An expedition led by Colonel Younghusband
eventually forced its way to Lhasa in 1903, a development that was
met with alarm by Tibetans. Because of his deep suspicion of the Brit-
ish, the thirteenth Dalai Lama fled into exile in Mongolia. Ultimately,
in the autumn of 1904, Britain and Tibet signed a treaty governing
trade relations between the two nations. Shakabpa analyzes the events
surrounding the negotiations and argues that they provide evidence
Tibet was treated as a sovereign nation at that time. Britain remained
ambivalent about how it wanted to achieve its diplomatic objectives,
however, because in the following years it went on to negotiate conven-
tions with China concerning Tibet, agreements the Tibetan government
refused to regard as binding since they had not been a party to the
negotiations. Meanwhile, various factions within Tibet were bribed
by foreign interests, resulting in a tumultuous political landscape. By
1909, the Dalai Lama had returned to an unstable Lhasa, a brief respite
before events once again took an unpredictable turn.
As the British realized that their objective to enhance trade with Tibet
could not be realized by conducting negotiations with the Qing court,
they began to explore direct trans-Himalayan contacts. The Viceroy
of India, Lord Curzon (1859–1925), resolved to send Colonel Francis
Younghusband (1863–1942), a career adventurer and colonial diplo-
mat, to Tibet in order to open up commercial and diplomatic contacts.
In 1903, as Younghusband and seven hundred troops left the capital
Gangtok, Sikkim for the Tibetan frontier, authorities in Tibet fell into
a state of alarm. Tibetan envoys rushed to the border, attempting to
forestall any incursion onto Tibetan territory; when the first wave of
Younghusband’s troops arrived, the Tibetans were unable to prevent
them from advancing into Tibet to Gampa Dzong, where they had
been ordered to open negotiations. The Tibetans’ orders, unrealistic in
658 chapter fourteen
the face of disproportionate forces, were that negotiations were to take

place at the border and not even one “enemy” should be permitted into
the country. At this point, as at several others throughout this episode,
the Tibetans found themselves merely reacting to a more decisive and
forceful agenda enacted by the British. Once in Gampa Dzong, the
British insisted the Manchu amban be involved in the discussions.
Meanwhile, the Tibetans insisted the British return to the border and
refused utterly to have Qing participation in the negotiations. At length,
the British troops temporarily withdrew to Sikkim.
Tibet began recruiting troops from throughout western and central
Tibet. In the capital, suspicions swirled, and the Dalai Lama discharged
the entire cabinet. Cabinet Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé, in particular,
was suspected of having been bribed by the British in order to facilitate
their encroachments. He mounted a spirited defense of his actions,a
and both his contemporary colleagues and Shakabpa himself seem to
have believed that Shedra was innocent.
Meanwhile, the British were organizing a more substantial incur-
sion into Tibet, with heavier weapons and greater manpower than
the Tibetans were prepared to confront. When they announced their
intention to travel to Gyantsé for further negotiations, the Tibetans
could only belatedly scurry to gather weapons, troops, and supplies.
In December, five thousand troops began the march with four thou-
sand porters under British command. The Tibetans were unable to
prevent their progress, and yet, early in 1904, they continued to insist
on negotiating positions that had already been superseded by events.
According to Shakabpa, on March 31, 1904, the British came upon a
line of fortified Tibetan positions, forcing a standoff. The Tibetans were
convinced that they should deescalate the tension by unloading their
weapons, and extinguishing the fires the Tibetans used to ignite their
muskets. Meanwhile, according to Shakabpa, the British troops spread
out and opened fire with machine guns from three sides. Approximately
five hundred Tibetans were killed according to both Tibetan sources
and a British telegram.b
Younghusband’s own narration of these events differs quite strik-
ingly. He maintains that a Tibetan general started the shooting that
resulted in the terrible rout. Moreover, he maintained that his party
consisted of only 100 Englishmen and 1200 Indians. Finally, he blames
a
See pp. 668–670 below.
b
younghusband military mission 659
the outcome, not on the Tibetan general, but on “a fanatical Lama from
Lhasa.” He continues:c
Ignorant and arrogant, this priest herded the superstitious peasantry to
destruction. It is only fair to assume that, somewhere in the depths of his
nature, he felt that the people’s religion was in danger, and that he was
called upon to preserve it. But blind fear of the danger which he believed
threatened was so combined with overweening confidence, and there was
such a lack of effort to avert the supposed danger by reasonable means,
as might so easily have been done, that he simply brought disaster on
his country, and, poor man, paid the penalty of his unreasonableness
with his life. What to me is so sad is that now, when the Lamas have
discovered their errors and are imploring our aid, we can do so little to
befriend them.
The British were able to reach Gyantsé on April 11th, taking over the
fort there and meeting with the Manchu amban’s subordinates within
its confines.
Meanwhile the Dalai Lama’s government in Lhasa was in a state
of alarm. It refused to provide transportation to the amban, hoping
to keep the British and the Qing representatives apart. At the same
time, military preparations were underway and cabinet officers were
dispatched to negotiate in Gyantsé in the hopes of preventing further
incursions by the foreigners. However, the British were determined to
make their way to Lhasa, an eventuality that inspired the Dalai Lama
to interrupt his meditation retreat and flee for Mongolia at the end
of July in 1904. With the Dalai Lama out of the way, Amban Youtai
(1902–1906) attempted to insinuate himself and Qing interests into the
situation by meeting with Younghusband and offering to speak to the
Tibetans. Shakabpa points out the preposterous nature of this claim
by noting that the amban was unable even to compel the Tibetans to
provide him transportations while the British were in Gyantsé.d
The British wanted to open trade relations with the Tibetans, and
the Tibetans eventually decided to accept British terms. As Shakabpa
frames it, with both Chinese and British enemies at their frontiers, it
was necessary to turn one of them into a friend. The final treaty was
signed on September 7, 1904.e Shakabpa argues that the Chinese were
regarded as a foreign country under the terms of the 1904 agreement,
c
Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: John Murray, 1910), 179.
d
See p. 679 below.
e
See Appendix I, pp. 1096–1100 below.
an interpretation that he reinforces by hardly even alluding to the

Chinese during his account of the negotiations, except to observe that,
“This agreement does not mention Chinese authority even in passing.”f
Below, Shakabpa remarks that the mere existence of the treaty proves
Tibet was independent at the time:g
This agreement of 1904 was formed directly between Tibetan government
and the British government without any involvement by a third nation.
This clearly shows that at that time, Tibet was free and independent.
Here, as elsewhere, Shakabpa is vigilant in identifying these strands of
evidence for how Tibet was regarded at the time.
However, once again, this account contrasts with the report given by
Younghusband. His narrative echoes what Chinese historians say about
the period, asserting that China and Tibet were in a suzerain relation-
ship. Indeed, the first move he made in opening negotiations was to
meet with the amban, the first of many such meetings. Younghusband
also prevailed upon the Qing representative to help arrange meetings
with Tibetan authorities and to persuade them that he was serious.
Younghusband even depicts the amban as carrying negotiating terms
between himself and the Tibetans. In Younghusband’s explanation,
the amban’s office was quite involved. In the end, the Tibetans agreed
to all of the terms set forth by the British except for the payment of a
substantial indemnity, later reduced by a third to twenty-five million
rupees.h
Both Shakabpa and Younghusband acknowledge that the suspicions
between the British and the Tibetans were enhanced in part by relations
the Tibetans maintained with Russia. As part of the Great Game, Britain
contended with Russia for supremacy all along the frontier between their
areas of influence in Central Asia. A Gomang monk named Ngawang
Lozang or Dorzhiev served as an intermediary between the Dalai Lama
and the czar. The British were frightened that their position in India
and surrounding areas might be compromised if Russia gained a greater
foothold in the region. The first decade of the 20th century saw a variety
of conventions, treaties, and agreements that involved or referred to
f
See p. 681 below.
g
See p. 683 below.
h
Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: John Murray, 1910), 251–306
and 337–339. See also Charles Allen, Duel in the Snows: The True Story of the Young-
husband Mission to Lhasa (London, John Murray, 2004).
Tibet. Shakabpa points out that several of these were concluded without
Tibetan participation, and hence are regarded by Tibetans as illegitimate.
Nonetheless, Shakabpa asserts that the 1904 Younghusband agreement
affirmed that Tibet was an independent nation capable of formulating
an international treaty.
As the Younghusband Expedition approached Lhasa, the Dalai Lama
and his retinue fled to the north and then to the northeast, eventually
traveling to Mongolia and then to China itself. This extended sojourn
permitted the Dalai Lama to broaden his horizons significantly in that
he came into contact with many figures from other parts of the world.
In Mongolia, he met personally with Russian Ambassador Pokotiloff,
who brought gifts from Czar Nicholas II. At just that time, communism
was emerging in Russia, with Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924) agitating
in the Russian Revolution of 1905. Likewise, the Russo-Japanese War
of 1904–1905 exposed the Dalai Lama to modern warfare between
powerful nations.
While the Dalai Lama was in Mongolia and after he had returned
to the northeastern corner of Tibet, the Manchu Emperor Guangxu
(1871–1908) and the Empress Dowager Cixi (1835–1908) wrote letters
to him inviting him to visit Beijing. Eventually, he decided to accept
the invitation, a decision Shakabpa represents as being connected to
the attacks on Tibetan monasteries along the border region and in
Kham by the Chinese warlord Zhao Erfeng (1845–1911). Shakabpa only
briefly mentions the time the Dalai Lama spent at Wutai Shan (Riwo
Tsenga) on the way east, but Elliot Sperling indicates that the time
the Dalai Lama passed there was quite important, providing him with
numerous opportunities to meet with people outside of the scrutiny
and interference that marked his time in Beijing.i Among other people,
he encountered his first American, the Ambassador to China William
Woodville Rockhill (1854–1914). He also met numerous dignitaries
from France, Germany, Japan, and elsewhere.
His subsequent visit to Beijing enabled the Dalai Lama to observe all
sorts of modern technology and the great power of the Qing Empire.
As he has done in parallel cases above, Shakabpa describes the proto-
col employed during the meeting between the emperor and the Dalai
Lama. Pro-Chinese histories are similarly preoccupied with these sorts
i
Elliot Sperling presented this research at a talk attended by the translator at the
Library of Tibetan Works and Archives in McLeod Ganj, India in June 2008.
of details.j Both sides were and remain concerned to depict such inter-
personal interactions in a way that fortifies their own narrative about
relations between China and Tibet. In this case, Shakabpa indicates that
the Dalai Lama explained to the empress dowager how Tibetans regard
the history of Sino-Tibetan relations. After a four-year absence from
Lhasa, the Dalai Lama left Beijing and made his way back home. The
chapter closes with Chinese troops encroaching on Tibetan territory in
1909. By this time, the Dalai Lama had come to understand international
affairs in a new light. He could no longer be manipulated by others; he
would instead endeavor to be an author of Tibet’s destiny.
j
Ya Hanzhang, The Biographies of the Dalai Lamas (Beijing: Foreign Languages
Press, 1991).
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
YOUNGHUSBAND MILITARY MISSION AND ITS

CONSEQUENCES
Between 1899 and 1904, the Indian Viceroy Lord Curzon discovered
that it was absolutely fruitless to attempt to hold talks with the Tibetan
government through the Chinese Manchu emperor. Thus, he sought
a good way to speak directly with the Lhasa government. Khendrung
Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo arrived
in Dromo Nadong from the Lhasa government, presenting themselves
at the negotiating site for trade talks with the British. It point of fact,
however, they did what they could to obscure and delay matters. As
this became evident to the British, they became suspicious that there
might be a harmful Russian influence. During this time, Gomang
Monastery’s Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang also tried to establish relations
in Lhasa. As a result, Lord Curzon determined there was no way to
form relations between Tibet and Britain peacefully. Thus, he decided
to send a military mission to Tibet under the leadership of Colonel
Francis Younghusband.1
In the sixth month of 1903, news reached Lhasa through Sikkim that
Colonel Younghusband and his soldiers were coming to Gampa Dzong
by way of Lachen to discuss trade between Tibet and Sikkim. Imme-
diately, a horse courier was dispatched with orders that Khendrung
Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo were to
go to Gampa; they were told to hold trade talks at the border, but they
were instructed not to permit any of the British people to cross into
Tibetan territory for the purpose. As the two Tibetan delegates were
in Dromo, they reached Gampa through Pakri. They sent the district
leader of Gampa and twenty-five soldiers to the border with Sikkim
with orders to prevent the British from crossing the border. As soon as
the British arrived, the Tibetan guards were to report back. Thereafter,
reports arrived from Lachen, Sikkim that the British Mission, consist-
ing of five officers and seven hundred soldiers had left Gangtok on
June 19, 1903. Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa
Wangchuk Gyelpo immediately went to the border.
Several days after they arrived, Captain William O’Connor, a Brit-

ish officer who knew Tibetan, arrived at the border with two hundred
soldiers. The district leader of Gampa asked him not to go into Tibetan
territory, saying that delegates from the Tibetan government were
coming. O’Connor said that his government had directed him to go to
Gampa Dzong, where the negotiations would be held. Thus, while they
would stay there for the night, they would proceed on in the morning.
That being the case, he said, the Tibetan delegates empowered by the
government must go to Gampa. He continued to say that he and his
men were the advance party and that the officer empowered to negoti-
ate was following behind.
As the sun dawned the following day, a bugle sounded and the
soldiers assembled in ranks. Thus, the soldiers proceeded directly to
Gampa with O’Connor and several mounted officers in the lead. Both
of the Tibetan government delegates rushed into the road, urging that
if there were to be negotiations, they would have to take place right
there. They went on to explain that if they continued on to Gampa, they
would know how unsuitable this would be. O’Connor served as trans-
lator, while the Political Officer of Sikkim, Claude White, obstinately
explained, “It has been decided to hold the talks in Gampa Dzong along
with a delegate from the Chinese Manchu government; accordingly,
the amban will also be arriving in Gampa.” With that, they marched
by force. Since the British were so powerful, the Tibetan government
delegates and the district leader of Gampa could not do anything but
follow after them to Gampa.
The British troops camped below Gampa Dzong Mountain; they
encircled their camp with barbed wire and foxholes, and made other
military preparations. Just then, an important order arrived from the
Tibetan National Assembly in Lhasa for the two Tibetan delegates. It
said:
Not even a single British civil and military official is to be permitted to
cross into Tibetan territory . . . Not only are the British the enemy of the
Buddhist religion, but they have no other concern but to increase their
territory. That fact is obvious from our experience of the way the British
behaved during the Gurkha-Tibetan war . . . If it is a fact that the British
have a need for trade talks, then there should be no problem with con-
ducting them at the border. Otherwise, if they force their way into Tibet
without listening to this pronouncement, then they should be obstructed
by one soldier after another of the Tibetan army.
Although this order from the Tibetan National Assembly had been
dispatched earlier, by the time it reached the two Tibetan delegates,
the British had already arrived in Gampa.
Tibetan troops from Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, Dingri, and so forth were
being assembled and readied to fight in order to put this directive into
action. Three representatives from the Tibetan National Assembly and
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries also joined Khendrung Lepar
Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo at Gampa.
Similarly, Captain Younghusband and four hundred troops also reached
Gampa. Ho Kuang-hsi (Ho kong si), the Chinese officer residing in
Gyantsé and designated as the delegate of the Manchu amban living
in Lhasa, also arrived for the purpose of conducting the negotiations.
The British hoped that the amban himself would come. The Tibetan
delegates said that the Tibetan side would negotiate if the British officers
and soldiers would return to the border. They continued, saying that
the Manchu officer had no right to come in the middle of talks between
the British and the Tibetans. As a result, the amban’s representative
returned to Zhikatsé, pacifying matters by claiming that he was ill due
to the poor water in Gampa.
Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk
Gyelpo and Younghusband met several times to discuss the proper site
for the negotiations and the necessity of having delegates who were fully
authorized to negotiate. It was the British side that said it was neces-
sary for there to be an officer who was fully empowered to negotiate2
and that the amban in Lhasa himself ought to be present. The Tibetan
side insisted that the British must withdraw to the border, and if they
held talks at the Sikkim-Tibet border, a fully empowered representative
would be sent. In addition, they said that there was no reason to require
the Manchu amban to mediate in talks about British-Tibetan trade.
These arguments were repeated continually every day for three months.
Throughout that time, the British officers and troops performed military
exercises, climbed mountains all throughout the area, took photographs,
drew maps, hunted, and studied roots, fruits, and flowers.
Gampa Dzong was included in the jurisdiction of the Trashi Lhünpo
monastic estate, and so an earnest appeal was made by the Tibetans to
the monastic estate. Thus, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché’s deputy,
the abbot of the Tantric College, and a fourth-ranking official arrived;
they told the British officers that they must withdraw and so forth.
For whatever reason, whether it was because of the approach of winter

or because instructions arrived from the British government ordering
them to withdraw, they finally returned from Gampa to Sikkim on the
seventeenth day of the ninth month of 1903.
The cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly convened many
times in Lhasa. The cabinet sought a peaceful resolution to the problem;
seeing that the British army was superior in their territory, army, and
weaponry, they knew that Tibet could not triumph over them. How-
ever, the representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries
in the Tibetan National Assembly, without understanding the actual
circumstances of their enemy, carried their arguments forcefully. Their
only concern was for Buddhism; they obstinately said that Tibet should
fight and not talk with the British. For these reasons, the Dalai Lama
and the cabinet were unable to respond.
Given that the leader of Bhutan and the Trongsa Chief Ogyen
Wangchuk were also Buddhists, a passionate appeal was sent to them
saying that they must protect their territory from the Sikkim side
for the welfare of Buddhism until the conflict between Tibet and the
foreign power was resolved.3 By virtue of the situation, the Tibetan
National Assembly and the cabinet each began recruiting men between
the ages of eighteen and sixty in Ü Tsang, Dakpo, Kongpo, and Do
Kham. Extensive services were held in all monasteries and by lamas
and incarnations without regard to affiliation in an effort to forestall
warfare. Thus, all civil and military offices of the government were as
busy as an anthill that had been disturbed.
At that time, Cabinet Secretary Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering
sent a poem he had composed to Nyendrong Jolak, an official in the
Gyantsé Paymaster’s Office. It read:4
To escape from it for the time being,
Many are secretly at work.
The canvas of everybody’s mind is vast,
Painting multitudes of colorful designs.
All people are occupied with this issue;
Those who are experts in military science
Predict utter smothering by powerful feet.
They are busy persuading the enemy.
Some have the outlook of the peaceful mediator.
With the elixir of the benefit of unbounded compassion,
They pacify the flames of their fathers’ hatred. Prudent people forsake
the coolness and are sated.
Just those who are called by the name monk say,

“This religion has become our sole protector.”
They have made an inferior vow to give their lives
And now voluntarily prepare for war.
The people are also concerned about success.
Every means exhausted and striving with body, speech, and mind,
They are like a bird who has been disturbed nine times
Or the anthill that has been split apart.
The leadership concentrates on conquering the other,
Ordering civil and military approaches.
Thus, it is like counting a rosary without end
Or snapping the thread of the mind or body.
The people fall asleep at night.
I am working continuously, denied sleep.
Always, duties are generated in the night.
To me these burdens are especially severe.
Without even mentioning the difficulties for the cabinet, this poem
clearly demonstrates how the secretaries were busy and in particular,
it shows the severity of the difficulties faced by the secretary of the
cabinet, day and night.
During this time, there was a difference of opinion between the cabi-
net and the Tibetan National Assembly. There were rumors that Cabinet
Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé had received bribes from the British when
he had previously been in Darjeeling. Also the Nechung Oracle had
alluded to “Someone within the cabinet whose heart depends upon the
outsiders and whose stomach depends upon the insiders.” As a result,
the Nechung Oracle was summoned into the presence of the Dalai
Lama and the ministers in the Dalai Lama’s private chamber so that he
could identify the culprit. In his angry unhappy state, he could not do
anything but speak obscurities. For whatever reason, the Dalai Lama
ordered that Cabinet Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet Minister
Zhölkhang Tseten Wangchuk, Cabinet Minister Lama Changkhyimpa
Ngawang Pelzang, and Cabinet Minister Horkhangpa Sönam Topgyé,
who had replaced the deceased Lhalu, should be relieved of their duties
and placed in detention in Norbu Lingkha Palace. A separate commit-
tee was formed to investigate the matter. Cabinet Minister Horkhangpa
Sönam Topgyé had a very timid nature and was afraid that they would
be punished severely; thus, he escaped from Norbu Lingkha Palace
during the night and took his own life by jumping into the river.
The investigating committee questioned each of the cabinet ministers
about whether Cabinet Minister Shedra had been bribed while he was
at the Darjeeling Mission and whether the British had then sent him
to Tibet on their behalf. They also attempted to determine the reason
for his saying that only peaceful means should be used with regard to
the British. In reply, Shedra sent them the following letter:5
To the fully blossomed lotus feet of the Tibetan National Assembly, the
foundation of benefit and happiness in the Land of Snow.
I, Peljor Dorjé of the Shedra House, request that you lend me your
golden ear for a moment, not to take offense, but instead in your omni-
science to dispense with conflicts.
Previously, the investigating committee informed me of the particular
charges; it is alleged that when I previously went to Darjeeling to assist in
the treaty negotiations, I was given bribes by foreigners and that I made
promises on certain issues.
As an owner of a paternal estate, the general arrangement of Tibetan
society in all of its details embellishes my security. It would contradict the
facts to suppose that I would drink the boiling water of anger. How is it
possible for such a thought to come into my mind? It is clearly recorded
in Chinese and Tibetan books how I have remained firmly resolved, serv-
ing the government year after year to the extent of my ability without
avoiding whatever difficulties came my way, such as enemies, illness, or
heat; in general to the extent that I am able, I have held in my heart the
welfare of Buddhism and respect for our religious land. In particular, I
have held in my heart the Dalai Lama who is the supreme omniscient
sovereign protector and the lord of compassion, as well as the countenance
of both the red and black dharma protectors.
If I had been bribed to favor the British, then being under the power
of the British as they wished, I could have used a scolding manner when
I sent my reports. Far from that, based upon my familiarity with the
foreigners, I advised that the British could be dealt with both kindly and
severely. If those reports are carefully examined, you will realize this main
point. In addition, regarding the issue of holding talks through the Chi-
nese officer, out of my respect for Buddhism in all ways, I generated the
courage to fulfill my duties on behalf of the general welfare, steadfastly
working to complete the government’s assignment. As a result, I incurred
the displeasure of the British and under the pretext of not being able to
come to a decision with a person of such low rank, they insisted that the
amban must be involved. While I was in Darjeeling, ambans Hrina and
Gui (Gu’i) and also the rulers Bumtang and Yutok had to come. If I had
entered into any harmful agreement, there would have been no need for
the agreement to be renegotiated.
a
ambans in Lhasa were Youtai (1902–1906), Naqin (1902–1903), and Guilin (1903–1904).
See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study
(Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 63–64.
Likewise, with regard to the agreement, during the talks between

China and Tibet, without concern for myself, I urgently worked toward
the adoption of the opinions of the Tibetan National Assembly because I
had no reason to feel shame or to repent. As a result of my steadfastness,
the evil scheme of the Chinese officer Chilo (Ci’i lo) was unsuccessful.
Thus, the senior Chinese minister in Sichuan accused me of a variety of
crimes and angry reports were made to the emperor through Tsungtu.
In consequence, for the success of the public, I suffered recriminations
from the senior ministers in Tibet. The Tibetan National Assembly sent
a letter clarifying the matter, as is also clear in the records.
Without concealing my respect for the welfare of Buddhism, I received
an unsolicited letter from the great Nechung Oracle while I was still in
Darjeeling saying, “You have brought benefit to all of your activities as
a sign of your courage. Continue to be diligent.” This excellent recom-
mendation was given to me along with a special greeting scarf by way
of the cabinet. In addition, I was subsequently given another letter from
the oracle by Sawang Yutok while I was in Dromo. When I returned to
Tibet, the oracle again gave me praise which is difficult to obtain. Upon
inquiry, these facts can be verified. If I had betrayed myself to a foreigner,
what could be the reason for these praises from the wise protector of
Buddhism?
In particular, if I was involved in some illicit acts, that still was not the
basis for decisions taken in the recent meeting on foreign affairs. Thus,
when many representatives gathered from all over, decisions were reached
without regard for the concerns of foreigners.
Even so, if this important point is not understood by the lamas, lead-
ers, and gods, I will bow at the feet of the peaceful and wrathful Pelden
Lhamo and if I have any fault which contradicts what I have been saying,
I invite an immediate and decisive verdict on myself and my descendants.
Similarly, I will go before the great Nechung Oracle. In this way, the truth
will definitely be known.
Moreover, if there is some person who can separate truth from false-
hood in the matter of my supposed collusion, I will confront that person
and undergo any sort of soft or harsh interrogation, given the importance
of this matter to the welfare of Buddhism and the public. If it is not pos-
sible to produce such a person, then in the future, this issue will set a
bad example. I urge you to resolve this important point of determining
what is white and what is black.
I have heard a rumor that a Tibetan man was seized on the way from
Darjeeling who said, “Previously, when Shedra came to Darjeeling, he
took gold and silver from the foreigners. He promised that in the future,
he would bring the British to Tibet.” The questions can be brought to an
end if it is explained to me who has accused me; couldn’t he be brought
before the court once again, being summoned by name?
Likewise, it is a fact that I have committed no crimes whatsoever. I will
do what I can at the order of the lamas and leaders. If it is not possible
to bring an end to the question, like those expressed by the investigating
committee, then in the future, false rumors will continue to be put forth
before our nation’s courts. If that happens, then innocent government
servants in the capital will be fearful. This will certainly intensify divisions
in all internal and external matters.
I have always volunteered for government service out of altruistic
concern for the collective welfare; the three precious jewels see the extent
to which this is true. If it is necessary to live under such wicked rumors,
and generations tremble in this stubborn perversity, then a person and his
household, being under the suspicion of the Dalai Lama, would certainly
have to seek protection in this and future lives. In addition, they will not
be able to bear the fact that hundreds of generations will suffer in shame.
I will continue to request that you discover the truth out of compassion
for the general welfare and my own personal welfare. Since this issue
must be resolved, I will follow whatever decision is reached.
Throughout that time, the Tibetan government suspected that Cabinet
Minister Shedra was in the pay of the British, and the British suspected
that he was in the pay of the Russians. It was a time of great exhaus-
tion for him.6
When Shedra’s fellow cabinet ministers, Zhölkhang and Changkhyim,
were questioned, they urged that all of the cabinet’s decisions were
reached by the entire group. Shedra did nothing but make decisions on
behalf of others, having no concern but to provide benefit and happi-
ness for Tibet itself, then and in the future. If he was found guilty, they
were in agreement that they would bear the punishment collectively to
the extent of his crime. Similarly, they said they had not seen, heard,
or even suspected that Shedra had accepted bribes from the British. I
have not seen any documents except those that say he was interrogated
by both soft and harsh means; over many months it was not possible
to clearly identify his crimes.
In the meanwhile, Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin, Cabinet
Deputy Sarjungpa, Cabinet Deputy Yutok, and the Ü General Tsarongpa
who had gone to Dromo, Gampa, and so forth were appointed as the
new substitute ministers.
Many government and private reports from Darjeeling and Sikkim
indicate that the British army was prepared to enter Tibet and thus
arrangements were being made in Kalimpong to allow an artillery
unit and a mule train to go to Tibet. During the eleventh month of
1903, Claude White, the Political Officer of Sikkim, sent a letter to the
Tibetan government saying that the Younghusband Mission was com-
ing to Tibet and a delegate with authority to negotiate with him on
trade matters should be sent to Gyantsé. Since the British intended to
enter the country forcibly, the Tibetan government had no choice but
to obstruct them. Thus, in addition to the military units taken from
Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, and Dingri, recruits were gathered in Chimé Lingkha
from the Kham and Kongpo regions. They were given weapons, protec-
tive amulets, and so forth and gradually sent to Pakri. These regional
armies had not had even a single day of training. They were armed with
Tibetan guns, swords, spears, axes, slings, and so forth; they had never
even seen artillery, much less learned how to use such weapons.
The British military expedition left for Dromo Rinchen Gang and
Nadong, crossing Dzalepla Pass on December 16th. The expedition
consisted of Colonel Younghusband, the Political Officer of Sikkim
Claude White, Captain O’Connor, Brigadier General James MacDonald,
five thousand Sikh and Gurkha troops armed with rifles, machine guns,
and artillery, as well as doctors, supply officers, reporters, four thousand
porters, a few thousand horses and mules, and several thousand yaks
that had been provided by the Gurkha king.
Immediately, the district officials of Pakri, Shödrung Bumtangpa and
Denja Tsangpa, and representatives from Dromo told the British leaders
that it was unsuitable for their soldiers to cross into Tibet and that del-
egates were coming to hold peace negotiations. Exceeding this command
would be without any sort of benefit. Still, the British continued on to
Pakri. At the same time, the leader from Trongsa, Ogyen Wangchuk,
and Kaji Ogyen Dorjé of Kalimpong, Sikkim also arrived there. They
were told that since nothing came of the talks in Gampa, the British
military mission would continue on to Gyantsé; if fully empowered
delegates came from the Tibetan government, the trade talks could be
held. Beyond that, they only said that the soldiers should not destroy
or loot the monasteries and towns on the way if the Tibetans did not
obstruct their passage. They were not to command transportation by
force, but should pay the local rate. They should pay a fair price for
shelter, firewood, hay, animal food, meat, vegetables, eggs, and so forth.
All of these issues were reported to Lhasa by the Trongsa leader, and
they in turn announced them to the various regions.
In addition, the ruler of Sikkim and his wife wrote a letter to Dapön
Lhading advising him that the negotiations with the British should be
peaceful; if the Tibetans used force, it would not be any different from
an egg fighting against a rock. They also reported that the British had
cached all sorts of military provisions as well as reinforcements along
the road from India.7 They reported all of these issues to Dapön Lha-
ding because the queen and he were related.
The Gurkha Prime Minister from Nepal, Chandra Sham Sher, sent
a report to the Dalai Lama by way of Nyasho saying:8
Since it is necessary that a suitable arrangement between Tibet and Brit-
ain be reached by peaceful means, the Gurkha government will send a
delegate to mediate.
In order that the peaceful nations of the world would not curse them
saying, “They used an axe to kill a flea,” the most important British
policy was to explore every avenue of resolution.
Since the British army had already arrived in Pakri, the Tibetan
soldiers constructed stone fortifications across the plain between Düné
and the village of Guru where a good stream flowed from a small hill
at Shongko Spring. With confidence, the troops gathered there. Under
the leadership of the Ü Dapön Namsé Lingpa, Tsang Dapön Lhadingsé,
and Tsang Dapön Chaktrakpa, fifteen hundred trained troops and about
five thousand regional militia soldiers from Ü Tsang, Lhokha, Dakpo,
Kham, and Kongpo also arrived. Khendrung Dā Lama Lozang Trinlé,
representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and a del-
egate from Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate also reached a small village
called Guru, about four miles from Shongko Spring. Once the Trongsa
leader reached Guru, the situation described above was explained to
him. On the thirteenth day of the first month of 1904, Dapön Lhading
went to Düné and met with the British military officers. On the nine-
teenth day (March 3, 1904), O’Connor also arrived, and the essential
elements of the negotiations began.
The British negotiating position was as follows: no fully empowered
delegate had yet come to Gampa from the Tibetan government; for this
and other reasons, they said they would move on to Gyantsé where the
talks would henceforth take place. A fully empowered delegate from the
Tibetan government must be sent there. At that point, trade would not
be the only topic of discussion, but rather they also wanted to discuss
the necessity of establishing friendly relations with the Tibetan govern-
ment, as was the case with other nations, such as Russia. Moreover,
the British said that if any deaths occurred by virtue of their progress
along the road being obstructed, then the Tibetans would just be jab-
bing themselves in the eye.
The Tibetan position was as follows: It was necessary that the negotia-
tions take place at the border. Thus, the British army had to withdraw
to its previous position. Once that happened, then a fully empowered
delegate of the Tibetan government would be sent and preparations
would be undertaken for the negotiations. They said that the Tibetan
government had enjoyed religious and political relations with Mongolia
and Russia for many centuries. Moreover, they concluded saying that
if the British army forcibly went any further, then the Tibetans would
have to defend themselves and their territory. Just the same sorts of
things continued to be said.
On the fourteenth day of the second month (March 30, 1904), the
British sent a letter to the Tibetan’s camp. It said:
It has been decided that tomorrow the British army will push on to
Gyantsé. Thus, if you obstruct our path, the consequences of that will
be your responsibility.
The final words came as a summons to the Tibetans. Although the Tibet-
ans did not give any written response, they told the courier, “If you try
to go to Gyantsé, we have no choice but to oppose you.” That evening,
one unit of British soldiers left Sam and another left the upper valley of
Düné, surrounding Shongko Spring and the Guru upper valley.
On the morning of the fifteenth day of the second month (March
31, 1904), the Tibetan army waited confidently behind their stone
fortification. At mid-morning, a regiment of the British troops came
within view of the main road. Immediately, Dapön Lhadingsé and
Dapön Namsé Lingpa left the fortifications with several servants and
just a short distance away they met with the British officers, who had
dismounted. In order to forestall any eruption of violence, the British
proposed that their soldiers should unload their weapons and that
the Tibetan soldiers should extinguish the fire used to light the gun-
powder in their guns. This arrangement was announced. Then while
they remained for a short while planning their negotiations, the British
troops spread out. The British set up machine guns upon some small
nearby hills and surrounded the Tibetans from three sides. Suddenly,
in one moment, they fired their weapons, killing and wounding a huge
number of the Tibetans.
Tseten Wangchuk, the commander of twenty-five Tibetan soldiers
from Chushur escaped from the battlefield by hiding among the corpses;
his eye witness account of the events follows:9
While we were waiting at the wall during the discussions, a hail of bullets
came down on us from the surrounding hills. We had no time in which
to draw our swords. I lay down beside a dead body and pretended I had
been killed. The sound of firing continued for the length of time it would
take six successive cups of hot tea to cool. When the firing ceased, the
British troops came into the camp to examine the dead and wounded.
They prodded me with a bayonet, but I remained quiet and held my
breath. Later, a sore developed where I had been pricked by the bayonet.
My relative Döndrup was wounded in the leg and was taken away with
the other wounded by the British troops. Beside me I recognized the dead
bodies of Chang Gyapé Drakpala and Singma Khungchunggi Akhula.
Though afraid, I remained in the company of the dead until it grew dark,
and then, at night, I ran to [the town of] Guru. All the Tibetan officials
had left, so I proceeded to Dochen, five miles distant and informed our
garrison of what had happened. My wounded relative, Döndrup, who had
been treated by the British, then returned with fifty others, informed us
that they had been asked if the Tibetans were receiving assistance from
China or any other country. He had been informed that the British army
was such that if it lost one hundred soldiers today, it could replace them
with a thousand soldiers tomorrow. Kuzhap Sahib [Younghusband]
possessed glasses through which he could see great distances. The poor
peasants were told by the British that they could return to their homes, as
they were not to be blamed for what had happened; but, if they appeared
again, they would be killed. They were photographed, and each of them
was given five rupees and a package of cigarettes. Those who were seriously
injured were given food and medical treatment. A number of Tibetan
troops were kept by the British.
Moreover, Tibetan government records say that five hundred and twenty-
three Tibetans were killed in that attack, including Dapön Lhadingsé,
Dapön Namsé Lingpa, Commander Changkhyimpa, Khangsar Jangma,
the representative of Ganden Monastery, and the deputy from Trashi
Lhünpo Monastery. More than three hundred people were wounded
and a large number of weapons were seized.10
From Düné, Brigadier-General J. R. L. MacDonald telegraphed a
summary report on the outcome of the battle to the adjutant general
in India on March 31, as follows:11
Our casualties are—Major Wallace Dunlop slightly wounded; Mr. Can-
dler, ’Daily Mail’ correspondent, severely wounded, and seven sepoysb
wounded. The enemy’s loss is nearly 500 hundred killed and wounded,
and 200 hundred prisoners, all their camp and baggage, about 60 yaks
and 30 mules, with 2 gingalls and a large numbers of matchlocks and
swords, together with a few breechloaders, two of which were of Russian
make. Amongst the Tibetans killed was the chief Lhasa Depon and the
b
A sepoy is a native soldier fighting with the British as opposed to a soldier from
Britain.
Lama representative of the Gaden Monastery; also one Zhikatsé Depon,

whilst the Phari Depon was captured, severely wounded.
Togan Tada’s The Thirteenth Dalai Lama says:12
The first battle occurred a little after noon on that day. It goes without
saying that the Tibetans were no opponent. What harassed Colonel
Younghusband, however, was the difficulty he encountered in securing a
sufficient number of horses for the transport corps which must cross the
Himalayas and the complete preparation to weather the cold in Tibet. The
Tibetan military forces had no training and no plan to engage the British
forces equipped with modern weapons. In order to cope with the situa-
tion, the traditional 18–60 force was organized in a hurry. That meant the
men, between the ages of 18–60, excluding monks, were mobilized with
their own food by the Tibetan government without any military training.
Naturally they had no regular uniform, and were merely a disorderly
crowd, mixed with the old and young, between the ages of 18 and 60.
The only tactic they had against the enemy was to appear in front of the
enemy forces and yell at the top of their voices. Because of the yelling,
the enemy naturally would assume that there was a considerable number
of men in front of them and start a concentrated attack. However, at
that time, the Tibetans had already dispersed and disappeared into the
surrounding mountains.
Several days later, the British troops left Düné and battled the Tibet-
ans at Dzamtreng, Saugang, and Nenying Monastery, finally reaching
Gyantsé on April 11. A vast number of Tibetan troops were killed and
wounded between Düné and Gyantsé.
The British built one camp at Shokdrupa and another at Changlho
near Gyantsé. Both military camps were near the Nyangchu Tsangpo
River, about a half a mile from the castle. Meanwhile, Dapön Trashi
Lingpa and his troops were in the Gyantsé Castle; the British attacked
it with artillery, due to which it was lost to the British. Dapön Trashi
Lingpa brought assistance from the Zhipé Region, and once again he
seized the castle. Moreover, on two occasions, he attacked the British
camp at Changlho under the cover of night.
Thereafter, a delegate of the Manchu amban arrived from Lhasa,
and he met with Younghusband. He said that although the amban
had planned to come to Gyantsé himself, the Tibetan government
had refused to provide transportation for him. Thus, he was unable to
come. This report saddened Younghusband. Moreover, the Tibetans
had obstructed his progress when he was going to Gyantsé and had
attacked his camp near there; the government had refused to send a
fully empowered deputy when he had reached Gyantsé. By virtue of all
of these tensions, he announced that he would hold talks directly with

the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. At that time, the Trongsa Dapön and Setrül
of Sikkim sent a letter to Lhasa. Accordingly, the Dalai Lama issued
orders to Lama Jampa Tendzin saying that he must immediately go to
Gyantsé as his representative. The letter, which follows, was impressed
with the Dalai Lama’s seal:13
To Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin, Commander-in-Chief:
I have received letters again and again from Sikkim’s Trongsa Dapön in
an attempt to mediate the conflict between the foreigners and Tibet in the
border region of Dromo and Pakri. More recently, on the twenty-third,
Setrül14 went to Dromo where the British officer MacDonaldc insisted
that, according to orders from the British government, the commander
had to go to meet the Dalai Lama, using the pretexts that the Agreement
of 1888 had been delayed for about fifteen years, no military commander
or peaceful reception had been extended to the British at Gampa, and
the camp near Gyantsé had been attacked at night twice.
By virtue of the conciliatory explanations of Trongsa Dapön, the
British said that a responsible person, such as a cabinet minister, must
arrive within the next eighteen days, from the twenty-third day of last
month until the eleventh day of this month; otherwise, they had decided
to use force.
You, Cabinet Deputy Lama, and Khendrung Lozang Trinlé must hurry
to Gyantsé along with appropriate representatives of Drepung, Sera, and
Ganden monasteries; you must send a letter to Trongsa Dapön saying that
a cabinet minister with orders from Lhasa and monastery representatives
have arrived. Then you must negotiate. Beyond that, you must follow the
separate instructions from the cabinet on the ceasefire terms.
Dated the fifth day of the fifth month of 1904.
A similar letter was also given to the Commander-in-Chief Cabinet
Deputy Yutok, who oversaw the Yardrok and Taklung regions. How-
ever, other Tibetan records say that Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa
Tendzin made military preparations in the Natsé and Dzara regions,
but do not mention whether he went to Gyantsé. I have not seen any
British records saying that any cabinet ministers were in Gyantsé,
although they mention the presence of Khendrung Dā Lama Lozang
c
This name (dza nal, 119.15) is uncertain. Two pages earlier, General MacDon-
ald’s name was spelled differently (meg grol nal, 117.6). It would seem that Shakabpa
intended to indicate McDonald because of the slight similarity in spelling and because
of the prominent part played by General McDonald in Younghusband’s narration of
this part of the story. See Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray,
1910), 162–181.
Trinlé and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries.

One wonders whether the British went to Lhasa because no cabinet
ministers came to them in the prescribed time.
During the time the British troops stayed in Gyantsé, Captain
O’Connor went to Zhikatsé, forming friendly relations with the abbot
of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and the officials of the monastic estate.
Several of the monastic estate officials are supposed to have met with
Younghusband in Gyantsé. In addition, there were suspicions among
Tibetans that a servant of Sengchen Lama of Trashi Lhünpo Mon-
astery was doing oral and written translations in the British military
camp.15
The morale of the Tibetan soldiers declined for a variety of reasons.
The news spread all over Ü Tsang that the soldiers who had been cap-
tured and the wounded had been given medical care by the British;
they had also been given presents, treated well, and returned to their
homes. People felt that Younghusband had been very kind toward the
Tibetan soldiers. In addition, the British paid good prices for grain, peas,
hay, firewood, and so forth. Since they gained financially, people were
positively inclined toward them. The Tibetan military had no weapons
which would be able to overcome the British except a few Tibetan guns,
swords, and spears. They also had no medicine or facilities to treat the
wounded and sick soldiers.
The Tibetan government continued in their efforts to obstruct the
British. Commander-in-Chief Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin
built a fortified wall at Kharula Pass between Gyantsé and Nakartsé, and
he called up many additional troops. Thus, Lieutenant Colonel Brander
led a group of troops from Gyantsé to open up the passage. Instead of
going along the main road, he bribed some herders from Nyerowa and
Ralungpa to lead them. Thus, they seized the hilltops where the Tibetan
soldiers were. As they descended on the Tibetans, more than three
hundred of them were killed, and there was tremendous destruction. As
soon as this news reached Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin behind
the army at Nakartsé, he and his Payroll Officer Sarjungsé escaped in
the direction of Lhasa. They are said to have taken the wrong path and
eventually wound up in the Rongtsasum Region.
Having remained in Gyantsé for about three months, the British army
left on July 14,16 gradually making their way to Nakartsé. During their
stay there, they toured around Samding Monastery, Taklung Sangchö
Monastery, and so forth. They also took boats into the Yardrok Yutso
Lake, where they fished and hunted geese.
Cabinet Deputy Yutok and several representatives of Drepung, Sera,

and Ganden monasteries arrived in Nakartsé to meet with Younghus-
band and set the foundation for negotiations. However, the British
refused to recognize their authority and so they had to return to Lhasa;
the people of Lhasa derided them, saying they had gone to appease the
British.17 The British soldiers gradually crossed over Gampala Pass,
reaching the Chakzam River crossing on the twenty-fifth day of the
seventh month of 1904. The Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Barzhi
Ngawang Ngödrup had gone there on the eighth day of the sixth
month of 1904, bearing a nine-point proposal with the Dalai Lama’s
seal. He presented it to Younghusband personally and discussed its
contents with him. However, Younghusband obstinately said that since
he already made it that far, he would go on to Lhasa to meet with the
Dalai Lama.
Given that it is only thirty-five miles from the Chakzam River cross-
ing to Lhasa, one could travel the distance in just a half day if one went
by horse. Despite the efforts of the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, he
just returned to Norbu Lingkha Palace and reported what the British
had said. He also reported that the British weapons, provisions, and
so forth were being transported across the river. The cabinet and the
Tibetan National Assembly held meetings. They thought that although
the situation might be improved if the Dalai Lama stayed in Lhasa,
there was also the possibility that he would be forced to accept and sign
some document composed according to the wishes of the British. Thus,
there could be threats to Tibet’s political status in the future. With one
voice, they proclaimed that it would be best if the Dalai Lama avoided
the situation for the time being by going to some other place.
The Dalai Lama was forced to leave suddenly, thus interrupting
his meditative practice of Vajrabhairava. He appointed Ganden Tri
Rinpoché Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen as the regent in charge of political
affairs for the time being. He gave him his seals, and so forth, along
with permission to use them if the need arose. He also gave him crucial
advice on what to do to protect Tibet politically. He advised the regent
to send the former prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang, and Chang-
khyim to their respective estates to wait until their cases were finally
settled. The Dalai Lama, his close retinue, and several armed escorts
left the Potala Palace at three o’clock in the morning of the fifteenth
day of the sixth month (July 30, 1904). They had to go in the direction
of Radreng by way of Gola Pass.
The British soldiers arrived in Lhasa on the nineteenth day of the sixth
month (August 3, 1904) and established camps near Kyangtang and
Jatsön Spring to the west of the city. That same evening, the Manchu
Amban Youtai (Yu’u tha’i) went to meet Younghusband. He recounted
his previous story that although he planned to go to Gyantsé, the Tibetan
government had refused to provide transportation, explaining that he
had sent his representative to Gyantsé. Thereafter, he said that he himself
would speak to the Tibetans about a way to resolve the British-Tibetan
situation immediately; given that he could not even compel the Tibetans
to provide transportation for him, this was a bizarre claim.
The following day, Captain Jit Bahadur, the Gurkha representative
living in Lhasa and the leader of the Kashmiri Muslims, visited Young-
husband. The latter in turn visited them and the amban.
Even though the Tibetan National Assembly and the cabinet held
continual meetings, they were unable to come to a decision. They were
suspicious that they might be killed or arrested if they met with the
British. The ambassadors from Nepal and Bhutan acted as intermediar-
ies between the prime minister and the cabinet on the one hand, and
Younghusband on the other, meeting with them again and again.
Finally, the regent visited Younghusband in a respectful manner
and opened the door to future negotiations. Younghusband asked if
he and his officers could stay in the Norbu Lingkha Palace, but the
regent explained that since it was the Dalai Lama’s palace, it would be
unsuitable. Instead, he offered to rent the best private house in Lhasa,
which belonged to Lhalu, a relative of the twelfth Dalai Lama. On his
return, the regent summoned the cabinet and informed the ministers
that he had met with the British, and they were like any other human
beings and were amenable to reason. He further told them that the Brit-
ish were not people who killed or arrested any Tibetans they saw. Thus,
the cabinet minister should meet the British and start the talks without
fear. It is said that the cabinet ministers were terribly ashamed and
embarrassed. The cabinet ministers in turn went to see Younghusband,
with the traditional gifts of meat, butter, eggs, and fruits. Younghusband
also visited the cabinet ministers and other officers.
Several days after the talks began, two monks slipped into the British
camp near Jatsön Spring and attacked, critically wounding two military
officers, Captain T. Kelly and Cook-Young, the latter having been the
head of the medical corps. The monks were captured and interrogated
by the British, but they refused to divulge where they came from, and
so forth. The Tibetan government denied any knowledge. In order to

instill fear in the Tibetans, the monks were shot to death. Thereafter, a
government official and representatives from Drepung, Sera, and Gan-
den monasteries were kept in the British military camp as guarantors
in order to prevent such things from occurring in the future.
The British insisted on various terms of agreement concerning future
trade between India and Tibet, the opening of trade marts, resolution
of the border dispute between Tibet and Sikkim, provisions for the
military mission through the winter, and the exchange of prisoners
between the two sides. Their terms were advantageous to the wishes
of the British, and although the regent, the ministers, and the Tibetan
National Assembly had no desire to accept them, the times were very
tumultuous. The Dalai Lama was not in residence, the country lacked
any military strength or civil resources, and the border dispute with
Nepal over Walung and Kyidrong were unresolved. The Chinese were
also continually irritating the regions of eastern Tibet, such as Nyak-
rong, Litang, Ba, and Chatreng. The Manchu emperor in Beijing gave
no harmful or beneficial response to Tibetan complaints, which made
these diplomatic efforts seem like throwing a stone into the ocean. Fol-
lowing the maxim, “If you have two enemies, turn one into a friend,”
the Tibetans decided to accept the terms offered by the British. It is like
the expression which says, “It is possible for even a powerful poison to
be transformed into medicine.”
On the seventeenth day of the seventh month (September 7, 1904), the
agreement was signed in the Sizhi Püntsok Chamber of the great Potala
Palace. On the Tibetan side, it was signed by the Dalai Lama’s Regent
Ganden Tri Rinpoché Lozang Gyeltsen, the four cabinet ministers,
the secretaries and treasury officials representing the Tibetan National
Assembly, and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monaster-
ies. On the British side, it was signed by Younghusband, Claude White,
and seven other people. Seals were impressed on the agreement, and
it was signed. The witnesses at the time were the Manchu amban, the
Nepali Ambassador Jit Bahadur, the Bhutanese ambassador the Trongsa
leader Ogyen Wangchuk, and so forth. It is strange that two hundred
armed British soldiers were lined up all around the walls of the Great
Chamber of the Potala Palace during the signing, and since that morn-
ing, British soldiers had surrounded the four sides of the Potala. They
carried artillery and remained ready. Perhaps these measures were for
the purpose of inspiring fear, or perhaps they were out of suspicion.
Tibetans had never accepted the terms of the 1890 treaty between
the British and the Manchu governments because they had not had a
representative present at the negotiations. This had caused some prob-
lems. Finally, the British were forced to send a military mission directly
to Lhasa for talks. The British and the Tibetans came to understand
each other better and established agreeable relations in 1904. Through
signing this treaty directly with the Tibetans, the British definitely con-
sidered Tibet to be a free and independent nation. This agreement does
not mention Chinese authority in Tibet even in passing. In addition,
the Manchu amban and the ambassadors of Bhutan and Nepal merely
served as witnesses to the treaty; their names were not placed in the
treaty, and they did not sign it.
Article I of the treaty said that Tibet would respect Article I of the
Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890, by means of which they accepted
the Tibet-Sikkim border and that Sikkim was a British protectorate.
Article IX of the 1904 agreement was the most important as it said:18
IX. The Government of Tibet engages that, without the previous consent
of the British Government:
a. No portion of Tibetan territory shall be ceded, sold, leased, mortgaged,
or otherwise given for occupation, to any Foreign Power;
b. No such Power shall be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs;
c. No Representatives or Agents of any Foreign Power shall be admitted
to Tibet;
d. No concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, mining, or other rights,
shall be granted to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign
Power. In the event of consent to such concessions being granted,
similar or equivalent concessions shall be granted to the British Gov-
ernment.
e. No Tibetan revenues, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged
or assigned to any Foreign Power, or to the subject of any Foreign
Power.
It is possible to understand from Articles IV and V of the Simla Con-
vention of 1914 that the Chinese were regarded as a “foreign country”
under Article I of the present agreement. In essence, the treaty signed
in Lhasa between the British and the Tibetans in 1904 did not accept
that Tibet was part of China, and it did not accept Tibetan suzerainty
to China.
This agreement enabled the British to establish trade marts in Gar-
tok, Gyantsé, Dromo, and Nadong. Deputies of the British government
were permitted to visit these trade marts at their own discretion, and
on important occasions, they were permitted to send representatives

to Lhasa for talks.
After the cessation of hostilities, there was a prisoner exchange. Two
Tibetans who were in the service of the British had been arrested by
the Tibetans. During their incarceration, they had died. The Tibetan
government was forced to pay one thousand rupees to the British for
this offence. However, there was no one to compensate for the deaths
of the thousands of Tibetans.
Lord Curzon believed that the Tibetan government had political con-
nections with the Russian czar by virtue of the relationship Ngawang
Lozang (Dorzhiev) had with both the czar and the Dalai Lama. The
Japanese Kawaguchi also reported that a large shipment of Russian
weapons had come to Lhasa. It was in fact for these reasons that the
viceroy had dispatched the military mission to Lhasa. Count Lams-
dorff, the Russian foreign minister informed the British ambassador,
Sir Charles Scott, that Russia had no desire for political relations with
Tibet, but was only interested in religious relations. If Russian weapons
had been sent to Tibet, they would certainly have been used in the just
concluded fighting. However, except for two Russian rifles, the British
telegraph reports record nothing beyond Tibetan guns, swords, spears,
slings, and so forth.
Since this treaty forbade Tibet from having relations on equal terms
with other foreign nations, it remained set apart from the advanced
nations of the world; this was a harmful policy. The British government
itself even criticized Lord Curzon’s dispatch of the military mission with
severity saying that if it is a trade mission, then there is no necessity
of sending an army. The Indian secretary of the British government
disagreed with the size of the indemnity and so it was reduced from
fifty million Indian rupees to two and a half million.19
This agreement of 1904 was formed directly between the Tibetan
government and the British government without any involvement by
a third nation. This clearly shows that at that time, Tibet was free and
independent. Similarly, Lord Curzon sent a letter to the Indian secretary
of the British government on January 8, 1903 saying:20
We regard the so-called Chinese suzerainty over Tibet as a constitutional
fiction—a political affectation which has only been maintained because
of its convenience to both parties.
The Manchu amban in Lhasa was hopeful that the agreement would be
signed and sealed in the Chinese office, but in the hope of conforming
to international law, Regent Ganden Tri Rinpoché and Younghusband

signed and sealed it in the Great Assembly Hall of the Potala. At that
time, Younghusband asked Amban Youtai what he did in Lhasa every
day given that he had no official functions.
Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung wrote, “Look at the impairment of
religious teaching if there were no leader in the Potala Palace.”21 It is
evident that the cabinet ministers were not capable in foreign rela-
tions or negotiations. Since their predecessors, former Prime Ministers
Shedra, Zhölkhang, and Changkhyim, had been expelled with such
severity, they worried that they would descend into hardship if they
attempted to bring about any dramatic changes. Whatever may be
the case, the ministers indicated their attitude of washing their hands
of responsibility by referring all important matters of the time to the
Nechung Oracle.
According to the initial promises made by the British officers and
soldiers, they did not involve themselves in any theft or destruction
of monasteries or villages except for what happened in the course of
the war. Since they paid a good price for transportation, hay, meat,
vegetables, and so forth, the people of Lhasa sang such songs as the
following:
In the beginning, they were called enemies of Buddhism;
Then they were called foreigners.
Once they gave Indian rupees,
They were called Mr. Sahib.
Since wintertime was approaching, Younghusband’s military mission
began its journey back home. They left Lhasa on the third day of the
eighth month (September 23, 1904). Upon arriving in Gyantsé, Cap-
tain O’Connor was appointed as the Gyantsé trade agent. O’Connor
and Vernon Magniac went to Zhikatsé where they cultivated agreeable
relations with the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, as George Bogle had
done in 1774.d One month later, the Paṇ chen Lama went to Calcutta
with a large retinue. He met with the Prince of Wales and Lord Minto,
presenting them with extensive gifts. This situation is thought to have
brought about political mistrust between the Tibetan government and
Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate.
d
See p. 493.
This 1904 treaty, signed directly between Britain and Tibet, was
affirmed by terms accepted between the British crown and the Chinese
Manchu emperor in 1906. The Tibetan government was not involved
in these affairs. This agreement was called the Extension Agreement
of Beijing.22 It was amended in a subsequent 1908 agreement, called
the Tibetan Trade Regulations,23 which was signed in Calcutta before
a Tibetan government representative, Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa
Wangchuk Gyelpo. Subsequently, when Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa
was executed for different reasons, it was alleged that he had signed this
agreement without consulting the Dalai Lama or the Tibetan govern-
ment. Also the British and the Russians made a treaty in St. Petersburg
concerning Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet in August 1907.24 The Tibetan
government also did not know about this agreement.e
In dependence on these documents, Tibetans have continually criti-
cized the British for their evil policy of subterfuge indicated by their
two-faced behavior. In the treaty reached directly between Britain and
Tibet, Tibet is shown to be independent. However, when treaties were
reached between China and Britain, Tibet is regarded as a suzerain of
China and in Russian-British agreements, all political affairs are sup-
posed to be conducted through China. Moreover, Tibet and Britain
could work directly with each other on trade matters, and Russia and
Tibet could do so in religious matters. Thus, this made for a strange
situation in which the British were able to shift from one position to
another.
As mentioned previously,f just before the British army reached Lhasa,
the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, some attendants, and a small escort went to
Taklung and Radreng monasteries by way of Göla and Chakla passes.
While he stayed there, he gradually began to receive reports from
Lhasa. Finally, he decided that he should go to Mongolia for the time
being, and he wrote letters to the Regent Rinpoché and the cabinet
to that effect. He advised them on the necessities of taking care of all
the religious and political issues in the meanwhile. He stayed in the
monastic estate of Zhapten Göndrup Khang on the Nakchu River for
several days, taking on the necessary provisions for his journey through
the north. Over many days on the Jangtang, which is without grass or
e
All three of these agreements are cited in full in appendix I. See Appendix I, pp.
1100, 1105, and 1103 below.
f
See p. 679 above.
water, they overcame tremendous difficulties, such as seeing mirages

of water, suffering extremely cold winds, and so forth.
They gradually made their way to Taijinor, Baka Tseldam, Sikatsel,
the Yungdrungpé Si Monastery, and so forth, being received by groups
of leaders and other monasteries. Thus, on the eighth day of the tenth
month of 1904, he reached Tsepeling Monastery of Khurelsen Noyön.
At the same time, the first reception party arrived from Khelkha (Helha);
ten cavalry escorts also arrived from the Manchu amban residing in
Dākhurel. When the Dalai Lama reached Badur Gung, the second
reception committee from Khelkha (Helha) arrived with two reception
officers, a palanquin, umbrellas, and porters. Everyday, members of
the third reception committee—such as Jetsün Dampa’s elder brother
who was the senior abbot and someone named Sisi—arrived bringing
many needed items.
The day they arrived in Dākhurel25 on the twentieth day of the tenth
month, the road from below Khurel Monastery was flanked on the left
and right, and the Dalai Lama was received by many important leaders,
including the Manchu and Mongolian ambans, Abbot Nomihen, Dedé
Abbot, Mañjuśrī Abbot, and so forth in a reception tent; they presented
the Dalai Lama with greeting scarves. Food and tea were sent from
Jetsün Dampa’s kitchen. As he proceeded from there, the Dalai Lama
was accompanied by a monastic procession consisting of more than one
thousand robed monks and lead by inconceivably great horses.
Having passed through way stations throughout the four provinces
of Khelkha, the Dalai Lama was established on the throne at Ganden
Göngyi Nyiö Monastery. Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu who was the most
important Buddhist teacher in the northern region,26 his wife Tsakhang
Tara, teachers and officials of various monasteries, the Manchu amban,
the king, and petty rulers all met him there in turn. On the second
day of the eleventh month, Chintrel Amban arrived bearing gifts on
behalf of the Manchu emperor and the Empress Dowager Hong Dihu
(Hong sdi’i hu).g
The Dalai Lama sent a letter to the Regent Rinpoché and the cabinet
from Dākhurel Ganden Monastery on the twenty-fourth day of the
twelfth month of 1904. He wrote that he had safely reached Dākhurel
on the twentieth day of the tenth month. He said that among the party
g
The Empress Dowager is better known as Cixi (1835–1908).
that had come from Lhasa with news of the British-Tibetan situation
and with necessary provisions, his elder brother Bhumpasé had died
on the road, but the others, his personal attendant, Künling Dzasak,
and Dredülwa Abbot, had arrived safely. He further reported that as he
had received a message from the Manchu emperor in Beijing through
Chingtrel, he was sending Bati Trülku of Gomang Drepung Monastery
and a Khelkha attendant Lozang Tendzin to Beijing with a reply.27
Throughout the lineage of the Dalai Lamas, Tibet and Mongolia
have had close religious and political relations, particularly in religious
matters. In 1904, like bees gathering at a lotus blossom people from
all over Mongolia, Khelkha (Hel ha), Chahar, Boretu, Torgö came to
establish religious relations with the Dalai Lama and to offer gifts to
him, traveling many months. Foreign officials also came to meet him
and offer their respects. Monks and lay people, of high or low social
status, all people regarded him as the only suitable object of worship.
As a result, the status of Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu diminished. Since
[the latter] was the religious and political lord of the entire country,
he was a little overcome with pride, as though he were of higher status
or of greater power than the Dalai Lama. Thus, he smoked in the Dalai
Lama’s presence and failed to display the proper respect. Sometimes,
he would take some of his young attendants and many hunting dogs
around the Dalai Lama’s residence, creating a tremendous clamor. These
and other acts were not in agreement with either religious or political
customs, and thus, faithful monks and officials could not bear it. With
one voice, they implored the Dalai Lama to move to Khandro Chinwang
Gön Trashi Chökhor Lhünpo Monastery in Dākhurel. Accordingly, he
moved there from Ganden Monastery.
Given that the Dalai Lama was the lord of Buddhism throughout the
world and given that Jetsün Dampa had been born in Tibet, he owed the
Dalai Lama respect that was not forthcoming, and so the Dalai Lama
was at the point of sending a letter of criticism to the Manchu emperor
about Jetsün Dampa’s behavior. However, the leaders of the four prov-
inces of Khelkha and Jetsün Dampa’s attendants acknowledged their
faults both privately and publicly and so the matter was resolved.
At that time, the Dalai Lama wrote a letter from Khandro Chinwang
Gön Trashi Chökhor Lhünpo Monastery to his elder brother Gung
Döndrup Dorjé in Lhasa. He said:28
Presently, I am in Dākhurel with my attendants. Jetsün Dampa has no
respect for Buddhism and lacks patriotism toward his native land of
Tibet. Thus, he makes no efforts because of the exchange of vast sums of

money with Beijing by way of a special representative. As for the religious
objectives that are to be accomplished, these opportunities are very rare
because of the Chinese interference in Mongolia. As a result, it was the
unanimous request of Khandro Chinwang Monastery and the laity that
I move to Khurel.
Many Mongolian patrons, such as Asakara Wang, collected large
amounts of silver and thus provided for the needs of the retinue; in par-
ticular, they had to pay large bribes to the wicked Chinese officials.
The Dalai Lama’s personal physician, Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, said
that Jetsün Dampa’s behavior was unbearable because it violated the
relationship between a protector and patron. However, it was unsuit-
able for him to concern himself with all of Jetsün’s acts. His immediate
plan was to send a critical report to Beijing, but all of his attendants
prostrated to him as a group and with tearful voices said:
At this time, given that we have left our own land, we cannot think in
this way. If you exercise your authority as you would in our own country,
there would be no hopeful signs of any kind.
The Dalai Lama became angry to the point of not being able to reflect on
what they had said; suddenly he became extremely ill. Upon examining
his pulse and his urine, it was determined that his illness was terribly
serious. Once again, all of his attendants came before him and asked
his forgiveness for their mistakes, supplicating him to remain alive for a
long time. Gradually, his anger was pacified, and his illness diminished.
Fortunately, the lamas and leaders of Khelkha’s four provinces, as well
as Jetsün Dampa’s close attendants, asked his forgiveness directly and
indirectly. As a result, there was no call for the people or the country
to feel shame.
Several of the faithful Mongolian patrons, knowing that Jetsün Dampa
would be unhappy when they made magnificent offerings to the Dalai
Lama, would present him with silver ingots filled with gold. These are
some of the accounts I have heard personally about the Dalai Lama’s
journey to China and Mongolia from his close attendants.
During the fifth month of [1905],h the Russian Ambassador in Bei-
jing, M. Pokotiloff, presented the Dalai Lama with a letter and exten-
h
The meeting took place on June 14, 1905, according to Charles Beard and Alvin
S. Johnson, “Record of Political Events,” in Political Science Quarterly 20 (1905) no. 4,
743. The timing of this meeting poses a problem in that Alexei was already born.
sive offerings from Czar Nicholas II. At that time, the Dalai Lama’s
attendant Ngawang Lozang served as translator. [Pokotiloff] said that
both the czar and Czarina Alexandra were tremendously devoted to
the Dalai Lama; since they had four princesses and no princes, in 1902,
they had sought the Dalai Lama’s assistance in obtaining a son through
Ngawang Lozang. The Dalai Lama assured them that they would have
a son through his prayers, and he sent both the czar and the czarina
protection cords and blessed relics. Subsequently, in 1904, Prince
Alexei had been born. For this reason, they had tremendous faith in the
Dalai Lama.
They also told Ngawang Lozang that they would grant the Dalai
Lama whatever he desired. He requested their assistance in building
a Tibetan monastery and library in St. Petersburg. Immediately, they
arranged for the construction of a library. Efforts were made to amass
a large collection of books from the three provinces of Tibet. The
Tibetan government also made gifts of the Buddhist sūtras and com-
mentaries, some statues, and various personal objects from the Dalai
Lama’s chambers. The Tibetan Library in present day Leningrad arose
in this way.29
The czar was extremely anxious to support the Dalai Lama Rinpoché
because at that time, not only had a great number of political initia-
tives been undertaken, but also many people of mixed Russian and
Mongolian parentage from such places as Siberia in Russia had great
faith in the Dalai Lama. However, the British had made earnest and
continual appeals through the Russian Foreign Affairs Office. In addi-
tion, Communism began to be popularized; the masses of afflicted fac-
tory workers proclaimed their dissatisfaction to the czar, and his police
fired on the people. Several hundred men and women, old and young,
were killed. Thus, because of the tumultuous times, the Cossacks also
revolted. To the east, a terribly dangerous war broke out in the border
region between Russia and Japan.
Tsedrön Tamnyen Jampa Chözang and his assistants arrived in
Mongolia with an appeal asking the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa.
In the seventh month, the Dalai Lama and his retinue toured Khurel
and Buriat monasteries, improving religious and cultural relations. The
previous year, when the Manchu Amban Feng and his assistants trav-
eled to Lhasa, they had stayed in Ba for a long time. They subjected the
people to limitless suppression. They had defrocked monks and forced
them into labor. Accordingly, the monks and lay people—helpless and
in despair—revolted and resolved to kill the amban and his servants.
The Chinese leader Ma Titai (rMa’ thi thal) arrived with his forces and
set fire to Ba Monastery. Many of the monks and lay people who had
been responsible were killed.
Subsequently, in the eighth month of that year, Zhao Erfeng once
again arrived, beheading thirty-two monks and lay people, whether or
not they had been involved in the revolt. In the eleventh month, they
ransacked Chatreng Sampeling Monastery, killing one thousand two
hundred and ten monks and lay people. It was a time of immeasur-
able oppression in Kham by the Chinese.30 Because of these sorts of
skirmishes, a war between China and Tibet was gradually evolving.
In the fourth month of 1906, while staying at Dzayen Khurel Gön
Ganden Pelgyeling Monastery, the Dalai Lama received a letter from
the Manchu Emperor Guangxu and his mother Hong Dihu.31 In addi-
tion to the letter, the couriers, Interior Minister Gotsao (Go’o tshu’o),
Bi Chichi (sBi chi’i chi), and two Chinese-Mongolians Hung and Pu
(Hun and Phu), also brought a necklace, some silver, and an image of
Avalokiteśvara clothed in brocade. The Dalai Lama sent his attendant,
Khenché Jamyang Tenpa, to present a letter of gratitude and some
gifts. He instructed his attendants to learn the Long Life Dance of Sen
Noyön Ganden Tsepeling Monastery, and subsequently he established
the custom of having it performed on the twenty-ninth day.
Throughout his visit in Mongolia, the Dalai Lama gave countless
empowerments and gave monastic vows to ten thousand people. He
praised the continuation of the study of tantra, philosophy, and so forth,
and in places where they had declined, he encouraged their adoption. He
gave unsurpassed encouragement to the main monasteries in letters.
In the eighth month, when the Dalai Lama traveled to Ulang House,
Pay Master Khenchung Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Kyizurwa
arrived with reports of severe oppression in Kham at the hands of the
Chinese and invited the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. Upon travel-
ing to Langdru, he made a pilgrimage to Dezhi Temple, and so forth,
which Sakya Paṇ ḍita had visited previously. When he visited a place
called Husi Samli on the first day of the ninth month, he was received
by lamas, incarnations, abbots, and monastic officials from Jampaling in
Kumbum and other regional monasteries, as well as the leaders of the
area. When he visited Chinchang on the third day, he was received by
Dātsung Tu (rDa’ tsung thu) of Lendru (Lan gru), the amban of Ziling,i
Drintel (Drin thal), Daotel (rDa’o thal), and so forth. Another contin-
gent arrived from Lhasa consisting of Tsedrung Letsen Yeshé Topden,
Kashö Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, Tsedrung Drakpa Gyeltsen,
Tendzin Gyeltsen, Shödrung Treshongpa, and Tangpönpa. Arriving
in Ziling on the twelfth day, the Dalai Lama was received according to
Chinese custom in all of the Chinese villages; a procession indicating
unsurpassed praise toward the Dalai Lama consisted of a contingent
of soldiers, the leaders of the major regions and estates, and the castle
commanders. A bodyguard was also provided. On the thirteenth day,
the Dalai Lama was established at Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum,
the birthplace of Lama Chöje Tsongkhapa.
During the sixth month of that year, Zhao Erfeng, Chinese com-
mander over the Dotö Kham Region, attacked the Gangkarnamling
Monastery; four monks who went to surrender were immediately killed.
Three old monks and two lay people were also killed. Also forty-eight
monks from Teng Monastery were beheaded. Statues made from gold,
silver, and bronze were sold, and the remainder were melted down
and used to make coins. Paper from religious texts was used as shoe
linings. More than one thousand monks in Chatreng were killed. In
the eleventh month, Drin Köntel attacked Lagang Monastery, killing
twenty-five monks. Thereafter, nine monks were arrested through deceit
and then beheaded. Reports of wanton murder continued to reach the
Dalai Lama.32
The Dalai Lama was continually invited to Beijing by the Manchu
empress dowager. At the same time, he had received urgent appeal from
Lhasa asking him to return. Thus, now that he was already in Dotö
Kham, he decided that he might be able to persuade the Chinese troops
to withdraw if he made a short visit to Beijing. He sent Pay Master
Khenchung Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Kyizurwa with letters to
Regent Tri Rinpoché, the cabinet, the Tibetan National Assembly, and
the various monasteries, with general and particular instructions.
During the Dalai Lama’s two-year stay in Kumbum from 1907, he
received many profound religious teachings, including commentary
on Tsongkhapa’s The Great Exposition on the Stages of the Path from
i
ambans in Lhasa were Lianyu (1905–1912), and Zhang Yintang (1906–1910). See Josef
Oriental Institute, 1994), 64–65.
Zhamar Dorjé Chang Gendün Tendzin Gyatso. He studied Lhodrak’s

Collected Works, and so forth with Dorjé Dzinpa Deyang Nyendrak
Gyatso of Jakhyung Monastery, poetry with Khewang Pari Lodrö Rapsel,
orthography and dipthongs of Sanskrit based on the Saraswati Sūtra,
and the Collected Works of both Changkya and Jamyang Zhepa with the
Abbot of Chingwang Monastery Kachu Ngakrampa Shedrup Tendar.
The discipline of Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum was no differ-
ent from that of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, following
the guidance of the series of Dalai Lamas. However, in recent years, it
had diminished a little because there was no administrator to protect
the discipline. As a result, reflecting on the tremendous importance of
teaching about the decline of the discipline, the Dalai Lama replaced
the current abbot and the religious and political officials with new
consensus candidates. He issued a letter indicating what to adopt and
what to abandon.
At that time, a Japanese secret agent, Termato, met with the Dalai
Lama. He made arrangements for the Dalai Lama to meet with senior
Japanese figures in Riwo Tsenga and the Japanese ambassador in Beijing.
During the eighth month, Tsechak Khenchung Lozang Kechok, Lachak
Langtongpa, and so forth arrived from Lhasa asking him to return and
reporting on the situation in Kham. Representatives from Sampeling
Monastery, the secretary of Litang, the head of the Ba Monastery, and
all of the fathers of Chamdo arrived in turn.
On the twenty-seventh day of the eleventh month, the Dalai Lama
made a pilgrimage to Riwo Tsenga. As he proceeded on to meet with
the Manchu emperor in Beijing, he was accompanied by the Tibetan
government escort, both deputies of the Ziling amban, military officer
Yin Dārin (gYin rda’ rin), twenty cavalry, a deputy of Daota (rDa’o
tha’i), and a palanquin. At a distance of twenty miles from the Ziling
estate, a Ziling regiment greeted them. Sections of the city wall on the
south side of Ziling estate and to the east of Jaotrang (sBya’o phrang)
camp were opened up33 and festooned with colored banners; inscriptions
of praise were places on three door coverings of yellow brocade. As
the Dalai Lama entered, all of the leaders formed a procession. At the
second gate, the amban and his assistants presented him with greeting
scarves and invited him to enter.
The Dalai Lama left Ziling on the thirtieth. When he reached the
residence of Nyenpiptrin, he was received by Changkya Hotoktu, who
bowed respectfully and prostrated. According to his invitation, the Dalai
Lama went to Trashi Chöling Monastery. Thereafter, he spent one night
at the river crossing at Hochor, having been received by the leaders of

Domé Amdo. The lamas, incarnations, monastic officials, and leaders
of Domé Amdo Monastery joyously and faithfully received the Dalai
Lama and bid him goodbye.
He crossed the Machu River on the frozen bridge and twenty miles
from the Lendru Estate, a regiment led them to Tsungtu’s (Tsung thu)
reception tent. A procession of Chinese officials consisting of Tsungtu
Höntai (Tsung thu hon tha’i), Shitai (Shi’i tha’i), and Nyitai (Nye tha’i)
presented the Dalai Lama with greeting scarves. He entered through
the west of Lendru Village amidst a crowd of Chinese people and
visited the religious sites in the surrounding area. The Dalai Lama left
Lendru on the thirteenth day arriving in Chang’an,j which had been
called Xi’anfu during the Tang Empire and had been the capital of
China; they reached there on the fourth day of the intercalary twelfth
month. He also visited the Tang Dynasty Kingshi Palace and the site
of the Jowo throne.
During that year, the Manchu Amban Zhang Yintang went to
Calcutta to sign the British-Tibetan Trade Agreement with Cabinet
Minister Tsarongpa, after which he went to Lhasa. He made many
suggestions for the modernization of Tibet. The Regent Lamoshar Tri
Rinpoché advised that the former Prime Ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang,
and Changkhyim be brought from their estates. Despite their former
faults, after a discussion between them and the cabinet and the Tibetan
National Assembly, the three were urged to take up their former
responsibilities again. However, they exhibited their anger toward the
regent, saying that they would not follow the orders of the regent, the
cabinet, the Tibetan National Assembly, or the amban, but that they
would serve at the request of the Dalai Lama. Thus, they returned to
their respective estates.
According to the advice of Zhang Yintang, the cabinet and the
Tibetan National Assembly reported this to the Dalai Lama, and with
the amban’s backing, they sent a letter to the Dalai Lama by horse
courier. He issued a sealed order obliging the three former cabinet
ministers to take up the responsibilities of assisting the prime minis-
ter. Once again, they went from their estates to Lhasa where a modest
j
Chang’an was the capital of many empires in China, including most notably the
Tang Dynasty. The city is now called Xi’an.
investiture ceremony was held. They had primary responsibility for

governance, but on ceremonial occasions, they were positioned below
the cabinet ministers.
Yeshé Ngödrup retired as the Desi of Bhutan, and he was replaced
on Bhutan’s throne by Ogyen Wangchuk, the fifty-first desi and the
first hereditary ruler of Bhutan. He was recognized as the hereditary
king by virtue of the unanimous approval of all of the people of Bhu-
tan. During the British-Tibetan war, Ogyen Wangchuk had altruisti-
cally offered himself as a mediator. Meanwhile, according to tradition,
the Tibetan government sent a delegation to congratulate him on his
ascension to the throne.
The Dalai Lama stayed at the residence of Ji Shurin (Ci shu’i rin)
at the beginning of the winter of 1908. He left on the fifth day of the
first month, traveling through Fin Wushin (Phin g.yu’u zhin), Shue
(Zhus), Druey (sGru’i), Tai Yangsin (Tha’i yang sin), and so forth.
Upon reaching Shanxi, the Dalai Lama made a pilgrimage to Mañjuśrī’s
holy place of Riwo Tsenga (Wutai Shan). The Chinese monks in the
area received him with a monastic procession beneath the mountain.
During his stay of several months, he taught all the people of the area,
granting initiations, and meeting more than ten thousand Chinese and
Mongolian monks and lay disciples as well as many leaders. Khenché
Drakpa Loden, Tsipön Rampasé, Kashö Chichakbu, Ngak Tsipa, and
so forth arrived from Lhasa with necessary provisions.
He met with the German ambassador residing in Tenjin (Than cin)
and his translator. As soon as the abbot of the Japanese Nishi Honganji
Temple, Kozui Otani, learned that the Dalai Lama was at Riwo Tsenga,
he sent his younger brother Sonyu to convey his greetings. He arrived
during the fourth month (June). That was the first time that a senior
Japanese teacher had met the Dalai Lama. He indicated an interest in
forming religious ties with Tibet, and the Dalai Lama also said this was
his earnest desire. They discussed having a student exchange program
between the two countries. Honganji Temple presented the Dalai Lama
with three texts from the Pure Land Monastery and a text in Japanese
called Sen-jo-wa-senk written by Shinran of the Shinshū School. The
Dalai Lama Rinpoché also gave him many texts, such as the Superior
Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra and he promised to send a complete set
k
Shinran (1173–1263) founded the Jōdo Shinshū Pure Land School of Buddhism
in Japan.
of Buddhist sūtras later. The latter gift was sent in 1915. During these
talks, a Japanese man named Sipen served as translator. Most likely,
this was the man called Enga Teramoto, who had previously met the
Dalai Lama at Kumbum. Similarly, the Japanese ambassador in Beijing,
Lieutenant General Yasumasa Fukushima, visited the Dalai Lama and
presented him with several modern machine guns.34
During the fifth month, while the Dalai Lama was staying in Riwo
Dangsil, the American Ambassador in Beijing William Rockhill and a
translator came to visit him. An honor guard accompanied them with
the Chinese troops stopping at the top step of the residence, with the
Tibetan troops coming as far as the threshold of the private chambers.
Tibetan officials of the fourth rank and above joined the meeting and
Dülwa Khenpo translated. Rockhill asked many questions about Tibet’s
situation. This was the first contact between the American government
and Tibet. They met again the next day. With an attitude of devotion,
Rockhill asked the Dalai Lama to bless him in the traditional Tibetan
manner of placing the hands on the head; he said that he would do
what he could to serve the Dalai Lama.35 In the sixth month, the Rus-
sian czar sent a special mission under Prime Minister Hongsi to meet
the Dalai Lama.
On the twenty-seventh day of the seventh month, the Dalai Lama
left the pilgrimage places of Dangsil in the company of many Chinese,
Tibetan, and Mongolian leaders. The Dalai Lama rode in the empress
dowager’s special yellow train car, passing through Trunhu (Phron
hu), Liyon Hu (Li yon hu), Wang Khol (Wang Khol), Chue Yang (Cus
yang), Ring Tru (Ring gru), and so forth. Wherever the train stopped,
the leaders of the area and soldiers would form respectful parades.
When he reached Pao Ring Hu (Pa’o ring hu’i) Train Station, he was
respectfully received by civil and military in a private chamber in the
train station. Chun Ji Dārin (Cun Ji rDa’ rin), the special representa-
tive of the emperor and the dowager, presented a greeting scarf to the
Dalai Lama and he was established on a special chair in the private
chamber. Chun Ji Dārin provided tea and food to everyone in the Pao
Ring Hu Train Station.
Thereafter, the Dalai Lama left. On the third day of the eighth month
(September 27, 1908), he arrived at the Chenmen (Chan Man) Train
Station on the south of Beijing and was received by the emperor’s rep-
resentative Prime Minister Na Trungthang (Na’ krung thang), Interior
Minister Li Kangbug Tangen (sLis khang sbug thang kwan), Nenyön
Huya Möngyi Tangen (Nan yon hu’u yam on gyi thang kwan),l Hrintai
Huimin (Hrin tha’i hu’i min), and so forth, high ranking Manchu and
Chinese ministers, Tongkhor Hotoktu Lozang Jikmé Tsültrim, and the
leaders of twenty-eight Beijing monasteries. When the train arrived,
Prime Minister Na Trungthang came into the train and presented the
Dalai Lama with a greeting scarf. Members of the reception party were
introduced, and as the Dalai Lama was conveyed in a golden palanquin,
both sides on the road were lined with soldiers, a monastic procession
of several thousand robed monks, and a vast number of people cheer-
ing joyously.
The Dalai Lama stayed at the Huangsu Palace, which had been built
by the first Manchu Emperor Shunzhi for the great fifth Dalai Lama; it
had recently been restored. The Chinese government held an extensive
reception for the Dalai Lama, and the two mayors of Beijing offered
their services for whatever needs the Dalai Lama might have while he
was in the city.
Although the meeting with the emperor was supposed to be on the
sixth day of the eighth month, the meeting could not take place as
planned because of the unsuitability of the protocol arrangements that
had been made. The Manchurian officials said that the Dalai Lama would
have to bow down to the emperor. The Tibetans proposed that instead
the two should meet in the traditional manner of preceptor-patron, as
had been done between the first Manchu emperor and the fifth Dalai
Lama. Finally, it was decided that since the emperor was sick at the
time, he would remain seated on his throne without coming forward
to greet the Dalai Lama, and the two would exchange greeting scarves.
Thus, on the twentieth day of the eighth month, the Dalai Lama went
to meet the Manchu Emperor Guangxu and the Empress Dowager
Cixi in a golden palanquin carried by sixteen people with an entourage
consisting of a great number of Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian troops.
To his right, there was a regiment of soldiers bearing various sorts of
weapons, while on his left, the soldiers were crouched on their knees
holding sweet smelling incense between the palms of their two hands.
The people of the city were carrying incense, flowers, and banners of
various sorts, while shouting joyously.
l
The previous two figures were the mayors of Beijing.
The Dalai Lama left the palanquin on the threshold on the east side
of the Wang Shuhren (Wang Shu Hran) Palace. He was greeted by
five hundred civil and military leaders. In the midst of this reception,
Interior Minister Likhang Butang Kenchewa extended an invitation to
the Dalai Lama and his retinue. He had a Chinese translator, and on the
Tibetan side, he was accompanied by Dülwa Khenpo, Beijing Lotsāwa,
his personal attendant Künling Dzasak, three attendants for his food,
clothing, and rituals, Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang, Kumbum Cheshö
Trülku, his personal physician Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, and so forth.
The empress dowager greeted the Dalai Lama inside the chambers.
He presented her with an image of Buddha and a greeting scarf, and she
presented him with a greeting scarf and a necklace of precious gems.
After being seated together in the chamber, they asked after each other’s
health. Then they went to the Emperor Guangxu’s audience chamber.
He rose from his throne, supported by two people, and the Dalai Lama
presented him with an image of Buddha and a greeting scarf. In turn,
the emperor presented the Dalai Lama with a special yellow greeting
scarf in an attitude of great devotion. Then he sat down on his throne,
and they exchanged pleasantries through a translator. Then, they were
served tea and fruit in the Chinese manner. After the audience, the
Dalai Lama returned to his palace with his entourage.36
On the sixth day of the ninth month, the emperor invited the Dalai
Lama and his retinue to a festival in a park. They were received by
both the emperor and the dowager. Traditional Chinese foods were
provided, and Chinese and Manchurian dancing, acrobatics, the Lion
and Dragon Play, and other such performances were displayed. Again
the following day, the Dalai Lama met individually with the emperor
himself and the dowager in their own chambers. He also visited their
respective chapels.
The emperor was the ruler in name only; the empress dowager herself
exercised control in all matters of state. Recognizing this fact, the Dalai
Lama had several discussions with her. He also had meetings with the
higher ranking officials of the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military
Office who had authority over Tibetan issues. He discussed the fact that
China and Tibet had a relationship like an uncle and a nephew begun
from the Stone Pillar Treaty.m
m
See page 148.
In particular, during the time of the fifth Dalai Lama, a preceptor-

patron relationship had been developed with the first Manchu Emperor
Shunzhi. The two nations had been like one friend helping another,
rather than one nation being under the other. In the meanwhile, the
Dalai Lama continued, several officers in Sichuan and Yunnan had per-
verted the understanding of the preceptor-patron relationship; claiming
that Tibet was part of China, they had engaged in unlimited extortion,
oppression, and so forth. The amban also had failed to transmit appeals
concerning the situation in Tibet to Beijing immediately, causing seri-
ous harm to Chinese-Tibetan relations.
The Dalai Lama continued, explaining that in recent times, the Brit-
ish army crossed into Tibet on the pretext of resolving the issue of the
border between Tibet and Sikkim as well as trade issues. In the future,
he said, all of the Chinese officers and soldiers who have been greedily
oppressing the people in the Kham region these days should be with-
drawn. Rather, relations must be based on the traditional preceptor-
patron relationship. Relying on this understanding, the Chinese ought
to be supportive in the British-Tibetan trade issues.
As was the custom, unlimited praise was expressed. [The Dalai Lama]
was reassured that there would be no change in Tibet’s religious or
political status and that he would be able to send letters on important
matters directly to the emperor without having to go through the amban
in Lhasa. In addition, an order from Emperor Guangxu said that Chi-
nese and Tibetan relations should be fortified and that following the
customs of the past, they should be preserved and observed. The Dalai
Lama was given a gold bar inscribed with the praise, “Compassionate
Buddha of the West.” It was written in Manchurian, Chinese, Tibetan,
and Mongolian. In return, the Dalai Lama made gifts of an image of
Buddha, texts, and other religious articles. In addition, he also presented
the emperor with an indigo piece of paper with the words of a prayer
he had composed written in gold ink. It read:
Om Sva Di.
The Buddha Conqueror possessed of wisdom, compassion, and magnifi-
cent power,
The Friend of the Trainees Gathered for His Teaching,
The Fierce Lord of the Secret Tantric Sciences,
Praise the Victorious Vajra-Bearer!
I praise the activities of the Sovereign over gods and men,
Who, besides emanating limitless incarnations in a pervasive dance,
Holds authority over the expanse of the east
By turning the powerful golden wheel.
For a long time the signs and benefit and happiness will remain;
May this Lord of the earth live for a long time,
So that the resources and enjoyments increase in the country.
He has become a friend to Buddhism.
The dual form of government, like spokes of a wheel, can eliminate one
hundred faults.
Having dissolved the prideful demons in the conflict,
He is famed throughout the world for his victory in war,
Like Buddha, Lord of the three levels.n
This prayer, which praises the Lord of the Earth, the King, and expresses
true words which will increase the good qualities of his magnificent politi-
cal power, is in appreciation for his concern for me during my travels
through Domé and raises to the heights the customary spiritual and
temporal qualities of Brahmā, Emperor of the Universe bringing to frui-
tion the predispositions of his merit. As a sign of this, I, the Dalai Lama
Vajradhāra, the Śākya monk bearing the name of King Ngawang Lozang
Tupten Gyatso Jikdrel Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé Derböpa, have
composed this to the Supreme One.
Beyond merely expressing mutual praise, nothing was resolved in the
political sphere and no agreements were reached.
The reason for this is that the Dalai Lama Rinpoché and the Foreign
Affairs Office had different ideas, although it seems that these issues were
not allowed to be brought out into the open. The Empress Dowager
Hong Dihu’s control over political matters was disliked by many higher
ranking Manchu officials; what need is there to mention how much the
people disliked it. Because of the corruption of the government officials,
which was like a dog encountering meat, the Dalai Lama could clearly
see that the Manchu polity would not endure for long.
On the eighteenth day of the ninth month (November 12, 1908),
Emperor Guangxu died; immediately, the Empress Dowager appointed
Prince Dāchen Chungyung’s son, Puyi, as emperor. On the twentieth
day of the ninth month (November 19, 1908), she also died.o Thus, the
n
I.e., the sky, the earth, and below the earth.
o
There is a discrepancy in the dating of the deaths of these two figures. In the Chinese
calendar, he indicates they died two days apart, but specifies a difference of seven days
in the western calendar. Aside from that, other sources agree that Emperor Guangxu
died on November 14, 1908, and the Empress Dowager Cixi died the following day.
Recent tests indicate that he died of arsenic poisoning, with two thousand times the
norm being detected. “Arsenic killed Chinese emperor, reports say,” http://www.cnn.
com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/11/04/china.emperor/index.html?eref=rss_world, accessed
on December 7, 2008.
remains of both the emperor and the dowager were laid to rest. The
Tibetan government arranged for ceremonies at monasteries in Beijing,
and the Dalai Lama himself went there and performed the blessing. On
the ninth day of the tenth month (December 2, 1908), the tenth and
final Manchu Emperor Dāchen Xuantong (Puyi) ascended the throne.
The Dalai Lama attended as he had been invited, and he spread flowers
about in benediction.
The Dalai Lama’s personal physician, Khenpo Ngözhi Jampa Tup-
wang, who was a member of the Dalai Lama’s party, offers his personal
recollections:37
The powerful yogi, Milarepa’s Hundred Thousand Songs says:
Fame is the greatest,
When only seen from afar.
Likewise, we Tibetans regard the emperor as being like Mañjuśrī and the
empress dowager as being like Tāra.
However, if we honestly recount what we have actually seen and the
many factual reports we have heard, then the Empress Dowager Hong
Dihu was the wife of the Seventh Manchu Emperor, Xianfeng. But the
latter died at the age of thirty, and his son, Tongzhi, was enthroned when
he was very young. Until he reached majority, all authority rested with the
empress dowager. Tongzhi was nominally the emperor for several years
until he died by poisoning. Leaving no heir, his younger brother, Guangxu,
was appointed as emperor, while the Empress Dowager continued to issue
all orders herself from behind the scenes. Emperor Guangxu was beloved
by the people, and thus, several learned and wise ministers said:
At present, since there are modern changes taking place in the world,
China cannot remain in the past by itself. Thus, in order to preserve
the Manchu polity, it would be best if authority were vested in the
Upper and Lower Houses, as the British king has done.
The emperor announced that these reforms should be introduced gradu-
ally. However, because of the empress dowager’s dissatisfaction with
these ideas, she protested against them. The fundamental political policy
divided people into two camps.
The empress dowager’s supporters, Interior Minister Junglu and Gen-
eral Yuan Shikai, acted as though they were on the emperor’s side until
they discovered which officials believed in the emperor’s reforms, which
scholars were advising them, and what their ideas were. Then, except for
a few scholars who were able to escape, they were arrested and killed. The
emperor himself was placed under house arrest in his palace, not being
permitted to meet with anyone.
The reforms vanished like a rainbow in the sky after one hundred
days. Under the pretext that those people had planned to kill the empress
dowager, the emperor was drugged until he was nearly senseless. When
the Dalai Lama was invited to meet and dine with him, the emperor was
unable to stand, but had to be supported by two of his queens. Even his
food was given to him by his queens on chopsticks. I have seen this with
my own eyes.
All of China’s political decisions were made by the empress dowager;
all of the leaders respected and feared her. Several weeks after the Dalai
Lama arrived, Emperor Guangxu died and immediately thereafter, the
empress dowager appointed Prince Dāchen Chungyung’s two year old
son, Puyi, as emperor. She died of poison the next day. Some people say
she ate diamond. Whatever may be the case, after her death, everyone
spoke about the extent of her authority, the people she had killed, and the
things she had stolen; in general, they discussed the surpassing misdeeds
of her rule. There was ceaseless unrest with Guangdong and Guangxi
partisans revolting. There were also trade troubles with foreign nations.
It could be seen clearly that the political power of the Manchu Dynasty
was crumbling, like a building in ruins.
Tibetan records and the Japanese scholar Togan Tada’s The Thirteenth
Dalai Lama describe the events surrounding the death of Emperor
Guangxu and the empress dowager as above. They agree that the day
after the emperor’s death, the empress dowager appointed Xuantong
as emperor and the next day, she died.
However, the last Emperor Xuantong wrote a book called The Last
Manchu under the pseudonym of Henry Puyi in which he said:38
On the evening of November 13, 1908, or the 20th day of the 10th moon,
in the 34th year of Kuang Hsu’s reign . . . I, as Emperor apparent, refused
an imperial summons from the Forbidden City delivered by the Grand
Councilor . . . My wet-nurse herself [carried] me to the palace and [pre-
sented] me to the Empress Dowager, Tzu-Hsi . . . All I remember of this
first meeting with my great-aunt was my fright at finding myself suddenly
plunged among so many strange people.
He goes on to say that the empress dowager was dead two days later
and Emperor Guangxu died after that.
If one studies this in detail for oneself, it seems that once Emperor
Guangxu had been rendered unconscious and there was no hope of
recovery, the empress dowager appointed Xuantong as emperor and
his father Chungyung as the regent; then two days later she ate poison
herself and died. Then, it seems, Emperor Guangxu died. Since there
are uncertainties, more research is needed.
While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, he visited many Buddhist
monasteries and temples, including Yung Hahai (gyung ha hu’i) Mon-
astery. He gave religious teachings, satisfying innumerable Chinese and
Mongolian disciples.
The Manchu policy on Tibetan affairs saddened the Dalai Lama

greatly. In the hopes of maintaining Tibet’s freedom and independence,
he thought it necessary to establish agreeable relations with foreign
nations. In particular, he thought it was of the utmost importance to
establish good relations with those nations with which Tibet shared a
border, such as Russia and British India. To that end, he sent a messen-
ger to Russia with a letter, and he sent representatives to make direct and
indirect contacts in Beijing with the ambassadors of America, Britain,
Russia, Japan, France, and Germany. Accordingly, when he met with
the British Ambassador Sir John Jordan, he said that the recent politi-
cal issues between Britain and Tibet were a result of misunderstanding,
due to which they had been unable to form positive relations. Thus,
the British army had entered Tibet, and there had been oppression on
both sides. However, in the future, he continued, the situation can be
gradually improved; since it was his hope that peaceful relations would
emerge between the neighbors India and Tibet, he asked Sir Jordan to
convey this message to the Indian government and the great king of
England.39
Similarly, the Dalai Lama met the Japanese Ambassador Gonsuke
Hayashi and General Yasumasa Fukushima.40 Beyond discussing
political matters, they advised that the Tibetan army should be trained
in military practices. Accordingly, Yusujiro Yajima, a Japanese man
knowledgeable in such matters, subsequently came to Lhasa, offering
military training. The American Ambassador Rockhill also met with
the government again; he said that he had frequently communicated
about the Tibetan situation to the American president.
For whatever reason, the Dalai Lama had been forced to remain in
China and Mongolia for more than four years, bearing difficulties and
exhaustion. As a result, it is clear that his political vision had expanded.
Accordingly, after he returned to Lhasa, with the struggles with both
China and India mainly settled, he planned to introduce reforms.
However, there were threats to Buddhism, due to which he could not
fulfill his aspirations.
Some minor problems arose in political relations. Several of the
emperor’s senior ministers, such as Zhang Amban and Dā Amban,p
p
ambans in Lhasa were Lianyu (1905–1912), and Zhang Yintang (1906–1910). See Josef
Oriental Institute, 1994), 64–65.
proud of their high rank in the emperor’s service, would come to meet
the Dalai Lama without having made an appointment. Either they
would not be granted the audience or they would be kept waiting for
a long time, and when they were permitted to meet with the Dalai
Lama, they would not be extended any special courtesies. Thus, they
would not be satisfied. Also the Manchu leaders were unhappy with
the increasing contacts between the Tibetan government and foreign
nations. All of these sorts of problems harmed the political atmosphere
between China and Tibet.
Petitions and representatives continually arrived from Lhasa beseech-
ing the Dalai Lama to return. Urgent appeals also reached the Dalai
Lama from the monasteries in Kham detailing how Zhao Erfeng was
destroying the monasteries there, killing the people, and stealing
without end; they also asked that the Dalai Lama immediately return
to his place in the religious land of Tibet. The Dalai Lama put an end
to his ceremonies in Beijing and supplicated the emperor’s father, the
Regent Dāchen Chungyung, to restore the traditional preceptor-patron
relationship between China and Tibet.
Finally, on the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month (December 21,
1908), when he left Beijing for Tibet, prominent Chinese and Manchu-
rians such as Interior Minister Naidru (na’i kru), an army regiment, a
monastic procession, and so forth, a more elaborate escort than when
he had arrived, bid farewell to the Dalai Lama. The following day,
Interior Minister Ga Tsopao (ka tsho pa’o) received the Dalai Lama at
Gungya (gung ya’i) with a greeting scarf as he had been ordered by the
emperor. The Dalai Lama also presented one to him. Prime Minister
Changkhyimpa and his retinue arrived from Lhasa and met the Dalai
Lama’s party on the road; he had come to invite the Dalai Lama to
return and to seek his advice on general matters. After prostrating to
the Dalai Lama, he reported on the situation in Lhasa. Thereafter, as
the party traveled, they were invited to stay at regional monasteries,
Chuzang Monastery, and so forth. On the twenty-third day of the twelfth
month, they stayed at the great monastery of Jampaling in Kumbum.
A fight had broken out between the older and younger son of the
Dergé ruler after he died. Thus, the older son, Akya had gone to Lhasa
the previous year to report on the situation. An order was issued to the
younger son and limited military protection was extended to Akya in
Markham, Dzora, and Sang. Thus, soldiers were sent to Dergé and the
turmoil was pacified. However, during that year, Akya partisans sud-
denly arrested and imprisoned his younger brother Ngawang Jampel.

By virtue of these hostile conditions, the younger brother’s partisans
secretly raised a militia and liberated him from prison. They issued a
call for soldiers throughout Dzachukha and Gulok to prepare to attack
the enemy. While the governor of Nyakrong and a mission from Domé
were evaluating the situation, Zhao Erfeng sided with the older brother
and attacked Dergé. Since he was trying to gain control over Dergé, the
younger brother Ngawang Jampel and several of his attendants fled to
Kumbum. Ever since, the younger brother had remained among the
government officials.
The celebrations for the joyous festival of the New Year of 1909 and
the miraculous Great Prayer Festival were carried out well. In the third
month, Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, who had previously gone to
get advice from the Dalai Lama on general matters, returned to Lhasa.
During the fourth month, the Dalai Lama made pilgrimages and gave
religious teachings at local monasteries and nearby mountain retreats,
such as Jakhyung Monastery and Shartsong Mountain Retreat. The
previous year, he had replaced the officials at Kumbum Monastery
with new officials. Some of the followers of the wayward officials were
arrested before they could do anything. Several others secretly escaped
and made plans to revolt.
However, when Chintrel Pu Dutung Ziling (chin phral phu’u tu’u
thung zi ling) and his forces met with the Dalai Lama, they recounted
the misdeeds that had taken place. As soon as he heard about this, he
proclaimed:
Because the Protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché is the Conqueror of the
Earth and Lord of Buddhism, it is of the utmost importance that all
people must voluntarily obey his commands. Thus, if there are reports
of people who do not obey, a detailed investigation must be undertaken
without any deceit.
Since news of this proclamation was distributed, the unity of the way-
ward element was destroyed, like grasping sand. They asked for the Dalai
Lama’s forgiveness and offered a promise of fidelity. The atmosphere
improved and the monastic discipline was purified through the Dalai
Lama’s inexpressible kindness.
Following the advice Zhang Yintang had given the previous year, in
1909, the Tibetan government issued currency with a value of one ounce
[of silver] and copper coins valued at three and a half karmas. The Man-
chu amban urged that it would be best if the words “The First Year of
Xuantong’s Reign” were printed on the currency. Since the Dalai Lama
was in China at the time, and there was concern about his efforts there
and his well-being, this proposal was accepted. Accordingly, several
thousand of the notes and coins had to be minted. However, once the
Dalai Lama had arrived in Domé and Prime Minister Changkhyimpa
had returned to Lhasa, the minting was discontinued. Instead, the design
was changed so that there was a snow lion in the center, with the words
“Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel” around the center. On the back
side, there was a flaming jewel with the date “The Forty-Third Year of
the Fifteenth Cycle” and the respective values. Also, a new five karma
coin was issued with a flaming jewel in the center of two squares and
the words “Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel.”
On the fifteenth day of the fourth month, the protector Dalai Lama
and his retinue were bid farewell by a large number of Chinese, Mon-
golian, and Tibetan people at Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum. He
led the way to Lhasa, the golden capital; he visited Dramar, the big-
gest mountain retreat on the way, and then went to Gartok in Tsagen
Nomihen by way of Rala Monastery, Khamsum Namgyel Gartok, and
so forth. Just as previous Dalai Lamas had been given a document
assigning them authority over the area, so this was confirmed in an
order given to the thirteenth Dalai Lama. The predecessors of Kangtsa
Chöpa, the leader of Tsonyen Obok, had behaved altruistically toward
the capital, and at present he himself had also been helpful; thus, the
Dalai Lama conferred the rank of Nangso upon him. He was also
granted a coral insignia (byur tog) and assumed the leadership. In
Mokhor, the first reception party from Lhasa arrived, led by Tsedrung
Pünrappa Lozang Jikdrel.
The promoted Cabinet Minister Trimon,41 Taiji Pünkhang, Khen-
drung Tsültrim Nyima, acting Tsang Dapön Chaktrak, and represen-
tatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries arrived at Apakha
Golo’s residence to accompany the Dalai Lama. When they reached
Shangdé’s residence, Cabinet Minister Lama Lozang Trinlé, and so
forth met them, and as he went to Chunakha, people arrived from the
capital with needed provisions, including Borong, and Khoshok, Tse-
drung Sharchi Yeshé Gyatso who had recently been placed in charge
of the mint in Khelkha (Helha), Shödrung Jünpawa, and Zhöldrung
Gendün Kelzang arrived. While he was visiting Tendzin Obok, Lungc-
hung Kyipo, and Jekhuk, Khenchung Sönam Gyeltsen and my father
Shakabpa Tashi Puntsok who was the steward of Lhasa arrived. At the
same time, Könli arrived to present offerings on behalf of the Manchu

amban from Lhasa.
Thereafter, the Dalai Lama crossed over the Drichu River in a boat,
where he was received by the lamas and incarnations of the monastery
in Drichu Pari as well as groups of monastery representatives and leaders
from the Changtang region. When he had crossed the Danglechu River,
Tendzin Pelgyé, making offerings on behalf of the all-seeing Paṇ chen
Rinpoché, and Khangsé Pema Wangchen, who was the captain of the
palanquin corps, also met the Dalai Lama.
The masters and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries
and the captains of Damgyé and Shokgyé received him at Latsé Karpo;
Gyari Trichen, Horkhang Dzasak, Jampa Namgyel who was the older
brother of the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tsipön Khemé, and
so forth received him beyond Dangla Pass; Lhalu Gung, Cabinet Min-
ister Sarjung, and Changchen Gung received him below Tsachugong;
Radreng Dzasak, Keutsangnup Trülku, Nakchu Gopa Sekshingpa and
Naktsang Gopa met him at Gemar; Sakya Dakchen, Tsurpu Karmapa,
Losempa Trülku, Minling Trichen, Chogyé Trülku, and so forth met
him on top of Tratsang.
On the second day of the eighth month, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpo-
ché Lozang Chökyi Nyima, Rokli the deputy of the Manchu amban in
Lhasa, the chief attendant of the Regent Trizur Rinpoché, the Dalai
Lama’s attendant Khenwar Zhiwa, Khendrung Tendzin Chögyel, and
so forth received him while he was staying at Ringmo’s residence at the
headwaters of the Nakchu River. Monk and lay government officials,
tents, carpets, and banners from the Mongolian and Indian governments
also arrived. From that day on, others were continually arriving. On the
third day, the Dalai Lama rode on horseback up to Zhapten Monastery
on the Nakchu River. A great vegetarian feast was prepared by the
Tibetan government, Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, and Drupkhang
monastic estate. On the sixteenth day, several monk and lay government
officials rode off to accompany the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché’s party
in Tsang. While the Dalai Lama remained on the Nakchu River, they
came from Otok, Takring Monastery, and so forth.
On the eleventh day of the ninth month, the Dalai Lama left the
Nakchu River and passed through Karchen, Sangzhung, Nalung Karmo,
Lanyi, and so forth, reaching Radreng, the founding monastery of the
Kadampa School, on the fifteenth. Following the counsel of the oracle,
the Dalai Lama remained in Radreng for a medical evaluation.
Because of the dispute between the older and younger sons of the
Dergé ruler, the younger son Ngawang Jampel had sought the protec-
tion of the government. He was granted a rank like a dapön based on
suitable consideration of all the issues. On the twenty-ninth day of the
tenth month, the Dalai Lama left Radreng, reaching Purchok Riksum
Jangchupling Mountain Retreat on the sixth day of the eleventh month
by way of Taklung, Penpo Rinchen Drak, Ganden Chökhor, and Gola
Pass.
Prime Ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang and Changkhyim greeted the
Dalai Lama and prostrated to him. They also reported all of the diffi-
culties between China and Tibet. Although the three prime ministers
had assumed full political authority, they did not have their formal
investiture audience. Consequently, in ceremonies, they had maintained
a status lower than the cabinet ministers. From that day on, the three
prime ministers were provided with all the traditional perks enjoyed
by regents.
On the ninth day of the eleventh month of 1909, the grand proces-
sion left Purchok Mountain Retreat in the company of a vast row of
horses, adorned with ornaments and carrying banners. In this way,
they reached Dzingkhamé, where the huge government tent called
Maja Chenmo had been raised. He was received there by monk and lay
government officials, lamas, incarnations, and officials from Sera and
Drepung monasteries, the deputies of ambans Lianyu and Youtai, lead-
ers of the Muslims and Nepal, and so forth. Regiments of the Chinese
and Tibetan armies, a monastic procession from Drepung, Sera, and
Ganden monasteries and Ling Pentsün, singers and dancers from Lhasa,
Zhöl, and the surrounding areas all joined the procession.
The people of Lhasa and Zhöl had burned incense, arranged festival
decorations, and so forth. The procession passed through this cluttered
space and through the waves of joyous celebration to Lhasa’s Rasa
Trülnang Tsuklakhang. On the tenth day, a tremendous vegetarian
feast was provided, and a cloud of offerings was presented at the great
courtyard of the marvelous gathering of the four groups. On the elev-
enth day, the party toured the Raché Tsuklakhang, and then moved to
the Potala Palace, the inestimable second mansion of Avalokiteśvara,
where the Dalai Lama was established on the high golden throne.
Simultaneously, the entire public of Tibet presented a vegetarian feast
and presented extensive offerings. The people also presented the Dalai
Lama with a golden seal written in the uchen, lanytsa, and Mongolian
scripts as follows:
As predicted by Buddha, from the Land of the Superiors, this is the seal of
the Sovereign of the three worlds, the Authority of Buddhism throughout
all time and throughout the world, the Unchanging Omniscient Dorjé
Chang Gyatso Lama, the Wish-Fulfilling King praised in general and
particular by men and gods.
Ever since that time, all important documents and edicts were impressed
with just this seal. This was an extremely significant political strategy
in dispensing with the conditions of the Chinese Manchu emperor’s
nominal rule. At that time, the Dalai Lama established a new Office of
Foreign Affairs. The heads of the Office, Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok
and fourth-ranking Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel, were appointed along
with the other officials. Subsequently, those two men would also become
cabinet ministers.42
On the seventeenth, the Dalai Lama’s party went to Norbu Lingkha
Kelzang Palace, where dance and operatic performances were staged.
Both the monk and lay government officials and the people of Lhasa
were overjoyed that the Sovereign Lord had returned from China and
Mongolia. At the same time, critical reports arrived every day recount-
ing the murder and destruction taking place at the hands of Liu Chun’s
(lu’u cun) troops. Thus, joy and sorrow contended with each other,
like a person who is swept away by water, and yet pretends that they
are swimming.q
As previously mentioned, the terms of the agreement signed in Cal-
cutta with Zhang Yintang specified that six thousand Chinese troops
could be stationed in Tibet to protect the trade marts. Based on that
provision, Liu Chun brought more than ten thousand troops from
Sichuan through Dotö (Kham). The Dalai Lama had reported this
fact to Beijing repeatedly from Kumbum, and so forth, without effect.
Likewise, the government in Lhasa had sent letters through the amban
saying that there was no need for the Chinese to have troops protect the
trade marts, and that if a need ever arose, the Tibetan soldiers recently
trained by the Chinese would be able to offer protection; moreover,
they said that it was unsuitable to send Liu Chun into Tibet.
As they received no response, representatives were sent to Calcutta
so that wires could be sent directly to the Foreign Affairs Office and the
Military Office in Beijing. At the same time, Khenchung Jampa Chözang
q
This means that even as Tibetans were imperiled by the dangerous waters of Liu
Chun’s invasion of their land, they gave the appearance of people happily playing in
the water because they were so overjoyed that the Dalai Lama had finally returned.
was dispatched to stop the Chinese troops by peaceful means, wherever

they met them. He met the Chinese officer Jungyung Tungling (cung
yung thung ling) and his troops when the latter arrived in Tar Dzong.
Without even listening, Khenchung and his assistants were arrested and
taken with the troops. When the Chinese troops arrived in Kongpo,
Khenchung and eight of his assistants were beheaded. Horses, mules,
and valuables were stolen. A representative of the Tibetan National
Assembly,43 along with the Gurkha ambassador and the leader of the
Muslims in Lhasa went to obstruct the Chinese. However much they
spoke to the Chinese troops when they arrived in such places as Numari,
Özer Gyang, Richen Gang, and Meldro, it seemed that the Chinese
were intent on forcing their way to Lhasa. The Chinese army only had
weapons and ammunition. Everything else, money, provisions, feed,
and so forth was stolen from the people.
Notes to Chapter Fourteen
1. Information on the Younghusband expedition comes from the biography of

the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Compilation of Records, the Records of the Upper and
Lower Houses of the British Parliament, and Younghusband’s book, India and Tibet
(London: J. Murray, 1910).
2. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 124,
says that E. C. Wilton, the British Consular delegate in China told Younghusband that
the delegates at Gampa were not of sufficient rank to negotiate.
3. An original of the report on the situation to the cabinet is included in Compila-
tion of Records.
4. From a collection of private papers.
6. Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar,
1979), 502–503, says that Shedra was the most knowledgeable person in Tibet on
political matters relating to British India. He also recounts that Shedra was partial to
the Russians. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968),
64, says, “The Dalai Lama’s chief assistant in his pro-Russian policy was the Prime
Minister Shatra.”
7. Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, Dynastic History of Sikkim.
8. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of
Buddhism.
11. Papers Relating to Tibet: Presented to Both Houses of Parliament by Command of
His Majesty (London: Published by H.M.S.O., 1904), 6. Translator’s Note: The relevant
page 6 is in the section titled Further Papers Relating to Tibet, part 1, not the page 6
at the beginning of the book.
12. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural
Studies, 1965), 42–43.
Buddhism, vol. si, 36-ba-1.
14. The one identified as Setrül in the order is Sikyong Trülku, the eldest son of the
ruler of Sikkim, Tutop Namgyel. Translator’s Note: According to Alex McKay:
The Chogyal had two sons by his first wife, Tsotra Namgyal (b. 1878), and Sid-
keong Tulku (b. 1879), and another, Tashi Namgyal (b. 1893), by his second wife.
The British regarded Tsotra Namgyal as pro-Tibetan. He had supported his father
during the years of struggle with White, and had remained in Chumbi after the
reconciliation with the British.
The younger son, Sidkeong or Sikyong, came under the influence of the British. See
Alex McKay, “ ‘That he may take due pride in the empire to which he belongs’: the
education of Maharajah Kumar Sidkeon Namgyal Tulku of Sikkim,” Bulletin of Tibet-
ology (2003), 39:2, 27–52.
15. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 210,
mentions a lama who was working as a secretary for the British. Beyond that, he does
not give his name, and so forth; thus, it seems that many suspected it was Sengchen
Lama’s servant. Translator’s Note: This is confirmed by Alex McKay, “The Drowning of
Lama Sengchen Kyabying: A Preliminary Enquiry from British Sources,” in Henk Blezer,
ed., Tibet Past and Present: Tibetan Studies I. the Proceedings of the 9th International
Seminar for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 263–80.
Studies, 1965), 43, says:
The reinforcements arrived at Gyantsé on May 24, and a more powerful force joined
on June 26, adding 3,000 men with 7,000 coolies. In the battle of July 5 and 6, the
citadel at Gyantse crumbled. On the 14th of July the joint forces left for Lhasa.
17. In Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung’s analysis of the British-Tibet War, he blames
the Nechung Oracle and the cabinet ministers.
18. The entire treaty is cited on p. 1098.
19. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910),
337–9 and Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press,
1956), 97–9. Translator’s Note The passage indicated in Younghusband indicates the
indemnity was reduced from seventy-five million to twenty-five million rupees.
20. Papers Relating to Tibet: Presented to Both Houses of Parliament by Command
of His Majesty (London: H.M.S.O., 1904), 154.
21. Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung, Compilation of Compositions.
22. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 287–289,
and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest
Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 256–258.
25. These days, the capital of Outer Mongolia is called Ulan-Bator.
26. Jetsün Dampa was the Lord of religious and political affairs for all of Outer
Mongolia at this time. Mongolians called him Arbokto, meaning Emperor or None
Higher. All of Jetsün Dampa’s incarnations had been found in Tibet. The present one
had even been born in Zhöl near the Potala Palace. For these reasons, Mongolians
considered him to be of the greatest importance, calling him Mené Tubitu which means
our Tibetan. The Tibetan government sent tutors and servants they had appointed for
him. In addition, many Helha leaders had Tibetan ranks. When Jetsün Dampa went
to Tibet, he took the seat of Hotoktu Chewa. However, on the twelfth day of the sixth
month of 1920, the Russian Communists forcibly seized the country and in 1924, Outer
Mongolia was completely overtaken by the Communists. Jetsün Dampa also died that
same year. In essence, the government of Jetsün Dampa no longer existed.
Buddhism, vol. Bi, 40.
Buddhism, vol. Bi, 46-ba-6.
29. Not only have I heard about this from the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant,
Jampa Tupten, but I have also heard about it from the Mongolian Geshé Ngawang
Sengé, the disciple and servant of Ngawang Lozang who lives in Munich, Germany.
Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Stud-
ies, 1965), 48–49, says that the shape of the prince’s face was like that of a Tibetan,
and it is said that he was the Dalai Lama’s son. The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s biography,
Garland of Jewels, Volume 2, 50–ba-1, says that there was a slight disagreement in the
timing; thus, I think the initial year is correct. Similarly, there are also stories of the
Dalai Lama engendering sons for several Mongolian leaders in this way.
30. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng.
31. In foreign countries, the Dowager is called Cixi. Translator’s Note: Shakabpa
seems to think that Emperor Guangxu’s mother was the Empress Dowager Cixi. Instead,
his mother was Cixi’s younger sister. See “1st Prince Chun,” in http://www.indopedia.
org/1st_Prince_Chun.html, accessed October 1, 2008.
32. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng.
33. Not having been invited in, they broke down the door. It is an old custom
that when the Chinese Emperor comes, he should be shown respect like that due to
a god.
Studies, 1965), 47–8. The original and a copy of the Dalai Lama’s reply for this gift of
machine guns is included the Compilation of Treaty Records, p. 155.
35. In 1891, Rockhill had been given a visa by the Beijing government. Since he
planned to go to Lhasa, he went as far as the Nakchu River. Although he was also
urged to go by the Manchu Amban in Lhasa, the Tibetan government would not let
him proceed. Thus, he was forced to return by way of Kham. Rockhill has written that
this proves that the Chinese exercised no authority whatsoever in Tibet.
36. According to William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their
Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910),
78, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910),
382–3, the form of respect the Dalai Lama was supposed to have shown when he met
the Emperor was to touch his forehead to the ground. However, there is no mention
of this in the Dalai Lama’s biography. According to Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Jampa
Tupwang’s reminiscences about the audience, there was a delay of several days because
of a disagreement, but a compromise was reached, as I have explained above.
37. Compilation of Private Records.
38. Henry Puyi, The Last Manchu: the autobiography of Henry Pu Yi, the last
Emperor of China (London: A Barker, 1967), pp. 29–30. It is Emperor Xuantong’s
autobiography.
39. Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 86.
Studies, 1965), 52 says:
During that time, it was said that he paid a visit to the Japanese legation and stayed
for about a week there. I was told about this by Gonsuke Hayashi, then the Japanese
Minister in Peking, after he returned to Japan. I also heard from Threekhang, the
Court Physician who later on became the Lord Chamberlain, what sort of hospitali-
ties the Dalai Lama received at the Japanese legation.
41. Orally it is said that the promoted Cabinet Minister Trimon was in the recep-
tion committee. Otherwise, I have not seen any text which mentions his presence. One
wonders if it shouldn’t be Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa.
42. In my English language book, Tibet: A Political History (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1967), 223, I wrote that Teji Pünkhang was appointed to the Foreign
Bureau, but that was a mistake.
43. The representative of the Tibetan National Assembly was my honorable grand-
father Tsipa Shakabpa Tenzin Norgye. Thus, I remember him recounting many times
unbearable things such as that the Chinese soldiers had destroyed cities, bound old
people in chains, and beat both men and women. Countless people were wounded
and killed. All the homes in several places were sacked; since the people concealed
themselves in the wilderness, the Chinese soldiers entered all of the homes and stole
their possessions.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
CHINESE INVASION OF LHASA AND TIBET’S STRUGGLE TO

MAINTAIN HER INDEPENDENCE
Through the last years of the Qing Dynasty, the border regions became
increasingly chaotic. Chinese factions and individual warlords, includ-
ing the notorious Zhao Erfeng, began to encroach on Tibetan territory.
Just prior to the final collapse of the Qing in 1911, a Chinese delegation
sought to reassure the Dalai Lama. However, it turned out that the
military escort actually intended to seize political authority in Tibet.
Ultimately, the Dalai Lama was forced into exile once again, this time
seeking refuge in British-India. Shakabpa demonstrates that China’s bold
thrust for power in Lhasa backfired by driving the Dalai Lama more
firmly towards the British. This eventuated in his self-imposed exile in
India, escaping from the precise Beijing faction whose hospitality he
had enjoyed so recently. It also brought him into close contact with the
British from whom he had fled. In early 1912, when news arrived in
Lhasa that the Qing Dynasty had collapsed, Tibetans rose up against the
remaining Chinese officials and soldiers. As Zhao Erfeng was executed,
Chinese troops were largely driven from Tibet and the Dalai Lama was
able to return from India after a prolonged absence.
Shakabpa begins this chapter by backtracking in time in order to
contextualize the conflicts along the Sino-Tibetan borderlands and
elsewhere in Kham at the end of the 19th century and the beginning
of the 20th. Much of the region had not been controlled from Lhasa
throughout the centuries, existing more within the sphere of influence
of Lhasa than being tightly administered by the Ganden Podrang gov-
ernment. Consequently, Feng Amban, Chinese officers such as Trangli,
and regional leaders were able to exploit local people, seize food and
other basic resources, disrupt monastic and political life, and generally
oppress the people of Kham.
Zhao Erfeng was the most hated Chinese oppressor of them all. By
1906, he was blamed for beheading monastic officials and killing large
numbers of monks who opposed his efforts to control Dergé and the
714 chapter fifteen
surrounding areas. He was known as Zhao the Butcher.a Suspecting

that the amban in Lhasa was conspiring with Zhao, Tibetan authorities
attempted to appeal to the court directly by contacting Qing officials in
Calcutta, but the power of the throne had all but disappeared outside
of the center of Qing hierarchy. Chinese troops under the command
of the incoming ambans arrived in Lhasa in the midst of the celebra-
tions for the 1910 New Year’s festival. Shakabpa reports that the troops
fired weapons in all directions, including at the Jokhang Tsuklakhang
and the Potala Palace, the two most potent symbolic constructs for
Tibetan Buddhism, thus signaling their aggressive intentions. In light
of this, the Dalai Lama, after less than two months at home, once again
left Lhasa for exile under the shadow of a foreign invading force. The
British in India hosted the Dalai Lama in Darjeeling, Calcutta, and
elsewhere for two years.
Meeting with the Indian Viceroy Lord Minto in March of 1910, the
Dalai Lama presented his case against the encroachments of the Chi-
nese troops and the Qing ambans. He sought British support within
the framework of the 1904 agreement negotiated with Younghusband.
Meanwhile, the Manchu officials in Lhasa claimed to have deposed the
Dalai Lama and declared their intentions of selecting a new Dalai Lama
by drawing lots. At the same time, they seized the nobility’s property,
raided treasuries, and arrested the regent. These actions irrevocably
ruptured any remaining possibility for reconciliation between Tibetans
and the Chinese representing the ever-declining Qing Empire. The
Manchu emperor ordered the amban in Lhasa to appoint a Chinese
officer Lo Titai as the Governor-General of Tibet, and the latter traveled
to Darjeeling to negotiate with the Dalai Lama.
Shakabpa cites an extensive letter recording the Dalai Lama’s
understanding of Sino-Tibetan relations and the contemporary situ-
ation. While both sides wanted the Dalai Lama to return, he insisted
that he would do so only within the context of a restoration of the
preceptor-patron relationship that had long existed between Tibet and
China. He indicates that he had enacted his side of the relationship by
providing religious instruction to the court. He complains, however,
that the court in Beijing and its agents in Lhasa and throughout Tibet
had not fulfilled their customary role. He catalogs a series of violations
of Tibetan independence, a litany of attacks on Tibetans, and the set
a
See p. 719 below.
chinese invasion of lhasa 715
of circumstances that compelled him to flee his homeland.b Shakabpa

highlights the portions of the letter that refer to the preceptor-patron
relationship.
The sixth Paṇ chen Lama Chökyi Nyima (1883–1937) visited Lhasa
in 1911, drawing negative attention from the public when he took it
upon himself to stay in the Dalai Lama’s private chambers, an act some
found to be presumptuous. Shakabpa also portrays him as being too
friendly with the amban for the tastes of the Tibetan street. Although
a divergence in the interests of the two parallel lineages can be traced
back to the 17th century, a real rift emerged between the sixth Paṇ chen
Lama and the thirteenth Dalai Lama, something the Chinese and the
British seemed only too happy to nourish at different points in history.
In alluding to such issues, Shakabpa is careful, as he was in describing
tensions between the Dalai Lamas and the Karmapas,c to absolve the
incarnations of any responsibility for the problems:d
However, it can be clearly seen from the correspondence between the
conqueror father and son, the teacher and student, (i.e., the Dalai Lama
and the Paṇ chen Lama), that there was no enmity between them. Yet,
previously, when the Dalai Lama had been in China and Mongolia, the
all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché had made contact with the British govern-
ment and had gone to Calcutta to meet with the prince of England.
One wonders if the beginning of the unfortunate relations between the
government and the attendants of the Paṇ chen Lama’s monastic estate
might be found in these events.
Likewise, a complex relationship would exist between the seventh
Paṇ chen Lama Kelzang Tseten (1938–1989) and the present fourteenth
Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso (b. 1935).e
In 1912, the Manchu Qing Dynasty breathed its last breath, over-
thrown by Sun Yatsen and a broad coalition of revolutionaries in
China. When the news reached Tibet, the public rose up against the
Chinese troops stationed there, and the amban barely escaped with
b
c
See chapters 6 and 7.
d
See p. 733 below. For a far-ranging discussion of the two incarnations in the early
20th century, see Parshtam Mehra, Tibetan Polity, 1904–1937: The Conflict Between
the 13th Dalai Lama and the 9th Panchen: A Case Study (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz,
1976).
e
The Paṇ chen Lama lived a very difficult life in which he was sometimes employed by
the Chinese in legitimizing certain policies and in which he sometimes spoke out against
the worst excesses. For the latter, see, for example, his A Poisoned Arrow: The Secret
Report of the 10th Panchen Lama (London: Tibet Information Network, 1997).
716 chapter fifteen
his life. Zhao Erfeng, then living in Chamdo, was executed the follow-
ing year. Tibetans, including many monks, volunteered to eject the
remaining Chinese troops as swiftly as possible. At length, they were
removed from the country; with a forgiving Buddhist attitude, many
of them were given provisions sufficient to depart so that they would
not become a further burden to the Tibetan people. When the Chi-
nese troops reneged on the agreement that would have enabled them
to depart peacefully, Tibetans resisted and fought them in the streets
of Lhasa. Ultimately, the Chinese were defeated and driven from the
country. The last holdouts were compelled to return to China by way
of India, demonstrating the fact that the Tibetans truly held the upper
hand and could dictate terms. Shakabpa was six years old at the time,
and with these events, his own first person account begins to become
a more pronounced feature of the narrative of the book.
Whereas the Dalai Lama’s sojourn in China had raised suspicions
and apprehension for him, his time in British India inspired in him a
reforming and modernizing spirit and provided him real friendships
with British officials, including most notably Charles Bell, who would
later become his biographer.f This alliance with British India set the
stage for the next step in Tibet’s emergence into an international iden-
tity; with British support, the Tibetans were able to launch a tripartite
negotiation conference with China and Britain in Simla, India. But
before that would take place, the Dalai Lama was finally able to return
home after two years in India, now a more confident and savvy player
in international relations.
f
Charles Bell, Portrait of a Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth
(London: William Collins, 1946; reprinted London: Wisdom, 1987).
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
CHINESE INVASION OF LHASA AND TIBET’S STRUGGLE TO

MAINTAIN HER INDEPENDENCE
In order to understand the conditions under which the Chinese army

initially invaded Dotö (Kham) and then eventually Lhasa, it is necessary
first to consider the situation a little. Thus, it is necessary to return to the
relevant historical events, some of which will necessarily be repeated.
In 1896, during a dispute over the leadership of Dra, Nak, and Shok
in Nyakrong, Chakla Midrintu, together with the forces of the Chinese
officer Trangli, attacked without warning and looted Nyakrong with the
backing of Sichuan’s Tsungtu. Under the pretense of needing to meet
with the ruler of Dergé immediately, they arrested the ruler, his wife,
and their two sons without reason, imprisoning them at Drintu. They
carried away unfathomable treasures including religious statues.
Accordingly, the Tibetan government intervened by sending troops.
On the other hand, a delegate was sent to Beijing by sea for talks. The
Chinese officer Trangli was withdrawn, and both the ruler of Dergé and
his wife died in prison. The Tibetan government arranged to return
the two sons to their home. The older son, Akya (Dorjé Senggé) was
invested with the title of ruler and given authority over Dergé.1
The seventh Dalai Lama had visited the area around Gartar Monas-
tery and founded the monastery there. In 1904, Ju Lenhu (cu lan ho)
from Dartsedo had dispatched soldiers to the area to mine gold. Thus,
a dispute broke out between the monks and the soldiers; many monks
were killed, and valuable religious articles were stolen. Jün Döndrupling,
Dechenling, Ngopu Monastery, and so forth were completely looted.2
When Feng Amban came to Lhasa in 1904, he recruited new soldiers
in Litang on the way. Seeking an opportunity to take advantage of the
monasteries during his long stay in Ba, the monks were disrobed and
forced to be soldiers and farmers. Through these and other sorts of
forceful actions, all of the monasteries were rendered helpless. Due
to this, the amban and his assistants were killed.3 China’s General Ma
Titel4 arrived with his forces, supposedly to investigate the matter, but
they set the monastery on fire instead. Many valuable religious articles
were destroyed. The guilty parties were executed after the case had
been resolved.
718 chapter fifteen
When Zhao Erfeng returned with his forces once again, two of
the Litang chief’s stewards were beheaded on the road. Two chiefs
were attacked and arrested, while all their money and valuables were
stolen. Regardless of whether they had committed violations in Ba,
three hundred and twenty-two citizens, both monks and lay people,
were beheaded. The monastery was utterly destroyed, and its wealth
was stolen. The Ba chiefs’ families were imprisoned in Sichuan. When
they heard that monks from Chatreng Sampeling and other men of the
region were coming to the aid of Ba Monastery, the Chinese dispatched
soldiers; they killed one thousand two hundred and ten monks and
other men and burned the monastery.
When four old monastic officials from Gangkar Namling Monastery
went to give themselves up in the sixth month of 1906, Zhao Erfeng had
them beheaded. Most of the remaining monks slipped away, but two
old monks and two lay people who were protecting the monastery were
killed. Forty-eight monks from Teng Monastery were also beheaded,
and the remainder escaped. All of the religious articles of the monastery,
their wealth, and their livestock were plundered. Images made of gold,
silver, and copper were made into weapons, pages of religious texts were
used in the soles of shoes, and whatever was left was burned.
During the eleventh month of 1906, Zhao Erfeng sent Chinese officer
Drin Köntel’s forces to Dzogang Dzongok Tsakhalho, where they killed
twenty-five monks. Nine monks who gave themselves up were beheaded.
One thousand loads of grain, knives, and weapons were stolen in Zira
Besé and from about sixty Ngochupa families. Also, Drin Köntel burned
Tsawa Menkhung Yül and Lhündrup monasteries. Bultok, Jangmar
Yül, and Drayel monasteries were also destroyed without warning and
countless numbers of livestock were seized.
In a disagreement between the older and younger brothers of the
Dergé ruler, Zhao Erfeng supported the older brother, and thus wrested
power over Dergé. He established an office of Chamdo and built a new
and extensive temple. He also announced that the Kongpo Gyamda had
been made into a large precinct of Xikang, included under Sichuan,
posting proclamations to this effect. In addition, he proposed that a new
precinct be formed under the Beijing Manchu government from the
area between Dartsedo and Gyamda. Beyond that, no effort was made,
legally or otherwise, to effectuate this. Also, the Tibetan government
and the monk and lay citizens of Tibet also did not accept the idea. Not
only that, but the British ambassador to China also protested against
this with the Beijing government. However, maps made by the Chinese
in the twentieth century regarded it as Xikang. Since Zhao Erfeng had

killed many hundreds of thousands of people, he is known throughout
the world as “Zhao the Butcher.”5
In Lhasa, Regent Tri Rinpoché Lozang Gyeltsen, prime ministers
Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and Changkhyim, and the cabinet wrote a let-
ter recounting Zhao Erfeng’s criminal acts in detail, how he had killed
Khampas, looted, and so forth. The letter also said that not even one
Chinese civilian or military official in Kham was withdrawn. According
to what has already been stated, the provision having to do with the
trade marts in the Chinese-Tibetan-British Conference in Calcutta said
that if there was a need for police in the trade marts, the Tibetan army
would provide them; thus, Luchun must not send a large Chinese force
under the Chinese General Jung Tungli under the pretense of polic-
ing them, as they must not cross into Tibetan territory. The Manchu
amban residing in Lhasa refused to accept several letters written about
these matters. Finally, he said “Even if you give him one hundred let-
ters, I will return one hundred of them to you.” Thus, thinking that
the Manchu amban in Lhasa and Zhao Erfeng were conspiring, the
cabinet dispatched a representative to Calcutta to wire details of the
situation directly to the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office
in Beijing.6
Through this time, not only was the Manchu amban in Lhasa con-
tinuing to augment the Chinese forces with new recruits, but he was
working overtime to get Luchun’s forces to Lhasa before the Chinese
were scheduled to arrive.7 The Tibetan soldiers who were in Ü Tsang
and monks and lay people from Dergé Monastery in Kham had firmly
decided to resist the Chinese. However, the cabinet and the Tibetan
National Assembly temporarily made their own overtures toward a
peaceful resolution. The reason for this was that the Dalai Lama Rinpo-
ché was still in Chinese Mongolia, and thus, they were concerned for
his life. Simultaneously, repeated delegations were being sent to ask the
Dalai Lama Rinpoché to immediately return to Lhasa.
Before the Dalai Lama could return, the cabinet sent Khenchung
Jampa Chözang and eight assistants to meet with Luchun’s troops in
order to prevent him from reaching Lhasa on the pretext of polic-
ing the trade marts. They carried a message from the cabinet and the
Tibetan National Assembly saying that the Chinese must not continue
on until a reply to the wire sent to Beijing from Calcutta was received.
However, the Tibetans met Chinese troops four days from Chamdo;
without exchanging a word, Khenchung and his assistants were taken
720 chapter fifteen
into custody. They were made to march with the Chinese soldiers ten or
fifteen miles each day, while the soldiers robbed the people throughout
the region. On the day they arrived in Kongpo Gyamda, Khenchung
Jampa Chözang and his eight assistants were beheaded.8
The Dalai Lama Rinpoché and his retinue arrived back in Lhasa on
the ninth day of the eleventh month of 1909. Since Lhasa’s Great Prayer
Festival was approaching, there was fear that there would be fighting
with the monks if the Chinese troops arrived by then. Representatives
from the Tibetan National Assembly, the Gurkha Ambassador Dheda
living in Lhasa, and the leader of the Kashmir Muslims were sent to
tell Luchun to delay his arrival in Lhasa for the time being. Although
they explained the situation to him on the road many times, he would
not listen.
The Junior Manchu Amban Wen and the original Gurkha Ambas-
sador Captain Jit Bahadur met with the Dalai Lama Rinpoché; they
explained that Luchun and his troops would merely rest for three or
four days after their arrival in Lhasa and then they would leave for the
various trade marts. They continued saying that it was certainly not
that the religious and political authority of the Dalai Lama would be
changed or that political reforms would be introduced into the Tibetan
government. They also said that these promises from the two ambans
would be presented in a letter, with the Gurkha acting as a witness.
However, on the day that the Chinese forces reached Lhasa, a let-
ter was presented to the Dalai Lama Rinpoché in the name of the two
ambans, Lian and Wen; it said, “The religious authority of the Dalai
Lama will continue as before.” There was absolutely no mention of the
promises the Gurkha had witnessed the previous day.
Although the New Year’s ceremonies for 1910 were conducted as
usual the first two days, there was considerable fear about the impend-
ing arrival of Luchun’s forces and deep concern that there could be
conflicts during the approaching Great Prayer Festival. Unable to bear
these eventualities, meetings were held in which people discussed the
most appropriate course of action. On the third day of the first month,
the cavalry which preceded Luchun’s army, reached Lhasa.
The soldiers under the Manchu amban in Lhasa went out to receive
the incoming Chinese troops at the Lhadong Shenkhawa River crossing
on the Kyichu River. During the evening tea, the cavalry and a regiment
of foot soldiers marched into Lhasa through the flower gardens, Telpung
Gang Chinese Temple, behind the new Horkhang House, around the
corner of the Dungtsé, and then into the Barkhor. When they reached
the amban’s headquarters, within view of the southern part of Doring

House, the amban’s guard shot at the police who were stationed at
various posts, killing several of them and wounding some others.
When they reached the place where sermons are delivered at the
Tsuklakhang, they fired several shots. When they reached Lubuk, they
encountered the coordinators of the Prayer Festival, Taiji Pünkhangpa
Trashi Dorjé and Tsedrön Jamyang Gyeltsen, who were coming from a
meeting at the Potala Palace. When they had reached the front of the
Tsuklakhang, the Chinese soldiers fired at them. Taiji Pünkhang was
unhurt because he was protected by an amulet, but Tsedrön Jamyang
Gyeltsen, one of Pünkhang’s servants, and his own horse were killed.
Taiji Pünkhang was beaten up and led away to the amban’s headquar-
ters.9 The Chinese troops indicated that their actual intent was to usurp
Tibet’s political authority by firing nine shots at the Potala Palace, where
the Dalai Lama was in residence and so forth.10
Voluntarily and without any urging, all of the monks and lay people
who were in Lhasa at that time made extensive secret plans to demon-
strate in protest against these events. However, given that the amban and
his servants had just a few bodyguards and the newly arrived troops had
traveled for such a great distance and were short on supplies, it seemed
certain that they could be overcome on Tibetan territory. Yet the Dalai
Lama advised that many Chinese and Tibetan people, monks and lay
people, would be killed in battle and that there was no way to know for
certain what would come in the future because of that; thus, he told all
the people of Lhasa and Zhöl that they must remain peaceful.
At the same time, the Dalai Lama and the ministers sought to carry
on a dialogue with Beijing from a distance; they decided to withdraw
in order to reach a peaceful agreement with the Chinese troops. Thus,
that night, Ganden Trindzin Tsemönling Hotoktu Ngawang Lozang
Tenpé Gyeltsen was summoned; he was given extensive instructions
of the operation of the government and was advised that at the Great
Prayer Festival, he should distribute white coins issued by Ganden
Podrang when the Dalai Lama returned from China and Mongolia.
He was invested with the authority of regent, and Khenché Neu Shak
Khyenrap Püntsok was designated as his assistant.
The great Dalai Lama, prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and
Changkhyim, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khen Ngözhiwa,
Cabinet Minister Sarjungpa, Cabinet Deputy Samdrup Podrang, Cabinet
Deputy Lama Gungtang Tendzin Wangpo, and about thirty bodyguards
left for the Rama Gang River Crossing that very night. As soon as it was
722 chapter fifteen
discovered that the Dalai Lama and his retinue had left on the morning
of the fourth day after they had departed, Manchu civilian and military
officials held a meeting at the amban’s headquarters. Consequently, the
Chinese officer Wu Kontaia (wu’u thon krang) and a Chinese-Tibetan
Gyelgo Dong from Ramoché11 were assigned to do whatever was neces-
sary to kill or capture the Dalai Lama Rinpoché; they pursued the Dalai
Lama’s party in the company of three hundred hardened cavalry.
While the Dalai Lama was staying at Chakzam Monastery, he was
informed that the Chinese troops pursuing him were at Chushur. He
immediately left for Yardrok Samding Monastery. Namgang or Dazang
Dradül, the Dalai Lama’s close confidant, remained behind with about
twenty bodyguards from the party; they pulled the boats up on their
side of the river, and they held secure ground on a hill behind Chakzam
Monastery. With courage and great resolution, they were able to halt
the advance of the Chinese troops for two days by firing on them when
they arrived at the boat crossing. For his heroic actions, Dazang Dradül
was subsequently rewarded with extensive material wealth and by being
merged with the Tsarong family.b
The Dalai Lama sent a messenger with a letter of friendship from
Samding Monastery to Basil Gould, the British Trade Agent at Gyantsé,
asking whether he would be granted asylum in India if that became
necessary. Then the Dalai Lama and his retinue continued on by way
of Nyero, over the Dangla Pass in Pakri, with snow as high as the stir-
rups of his horse. In an extreme state of exhaustion, the Dalai Lama
finally arrived below the monastery. The Manchu officer who was
stationed in Dromo, Tungling, met the Dalai Lama and asked him to
stay wherever he wished, in Pakri or Dromo. He said that it would be
best if he could wire a message to Beijing on all important issues and
also send a horse-messenger to the amban in Lhasa at the same time.
The Dalai Lama replied that he would decide on the best course when
he had reached Dromo.
The Chinese troops who were pursuing him were getting ever closer
and there was considerable concern about what the Chinese troops who
a
Shakabpa interviewed this officer, as he recounts below. See pp. 791–792.
b
His life story is told by his son in Dundul Namgyal Tsarong, In the Service of
his Country: The Biography of Dasang Damdul Tsarong, Commander General of Tibet
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 2000). Dazang Dradül was elevated to noble status for his
heroic efforts to protect the Dalai Lama as he fled for India and his second exile. See
Isrun Engelhardt, Tibet in 1938–1939: Photographs from the Ernst Schäfer Expedition
to Tibet (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2007), 103–111.
were stationed around the White Stūpa in Upper Dromo would do.
The monk and lay population from Pakri and Upper and Lower Dromo
voluntarily offered to protect the Dalai Lama; several of them walked
in front of the Dalai Lama, with others to the left, right, and behind.
In this way, they fulfilled the duties of bodyguards in an unparalleled
fashion. In particular, the people of Dromo had previously sent a let-
ter to the Chinese soldiers stationed at the White Stūpa, saying that if
even a single Chinese person looked out of a window or door when
the Dalai Lama passed by, then the people of Pakri and Dromo would
kill them to a man; there is no need to mention what would happen
if they came outside of their buildings. Basil Gould, the British Trade
Agent at Gyantsé, and his military officer had also accompanied the
Dalai Lama’s party from below the Pakri Monastery.
There were absolutely no problems at the threshold of the White
Stūpa. Beyond that, the Indian Trade Agent in Dromo, David Mac-
Donald, greeted the Dalai Lama. They proceeded on to Sharsingma
in Lower Dromo, and the Dalai Lama spent the night at MacDonald’s
residence Gyelteng Kotri. In 1904, MacDonald had been to Lhasa with
Younghusband’s Military Mission. In addition, he knew Tibetan well
and enjoyed excellent relations with Tibetans.12
The Dalai Lama and his retinue had initially intended to remain in
Dromo Nadong, while talks were held with Beijing. However, when
he heard that the Chinese troops who were pursuing him had arrived
in Pakri, just one day away, he could not remain in Dromo; thus, he
and his retinue finally decided to pass into Indian territory. Just a few
years before, when the British Military Mission came to Lhasa, the Dalai
Lama Rinpoché had been forced to flee to China and Mongolia. It was
a great reversal, turning a political enemy into friend just a few short
years later, when he was forced to rely on the British government. As
the Dalai Lama and his retinue left Gyelteng Kotri in Dromo, he gave
a letter to MacDonald, instructing him to pass it on to the Political
Officer of Sikkim. It read:13
The Chinese have been greatly oppressing the Tibetan people at Lhasa.
Mounted infantry arrived there. They fired on the inhabitants, killing and
wounding them. I was obliged, together with my six Ministers, to make
good my escape. My intention now is to go to India for the purpose of
consulting the British Government. Since my departure from Lhasa I
have been greatly harassed on the road by Chinese troops. A force of
two hundred Chinese Mongol infantry were behind me at Chakzam, and
I left a party of my soldiers to hold them back. A small fight took place
724 chapter fifteen
there, in the course of which two Tibetans and seventy Chinese were
killed. I have left the Regent and Acting Ministers at Lhasa, but I and
the Ministers who accompany me have brought our seals with us. I have
been receiving courtesy from the British Government, for which I am
grateful. I now look to you for protection, and I trust that the relations
between the British Government and Tibet will be that of a father to his
children. Wishing to be guided by you, I hope to give full information
on my arrival in India.
Traveling through Dzalepla Pass, the Dalai Lama and his retinue spent a
night in Kalimpong at the home of Kaji Ogyen Dorjé of Sikkim. Today
that house is called the Lower Koṭi. After staying there for a week, the
Dalai Lama proceeded on to Darjeeling, staying at a place called Patabuk.
Charles Bell, the Political Officer of Sikkim, received him on behalf of
the Indian government, and the district officer of Darjeeling provided
for all of the Dalai Lama’s security and other needs.
Although there were already people in Calcutta sending telegrams to
Beijing, the Dalai Lama sent additional representatives who were in Dar-
jeeling. Seven times, they wired Beijing with details about the activities
of the Manchu amban and the civil and military officers in Tibet; they
also asked that every single Chinese soldier in Tibet be withdrawn. Yet,
they did not receive even one word in response. An Indian newspaper
said that the Manchu emperor had removed the Dalai Lama from power
and that he was at that point an ordinary citizen. The story went on to
say that a new Dalai Lama was being chosen by Golden Urn Lottery.
In addition, the amban spread the same story in Lhasa also.
Ever since that time, the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché cut off any
form of direct negotiations with the Manchu emperor or the Chinese
government. Following the terms of the 1904 British-Tibetan agreement,
the Dalai Lama asked the British government to act on his behalf and
assist in talks with the Manchu government. Several weeks later, the
Dalai Lama and his retinue took a special train and then boarded a boat
on the Ganges River finally arriving in Calcutta. The British government
offered him a gun salute at the Calcutta train station. A reception com-
mittee and a contingent of bodyguards led him in a carriage drawn by
four horses to the Indian viceroy’s residence, called Hastings House,
where he stayed as a guest.
The Dalai Lama met with the Indian Viceroy Lord Minto on March
14, 1910; he explained how the Chinese had subverted Tibet’s authority
through deception and lies. The viceroy’s secretary, Butler, took notes
in this meeting:14
His Excellency, the viceroy, received the Dalai Lama in private audience at
the Government House, Calcutta, this afternoon at five o’clock. Mr. Bell,
the Political Officer of Sikkim who served as translator, and I were present.
After they asked after each other’s health, the Dalai Lama offered praises
and expressed his gratitude for the arrangements that had been made for
him. The Dalai Lama also said that since Chinese troops had pursued him
after he had fled from Lhasa, he had experienced hardships and danger.
When he had left Lhasa, there were five hundred Chinese troops who
had been in Lhasa for a while and forty new troops had arrived; they
were the advance party of two thousand troops who were just two days
from Lhasa. According to his information, two thousand seven hundred
Chinese troops had recently arrived in Lhasa and its environs.
He went on to say that such a large number of troops were not needed
in Tibet alone, but that the Chinese wished to control Nepal, Sikkim, and
Bhutan and that their objective was to eliminate Buddhism. This was not
the only time that the Chinese had obstructed good relations between
the British and Tibetan governments. They did so in all ways. All of the
problems having to do with the Sikkim incident of 1888 and the neces-
sity of sending Younghusband’s Military Mission in 1904 were entirely
the making of the Chinese. When the Dalai Lama had been in Beijing,
he expressed his wish to the British ambassador that the Chinese need
not obstruct British-Tibetan relations . . .
The Dalai Lama went on to tell the viceroy that under the Trade
Regulations of 1908,c direct relations between the British and Tibetan
governments had been assured, and he was appealing that the rights of
the Tibetans in this regard should be observed. He asked that he might
be restored to the position of the fifth Dalai Lama, who had negotiated
with the emperor of China as the ruler of a friendly state, and he asked
that the Chinese troops be withdrawn.
When questioned by the viceroy as to whether he knew the terms of
the treaties, in which the British government had entered with China and
Russia, His Holiness replied that he was studying them.
The Tibetan government claimed the right to direct dealing with
the British government, and it did not recognize the 1890 and 1906
Conventions,d in which it had played no part. Moreover, the Dalai Lama
said he had no communications from the Chinese at Lhasa since he had
left Pakri. He would not return to Lhasa under the present political condi-
tions there, as the promise made to him had been disregarded. He would
not trust the written word of the Beijing government as it had violated
the promises given him by the late empress dowager.
When questions by the viceroy as to what he intended to do if he did
not return to Lhasa, the Dalai Lama replied that he could not say at that
moment, but unless the matter was satisfactorily settled, he would not
c
See Appendix I, p. 1105 below.
d
See Appendix I, p. 1091 and p. 1100 below.
726 chapter fifteen
return to Lhasa. He denied that he had intrigued against China. He had

only been two months in Lhasa before he fled. The amban was altogether
hostile. The Dalai Lama had come away with his ministers and the seals
of office. With the regent, whom he had appointed, he had left the seal
that was used in the signing of the 1904 Convention, but his own seal
he had with him. Moreover, he had no contact with the regent since he
left. The Chinese intercepted all official letters, and he had no official
communication from Tibet. Some private letters had come through, but
any communication had to be kept secret.
During the interview, the Dalai Lama sought to clarify the issue of
Dorzhiev, the Buriat Mongol, who had visited the czar of Russia. His
Holiness stated that Dorzhiev was now in his own country. He had been
one of the seven assistants to his chief spiritual adviser and had never
had anything to say except about spiritual matters.
At the end of the interview, the Dalai Lama said that he had made his
appeal and asked what would be the answer. His Excellency, the viceroy,
said that he was glad to have the opportunity of entertaining His Holiness
and meeting him. He had given instructions that every consideration
should be shown to him, but he said that political questions of importance
required due consideration and that he could not say more than that he
would communicate His Holiness’ remarks to His Majesty’s government.
The Dalai Lama then repeated his expressions of gratitude to the viceroy
and took his leave.
India’s viceroy invited the Dalai Lama to enjoy the sights of the city
while he stayed in Calcutta. While he made a great display of respect
and hospitality, he did not even hint at whether or not the British
government would offer political assistance. However, he had a good
understanding of the fact that there was great turmoil in the Manchu
government. While he stayed in Calcutta, the Dalai Lama toured under-
ground army camps, museums, the zoo, and the mint. After several
days, he returned to Darjeeling.
At that time, twenty white coins issued by Ganden Podrang when
the Dalai Lama returned from China and Mongolia were distributed
to each monk at the Great Prayer Festival. Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang
Dorjé Change was in the prayer congregation at the time. Tibetans
called those white coins “good luck coins.”f
e
Trijang Rinpoché was the fourteenth Dalai Lama’s junior tutor and both a teacher
and a source for Shakabpa.
f
Perhaps white coins were made of silver, the ordinary metal of coinage at that
time.
All of the people of Tibet, monks and lay people, were distraught over
the fact that the Dalai Lama, having stayed in the Chinese Mongolian
area for many years, had again been forced, for the benefit of Bud-
dhism, to escape to India suddenly; he had only been able to remain
in his religious land of Tibet for less than two months. They did not
know what to do, like blind people separated from their guide. Thus,
they wondered when they would meet him again and they prayed as
though supplicating him.
The Manchu amban in Lhasa distributed announcements that the
Chinese Manchu emperor had deposed the Dalai Lama and that a new
Dalai Lama was to be selected by drawing lots from the golden urn.
As a result, all of the Tibetan people completely severed any relations
with the Chinese, and they smeared foul smelling human feces on the
announcements; through such earnest efforts, there was absolutely no
concern for the past, present, or future. In addition, government officials
invited the Dalai Lama’s clothes to functions having to do with govern-
ment business, as though the Dalai Lama were actually there.
Cabinet Ministers Lama Lozang Trinlé and Tsarong Wangchuk
Gyelpo had remained behind in Lhasa. When the Dalai Lama had
departed, he left instructions that Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok and
Dekyi Lingpa should be appointed as assistants to the cabinet ministers.
Accordingly, Regent Tsemönling Rinpoché and his assistant Khenché
Khyenrap Püntsok had so ordered it. Although Khenchung Gyeltsen
Püntsok went to the cabinet, the amban withdrew Cabinet Minister
Lama Lozang Trinlé by directive and said that Khenchung Gyeltsen
Püntsok must go and oversee the road construction from Kongpo
Gyamda to Shargongla Pass. In addition, he appointed Tendzin Chödrak
(Lhato Karpo), Langtongpa, and Rampawa as new members of the
cabinet. However, they were not treated as new cabinet ministers, but
rather as cabinet deputies, when the cabinet convened.
The Tibetan soldiers who were protecting the law in Lhasa were
replaced by Chinese soldiers. Chinese soldiers searched for and stole
the Dalai Lama’s personal possessions as they arrived from China and
Mongolia. They also searched the small treasuries in the Potala and
Norbu Lingkha palaces under the pretext of searching for weapons,
and they removed the weapons and ammunition from the Dorjeling
armory at Zhöl. They seized the Zhöl mint and arms factory.
All of the wealth in the homes and private estates of prime ministers
Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and Changkhyimpa and the cabinet ministers
728 chapter fifteen
who were with the Dalai Lama Rinpoché was stolen. The Chinese
reopened the old dispute over Tenling Demo monastic estate, charg-
ing that it had been resolved unfairly, even though the issue had been
settled in 1899.g
Those annual taxes which castles and estates all over Tibet were
obliged to pay to Lhasa were exchanged into Indian rupees or white
coins, and then secretly transported to Darjeeling; this was done vol-
untarily, without the people being persuaded to do so. In an effort
to obstruct this practice, the Chinese regions established checkpoints
at the border and searched all of the possessions of the traders and
pilgrims.
The Regent Rinpoché’s assistant, Khenché Neu Shak Khyenrap
Püntsok carried out his official duties honestly and was beloved by all.
Yet the amban had him arrested on false charges and ordered that he
be executed. The Regent Rinpoché, the lamas and officials of Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and all of the monk and lay government
officials vigorously protested this action, and so his life was spared.
However, a chain was placed around his neck, and he was imprisoned
at Shedra House. Thereafter, on the twenty-second day of the eighth
month, he was released and sent into exile in Dartsedo along with a
Chinese escort. Thus, he remained there for about a year, until he died.
The farmers in Kham were terribly oppressed, with increased taxes on
grain, food, pigs, firewood, hay, blankets, and transportation.
The lamas and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries,
all of the monk and lay government officials, and the population of
Tibet wrote letters of protest to the amban. All Tibetans from Kham to
Ü Tsang, including Dakpo, Kongpo, Powo, the Tö region, and Jangrik,
revolted against the Chinese military officials, refusing to pay taxes or
provide transportation, and so forth. In these ways, they made their
stay in Tibet ever more unbearable.
Thus, the Manchu emperor came to understand that they had made
a big mistake in deposing the Dalai Lama. The Beijing government
instructed the amban in Lhasa to name the Chinese officer Lo Titai
(lo’o rdo tha’i) as the Governor-General of Tibet. In accordance with
telegrams from the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office, he
went to Darjeeling to meet with the Dalai Lama during the ninth
month to invite the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. When he met the
g
See p. 638 above.
Dalai Lama, he said that since the situation in Tibet was peaceful as it
always had been, the great sovereign must return immediately at the
order of the Beijing government. At the same time, he met with the
prime ministers and the cabinet. However, he told him verbally and
in writing that there was no way he could return until matters could
be settled between China and Tibet, with the mediation of the British
government.
The Dalai Lama said that as he had received a letter through
Lo Titai, he was sending a response to him and also to the Beijing
government:15
To Lo Titai:
At present, I have received your report dated the tenth day of the ninth
month and I have received a wire from the Foreign Affairs Office and
the Military Office, calling upon me to return.
From my side, I think I should return to Tibet. Within the preceptor-
patron relationship between China and Tibet, the emperors have each in
turn regarded Tibet lovingly and the successive Dalai Lamas have done
the same; we have mutually praised each other’s names. Until now, all
of the people of Tibet have not cultivated any contrary plans against the
great emperor.
Also during the Tibetan-British conflict of 1904, I made my appeals to
Beijing, without considering relying upon some other nation. With the
harmonious events, such as my meeting the emperor, his mother, and
his son, loving assurances were given. You offered support to weaker
people as in the past, behaving respectfully by holding on to the Tibetan
religion.
Yet, a great number of soldiers massed on the Chinese side of the border
in a belligerent attitude, causing problems in Domé without any cause.
Thus, monasteries on both sides of the border were destroyed, people were
killed, resources stolen, and religious articles ruined. You must know the
extent of these destructive attacks on Buddhism and living beings.
Lian Amban has been recruiting new troops in order to subvert Tibet’s
authority. Besides the problems these newly arrived Chinese troops have
caused, no remorse has been shown for these acts which are harmful and
unbeneficial to both China and Tibet. Since they were single-mindedly
trampling on Tibetans, Khenchung was sent to call on the Chinese troops
in an effort to reach some resolution. However, he and his servants were
beheaded. Great quantities of government and private wealth and weapons
were stolen. People along the great road were oppressed and afflicted
with terrible suffering to such an extent that all of the monasteries in
Kham have become helpless, waiting anxiously for an end to the conflict.
According to the many reports I have received on both the Chinese and
Tibetan side, if the anger of the Tibetans increases, there is no way that
they would be thwarted in overcoming their enemies on their own secure
730 chapter fifteen
territory. In addition, while the actual situation is that the Tibetan people
are thinking of revolting against the great emperor, everyone clearly sees
that the amban and his officers could restrain tensions. Even so, I have
ordered that they be protected; out of an apprehension of upsetting the
great emperor, I have instructed my prime ministers and their officials
not to break the peace. I have sent functionaries to try to resolve matters.
Since it is of crucial importance to find an agreeable solution, I have urged
that the situation be attended to by your giving an order to Sichuan, Tibet,
and China, for example, advising perpetual forbearance to all parties.
Although I have recounted these points to the Foreign Affairs Office in
Beijing by telegram many times, we have received no reply.
On my arrival in Nakchu, I sent several notes to the amban urging that
it was unnecessary for him to recruit new troops as China and Tibet were
like a single household. When Chinese troops arrived in the environs of
Lhasa, there was fear of conflict because of the proximity of the Great
Prayer Festival. Thus, a Gurkha captain served as a witness to talks held
with Wen Amban on how to improve matters. However, Lian Amban
made no effort whatsoever to abide by these terms. The two ambans just
wanted to seize power.
On the day the Chinese cavalry arrived, Lian’s bodyguard went out to
receive them; regarding the Tibetan people as enemies, they fired count-
less shots at Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang and my Potala Palace, which is on a
plain, like the emperor’s.
The eleventh Dalai Lama’s nephew who is the soldier Pünkhang Taiji
and Tsedrön Jamyang Gyeltsen, coordinators of the Prayer Festival, were
shot at along the road; Tsedrön himself, Taiji’s servant, and his horse
were killed. Although Taiji did not die by virtue of his protective armor,
he was beaten and taken to the Chinese headquarters. Although he was
eventually released, he suffered from illness for several months. More-
over, Tibetan police were killed.16 Thus, the widespread knowledge of the
violations enraged people to the point that they wanted to take revenge;
if fighting had broken out, the Tibetans would certainly have triumphed
on our own familiar soil. However, I restrained them in order to prevent
loss of life and offense to the emperor.
Also, waiting while these harms befell us, powerful and base people
were directing hateful feelings towards considerate government officials;
I wanted to put an end to this. Without thinking of myself, but with
unquestioning concern for the increasingly harmful attacks on both
Buddhism and the government, I appointed a deputy to oversee both
religious and political affairs. I instructed him that he was not permitted
to make any decision without reflecting on all of its implications. Thus,
I hoped to continue talks with the emperor.
My cabinet ministers could not bear the idea that I was leaving, and
they urged me not to go. However, from time immemorial religious kings
have been known to embody both the religious and political leadership in
this religious land of Tibet. Since this religious system is without equal, if
our government were to be changed, then it would cease to exist, as was
the case with the destruction of Buddhism in India. Given the importance
of our religion, I will forebear any hardship. Wanting to diminish these
threats to Buddhism and our government, I left.
When I reached the point below Pakri Monastery, Tungling (thung
ling), the Manchu officer in Dromo, asked me to remain there to negoti-
ate with Beijing and the amban. However, since many groups of heavily
armed Chinese soldiers had been sent in pursuit of me, they had oppressed
the farmers and monasteries on the road without limit, and they were
going to seize me, dead or alive. As a result, I had no alternative but to
cross the border.
Also, when I arrived in Kalimpong, I heard reports that the emperor had
deposed me. Thereafter, posters were put up that my status as the Lord
of Tibet, the Dalai Lama, was finished, and that I was just an ordinary
person. Newspapers reported that a new Dalai Lama would be selected
by the Golden Urn Lottery.
Moreover, with such increasingly stupid and harmful words being said,
there has been no search for the conditions under which I might return,
never mind that no consideration has been given to the initial point that
Tibet is a free nation or to the issue of the supremacy of the preceptor-
patron relationship. At this point, there is absolutely nothing for us to
say to China, except through the intermediary of the British government.
During my absence from Lhasa, Lian Amban has distributed his forces
throughout Tibet and has inflicted untold suffering on the people. They
have obstructed material necessary for my protection from reaching
me without any authority. Then they obstructed and searched my letter
courier. Through force of arms, they have opened up and destroyed the
wealth in the treasuries around the palace, and so forth. They have carried
away our arms and silver, and they have taken over the mint.
Legally, China and Tibet continue to have different leaders and without
living up to previous agreements, my seventy-year old deputy, Khyenrap
Püntsok, was arrested and held for a long time. Then he was sent to
China, even though he was innocent. Issues which do not rely on your
pronouncements, which had already been settled, are being reopened
again.
Moreover, government, private and religious estates have been robbed,
seized, and harmed. Gradually Tibet’s authority has been subverted. You
must know about such inexcusable acts. According to your report, Tibet
is peaceful at present, and there have been no changes in essential matters.
There are serious contradictions with our traditional official relations.
The prime ministers, cabinet ministers, secretaries, treasury officials,
dapön, and fourth-ranking officials have agreed to hold talks. However,
if we follow past practices, it will be increasingly harmful, piling one
conflict upon another. The sending of my deputy Khenché Khyenrap
Püntsok to China at the present time was done without regard for the
abusive letters from the Chinese side. Since we have no wish to return
the previous circumstance in the future, both of us should ask the British
government to serve as an intermediary; it is sufficient for us to discuss a
732 chapter fifteen
future arrangement between China and Tibet. If you are happy with this
arrangement, please send me a reply. Otherwise, please forward a copy of
my letter written in both Tibetan and Mongolian to the emperor.
Dated the thirteenth day of the ninth month.
The Dalai Lama sent a copy to Lo Titai and sent a copy to the Manchu
emperor written in both Tibetan and Mongolian.
If we examine the letter carefully, the Dalai Lama said, “The emperors
have each in turn regarded Tibet lovingly and the successive Dalai Lamas
have done the same; we have mutually praised each other’s names,”
and “There has been no search for the conditions under which I might
return, never mind that no consideration has been given to the initial
point that Tibet is a free nation or to the issue of the supremacy of the
preceptor-patron relationship.” In addition, the Dalai Lama said that
from that point forward, Tibet’s policy was that they had no wish to
return to the previous relations. It was firmly resolved that henceforth
there would be no talks between China and Tibet without the British
government serving as an intermediary. This letter, bearing the Dalai
Lama’s seal, clearly expressed to the Manchu emperor Tibet’s freedom
and independence. It also very clearly expressed the political attitude
between China and Tibet and the approach for implementing it to the
ministers and senior officials of the Tibetan government.
During the winter of that year, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché and his
retinue went on a pilgrimage to various sites in India and Nepal.
They visited some places in Assam, in eastern India and then went to
Lumbini, Nepal where Buddha was born, Bodhgaya where he became
manifestly enlightened; Sarnath the Deer Park where Buddha taught
the Four Noble Truths, and Kushinagar where he completely passed
into nirvāṇ a. At each of those places and at Vulture’s Peak, the party
offered prayers.
In the first month of 1911, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché Chökyi
Nyima went to Lhasa; initially, he stayed in the Dalai Lama’s private
chambers at Nangsi. However, then he moved to the Dalai Lama’s cham-
bers on top of Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace. When this was revealed
by the monk and lay government officials, the Tibetan people cursed
him for staying in the Dalai Lama’s private chambers while the latter
was living in India, as though he wasn’t gone. Moreover, he continually
went to dance performances and festivals at the amban’s headquarters.
In particular, during the offering ceremony of the fifteenth day of the
month, he and the amban rode together in litters, like the Dalai Lama.
Since he went in the midst of Chinese military officers, it was unbear-

able for the monk and lay Tibetans, as though they had been jabbed in
the eye with a thorn. They threw dirt and old socks into the litter, thus
demonstrating their dissatisfaction. At the same time, water carriers for
the Great Prayers Festival sang many songs of dissatisfaction.
However, it can be clearly seen from the correspondence between the
conqueror father and son, the teacher and student, (i.e., the Dalai Lama
and the Paṇ chen Lama), that there was no enmity between them. Yet,
previously, when the Dalai Lama had been in China and Mongolia, the
all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché had made contact with the British govern-
ment and had gone to Calcutta to meet with the prince of England.
One wonders if the beginning of the unfortunate relations between the
government and the attendants of the Paṇ chen Lama’s monastic estate
might be found in these events.
Foreboding signs ripened in this unfortunate time for the Manchu
civil and military officials and the Chinese soldiers living in Tibet. Most
of the Chinese soldiers in Lhasa had come from Sichuan and Yunnan.
Although several of them were ordinary soldiers, others were from a
secret revolutionary society called Go Lauhi (ko la’u hi), others were
from an artillery regiment called Baogo (ba’o ko), and others were from
a group called the Friendship Society. As a result, there were serious
rivalries between the Chinese and the Manchurian officers. Because of
the weariness of the poorly paid soldiers in Tibet, there were continual
conflicts and murders within the ranks of the Chinese officers and sol-
diers beginning in the ninth month of 1911. In particular, the amban cut
the throat of the leader of Go Lauhi, Beu Tungling (spe’u thung ling).
Gradually, the conflicts and murder spread through the officer ranks.
Political factionalism and personal enmity became widespread. Thus, the
Chinese officer, Hsieh Kuoliang (zhe’i ka’u lan) and three other officers
sided with the Tibetan government, hiding themselves as monks in Sera
Monastery. They were forced to remain there in asylum.
The revolution in China, under the leadership of Sun Yatsen, had the
assistance of Yuan Shikai, the commander of the emperor’s bodyguard.
When the news reached Lhasa that on February 12, 1912, the Manchu
Emperor Xuantong had been toppled from the throne, the members
of Go Lauhi in Tibet rose up against the Manchu officers; there was
fighting and looting in the amban’s headquarters. The Manchu Amban
Lianyu escaped from Lhasa, seeking asylum in the Tenma residence
near Drepung Monastery. The revolutionaries seized him from his
734 chapter fifteen
hiding place and carried him off to Trashi Lhünpo as a hostage. How-
ever, the Chinese General Chungyin (cung yun) intervened, saving the
amban’s life.
Before long the Chinese revolutionaries recalled the Chinese troops
who were in Tibet, saying that they all must return to China. As a
result, a great number of Chinese soldiers arrived in Lhasa. Because
there was tremendous looting in the capital and on the road there, the
Tibetan population became extremely upset.17 Zhao Erfeng had built
his offices in Chamdo; when the revolution happened in China, he
left his assistant in charge of the Kham region18 and then returned to
Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan. There were reports that Zhao Erfeng
was beheaded the following year.19
The news was perpetually heard in Tibet that the Dalai Lama and
his retinue were preparing to return to the religious land of Tibet. As
a result, the Chinese soldiers and civilian officials in Ü Tsang again
came into conflict with the Tibetan people. In addition, Kanam Depa
of Powo in southeastern Tibet revolted against the Chinese and killed
all of the Chinese officers and soldiers who collected the grain taxes in
Powo. Chungyin, the Chinese General over Tibet, sent the soldiers of
Lo Changjin (lo’i cang cin) and Drin Göntai (drin kon ta’i) of Chamdo
sent the troops of Drang Dotel (krang rdo thal) to Poyul (spo yul).
Because of the narrow precipitous road and the security of the ravines,
the Chinese troops were thoroughly defeated. They were forced to return
to their respective areas in disgrace.
Several of the young monk and lay government officials who were
among the Dalai Lama’s party in Darjeeling volunteered to go to Ü
Tsang and eject the Chinese troops.20 They secretly went to Tibet to
assist in Tsang military affairs in Panam and Dujung. They attempted
to attack the Chinese troops in Zhikatsé and in Gyantsé, but they were
unsuccessful and suffered heavy losses. Thus, they were forced to return
to Darjeeling in disgrace. For a long time, they were cursed by the older
government officials. One day, Prime Minister Shedra summoned them
to his private quarters; they expected that they would be rebuked and
criticized. When they met him, having adopted an attitude of fear and
sorrow, the courageous prime minister praised them for their hero-
ism in voluntarily risking their lives. He comforted them saying that
defeats were certain to occur in any great struggle. He said that if they
remained resolute, they would surely be successful, giving them many
examples from the past. He continued saying that the religious and
political form of government depended upon them. Having become
resolute, they again went to Ü Tsang, where they were very successful
in leading the guerilla forces in ejecting the Chinese troops. They were
gradually able to drive them from Zhikatsé and Gyantsé. Subsequently,
these young Tibetans were rewarded and promoted to ranks of dapön
and higher.
The British Viceroy of India Lord Minto went to Darjeeling and
visited the Dalai Lama at his residence Patabuk.21 They had important
discussions of political matters, and after a few days, the Dalai Lama
went to meet with the Viceroy at his residence.
Tsedrung Dema Dzöpa was ordered to go to Kham from Lhasa in
order to forge agreement among all of the monasteries in the region.
Similarly, the Dalai Lama sent a letter with his seal saying that for the
sake of Buddhism, everyone must remain united. It read:22
To all of the monks and lay people of whatever station in Chamdo,
Drakyap, Markham, Dergé, Gojo, Ba, Litang, Horser, Golok, and so
forth:
Recently, the Chinese have killed monks and destroyed monasteries that
uphold Buddhism in Domé, without any concern for the preceptor-patron
relationship and without any concern for the law of karma. Chinese offi-
cers and troops have come to Tibet in an effort to eclipse our political
power. Thus, it has even become unbearable for the lord of our religious
land to remain. We must continually employ truthful methods to correct
religious and political faults.
Although China is a very great land, there is a tremendous revolution
against the emperor. Thus, the Chinese officers who have perpetrated
such harm to Buddhism in Kham are being murdered. These days, one
does not know how long the emperor’s government will last. This should
bring about improvement in the religious and political status of Tibetans.
All of the Tibetans in Kham, now and in the future, must not lose sight
of what is beneficial. Everyone must consider the situation and choose
the right moment to overcome the Chinese. Denma Dzöpa is being sent
with detailed instructions to effectuate the happiness of Buddhism and
all of the people, ourselves and others. Therefore, you must consult with
him in detail, and in accordance with the promises which were previ-
ously made to the civil and military officials, everyone must perform the
important work of upholding the precious Buddhist religion, our only
protector, more dear than our own lives. Remember the kindness of the
government and maintain unity. We must uphold what is dear to us in
an effort to bring fulfillment to Buddhism and to the governance of living
beings. Denma Dzöpa also has been forbidden from using his authority
to suppress people. Without fail, all people must adopt what is beneficial
and abandon what is harmful.
Beginning of the Iron-Boar Year (1911)
736 chapter fifteen
The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Darjeeling for Kalimpong, where
he stayed at Mingyur Ngönga Palace, the newly constructed residence
of Radza Kaji Ogyen Dorjé.
Thereafter, Khendrung Jampa Tendar23 and Tsipön Trimon Norbu
Wangyal24 were appointed as the commanders-in-chief and told they
must drive the Chinese forces in Ü, Tsang, and Kham out of the country.
If people did not cooperate, they were to communicate with the Dalai
Lama in Kalimpong directly. This clearly indicated a lack of confidence
in the cabinet in Lhasa.
When all of the Chinese troops who were in Ü Tsang, Lhokha, Dakpo,
and Jangrik gathered in Lhasa, there were about seventeen thousand
troops there. However, they were undisciplined and secretly sold their
weapons and ammunition, and so forth. Their strength became like
the waning moon. The two generals directed the faithful monastic
officials in Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Khampa tea
merchants in Drazhöl to buy weapons, ammunition, and so forth from
the Chinese soldiers. They secretly recruited soldiers form the various
areas along with the troops who had been trained by the Chinese in Ü
Tsang. Special monk soldiers were assigned to protect the Potala Palace,
Norbu Lingkha Palace, and Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang.
Throughout China, there was tremendous dissatisfaction due to the
revolution. Thus, the Chinese soldiers in Tibet had no expectation of
receiving their pay or ammunition. All of the civil and military officials
gathered deciding they should return to China by way of Kham. They
told the Tibetan government they needed provisions for the journey;
without having to take what they needed by force, the Tibetan govern-
ment provided them with traveling provisions and transportation so that
they would not loot the farmers on the way. They had to agree not to
loot the farmers or to join in the wicked plans of the Chinese soldiers
who were in Kham. One hundred and eighty thousand Chinese silver
coins were provided and traveling provisions and transportation were
readied.25 However, once the money was paid, they made excuses. Thus,
the Dalai Lama wrote an appeal to both the Chinese and the Tibetans
in Tibet. He wrote:26
To this Land of Snow Mountains, tamed by Avalokiteśvara:
Like the previous Dalai Lamas, I, the Lord of religion and politics, have
generated the great altruistic mind to hold and protect Buddhism and
our government by the power of prophesy from the entirety of saṃ sāra
and nirvāṇ a. There are a few Chinese officers with a harmful intent
toward Buddhism and our government, who have cast away the previ-
ous preceptor-patron relationship; if they continue with their scheme to
undermine Tibet’s authority, then they will eventually destroy Buddhism
as they already had done in Domé.27 Consequently, I have struggled year
after year for the welfare of the public.
Through the truth of the three Jewels, revolution and upheaval have
struck in all the provinces of China; thus, the emperor has been deposed
and Yuan Shikai has taken the leadership of the Republic. However, fac-
tions within China are fighting among themselves, achieving victories and
inflicting defeats. The payroll of the Chinese officers living in Tibet has
been exhausted, and so, they have increasingly begun to fight and loot.
They made an agreement to return to their homes if they were provided
with traveling expenses; this agreement was reached before witnesses.
After we voluntarily provided them with about one hundred thousand
silver coins, they reneged. Thus, they summoned the Chinese soldiers
of Powo and Kongpo and looted a vast amount of wealth from castles,
estates, and monasteries in the southern region.
As a result, in order to protect our land and in an effort to enable me
to return to Tibet, soldiers were gathered together; when they arrived in
Panam, they were sent to attack Zhikatsé and Gyantsé. They struggled
against the Chinese, and it is well known how severely the Tibetans
defeated them. Now there is no way not to be successful in driving them
out of Tibet. However, these Chinese soldiers came to Tibet under duress
and do not bear ill-will towards Tibetans in their hearts; this is evidenced
by their internal divisions.
I have told the amban and the emperor in Beijing that they must
withdraw the Chinese troops who threaten Buddhism, the government,
and the happiness of all beings. Likewise, with great reflection on all of
the important issues, I had my prime ministers issue an order last year
saying that any Chinese who returned to his own country in an agreeable
way would be provided with transportation, traveling costs, and necessary
assistance. According to orders issued more recently, all Tibetans and
Chinese must adopt what is good and abandon what is harmful.
From Mingyur Ngönga Palace, Kalimpong, Land of the Superiors.
On the auspicious day and month of the Water-Mouse Year (1912).
Thus, all of the lamas and leaders did all that they could to prevent
armed conflict from occurring.
However, the Chinese civilian and military officials in southern Tibet
held a meeting, and instead of returning to China with the resources
provided by the Tibetan government, they cultivated a vain wish of
subverting control from the Tibetan government. Moreover, they sup-
posed that the monks in the rich and powerful Sera Monastery would
come to the assistance of the Tibetan government. For this reason,
they debated which they should attack first, Lhasa or Sera Monastery.
738 chapter fifteen
Believing they would be able to destroy Sera in one or two days, they
decided to attack it first. The day that generals Khendrung Jampa
Tendar and Tsipön Trimon Norbu Wangyel heard of the secret plan,
they directed the Khampa tea merchants in Drazhöl, who had very
strong connections with Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, their
patrons, and particularly the monks, to go and protect Sera Monastery
immediately. Like sunlight striking a crystal, they also dispersed around
Sera in a secret manner, making preparations.
In the evening of the fifth day of the second month of 1912, the Chi-
nese troops attacked Sera Monastery. The Khampas in the monastery
opposed them with strength, and the Chinese were unable to steal into
Sera Monastery. After three days, they set fire to the mountain retreats
above Sera as well as Chöding mountain retreat. The Chinese prepared
to fire artillery from the front of Jerak and gradually, they came from
the back. Hsieh Kuoling (zhe’i kon ta’i) and three other Chinese officers
who had hidden in exile within Sera Monastery, who knew Chinese and
also understood Chinese military strategy, found out that the Chinese
soldiers had plans to steal into the Monastery from the east. In addition,
the Chinese soldiers had already reached Samlho Khamtsen through
the Sharchu Valley. However, they could not break into the monastery
because the fortifications were so strong.
Meanwhile, the two Tibetan generals officially declared war against
the Chinese from Lhasa on the eighth day of the second month. Prepa-
rations were made to shell the Chinese who were at Jerak and to attack
from behind. Thus, there was no effect from the Chinese attack on
Sera Monastery, even though it lasted for ninety-six hours; they had
to retreat and hide in Lhasa.
Lhasa itself then became a battleground. Moreover, the Chinese
troops held the southern areas of Lhasa as well as the area of the Drapzhi
military camp between Sera and Lhasa. The northern region, including
the Tsuklakhang, was held by the Tibetan army. Doors, windows, and
roofs were blocked with sandbags and fortifications of stone and earth
were built. There were also fortifications on the boundary between the
Tibetan and Chinese forces. People made new passage ways from one
house to another. Each side fired cannon at the other, and they dug
tunnels under each other to set off explosives. They hurled harsh words
at one another when they were very close to each other. Some of the
large and tall secure houses in Lhasa were held by the Tibetans, and
others were held by the Chinese.
Although the Tibetan army was said to be stationed in Tengyeling

Monastic College, the monks signed a contract guaranteeing that they
would provide for their defense. The Tibetan army, regional armies,
and monk soldiers of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries made
up a huge army in Lhasa. Yet their weapons consisted of Tibetan guns,
swords, spears, and just a few rifles. However, all of them were united
in their support of the purposes of Buddhism. They held all of the roads
from Lhasa to the small villages and cut off provisions for the Chinese
army. Thus, they had every expectation of being victorious. Accordingly,
after several months, with their supplies almost exhausted, they were
near surrender. At that point, the Chinese forces broke into Tengye-
ling from the amban’s headquarters. The monastic estate was extremely
rich and powerful, and so the Chinese obtained several more months’
worth of provisions. The war continued. During the night, the Chinese
troops that were in Tengyeling went to Zhidé monastic college by way
of Chingur and set it on fire.
When this war happened, I was six years old. My kindly father, who
was Lhasa’s steward at this time, remained in the Tsuklakhang continu-
ally. My grandfather, who was a treasury official, stayed at Tsemönling
because he was a member of the Tibetan National Assembly. Our pri-
vate home was held by the Chinese since it was close to the southern
part of the city. Subsequently, it was destroyed by fire, and so I can
remember staying in Janggyu Gyatso’s house and the stable at Rado
monastic estate. Sometimes, we had to stay in the treasury room out
of fear of the shooting and the sounds of voices. Some days during this
time, my kindly mother and I would visit the image of Jowo Rinpoché
in the Tsuklakhang Temple. We had to struggle through all of the secret
fortification at Tromzikkhang, Jamkhang, and Meru Nyingpa. Thus, I
remember seeing many Tibetan soldiers standing guard in those places
with silk around their heads, amulet boxes around their necks, and
holding swords and spears in their hands. I remember seeing piled up
and stuck up on posts the hands and heads of many Chinese soldiers
who had been killed.
From Kalimpong, the Dalai Lama appointed his close confidant,
Namgang or Dazang Dradül, as the commander-in-chief of the entire
Tibetan army; he was ordered to work with the two generals in Lhasa
to eject the Chinese. He arrived in Lhasa in the third month of 1912.
The battle continued in Lhasa every day. Sometimes, the army and
the Sera monks would attack Drapzhi camp, but because of its strong
740 chapter fifteen
fortifications, the Tibetan army and the monks suffered heavy losses.
One night, Tsipön Trimon was severely wounded in the left arm dur-
ing an attack on Judingné. However, he was treated for a few days and
thereafter, he was continually at the army headquarters or he would
follow the troops to the battlefield. The heroic Gyarisé Chung, leader
of the Dakpo and Kongpo regional armies, also lost his life one day.
About two hundred Chinese soldiers, who had been born in Tibet,
surrendered to the Tibetans under the leadership of a Chinese officer
named Duken (sdu’i kwan). They brought their weapons with them,
and when the Chinese troops were driven from the country, they were
very helpful to the Tibetan army.
By the end of the third month, the war had diminished. Thus, the
people of Lhasa sang the following song:28
Commander Namgang arrived.
The long days of spring dawned.
Having performed the Drimé Künden [Opera],
Zhidé was sacrificed.
One day, sometime around the Saga Dawa Festival, some monks from
Sera and Drepung monasteries along with several hundred Tibetan
troops rushed into a cabinet meeting in the Potala Palace, arresting
the cabinet ministers and taking them to Zhöl. Near the inner stone
pillar, Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo, his son, Cabinet
Secretary Tsagur Zhakpa, Khendrung Pünrappa, Lachak Khenchung
Samkharwa, and Tsedrung Lozang Dorjé were shot to death.29 Cabinet
Deputy Lama Tendzin Chödrak, Cabinet Deputy Rampawa, and Lang-
dongpa were imprisoned in the Zhöl offices for the time being.
The regent, the ministers, and the Tibetan National Assembly
dispatched Horkhang Dzasak, the Dalai Lama’s elder brother Jampa
Namgyel, representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries,
and monk and lay government officials to invite the Dalai Lama to
return. Necessary provisions were also sent. They made preparations
at various spots along the road, and preparations had also been made
for the Dalai Lama’s security. On the other hand, the battle with the
Chinese in Lhasa continued.
While the Dalai Lama was in Darjeeling, a Tibetan couple who lived
there, Namgyel and his wife, Yudrön, provided him with faithful service
in all of his needs. They were invited to Kalimpong for tea, and Namgyel
was awarded a secretary’s insignia and a grant. At the end of their lives,
they visited Tibet and were provided with accommodations at Neu
Estate. They were also invited to the Yogurt Festival and the Bathing
Festivalh ceremonies as special guests. Thus, the Dalai Lama performed
unsurpassable deeds in both the religious and worldly spheres.
Likewise, when the Dalai Lama had initially left Tibet for Kalimpong,
Kaji Ogyen Dorjé and Ayi Tupten Wangmo of Sikkim invited him
into their home Lower Khotri. Moreover, when he returned, they had
constructed a special new palace, and they provided for every necessity
of the Dalai Lama and his retinue. They also continually visited him
in Darjeeling and offered him silver. As their service was of a pure
motivation, he provided a special name for their house, “The Palace of
Unchanging Manifest Joy.” In addition, as a blessing, he left his robes
and personal items in the room. Later, when he had returned to Lhasa,
he sent them religious items including a copy of the Buddhist canon
and a photograph of himself.
In addition, in 1917, the Dalai Lama sent the treasury official Sönam
Gyelpo with a sealed order30 which granted to Kaji Ogyen Dorjé a seal
and a decree saying that his son, Sönam Topgyel and his descendants,
would be given the powers of a fourth-ranking official because there
was no other suitable way to recognize his father’s great fidelity and
altruistic efforts on behalf of Buddhism, the Tibetan government, and
its customs. Even now, the chambers where the Dalai Lama lived
and his personal articles can be seen undisturbed. In addition, the great
fourteenth Dalai Lama also passed ten happy joyous days there at the
respectful invitation of Rani Chöying Dorjé when he went to India for
the Mahābodhi Society meeting.i
Throughout the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s two-year stay in India, the
Indian government offered tremendous respect and special cooperation
to him. In particular, the British-Indian ambassador had continued to
hold talks with the Chinese Manchu government and later with the
republican government according to the terms of the Lhasa and Cal-
cutta Conventions. The Dalai Lama wrote to India’s viceroy through
the Political Officer of Sikkim, Charles Bell, expressing his gratitude
for all of these things. Even still, until a better arrangement could be
h
The Yogurt Festival occurs on the 30th day of the sixth Tibetan month. It marks
the day the monks and nuns vow to enter the summer rain retreat customary for
Buddhist monastics. The Bathing Festival marks the end of the rain retreat. For more
details, see Tsepak Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works
and Archives, 1993), 49–52 and 54–55.
i
See p. 988 on the fourteenth Dalai Lama’s visit.
742 chapter fifteen
reached between China and Tibet, the Dalai Lama asked the British
government to offer their support by acting as an intermediary. He also
asked that religious, educational, and trade relations between India and
Tibet be further enhanced. He also explained what he had written to
Bell. A very large number of Indians, Nepalis, and Tibetans gathered
to bid farewell to the Dalai Lama when he left for Tibet on the tenth
day of the fifth month of 1912.
Sikkim’s king held a farewell celebration for the Dalai Lama at
Araghara and then accompanied him as far as Pödong. Thereafter,
having passed through Dzalepla Pass, he arrived in Dromo Rinchen
Gang where he was received by the Dromo Governor Dapön Pelzhiwa
and the lamas, monks, and representatives of the people of Upper and
Lower Dromo. He was greeted at Jema by MacDonald, the British
trade agent; the Dalai Lama stayed at his residence Gyelteng Kotri for
one week. Zurkhangsé arrived as the head of the party sent to convey
the Dalai Lama to Lhasa on a palanquin. The secretary to the Cabinet
Shelkar Lingpa was appointed as a cabinet deputy.31
The Dalai Lama issued a decree to the Khampa tea merchants in the
Lhasa area and in Drazhöl:32
This should be presented to the tea merchants of Drazhöl, including
Atukla Gatsang, Gyapön, Getop, and Sadö (Sadu).
From the very beginning, when the wicked Chinese attacked Sera Mon-
astery, you merchants have offered your assistance without reservation
in a manner which has been beneficial to the general and particular
needs of the Buddhist religion and the government. Subsequently, led
by Medum, you did whatever you could throughout the battle in Lhasa
by risking your lives. The Tibetan National Assembly has reported these
matters to me. Thus, I have previously ordered that you must not become
despondent, due to which you were to be given insignias and gifts in
recognition for your efforts.
However, at present, I have issued an order to the military camps that
the remaining Chinese in Tibet must be expelled immediately. Similarly,
it is necessary for people to deepen their commitment to being ever more
supportive of this effort. It must be kept in mind that from here also,
people’s efforts will not go unnoticed, but will cause their virtues in this
life and the next to be protected.
From Gyelteng Kotri in Dromo Sharsing.
On the auspicious nineteenth day of the fifth month of the Water-Mouse
Year (1912).
At the same time, the Dalai Lama sent a similar appeal to the military
camps.
Dromo is a small farming area in the valley at the border where India,
Bhutan, and Tibet meet. Everyone’s livelihood and all of the taxes in
the area come from trade and from transporting goods. Even though
the people did not have more than what they could carry, they were
utterly dedicated to Buddhism and the government. For this reason,
the people of both Upper and Lower Dromo volunteered their horses
and mules to carry as many loads from Dromo to Lhasa as the Dalai
Lama and his retinue required; they did so without being asked, carrying
everything except firewood for free, even bringing their own fodder.
Since the fighting continued in Lhasa, the Dalai Lama decided to stay in
Yardrok Samding for the time being. Thus, the transportation returned
from there. At that point, the Dromo leader Dreljé together with Lakdo
had an audience with the Dalai Lama, where tea was served and bless-
ings were offered. The Dalai Lama presented them with a sealed edict
offering his future love and protection to all of the people of Dromo
for their successful service.
When the Dalai Lama and his party left Dromo, they were received
by a bodyguard near Pakri consisting of three hundred volunteer monk
soldiers from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, Commander
Dapön Dokharwa (Rakhashak), Markham Pomda Nyima Gyelpo, his
son, and about forty servants; at the same time, Gojo Chopawa and
some servants came to provide security for the prime ministers. Thence-
forth, until the Dalai Lama reached Lhasa, the guard accompanied the
party wherever they went, sharing their quarters and their burdens,
and providing excellent protection throughout the day and the night.
While the Dalai Lama spent a week below Pakri Monastery, the Buriat
Mongolian monk from Gomang Monastery, Ngawang Lozang, had an
audience with him.
When the Dalai Lama reached Ralung Monastery from Pakri, the
all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché came to receive him. The following day,
Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate made careful preparations, providing
food for a festival, and so forth. The Dalai Lama remained there for
a week, and each day he invited the Paṇ chen Lama to his chambers;
they ate, performed pilgrimages, and went for walks together. All of
the monks and lay people were overcome with happiness and devo-
tion. However, impartial witnesses have told me that the officials of
the monastic estate had lowered faces and fallen shoulders as though
acknowledging their shame for their careless behavior.
Thereafter, they proceeded on to Yardrok Samding Monastery where
General Dazang Dradül met the Dalai Lama to seek his advice on a
744 chapter fifteen
variety of issues; he immediately returned to Lhasa. Several represen-

tatives of the Tibetan National Assembly including my grandfather,
treasury official Shakabpa, met with the Dalai Lama to express the
assembly’s opinions on a number of important matters. They returned
after several days.
The British Ambassador Sir John Jordan met with the new Chinese
President Yuan Shikai in Beijing; he vigorously protested the continu-
ing military action by Chinese troops in Tibet and their plans to make
eastern Tibet, Kham, into a province of China.33 At just about this time,
the Chinese president ordered the Manchu amban in Lhasa to return to
China by way of India, and he ordered the Manchu General Chungyin
to take over the responsibilities of the amban.
The Chinese would have been extremely happy to return to China,
but every last road out of Lhasa was in the Tibetan army’s hands. In
addition, they had no hope of receiving of reinforcements or provi-
sions. The stores of the Tengyeling monastic estate were exhausted.
They were forced to eat bags for butter and rice, as well as leather. In
the end, they ate the flesh of horses, donkeys, and dogs.34 At that time,
the Chinese officers and soldiers offered to surrender to the Tibetan
Defense Office through the Gurkha ambassador in Lhasa. At the same
time, both the Manchu ambans and General Chungyin sent an appeal
to Samding, asking if the Dalai Lama would kindly send a representa-
tive if they were to surrender to him.
The Dalai Lama dispatched Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, the Sera
Mé official Tsawa Tritrül,35 and Tsedrön Tendzin Gyeltsen to Lhasa to
accept their surrender and hold talks on all matters. The Gurkha ambas-
sador in Lhasa acted as an intermediary during the talks concerning the
Chinese surrender; he conveyed all of the agreements, and so forth. The
Chinese side agreed to relinquish all of their weapons to the Tibetan
government and to leave them under a seal put on by the intermedi-
ary. Then they asked to return to China by way of Kham. The Tibetan
government was to provide assistance in the form of transportation
and provisions. They further asked to be paid for all of the objects they
would have to leave in Lhasa.
The Tibetan government denied them permission to return to China
through Kham because Chinese troops still remained in several areas in
Kham, and they were concerned that the departing troops would simply
join the Chinese forces who were oppressing the Tibetan people there.
However, they did agree to let the troops return by way of India. Nev-
ertheless, the Tibetan government agreed to all of their other requests.
Amban Lianyu and General Chungyin were permitted to take thirty

rifles each to provide for their security. Chinese soldiers who had mar-
ried Tibetan women were permitted to take them if the women wished
to go regardless of whether they had children, but they could not take
their wives and children against their will. Chinese civilians and traders
living in Tibet were permitted to remain if they paid taxes like Tibetan
citizens and if they lived in accordance with the law.
The following is a telegram received from the viceroy of India relat-
ing to the surrender agreement:36
From the Viceroy:
3 September, 1912. (Repeated to Peking).
Foreign Secret. Tibet. My telegram of 28th August last. Trade Agent at
Gyantsé telegraphs 31st August: Lamen Khenpo, Dalai Lama’s confidential
adviser, informs me that agreement dated August 12th runs as follows:
Article I. All Chinese arms and ammunition to be stored under the
charge of representatives of both parties and the Nepalis.
Article II. As soon as provisions of Article I have been fulfilled,
Chinese officials and soldiers to return to China via India; Tibetan
people providing food, etc., on the way to India.
Article III. Traders and others claiming to be Chinese to be pro-
tected by Tibetans provided that they behave and observe laws of
Tibet.
Paragraph 2. Chinese, however, according to Lamen Khenpo,
have been slow to fulfill the conditions laid down. First, before
parting with arms they demand that Wang Kongthal, one of the
officers who had surrendered to Tibetans, should be handed over.
Tibetan Government finally agreed when the Nepalese representa-
tive had undertaken responsibility for the safety of the man. Then
on 23rd August, Chinese deposited 840 magazine rifles, 4 Maxim
guns, 160 pronged guns, 90 jingals, and 90 sealed boxes, most of
them said to contain ammunition; however, they would not permit
the Tibetan authorities to examine contents of boxes and refused
to hand over pistols and bolts of rifles. Moreover, Lien and Chung
demanded retention of thirty rifles each for their guards. This was
agreed to, but it is suspected that both retained many more than
the stipulated number. Then, on 21st and 22nd August, when the
date of departure was discussed, Chinese demanded that Tibetans
should raze all recently constructed fortifications and also move 800
maunds of grain from the Drapzhi Barracks to the southern part of
the city where Lien is living.
Paragraph 3. By their dilatory and obstructive tactics, Chinese
cause irritation and some alarm to Tibetan Government.
746 chapter fifteen
A copy of the original agreement follows:j

The representatives of the Chinese and the Tibetans met together in the
presence of the Gorkha witnesses to discuss the three-point proposals,
approved by the Dalai Lama in his answer to the letter submitted by
Ambans Len and Chung on the 29th day of the 6th month. On the 30th
the parties carefully discussed the matter and decided to have the three-
point proposals drawn up in the Chinese, Tibetan and Nepali languages,
and to sign and seal them.
Point I. All the arms and equipment including field guns and Maxim
guns in the possession of the Chinese at Dabshi and Tseling in Lhasa shall
be sealed in the presence of the representatives of the two sides and wit-
nesses and entrusted to the custody of the Government of Tibet. Before
the departure of the Chinese officials and soldiers from Tibet, all the arms
and equipment shall be removed to the Yabshi Lang Dun house within
fifteen days; the bullets and gunpowder shall be collected and deposited
in the Doring house. All the arms and ammunition shall be removed to
the Doting house on the expiry of the fifteen-day limit, and the witness-
ing Gorkha envoy shall arrange to guard the house.
Point II. The Chinese officials and soldiers shall leave Tibet within
fifteen days. According to the dates given by them for their departure in
three batches, Tibetans will depute an official to accompany the different
batches and will arrange to supply the necessary pack animals and riding
ponies. The Tibetans will supply against adequate payment and according
to local rates foodstuffs such as rice, flour, tsampa, meat, butter and tea to
the Chinese at the halting stages up to the frontier, through the Tibetans
escorting them. There shall not be any delay in supplying pack animals
and riding ponies on the way. The Chinese shall not take by force any
pack or riding animals beyond the frontier.
Point III. The two representatives shall remove all Chinese officials
and soldiers from the Yapshi house and the Tibetan soldiers from the
Doting house tomorrow in order to keep the arms and ammunition in
these houses.
All the arms and ammunition belonging to the Chinese government
at Dabshi and Tseling in Lhasa, including those in the possession of the
Chinese private traders from China, shall, according to, the letter of the
29th day of the 6th month from Ambans Len and Chung (Lian and
Zhang), be produced before the representatives of the two parties and
witnesses on the 1st day of the 7th month together with an inventory.
No part of these arms and ammunition shall be given away, sold, hidden
or thrown away. Ambans Len and Chung for their protection shall, as
suggested by the witnesses, be allowed to retain sixty rifles and ammu-
nition. All other arms and equipment shall be kept in the Doring and
j
Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects
in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 314–316.
Yabshi houses, which shall be sealed by the two representatives and the
witnesses. The two representatives and witnesses shall arrange to place
guards as stated above. After all arms, equipment, field-guns, and Maxim
guns from Lhasa, Dabshi, and Tseling and from the Chinese government
and private traders have been collected, they shall be deposited, without
giving away, selling, hiding, or leaving out any. A list will be made of
the arms genuinely belonging to the private Chinese traders, and the
representatives and the witnesses shall discuss matters concerning their
return to them.
This agreement, signed and sealed by the two parties and witnessed
this day, will be considered void in the event of any party infringing any
of its provisions.
Joint seal of the Dalai Lama’s representatives:
Sertsa Thitul and Tsedon Tangyal
Seals of the representatives of Ambans Len and Chung:
Luchang Krang Lungrin
Yulji Lu Langrin
U Yon Krephu Hai Kru
Krephu Wang Chiujin
Thong Krikung Buhu Hai
Sru Phun
LuLu Kon Kon
Ngan Khru
Seals of Five Sris’ witnesses:
Envoy of the Gorkha Darbar
Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri
Lieutenant Lal Bahadur Basnyat Chhetri
Dittha Kul Prasad Upadhyay
Subedar Ratna Gambhir Singh
Khatri Chhetri
30th day of the 6th month of the Water-Mouse Year (12 August 1912)
According to the provisions of this agreement, the Chinese soldiers
were to leave in three groups within the following fifteen days, that
is, between the fourteenth and twenty-eighth days of the sixth month
(August 13–27, 1912).
However, they made excuses and caused delays without living up
to the terms of the agreement. Since they did not leave at the required
time, the Dalai Lama and his retinue had to stay at Yardrok Samding
for three months. During that time, he walked to Taklung Sangchö
monastic college. Thereafter, he had to stay at Chökhor Yangtsé Mon-
astery in the Chushur district for about four months.
The first contingent of Chinese forces, including the Manchu Amban
Lianyu and a regiment of his guards, left through the south for India
748 chapter fifteen
during the eighth month. However, the second and third groups
remained, continuing to fight for about three months as the Tibetan
government had already given them money for their traveling expenses.
As has been explained above, all of their food and provisions had been
blockaded; helpless and exhausted, the second and third groups were
joined together and on the fifth day of the twelfth month (January 6,
1913) they were forced to leave.
The Tibetan generals went to Tengyeling and also to the old and
new Chinese military camps, searching the troops one by one. They
were then immediately escorted to Dzalepla Pass by way of the south-
ern Tsangpo River; the Tibetan army, Commander Dapön Dokharwa,
Dromo Governor Dapön Pelzhiwa, and Zhöl Steward Kelzang Ludrup
were sent with the responsibility of providing transportation and travel-
ing provisions. Fourth ranking Tadowa, Letsen Lozang Norbu, and the
leader from the various districts were sent to accompany the Chinese.
Several of the guilty monks from Tengyeling Monastery adopted Chi-
nese clothing and left in shame together with the departing Chinese
troops. Those Tibetan women married to Chinese soldiers who wanted
to leave with them did so. Most of the Chinese soldiers returned to
China by sea from Calcutta. However, many of them remained in
settlements in India and Sikkim. Even now, many of their descendents
remain in those places. Because of the crimes committed earlier and
later by the officials of Tengyeling monastic estate, it was decided that
all of their holdings should be confiscated; a small part was set aside to
provide for the incarnation Tsokchen Trülku. The officials who were
directly involved were sent into exile and the others were placed under
house arrest. The monks of Bentsang monastic college were separated
and sent to different government monasteries. Through such measures,
Tengyeling monastic estate was utterly destroyed.
Throughout the Dalai Lama’s stay at Chökhor Yangtsé, he went on
pilgrimage to Khupé Monastery, Yolri Monastery, Sangngak Jang-
chupling, Budé Gomchen, Kyitsel, Tarpaling, Chakzam Monastery,
Gongkar Chödé, Dechen Chökhor, and so forth. The president of the
Chinese Republic, Yuan Shikai, sent a telegram through the Indian
government saying that he was restoring the Dalai Lama to his former
status. Sir Charles Bell wrote about this:37
A few months after the Dalai lama returned to Tibet, Yuan Shihkai, the
President of the Chinese Republic, telegraphed to him [the Dalai Lama],
apologising for the excesses of the Chinese troops, and restoring the Dalai
Lama to his former rank. The Dalai Lama replied that he was not asking
the Chinese Government for any rank, as he intended to exercise both
temporal and spiritual rule in Tibet. Thus the holy sovereign made clear
his declaration of Tibetan independence.
The battle in Lhasa lasted for more than a year, and about one third
of the city was ruined.
The roofs of the Tsuklakhang and Ramoché were marked with can-
non holes and bullets holes. Even houses that were not ruined did not
escape being cracked. Doors and windows were ruined. The narrow
streets were full of dead men, horses, and mules. Stray dogs without
owners had become accustomed to eating the bodies of humans and
horses. Thus, it came to be a frightful experience to travel at night.
Throughout the war, about one thousand three hundred Chinese
troops were killed, and more Tibetan monks and lay people were killed
and wounded. The most severe losses occurred during the attack on
the Drapzhi military camp, when many monks from Sera Monastery
were killed. Without even reckoning the pillage throughout Tibet, the
articles stolen by the Chinese just in Lhasa would add up to many tens
of millions of Indian rupees. These matters are recounted in detail in
the Collection of Simla Records.
The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Chökhor Yangtsé on the sixth
day of the twelfth month. On the way, they performed a pilgrimage to
Nyetangor Drölma Temple, Jowo Jé Kumbum, and so forth. They stayed
in Tsagur Lingkha for a week. There he met with the Regent Trichen
Rinpoché, Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, generals Khendrung Jampa
Tendar and Tsipön Trimon Norbu Wangyal, and so forth, as well as a
large number of government officials and representatives of Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries. On the sixteenth day of the twelfth
month (January 17, 1913), the Dalai Lama left Tsagur Lingkha.
The senior figures from Kyitsel Luding area led the procession with
a “Sipaho” ensign,k while the monk and lay government official, abbots
k
A sipaho (sri pa ho) is a genre of religious painting that is thought to dispel
obstacles and enhance both good luck in general and prosperity in particular. A square
image filled with a diverse array of symbols (I-ching hexagrams, the twelve animals
and five elements employed in the calendar, human body parts, standard Tibet ritual
implements such as the dorje and purpa (phur pa, ritual dagger), swastikas, symbols
of the cardinal directions, the planets, and forth) is held by a turtle, a wrathful form
of Manjuśrī, around which are found Kālacakra’s symbol, Padmasambhava’s symbol,
and images of Manjuśrī at the center top, flanked by four-armed Avalokiteśvara on
750 chapter fifteen
and incarnations from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and

so forth formed a large procession carrying various sorts of banners
and ornaments. A special cavalry unit made up of government troops
and volunteer forces followed them, as did a parade consisting of
military units, regional regiments, and monks from Sera and Drepung
monasteries, the tantric college of upper and lower Lhasa, and Ling
Pentsün. Dancers and singers from the surrounding area, old people
from retirement homes, Gurkhas, Indians, Muslims, Nepalis, and so
forth came out to greet the Dalai Lama. The people of Zhöl came out
to receive the procession burning incense, beating drums, raising flags,
and shouting joyous expressions. In the same manner as Viṣṇ u and
his entourage processed after their victory over the demigods, so the
great leader, the wish-fulfilling jewel, shining like ten million suns,
reached the Potala Palace, the inestimable mansion, the second home
of Avalokiteśvara, where he walked on lotus feet to the high throne
supported by the five fearless snow lions.
Notes to Chapter Fifteen
2. Compilation of Records as above.
3. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910) and
Collection of Simla Records.
4. Tibetan records call him Ma Titel, but Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular
Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 21, calls him General
Ma Weiqi. Subsequently, he was killed in an uprising in Chengdu. Translator’s Note:
Shakabpa says he died in Xinjiang, Urumqi. I cannot confirm this anywhere else, but
Teichman says he died in Chengdu.
5. The history setting forth the murders committed by Zhao Erfeng was introduced
in the preliminary talks at the Simla Conference. It is clear that Zhao Erfeng and Drin
Könta had the same dark disposition. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in
Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 21–22, and Francis Edward
Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 372, says that when those
monasteries were destroyed by Zhao Erfeng, he had two thousand foreign-trained
troops, a German made piece of artillery, and four cannon.
the left and Vajrapaṇ i on the right. Astrological symbols appear to the left and right
of the painting.
In the present context, a large image of the thanka would have been held aloft on
a pole at the front of the procession in an effort to dispel spiritual problems. More
commonly, the image would be hung in a family home to prevent malevolent forces
from entering. See Jampa Kalsang, “A Brief Introduction to the Sridpa-Ho,” in Tibetan
Astronomy and Astrology: A Brief Introduction (Dharamsala, India: Men-Tsee Khang,
1998), 56–60.
6. Compilation of Records and Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in

Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 27, records the wires sent by
the Tibetan government directly to Western nations and America.
7. “Luchün” was referred to as a foot soldier.
8. Dalai Lama’s Orders to Lö Dotel and Collection of Simla Records.
9. Yamon is the name of the Manchu Amban’s residence or the Chinese offices.
10. All of the soldiers fired their guns at one time.
11. Wu Kontai, who was subsequently promoted, is called Wu Kontel. During the
battle in Chamdo in 1917, he led recruits from Dartsedo. When he got to Chamdo,
Tsang Dapöns Khyungrampa and Tretongpa arrested him at Topa Drugu Monastery.
He was then imprisoned at Lhodrak Sengé Castle. While I was there, he told me many
stories about this time. Gyelgo Dongchuchik was killed in an ambush by Tibetan troops
at Khyungpo Tengchen; his head and hands were brought to Lhasa.
12. MacDonald was a trade agent in Dromo and Gyantsé for twenty years, from
1904 to 1924. He wrote two books about Tibet, Land of the Lama (London: Seeley,
1929) and Twenty Years in Tibet (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1932).
13. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 109.
14. Secret documents of the British government.
16. Jintra (cin khra) means “police” in Chinese.
1956), 62.
18. In Tibetan records, Zhao Erfeng’s assistant is called Drin Köntai. However, in Eric
Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University
Press, 1922), 33, his primary assistant is identified as Fu Songmu.
19. Zhao Erfeng left Chamdo and became the Governor of Sichuan. The revolution
began in 1912, due to which Zhao Erfeng was beheaded outside of the western gate of
Chengdu. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The
University Press, 1922), 41, and E. T. Williamson, Tibet and Her Neighbors (Berkeley:
Pub. Unknown, 1937), 122.
20. The senior officials were Khyungrampa, Tretongpa, Tarwönpa, Menpelwa,
Tanawa, and Tsedrung Lama; the lesser officials included Tenpa Tsewang, and so
forth.
21. The second part of the biography (rnam thar smad cha), vol. Kha 104-ba-3.
Translator’s Note: It may be that Shakabpa is referring to Purchok Tutor Trülku
Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Pre-
cious Marvels.
22. Compilation of Government Papers, more 28-ba-2.
23. He was appointed as the Cabinet Minister Lama and subsequently, he was
appointed as the Do Governor. He ejected the Chinese soldiers who were in Kham and
participated in the talks in Chamdo between China and Tibet with British mediation.
Translator’s Note: He was also the uncle of the author Tsepon Shakabpa.
24. He held the rank of Taiji, junior general. During the tripartite Simla Conference,
he was Prime Minister Shedra’s assistant. After that, he became a Cabinet Minister and
the Do Governor. He was in charge of constructing the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s stūpa.
Finally, he retired from the cabinet and was called ex-minister.
25. Compilation of Accusations of Manchu Amban Lian and General Zhong
Tongling.
Buddhism, Je 28-ba-2.
27. As has been recounted above, Zhao Erfeng intended to ignite an illegal sup-
pression in Domé.
752 chapter fifteen
28. On the evening of the day that the Sera monks who were guarding Zhidé per-
formed the rite of Drimé Künden, the Chinese troops burned it. Translator’s Note: Drimé
Künden was a prince in ancient times who was known for his tremendous sacrifices.
29. I have heard that Cabinet Minister Tsarong had previously gone to Calcutta
where he signed the trade agreement with the British and the Chinese on his own
initiative together with Trang Yintang (krang yin thang). It is said that subsequently,
he maintained relations with the Manchu Amban Lianyu, and so forth. Thus, the
population and the army generals became suspicious. Tsarong, his son, and cabinet
secretary Tsashakpa had to be killed. Khendrung Pünrapa and Lachak Möndrong
were placed under the responsibility of Tengyeling themselves, but the Chinese sub-
sequently stormed in and they were killed. Tsedrung Lozang Dorjé was serving as an
assistant at Lachak Möndrong and was killed incidentally during that attack. Some
people rumor that these punishments were enacted on orders from the ministers in
Kalimpong, but those people have not seen the actual documents. However, I have
heard other people say that the Dalai Lama became very sad upon hearing the news
and that afterwards, when he returned to Lhasa, he went to Tongchö Tsok Monastery
in the Norbu Lingkha Palace to recite a great number of prayers specifically on behalf
of these cabinet ministers.
Translator’s Note: Cabinet Minister Tsarong was suspected of complicity with the
Chinese, due to which he and his son were executed. It was this event that made it
possible the Dalai Lama to elevate Dazang Dradül to noble status as the new leader of
Tsarong House. See p. 722 above.
31. Cabinet Secretary Shelkar Lingpa was the younger brother of Cabinet secretary
Norgyé Nangpa, who was renowned as a scholar. Shelkar Lingpa was also very learned
in poetry and composed his own poems. While he was in Darjeeling, he wrote several
beautiful pieces, such as songs memorializing Lhasa. He later became a cabinet minister
in Samding. However, not long after he returned to Lhasa, he died.
32. I have copied the original of this sealed order by the Dalai Lama, which is in the
possession of Sadu Gyurmé La. There is another in Compilation of Records.
1956), 131, Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 354, and
E. T. Williams, Tibet and Her Neighbours (Berkeley: Pub. Unknown, 1937), 123.
34. Misong Pepgo of Gyantsé, who was of the same rank as the highest officials
at Tengyé Ling, was sentenced to prison at Lhodrak Sengé Dzong. He told me, “The
Chinese filled the assembly halls and corridors during the night; that was not the fault
of the officials. I wonder if it wasn’t Wang Lama and Udzé who were complicit with
the Chinese.”
Subsequently, they emptied the granary and the storehouse, taking all of our dog
meat and the horse meat. All that remained was shoe leather and we were forced to
eat that for several days. Since there was no fire wood, we burned all of our wooden
furniture. Our faces and our bodies became swollen because of the lack of nutrition
and many people died. He told me of many such difficulties.
35. As the senior Japanese teacher Otani Kozui had already invited Tsawa Tritrül
Jampa Tendzin at Wutai Shan, the Dalai Lama sent him from Darjeeling along with
Bangkyo Aoki. He stayed at Koto Nishi Hongken. Since he sent immediate reports to
the Dalai Lama about the coming revolution against the Manchu Emperor, his reports
were very beneficial. In 1912, arriving back in Darjeeling with Togan Tada, he remained
in the service of the Dalai Lama. Subsequently, he was quickly promoted to the rank of
the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant-lord chamberlain. He was a very learned man.
36. This comes from secret British government documents. Although the mean-
ing of several words is unclear, I have translated it according to what is written later.
The original is included within Compilation of Records. Lamen Khenpo was the Dalai
Lama’s personal attendant Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang. Translator’s Note: With slight
modifications, I have adopted the translation in Tsepon Shakabpa, Tibet: A Political

History (New Haven: Yale, 1967), 244–245.
37. Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 155, and H. E.
Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times
to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 105.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
PROOF OF TIBET’S ENDURING INDEPENDENCE

When the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa early in 1913, he set out in a
purposeful fashion to consolidate Tibet’s claims to independence. With
the Qing Dynasty in ruins, he saw to it that the Chinese people who
remained in the country were expelled. He also issued a proclamation
that Shakabpa styles “a special official declaration of Tibet’s freedom
and independence.” In that document, the Dalai Lama gives voice to
the leit motif of Shakabpa’s entire narrative, the notion that:a
Previously, the preceptor-patron relationship has been enjoyed since the
time of the Mongolians Genghis Khan, Alten Khan, and so forth, through
the series of Chinese kingdoms, the Ming Dynasty and so forth, and up
to the Manchu Dynasty, which developed a preceptor-patron relationship
with the great fifth Dalai Lama. Each side would protect the other.
The Dalai Lama goes on to observe that recently some Chinese function-
aries “out of avarice, have ceaselessly worked to intimidate and terrorize
us out of our land.” He endeavors to present the Chinese interference
in Tibetan affairs as the idiosyncratic behavior of a few stray figures,
including corrupt ministers and regional leaders that violated traditional
norms, forcing the Dalai Lama to go into exile. He then offered a series
of reforms, urging a renewal of Buddhism, a revitalization of ethical
government, and the embrace of modernization.
In the wake of his far-flung travels, the Dalai Lama realized how
important it was for Tibet’s future to remain involved with other
nations. His personal experience had inspired him to reverse Tibet’s
customary isolationist policy. He began to promote contacts with other
countries. A number of intelligent young men, for example, were sent
to England to be educated at Rugby.b He also formulated a treaty with
a
See p. 759 ff. below.
b
See Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924), 162–163.
Rugby School is a prestigious boarding school to the northwest of London in the West
Midlands.
756 chapter sixteen
Mongolia in 1913.c Lhasa also maintained relations with Japan, gain-

ing critical military advice. At the same time, Tibetan relations with
Britain deepened.
China, at last independent of their Manchurian overlords, attempted
to assume for themselves the claims to Tibet that had long been made
by the Manchurians. Tibet resisted these claims, in part by appealing
to British intermediaries. Ultimately, a tripartite conference between
China, Tibet, and Britain was called at Simla, India. Shakabpa saw
this conference as constituting recognition of Tibet’s independent
status since China, Britain, and Tibet, according to Shakabpa, met as
equals. In an attempt to reach a compromise between the Tibetans who
believed Tibet was not a part of China and the Chinese who claimed
Tibet was an integral part of its territory, the Indian Foreign Minister
Henry McMahon (1862–1849) introduced the notion of an Inner Tibet
and an Outer Tibet. He suggested that the Chinese government would
not interfere with Outer Tibet, which would be considered “free and
autonomous.” Meanwhile, Tibet would be considered suzerain to China,
another novel concept in Sino-Tibetan relations.d
In the end, Chinese negotiators did nothing more than initial the final
accord. Chinese historians regard this as evidence that Tibet continued
to be a part of China. When China withdrew from the conference,
Britain and Tibet signed the Simla Convention without the signature
of the Chinese plenipotentiary Yifan Zhen and then concluded their
own separate agreement. Once again, Shakabpa argues this is strong
evidence for Tibet having been an independent nation at that time.
He maintains that:e
Ever since the agreement was reached between the British and Tibetan
governments, there was no longer any basis for dispute about whether
Tibet was nominally included within China (in a relationship of suzer-
ainty). Therefore, not only did it reaffirm that Tibet was free and inde-
pendent, but Tibet’s authority to negotiate treaties directly was also
clarified.
c
See Appendix 1, p. 1112 below.
d
Suzerainty is a general concept in international relations in which one nation is
regarded as reliant on a more powerful nation. The latter, called the suzerain, conducts
foreign relations on behalf of the former, the tributary. See Michael C. van Walt van
Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in Internatioanl Law (London,
Wisdom, 1987), 101–102.
e
See p. 773 below.
proof of tibet’s enduring independence 757
The border between Tibet and British India was also resolved along
the so-called McMahon Line along the southern border of Tibet.
The Tibetan government began to place a greater emphasis on devel-
oping its military capabilities. Britain provided weapons and military
supplies to Tibet, and as a sign of their enhanced relationship, Tibet
offered troops to Britain at the commencement of hostilities in World
War I in Europe. At the same time, some Tibetan soldiers were trained
under Japanese, Russian, and British officers, whereupon the govern-
ment determined that they would henceforth follow British military tra-
ditions. Various other reforms were directed to modernizing Tibet.
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
PROOF OF TIBET’S ENDURING INDEPENDENCE
Through continuous striving, through the compassion that inspires

all wisdom and method, and through having empathy towards all
monastic and lay Tibetans, the prime minister, the cabinet ministers,
and the Tibetan National Assembly, headed by the protector Dalai
Lama, engaged in a comprehensive struggle to overcome their difficult
situation. The results of that struggle ripened at the same time as the
effects of evil karma ripened within China, and thereby the Manchu
Dynasty in China collapsed. In dependence upon the harmonious
inter-relation of cause and effect, the consequences of the revolution,
and other events, it became possible to eject every last Chinese official,
civilian and military, from Ü Tsang.
When the supreme Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa, he developed
a plan to expel the Chinese soldiers who were in Dotö (Kham). As
soon as he returned to Lhasa, the Dalai Lama issued a proclamation
impressed with his seal to all of the people of Tibet. Tibetans consider
this proclamation, as well as his recent refusal of a title offered to him
by Chinese President Yuan Shikai to be a special official declaration
of Tibet’s freedom and independence. Issued on the eighth day of the
first month of 1913, the proclamation reads as follows:1
I—the Dalai Lama, the protector of the three worlds, lord of all of the
conqueror’s teachings on the earth throughout time, the omniscient Dorjé
Chang, who was prophesied as the Oceanic Lama by Buddha from the
land of India—speak to you as follows:
This should be made known to all the monks and lay people, the power-
ful, the weak, and those in between, and to the heads of civil and military
posts, all the citizens of Tibet, this land of medicinal plants which is
fringed with cool, white mountain peaks; hence, messengers should be
sent to report it. As it was prophesied by our compassionate teacher from
India [Buddha], from the time of the ancient religious kings up to the
present time, the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara has continually come to this
land of medicinal plants of the cool earth. I have taken this land as my
instrument, protecting sentient beings with compassion and whatsoever
methods are required to tame them.
Previously, the preceptor-patron relationship has been enjoyed since the
time of the Mongolians Genghis Khan, Alten Khan, and so forth, through
760 chapter sixteen
the series of Chinese kingdoms, the Ming Dynasty and so forth, and up
to the Manchu Dynasty, which developed a preceptor-patron relation-
ship with the great fifth Dalai Lama. Each side would protect the other.
Nevertheless, recently some Chinese functionaries in Sichuan and Yunnan,
out of avarice, have ceaselessly worked to intimidate and terrorize us out
of our land. Moreover, under the pretense that they were protecting the
trade marts, many Chinese soldiers have reached as far as Lhasa. It is clear
that within the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet,
there is no sense of subordination of one to another; consequently, I left
for the Indian border with my ministers, planning to conduct negotiations
with Beijing by wire. Nevertheless, after we left, armed Chinese troops
were dispatched to kill or capture me by any means necessary. Having
no other choice, we crossed the border for the time being.
Upon arriving in India, I sent a telegram to the Chinese side. Although
I recounted our situations one item after another, the emperor was rely-
ing upon corrupt ministers, and so I did not receive any sort of reply.
Through the force of actions and their inevitable effects, a change in the
unstable Manchu Empire became unavoidable. All exalted or humble
Tibetan people took up the struggle against the Chinese troops, each
according to his ability, and consequently every single Chinese soldier
who was in Ü Tsang was expelled. Thereupon, I returned safely to the
land possessed of religion, my protected place. The Chinese that remain
in Kham are also to be expelled in turn.
The Chinese side had a wicked plan that this land of Tibet should have
upheld the responsibilities of the preceptor-patron relationship, while
ultimately, they would bind us as servants. Those schemes have dissolved,
like a clump of sand or like a rainbow in the sky; sentient beings have
arrived at a fortunate time in which they can experience happiness and
joy with religion and resources. From this point onward, the following
ought to be put into practice by all people—monks and lay people, the
powerful and the weak—as mentioned above:
(1) Finding and offering respects to this precious Buddhism, the
foundation of whatever benefit and happiness have come to this
part of the world, depends upon the preservation of the sacred
places. Hence, people should untiringly take responsibility for
continuously offering worship at all monastic institutions and
caring for them without distinctions, including the great sites—
Rasa Trülnang and Gyetap Ramoché temples in Lhasa—and
Tradruk and Samyé, and the three monastic seats, Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries.
(2) The abbots, teachers, and monks of the various Buddhist schools
without distinction should enhance the pure traditions of sūtras
and the old and new tantras before they decline. Those traditions
that have declined should be restored, and the rituals should be
explained and studied. There must be enhanced efforts exerted
in teaching, learning, and meditating and in the protection and
observance of precepts.
(3) High government officials involved in collecting taxes or enforcing

the law should perform their jobs honestly; both the government
and the people must be untiring in their efforts to make improve-
ments. Beyond that, central government officials posted at Ngari
Korsum and Domé are coercing their subject citizens to purchase
commercial goods at high prices and have imposed transporta-
tion rights exceeding the limit permitted by the government.
Houses, properties, and lands belonging to subject citizens have
been confiscated on the pretext of minor breaches of the law.
Furthermore, citizens’ limbs have been amputated as a form of
punishment. Henceforth, such severe punishments are forbidden.
(4) Tibet does not have wealth, power, and technology like other
nations. It is a free country abiding in peace and happiness
in accordance with our religion. If these days, through taking
greater responsibility in their duties, civil and military officials
can enhance our military preparedness, enabling us to protect
the stability of our territory, then the minor hardships that arise
among the tax conscripts and at waysides along the roads in
Kham can be mitigated. Upon giving detailed consideration to
the historic reasons for the improper land claims the Chinese
have made on us through time, all Tibetans should volunteer,
without needing to be persuaded. Everyone ought to take greater
responsibility for protecting and defending our land.
In addition, by tirelessly scouting along the borders in the
highlands and the lowlands, to the south and north, people
should remain vigilant in not permitting foreign spies to enter.
If even minor suspicious rumors emerge, people must send a
report to the government immediately by pony express or by
traveling daily. Naturally, people are not permitted to undertake
provocative actions based on minor pretexts, whether it is out
of boredom or for no reason at all.
(5) Tibet has few people and a tremendous amount of uninhabited
land. Yet, even though some industrious people have considered
clearing land, the local leaders have objected out of greed. Land-
lords, being unable to do anything at all to put such plans into
effect themselves, are jealous about others’ endeavors. Hence,
these improper practices which undermine the foundations of
our progress in all sorts of ways are not at all auspicious for
oneself or others. Henceforth, industrious people whose homes
have deteriorated can clear land amidst whatsoever unused
public lands there are. Hence, government, private, or religious
interests are not permitted to obstruct in any way whoever is
able to plant things like willow and mustard that will lead to
improvements. Land taxes will not be collected until three years
have passed; after that the land will be assessed for its size and
usefulness. The cultivator will have to pay taxes to the govern-
ment and a royalty to the landlord every year. The land will
belong to the cultivator in perpetuity.
762 chapter sixteen
Both the government and the public are to bring this about. It would
be a matter of serving and protecting the kind government if all people
were to implement these things just as I have explained them. Also, it is
certain that the degree of happiness and virtue will increase for everyone
in the country, oneself and others. Thus, reflecting carefully on the profit
and loss, everyone must voluntarily engage in correctly adopting the good
and abandoning the bad in both religious and secular affairs.
This proclamation must be announced in every district. Copies should
be posted in busy areas and originals should be kept in the district reg-
isters. Officials must enact it.
Written at the inconceivable second palace of Avalokiteśvara, the Potala
Palace, on the eighth day of the month of miracles in the Water-Female-
Ox Year (1913).
One month before this great proclamation declared Tibet’s freedom
and independence, on the fourth day of the twelfth month (January
1913), Tibet and Outer Mongolia signed a treaty in Ulan Bator, the
Mongolian capital. Both nations declared in the treaty that they had
left the Manchu emperor’s domination, and that their nations were
not a part of Chinese territory. As independent nations, they mutually
decided to strengthen their religious, cultural, and alliance relations as
they had been in the past. The Dalai Lama Rinpoché, as the highest
leader of the independent nation of Tibet, recognized the independence
of the Mongolian nation, and similarly, Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu, the
highest leader of the independent nation of Mongolia, recognized the
independence of the Tibetan nation.2
After the Dalai Lama Rinpoché returned to Lhasa, the Regent Trichen
Tsemönling retired; because he had agreed to bear responsibility for
both religious and political affairs while the Dalai Lama was in exile,
he was given the rank of “Shachin Telgik Ché” (sha cin tel gig che), a
seal, and other items similar to what Künling Hotoktu had been given.
At the same time, the army general Khendrung Jampa Tendar was
promoted to cabinet minister, Tsipön Trimonpa Norbu Wangyel was
appointed deputy to the general and was given the title of Taiji, and
senior general Dazang Dradül was given the title of Dzasak. The latter
was permitted to join the family of Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa.
Eight regions around Dam as well as Gyeré Lhaba were given to Sera
monastic estate, and one-half of the Tsona region was given to Ganden
monastic estate as rewards for their continuing prayers.3 Moreover,
government officials, traders, and both monk and lay citizens were
given material rewards and handsome awards for doing whatever
was appropriate in the service of the war. In addition, punishments
were meted out to those who had not provided whatever service was
appropriate.
Among the many new improvements the Dalai Lama introduced was
the first paper currency. Manufactured in Lhasa with wood blocks, the
notes had a watermark that said Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel and
an image of a snow mountain and a snow lion. The fifty ṭamdo (ṭam
rdo)a note had the six symbols of long-life printed on blue paper; the
twenty-five ṭamdo note had the four harmonious brothers on orange
paper; the fifteen tạ mdo note had the eight auspicious offerings on
brown paper; the ten tạ mdo note had the eight auspicious signs on red
paper; and the five t ̣amdo note had the five desirable qualities printed on
green paper.b These designs were also embossed with the Dalai Lama’s
seal in red and the treasury’s seal in black. If one examines the date on
this currency, it says it was issued 1659 years after the commencement
of Tibet’s dual religious and political form of government.4 Below the
date it read, “Currency of the fifteenth sexagenaryc from the religio-
political government having the four treasured marvels of splendor,
power, benefit, and happiness.” Following this, it appears that they
were issued in 1911. But at that time, the Dalai Lama was in India and
the Manchu soldiers were attacking Lhasa; thus, one wonders if this
is correct. As for the designs on the currency, I have seen among the
documents of Zimtré Khang several different types of designs that were
made by the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Jampa Tupwang. If one
follows the date given on them, it seems they were made in 1913. Thus,
it is important to do more research to determine the correct years that
this old currency was issued.
Subsequently, Shöchak Nang Tamdrin Wangyel and Dölzhi Tsedrung
Ngözhi Tupten Künkhyen5 both went to Calcutta to learn how to print
colored paper currency mechanically. Upon their return, a fifty tạ mdo
note was printed in Kyemtong; it was made of wood-pulp paper and
a
According to The Great Treasury of Tibetan-Chinese Words (Beijing: Nationalities
Publishing, 1993), 1032, one ṭamdo (ṭam rdo) is equal to one ngülsang (dngul srang).
That in turn is equal to one ounce of silver, according to Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-
English Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979), 359.
b
These symbols are depicted in The Great Treasury of Chinese and Tibetan Words
(Beijing: Nationalities Publishing, 1993), 3302–3. For images of the currency, see Wolf-
gang Bertsch, A Study of Tibetan Paper Money with a Critical Bibliography (Dharamsala:
Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1997).
c
The Tibetan calendar is based on sixty-year cycles. The fifteenth cycle commenced in
1867. For more information on the calendrical system, see Edward Henning, Kalachakra
and the Tibetan Calendar (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).
764 chapter sixteen
had a watermark. There was a snow mountain and a snow lion on the
front and a tiger, lion, and garuḍa on the back. This bill was distributed
1677 years after the advent of the government, during the sixteenth
sexagenary, or in 1931. Subsequently, colored notes were gradually
introduced in denominations of one hundred, ten, twenty-five, and
five ngülsang (ngul srang).
Also, the Chinese-style postal system, which used horse couriers,
was replaced by a regular postal system in 1913. Previously, the postal
route had gone from Pakri to Lhasa, by way of Gyantsé, and then on to
Kongpo Gyamda. Tibetan postage stamps were also introduced at that
time. They had an image of a snow lion and said “Tibetan government
postage” on the top; the same thing was written in English on the bot-
tom. The stamps were issued in denominations of one khagang (kha
gang), five karma (skar ma), seven and a half karma, one zho (zho),
one ţamdo, two ţamdo and four ţamdo.d
After the Dalai Lama traveled to India, China, Mongolia, and else-
where, he realized that it was a mistake to remain isolated and not
develop relations with other nations of the world; he also understood
the great importance of learning foreign languages. Because of the posi-
tive relationship he had developed with the British government, he sent
four children of government officials to study at a school in England
called Rugby School. They were the first Tibetans to study abroad.
Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang studied mining, and he reported the
existence of several types of minerals in Ö, Dakpo, and the northern
region; several ignorant people obstructed his efforts, saying that if the
earth was mined, it would be harmed. Since he was unable to mine what
he had found, he became the Dalai Lama’s personal translator, then
the police chief of Lhasa, and finally, the steward of Zhöl. The second
student, Gokkharwa Sönam Gönpo studied military science. During
World War I, he also went to Germany. Upon returning to Lhasa, he
was placed in the military camp of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, but
he died soon thereafter.
The third student, Rikdzin Dorjé, studied to be an electrician. His
work in establishing electricity at the arms factory, the mint, and
the printing press at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production was
d
According to Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-English Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 1979), 125, one khagang is worth one-sixth of an Indian anna, one karma
is equal to less than one Indian anna (p. 86), and one sho is equal to ten karmas
(p. 1076).
extremely beneficial to Tibet. As a result, he became the steward of

Lhasa and became a fourth-ranking city magistrate. He also worked as
the Dalai Lama’s translator and in the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office.
The fourth student, Kyibukpa Wangdu Norbu, studied surveying and
also learned about telegraph systems. He introduced improvements in
Lhasa’s telegraph office.6 He became a fourth-ranking city magistrate
in Lhasa and worked in the Foreign Affairs Office.
The four boys were accompanied to England by Tsipa Lungshar
Dorjé Tsegyel, who was extremely shrewd. He was a very capable man
and brought many progressive ideas he encountered in England back
to Tibet. When he returned, he was made a tsipön. He assessed estate
revenues, and then for a while he was placed in charge of the Military
Office. Many of the Dalai Lama’s close associates had conflicting feel-
ings about Lungshar, and there were some who felt they wanted to
humble him. After the thirteenth Dalai Lama died for the sake of oth-
ers, Lungshar tried to subvert the authority of the government. He was
unsuccessful, but these events will be recounted later in this volume.e
Under the auspices of Japan’s ambassador in Beijing, Gonsuke
Hayashe, a retired Japanese military officer named Yasujiro Yajima
arrived in Lhasa by way of Kham in 1913. He trained a regiment of
the Tibetan army according to Japanese military customs. During his
six-year stay in Lhasa, he tied his hair (in the Tibetan manner) and
attended all of the ceremonies, just like the Tibetan government offi-
cials. He also constructed the camp of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard in
the Japanese style.
Previously, Sonya Otani, the great Japanese teacher who had previ-
ously met the Dalai Lama at Riwo Tsenga, sent Bunkyo Aoki (Tupten
Trashi) to meet the Dalai Lama at Darjeeling in 1911. The following
year, he went to Lhasa; he stayed at Drepung Monastery for more
than a year and in Lhasa for about a year. After he returned home,
he investigated the chronology of Tibet’s religious kings by studying
many religious histories; he wrote a book in which he clarified some
discrepancies concerning dates in that period.f
e
Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet,
1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 156–162 and 186–212. For
Shakabpa’s narration of the fall of Lungshar, see pp. 849–850 below.
f
Bunkyo Aoki, Chibetto bunka no shin kenkyu (Tokyo: Yukosha, 1940); Bunkyo
Aoki, Study on Early Tibetan Chronicles regarding discrepancies of dates and their
adjustment (Tokyo: Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 1955).
766 chapter sixteen
Sonya Otani sent another Japanese man named Togan Toda (Tupten
Gyeltsen) to Darjeeling in 1912 in the company of Tsawa Tritrül. He
studied the Tibetan language for about a year and went on to Lhasa
by way of Bhutan in 1913. He lived in Sera Jé Monastery’s Khenyen
Monastic College for about ten years. During that time, he had several
audiences with the Dalai Lama and was an excellent student of Bud-
dhism. After his return to Japan, he made several attempts to establish
political relations between the Japanese and Tibetan governments. As
the Dalai Lama had requested, he sent many rolls of fine colored Japa-
nese silk to Tibet. He also wrote about the thirteenth Dalai Lama in both
Japanese and English. He worked in the Toyo Bunko Library in Tokyo,
and under the auspices of the great American, Nelson A. Rockefeller,
he invited three Tibetan scholars to the library in 1961.7
The Dalai Lama was working diligently on both military and civilian
concerns. On the military side, while he was in Kalimpong, he ordered
that the Chinese soldiers who were in Dodö (Kham) should be expelled
and sent Denma Dzöpa to issue orders and give advice to the officials
in all of the regional monasteries in Kham. As a result, the Tibetans
revolted against the Chinese in each of their respective regions and
suffered terribly until the Tibetan government forces arrived. Cabinet
Minister Lama Jampa Tendar was then appointed as the Do governor
in order to drive the Chinese forces across the border. He had been sent
with monk and lay functionaries, including paymasters and medical
personnel, and he was given authority to appoint stewards, civil and
military personnel, as well as other officials from the estates and districts
under his command throughout Do. Eight Dapöns8 in command of
volunteer and regular forces from Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, and Dingri in Ü
Tsang were sent; two commanders were also sent to the two military
units that were drawn from regional armies from Shopa, Tardzong,
and Lhokha in Kham, Markham, Dzora, and Sangnyak, and Riwoché,
Chamdo, and Ba.
Initially, the general commander of Tibet’s eastern forces resided at
Lhodzong, and gradually the Chinese forces at Khyung Karnakser, at
Rongpo Gyelraptang, and elsewhere were expelled. The Chinese made
their headquarters at Chamdo. Meanwhile, Chinese troops remained
at Riwoché, Jam Zamkha Nangchen Gar, Drakyap, Chamdo, and Degé
Jomda under the Chinese commander Pin Tungling.
Despite their military preparations, the Dalai Lama still tried to find a
peaceful resolution by continually appealing to the Chinese government
through British intermediaries. In this way, he hoped to resolve com-
pletely the conflict between China and Tibet, the border question, and
other pressing issues. Although the Chinese also had a strong desire to
negotiate with the Tibetans, they did not want the talks to be held with
a British intermediary or with China and Tibet being accorded equal
status. As the Tibetan army was making greater and greater progress
in Kham day after day, they could not see another way to hold talks
except through the British; there was no possibility of having direct
discussions with Tibet because Tibet would not consider sending any
representatives whose status was not equal to the Chinese representa-
tives. Finally, the Chinese government accepted a tripartite conference,
where the Tibetan and Chinese representatives would meet on equal
terms, [with the British serving as intermediaries].
After the parties had chosen their representatives, Simla, which was
the summer capital of India, was selected as the site for the talks. China’s
plenipotentiary was Yifan Zhen, the British Empire’s plenipotentiary was
Sir Henry McMahon, who was the foreign minister of British India, and
Tibet’s plenipotentiary was Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé. The lat-
ter’s assistant was Taiji Trimonpa Norbu Wangyal, and another official
was Nedrön Khenchung Tenpa Dargyé. Representatives were also sent
from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and the Secretariat Office.
Meanwhile, a telegraph line was established from Gyantsé to Simla in
order to facilitate direct and immediate communication between Simla
and the capital, Lhasa. Cabinet Minister Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel
was to receive messages in Gyantsé and then convey them to Lhasa by
way of mounted courier.
When the Tibetan representatives arrived in Darjeeling, they received
a telegram from the Indian foreign minister indicating that they must
proceed to Simla immediately. Accompanied by a liaison officer and a
police escort, they rode a train to Simla where they were received by
Charles Bell and the viceroy’s senior secretary. Prime Minister Shedra
immediately called at the homes of both the viceroy of India and For-
eign Minister McMahon. Similarly, the viceroy’s senior secretary and
Foreign Minister McMahon called at Prime Minister Shedra’s residence.
India’s viceroy, Lord Hardinge, held a banquet for the representatives
of China, Tibet, and Britain, at which time he expressed his hopes that
a suitable peace could be achieved that would be satisfying to all of the
parties involved.
The representative of the three delegations held their initial meet-
ing on October 10, 1913, with Foreign Minister Sir Henry McMahon
and his assistants, Charles Bell and Archibald Rose, representing the
768 chapter sixteen
British, Yifan Zhen and his assistant representing the Chinese, and
Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé and his assistant, Taiji Trimonpa
Norbu Wangyal, representing the Tibetans. After exchanging pleas-
antries, they presented their letters of credentials from their respec-
tive governments.9 The Tibetans were asked to present their ideas for
discussion the following day.
Prime Minister Shedra explained to Charles Bell that the Dalai
Lama had instructed him that certain essential points had to be clearly
expressed in the treaty. First, all of Tibet’s external and internal affairs
were to be undertaken by Tibet itself. Second, essential issues with
foreign governments were to be conducted through the British govern-
ment; all other issues were to be undertaken by Tibet itself. Third, other
than Chinese traders, no Chinese amban, officials, or soldiers would be
permitted to remain in Tibet. Fourth, since the Chinese had interfered
with several areas of Tibetan territory, the eastern border of Tibet must
be established as extending up to Dartsedo.10 The second point above,
that “essential issues with foreign governments are to be conducted
through the British government,” appears to be in conformity with the
ninth provision of the 1904 Lhasa Convention.g
The Tibetan position was explained as follows: They recounted some
history proving that Tibet, from early history up to the present time,
had been free and independent. To dismiss the mistaken notion about
Tibet’s political relations with China, they presented all of the docu-
ments proving that the relations between the fifth Dalai Lama and the
first Manchu emperor were of a preceptor-patron character and that
political relations did not exist. The Tibetans indicated that the entire
genesis of the conflict between China and Tibet and the ejection of
the Chinese soldiers from Tibet had been an evil consequence of Zhao
Erfeng’s action of sending Chinese troops into Tibet under the pretense
of protecting the trade marts.
In addition, the Tibetans insisted on the following: Tibet’s complete
freedom and independence must be recognized. The fact that the Dalai
Lama Rinpoché was the lord (bdag po) or principal (gtso bo) of both the
religious and political affairs of Tibet had to be recognized. The 1906
and 1908 agreements signed in Calcutta and Beijing, respectively, had
g
See the treaty in Appendix 1, pp. 1096–1099. Provision XI indicates that the Tibet
government would not engage in a variety of agreements without the previous consent
of the British Government, including those relating to granting property rights to other
nations, permitting other nations to intervene in Tibetan affairs, and the like.
to be recognized as invalid. The entirety of the region and the people

in Tsongön to the northeast and Dartsedo to the east had to be recog-
nized as being included within Tibet. The previous situation in which
the Dalai Lama had religious authority in the Buddhist monasteries
in Inner Mongolia and China had to be preserved. Restitution had to
be made for the destruction and pillaging by Zhao Erfeng’s armies in
Kham and Lhasa and for monasteries having to be abandoned.
The Chinese position was explained as follows: Ever since the time
of Genghis Khan, Tibet had been a part of China. In addition, the
Manchu emperor had conferred a title upon the Dalai Lama. When
the Dzüngar Mongolians and later the Gurkha armies came to Tibet,
China sent military assistance and the invaders were ejected. The Chi-
nese also alleged that during the time of Emperor Kangxi, the Tibetans
had requested that a Manchu amban be sent to Tibet to offer advice
and Chinese soldiers be sent to protect Tibet. Zhao Erfeng had to go
to Tibet in order to investigate the murder of Amban Fengquan in Ba.
According to the terms of the 1908 agreement, Chinese troops were to
protect the trade marts in Tibet. They further alleged that since the Dalai
Lama had followed the counsel of Dorzhiev (the Gomang Monastery
attendant Ngawang Lozang) instead of listening to Amban Yugang, the
British were forced to go to Lhasa in 1904. Because of these events, the
Chinese government, acting on Tibet’s behalf, had been forced to pay
India two and a half million rupees (£166,000) in compensation.
Because of these events, China claimed the right to consider Tibet as
part of China. The Chinese government planned to station an amban
in Tibet along with 2,600 troops. They asserted that all foreign relations
with Tibet and military affairs within Tibet must be in Chinese hands.
One thousand of the above-mentioned Chinese troops were to be sta-
tioned near the amban to serve as his bodyguard, and the remainder
would be positioned at the amban’s discretion. The political status of
Tibet must be accepted in the light of the 1906 agreement. The Chinese
further claimed that the border between China and Tibet should be
placed at Kongpo Gyamda.
There is absolutely no evidence in the dynastic chronicles or histo-
ries to support these assertions made by the Chinese representatives.
In addition, they could not produce any documents at all indicating
that China should have control over, protection of, or investment in
eastern Tibet. The Tibetan representatives had come to the meeting well
prepared. The Tibetan side had extensive proof to fortify their claims.
For example, they produced fifty-six volumes of definitive proof that
770 chapter sixteen
for over two hundred years, the five Horser areas including Dartsedo
had been under their administration. These documents included census
information, primary registers of tax revenues, land registries, papers
naming officials and headmen, proclamations, monastic endowment
records, volumes of monastic salaries and gifts, public notices, anything
relating to mutual relations between adjoining areas, records of taxes
paid to the government treasury, contracts concerning military service,
records concerning the appointment of leaders, and the display of seals.
All of these were presented at the Simla meeting, and Foreign Minister
McMahon signed the front of each volume.11
The Tibetan representative’s response to the claims of the Chinese
representative was as follows: Genghis Khan was Mongolian and not
Chinese. Although the Mongolians had forcibly entered Tibet, all
governmental affairs had been conducted by the Tibetans themselves
and not at all by the Mongolians. At that time, the Sakyapas and the
Mongolians had a preceptor-patron relationship; ever since the three
provinces of Tibet had been presented to the Sakya hierarch, Tibet had
not been under the domination of Mongolia. China had been wholly
conquered by Genghis Khan’s son, Kublai Khan, and it had remained
under Mongolia for a century.
In regards to the Manchu emperor’s presentation of a title to the Dalai
Lama, if one examines the religious histories one will understand the
actual reason the Manchu emperor invited the Dalai Lama to China;
during that time, the emperor offered a title to the Dalai Lama, and
the Dalai Lama offered a title to the emperor on equal terms, out of
respect for the preceptor-patron relationship. If the mere presentation
of a title indicated that one was subjugated to the other, then it should
be taken into consideration that the Russian emperor had recently given
the Dalai Lama a title.
When the Dzungar Mongolians were driven from Tibet, there was
no historical evidence that it was done with the support of Chinese
forces. During the Gurkha wars, the Manchu emperor did send military
assistance on one occasion, but the books clearly show that China and
Tibet drove the Gurkhas out as allies in dependence upon the preceptor-
patron relationship. China was not Tibet’s protector. If that had been
the case, the Chinese would have sent military assistance during Tibet’s
war with Ladakh and the Sikhs or during the British-Tibetan war. If
merely giving military assistance indicated a recognition of subjugation,
then when allied countries in the world assist one another, there would
be disputes about subordination. Such disputes do not exist.
There was also no evidence in Tibetan historical records to indicate

that Tibet requested an amban or military assistance during Emperor
Kangxi’s time. Arrangements had been made under the terms of the
1904 agreement for Tibet to pay compensation to Britain. The Tibetan
government had absolutely no intention of asking the Chinese govern-
ment for financial assistance, but the latter had paid the compensation
of its own accord. If one can dispute Tibetan territory merely by pay-
ing money, then it should be noted that the Dalai Lama’s Mongolian
patron, Chahen Hotoktu, had voluntarily paid compensation on the
behalf of the Tibetan government when some Nepali shops were looted
in Lhasa.h Wouldn’t it be proper for him to make claims to Tibetan
territory? In addition to these brief points, many religious and histori-
cal issues were discussed.12
Although both the Tibetan and the Chinese representatives had said
throughout the long talks that no suitable solution was possible, Foreign
Minister McMahon offered a solution on February 27, 1914. On the
territorial question, he suggested they use the terms Outer Tibet and
Inner Tibet. Tibet was to be described as being nominally included in
China (in a relationship of suzerainty). The Tibetans did not care to
hear talk of being “nominally a part of China,” and the Chinese did
not care to hear of “Outer Tibet and Inner Tibet.” However, in order
to reach a stable and enduring peace agreement for the future, both
China and Tibet reluctantly accepted McMahon’s proposals.
According to the terms of the treaty under discussion, the British and
Chinese governments would accept that Tibet was nominally a part of
China (in a relationship of suzerainty). China would accept that Outer
Tibet was free and autonomous and would refrain from interfering in
the politics of that area. Nor would they interfere in the recognition
or enthronement of the Dalai Lama. Tibet would not be transformed
into a Chinese province, and the British also would recognize that they
had no authority to take possession of even small tracts of Tibetan
territory. The Chinese would not send soldiers into Outer Tibet and
would not post any civil or military officials there. In addition, they
would not establish any offices or engage in any sort of colonialism.
Three months after the signing of the agreement, all Chinese soldiers
and officers stationed in Tibet had to be withdrawn. The Chinese would
h
See p. 632 above.
772 chapter sixteen
be permitted to station one senior official in Lhasa with a bodyguard

numbering no more than three hundred soldiers.
The agreement also stipulated that not only was it impermissible for
the British and Chinese governments to enter into treaties or contracts
about Tibet [with each other], but they were also forbidden to enter
into such agreements with other countries. However, it was permis-
sible for Britain and Tibet to sign treaties. Article IX of the proposed
treaty said:13
For the purpose of present Convention the borders of Tibet, and the
boundary between Outer and Inner Tibet, shall be as shown in red and
blue respectively on the map attached thereto.
Nothing in the present Convention shall be held to prejudice the exist-
ing rights of the Tibetan Government in Inner Tibet, which include the
power to select and appoint the high priests of monasteries, to retain full
control in all matters affecting religious institutions, to issue appointment
orders to chiefs and local officers, and to collect all customary rents and
taxes.
Among the other important points of the convention, the Tibetans
vociferously protested the statement that “Tibet was nominally a part
of China,” as there is no such statement in the original version of the
(Simla) treaty. However, among the notes exchanged between the
parties, the Tibetans were forbidden to send delegates to the Chinese
National Assembly, and it was impermissible for more than seventy-five
troops to be sent to protect the British trade marts.
Although Yifan Zhen, the Chinese representative, signedi that copy of
the Simla Convention, he received orders from the Chinese government
not to sign or affix his seal to the final treaty. The British government
began to feel irritated toward the Chinese when they realized that the
Chinese had been dissimulating and had been ordered not to endorse
a final decision. As a result, the British sent the following communiqué
to the Beijing government on June 25, 1914:
His Majesty’s British government has engaged in such talks through this
period in order to effect a suitable agreement between China and Tibet.
However, the Chinese government has refused to come to a decision.
Thus, henceforth, I call on the Chinese government to exert their complete
effort. If you do not sign the agreement before the end of this month, then
i
Shakabpa says that Yifan Zhen “signed” (lag rtags brgyab) the text, although other
sources report that he merely initialed it, including Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet: A
Political History (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1967), 255.
your words are empty. If you fail to sign, then the British government will
reach another agreement directly with the Tibetan government.
On the tenth day of the fifth month of the Tibetan Wood-Tiger Year,
or July 3, 1914, the Chinese, Tibetan, and British representatives met
again. Indian Foreign Minister McMahon said that they had discussed
the situation again and again; if they signed the agreement, matters
would improve in the future. Otherwise, he continued, Britain and
Tibet would sign this agreement and others they may initiate between
themselves.
Still, the Chinese side would not agree to sign. Thus, right in front
of the Chinese representative, the British and Tibetan representatives
affixed their seals and signed the Convention. In addition, His Majesty’s
British government and the Tibetan government reached another agree-
ment to amend the preceding one. It said:14
The agreement already reached will be recognized by the British and
Tibetan governments. As the Chinese government has not signed that
Convention, she will not enjoy any of the rights or authority it grants to
the Chinese government. This document, with two copies each in Tibetan
and English, is sealed and signed on the tenth day of the fifth month of
the Wood-Tiger Year (July 30, 1914).
Ever since the agreement was reached between the British and Tibetan
governments, there was no longer any basis for dispute about whether
Tibet was nominally included within China (in a relationship of
suzerainty). Therefore, not only did it reaffirm that Tibet was free and
independent, but Tibet’s authority to negotiate treaties directly was also
clarified. Subsequently, the British and Tibetan representatives newly
concluded the Eleven-Point Trade Agreement to replace the treaties
of 1893 and 1908, which had been abrogated by article seven of the
Simla Convention.15
The boundary separating India and Tibet to the east of Bhutan, known
as the McMahon Line, was also agreed upon in the Simla Convention
or the Treaty Relations as a sign of good faith. Previously, in March of
1914, Sir Henry McMahon and Prime Minister Shedra discussed the
border issue on equal terms. The border was drawn on the map in red
ink. The two representatives exchanged letters through which Prime
Minister Shedra was asked to get the Tibetan government’s approval,
which is as follows:16
774 chapter sixteen
Lönchen Shatra (i.e., Shedra), Tibetan Plenipotentiary.

In February last, you accepted the India-Tibet frontier from the Isu Razi
Pass to the Bhutan frontier, as given in the map (two sheets), of which
two copies are herewith attached, subject to the confirmation of your
government and the following condition:—
(a) The Tibetan ownership in private estates on the British side of
the frontier will not be disturbed.
(b) If the sacred places of Tso Karpo and Tsari Sarpa fall within
a day’s march of the British side of the frontier, they will be
included in Tibetan territory and the frontier modified accord-
ingly.
I understand that your Government has now agreed to this frontier subject
to the above two conditions. I shall be glad to learn definitely from you
that this is the case.
You wished to know whether certain dues now collected by the Tibetan
government at Tsöna Jong and in Kongbu and Kham from the Monpas
and Lopas for articles sold may still be collected. Mr. Bell has informed
you that such details will be settled in a friendly spirit, when you have
furnished him the further information, which you have promised.
The final settlement of this India-Tibet frontier will help to prevent
causes of future dispute and thus cannot fail to be of great advantage to
both Governments.
A. H. McMahon,
British Plenipotentiary.
Delhi 24th March 1914.
To Sir Henry McMahon,17
British Plenipotentiary to the China-Tibet Conference.
As it was feared that there might be friction in the future unless the
boundary between India and Tibet is clearly defined, I submitted the
map, which you sent to me in February last, to the Tibetan Govern-
ment at Lhasa for orders. I have now received orders from Lhasa, and
I accordingly agree to the boundary as marked in red in the two copies
of the maps signed by you subject to the condition mentioned in your
letter, dated 24th March, sent to me through Mr. Bell. I have signed and
sealed the two copies of the maps. I have kept one copy here and returned
herewith the other.
Sent on the 29th day of the 1st month of the Wood-Tiger Year (25th
March 1914) by Lönchen Shatra, the Tibetan Plenipotentiary.
Seal of Lönchen Shatra.
It was affixed with a government seal.
Since Prime Minister Shedra was concerned for the future, he wrote
a letter to the Indian foreign minister on the fifteenth day of the fifth
month requesting modern weaponry and military assistance.18 He
wrote:
At present, we are continuing to eject Chinese forces from Kham. In

order to protect our country into the future, please sell us five thousand
high-quality modern guns, twenty cannon, and sufficient ammunition
for them. In addition, please loan us two people who know how to fix
broken cannon for a period of three years. Since China has not entered
into the Convention, we do not know where they will militarily harass
us next. If they do harass us, we hope you can provide us the military
assistance we definitely require.
Because the foreign minister had gone to England, they were unable
to get an immediate reply. However, it was reported to the Indian
government, and thus they were told that they would receive a swift
response.
When Prime Minister Shedra left Simla with his assistants, he trav-
eled to Gangtok, Sikkim, by way of Calcutta. Upon arriving in Gangtok,
Basil Gould, the Sikkim political officer, presented him with a wire from
the British government. Gould explained verbally and in writing that
at present, the British government would gather armaments from its
military camps in India, including five thousand guns and five hundred
thousand rounds of ammunition, as well as oil and cloth; these would
be presented to the Tibetan government as a good-faith gift from the
British government. Accordingly, the initial shipment, consisting of
one thousand guns, one hundred thousand rounds of ammunition,
twenty-five tins of oil, and six lots of cloth was presented. A receipt
affixed with seals was passed through Lekden Sahib on the seventh day
of the seventh month of 1914.19
One month after the Simla Convention was finalized, World War I
began in Europe between Britain and Germany. As soon as the Dalai
Lama heard about it, he decided to send military assistance from Tibet
to Britain, acting as her ally. Accordingly, Prime Minister Zhölkhang
sent a letter to the Indian government through Sikkim’s political officer
as follows:
To Sikkim’s Political Officer, Supreme Sahib of the Prime Minister’s
rank:
Recently, we have received information from the newspapers and from
Prime Minister Shedra that Germany has declared war on the British
Empire and France, due to which matters are in great turmoil in Europe.
The Sovereign Protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché has instructed me to
indicate that although Chinese forces continue to make incursions into
Kham, it would bring pleasure to Tibet if we could support the British
government, as we have relied upon you. As a result, we wish to return
the kindness of the British government by sending one thousand troops
776 chapter sixteen
to India. Please confer with the British Empire Sahib, and inform us of
their decision.
Sent together with a greeting scarf on the second day of the seventh
month of the Wood-Tiger Year.
Since this official letter was transmitted through Prime Minister Shedra,
it seems he must have produced an English translation. I obtained the
original sealed version from his personal papers.20
In response, Basil Gould, Sikkim’s Political Officer, wrote Prime
Minister Shedra to say:21
Dear Lönchen Shatra:
Thank you for your letter dated the fifteenth day of the seventh month.
Immediately after I received your letter, I conveyed its substance to our
Government of India, and I have received a reply from them saying that
the British Government was deeply touched and grateful to His Holiness
the Dalai Lama, for his offer to send one thousand Tibetan troops to sup-
port the British Government. Please inform His Holiness that the British
Government will seek the support of Tibet whenever the need arises.
With greeting scarves from
B. J. Gould,
Political Officer of Sikkim.
Twenty-seventh day of the seventh month.
Prime Minister Shedra and his assistants returned to Lhasa on the
seventeenth day of the ninth month of 1914 with confidence that they
had fulfilled the best objectives desired by the Tibetan government, like
the legendary trader who returned with a jewel.j
Prime Minister Shedra and his assistants had an audience with the
Dalai Lama during which they reported on the Simla Conference. In
addition, they gave a report to the cabinet and the Tibetan National
Assembly. However, the real meaning of the convention was not
announced to the monk and lay government officials or to the people,
except to say that everything had been successful. The British may have
advised them to delay this announcement, or the announcement may
have been delayed because the atmosphere in Tibet at that time was
very conservative. As a result, there does not seem to have been a clear
understanding of the convention.
j
The adage means they were proud to be able to return with such a valuable treasure,
like a legendary successful merchant who was able to trade simple goods for a precious
jewel through his commercial skills.
In 1915, the senior army general, Dzasak Tsarong Dazang Dradül, was
appointed as a cabinet minister, although he continued to be a general.
The junior army general, Taiji Trimon Norbu Wangyal, was appointed
as a cabinet minister as a reward for his previous service during the 1912
Chinese-Tibetan war and for his successful service as Prime Minister
Shedra’s assistant. Deputy Yül Lhatenpa Tsewang was appointed as the
junior army general. After they returned from studying British military
science in Gyantsé, Bhumpa Dzasak and Doring Taiji were appointed
as Dapöns in charge of newly formed conscripted units.
Around that same year, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché, Chögyi
Nyima, constructed an image of Maitreya Buddha from gold and copper
at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. It was seven human heights or eighty-five
cubits high. An image of that stature had never before been seen in
Tibet, and it is possible to say that it is the largest image of gold and
copper in the eastern world.
The Tibetan government ordered one regiment to train in the
Japanese military tradition under the Japanese officer, Yasajiro Yajima.
Another unit learned the Russian tradition of warfare under the Mon-
golian officer Tenpé Gyeltsen, who had been trained in Russia himself.
In 1916, after they had completed their studies, the regiments that
had been trained in the Russian and Japanese traditions, the regiment
trained in Gyantsé under the British, and the regiment that had previ-
ously learned the Chinese tradition gathered in an empty field before
Norbu Lingkha Palace. For four days, they practiced the old and new
weaponry skills, fighting skills, marching, horse maneuvers, water exer-
cises, and other such skills before the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, the prime
ministers, the cabinet, the monk and lay government officials, and the
public of Lhasa and Zhöl. The improved units were praised and given
awards. It was decided that in the future, the Tibetan military would be
trained in the British tradition; those in the capital and on the border
were to be trained in turn. The old and new units were assigned letters
of the Tibetan alphabet, and each was given our national flag.22 The
Tibetan Army Office produced a book of essential principles, which
were announced all over Tibet.
Government officials such as Samdrup Podrang Sé Pelden Chöwang,
Dingjawa Dorjé Gyeltsen, Gyibuk Zhönpa Sönam Wangyel, and Nor-
gyé Nangpa Sönam Dorjé, and several ordinary soldiers with different
specializations had been sent to army camps in Quetta and Shillong,
India, to study the use of modern weapons, such as artillery and machine
guns. The strength of Tibet’s military had been increasing for some
778 chapter sixteen
time and had been augmented by a stockpile of modern weapons that

had also been acquired. Tibet had taken advantage of the opportunity
presented by the fact that there were wealthy countries that were will-
ing to sell these items.
In Tibet, the practice of medicine and astrology were particularly
advanced, and so there had never been a need to refer to other sys-
tems for help in this area. Though there were some private individuals
who practiced medicine and astrology and thereby benefited people,
there were primarily two institutions that had been established by the
government: the great fifth Dalai Lama and Desi Sangyé Gyatso had
founded the medical school of Zhenpen Dropenling at Jakri Mountain
and Songdupeling in Zhikatsé. There had been no other medical prac-
titioners, [except for those who trained at these institutions].
More recently, the Dalai Lama, considering the great importance
of benefiting people with medical and astrological science, founded
the Medical and Astrological Institute, a new medical school on
the near side of Tengyeling. Knowledgeable students were gathered
from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and other monasteries
throughout Ü Tsang. The most competent leaders were placed in charge
of the newly founded institute, including Ngözhi Jampa Tupten, who
was appointed as the abbot with general responsibility, and Khyenrap
Norbu of Sera Monastery’s dispensary, who was appointed as the
junior abbot of medicine and astrology. All of the older teachers and
younger students at the institute were provided with food, clothes,
beds, medical texts, equipment, other medical items, and whatever was
needed. These were all gifts from the government. The Dalai Lama also
gave a large endowment from his private treasury. The students were
instructed in the four non-erroneous medical tantras, the condensed
essential instructions of Tibetan scholars, and the extent of black and
white astrology.
Poor people in Lhasa and Zhöl and all people without distinction
were given free medical care during the Great Prayer Festival. Still, many
people died or became ill from smallpox because of a lack of proper care
for children, and a great number of people died from other infectious
diseases. Consideration was given to these particular concerns and a
panel of knowledgeable experts was formed to deal with the problem.
Principles of modern hygiene were taught and put into practice. Though
it was preferable to attend the Medical and Astrological Institute in
person, if this could not be done, then medicine and pamphlets teach-
ing about proper care of mothers and children were distributed in all
areas. Each year, vaccines were imported from India and distributed.
These measures had a great effect. Teachers of medicine and astrology
and medical dispensers were dispatched to various areas to provide
training, resulting in enormous benefit for the people of Tibet.k
The Dalai Lama wanted to have representatives to the Tibetan
National Assembly elected by people in the respective districts, as was
the practice in the developed nations of the world. He called a meeting
in the Zhöl offices of the regional leaders, senior military officers, and
elders from the districts and estates throughout the country to consider
the proposal. They agreed that in general this idea would be a hard-
ship for the representatives and might not benefit the people and the
government. They felt that many who live in remote areas are ignorant
and uneducated, and representatives would experience difficulties due
to the great distances they would have to travel; thus, the members of
the meeting could not understand how the proposal would help the
government or the present situation. In addition, several older govern-
ment officials were resistant to change, and monastery representatives
urged that the measure would only cause hardship to the religious
estates, as they already had representatives. This reluctance was a sign
of the times, that the people had not yet advanced sufficiently. For the
time being, the cabinet declared that new schools should be established
in the various districts for the education of intelligent young people;
orders were given that the regional leaders must implement the plan.
Thus, the Dalai Lama’s idea of having popularly elected representatives
had to be withdrawn temporarily.
At the same time, even though independent courts had been estab-
lished in most major regions, when ignorant citizens would become
involved in legal matters, they did not understand the legal system.
Thus, those people who had broken the law and some innocent people
had no recourse. In order to correct this problem as much as possible,
everyone was to hire a lawyer to represent themselves in court, as was
the custom in foreign nations. Also, the government made arrange-
ments so that poor people who were unable to pay for a lawyer could
be represented without paying.23 Moreover, valuable legal documents
were drawn up that delineated everyone’s rights in such matters as legal
suits, petitions, and contracts.
k
Alex McKay, “An Excellent Measure: the Battle Against Smallpox in Tibet,
1904–1947,” in Tibet Journal 30 (2005), 119–130.
780 chapter sixteen
The Dalai Lama had expressed his approval of these measures, but
several people of high rank who were close to him reported on the
pros and cons of the reforms. As a result, these reforms had to be
withdrawn.24 Even though these and other reforms had been approved,
they could not be implemented because of contradictory circumstances
at that time. They were delayed because of the nature of the times; I do
not think this was a result of political machinations.
Notes to Chapter Sixteen
1. I made a copy of this proclamation from the registry of records at Lion Castle
(seng rdzong).
2. See the Appendix I, p. 1112 for the complete treaty between Tibet and Mongolia.
Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 128-ba-5.
4. That date is from the introduction of Buddhism. Thus, the date previously
mentioned, 123, is different by 15 years.
5. While Ngözhi Tupten Künkhyen, who was my uncle, was staying at Döl estate,
he left for Calcutta to learn about the currency printing press. Eventually, he was given
responsibility for the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production after being Tsedrön and
Khendrung. In 1932, he was appointed as the first officer with general responsibility
for civil and military affairs in the northern region. During his tenure there, he went
to the treaty negotiations in Ziling [in order to secure the release of the young four-
teenth Dalai Lama].
6. In 1922, the telegraph line was established from Lhasa to Gyantsé. The Indian
official Rosenmeyer assisted in its construction initially. Translator’s Note: J. Fairley,
the first European to visit Lhasa since the Younghusband mission, led the construction
efforts just prior to Bell’s mission in October 1920.
7. They were Ngortartsé Monastery’s Abbot Sönam Gyeltsen, Khetsün Zangpo,
and Tsarong Semo Tsering Drölma.
8. The Dapöns were: Pulungpa (who attacked the enemy at Dzezamkha), Jing-
pawa (who attacked the enemy at the river between Sertsa and Terchen), Dokharsé,
Khyung Rampa, Tré Tongpa, Tré Lingpa (who attacked the enemy at Chamdo and its
environs), and Tsogowa, Marlampa, Tanawa (who attacked the enemy at Poyül). The
commanders of the regional armies were: Khenchung Dawa and Serngak Tsedrung
Zhapchung (who attacked the enemy at Riwoché) and Tsedrung Tsöndrü Ngödrup.
Translators Note: According to this list, there seem to be nine Dapöns and either two
or three commanders of the regional armies, instead of the promised eight and two,
respectively.
9. On December 12, 1960, India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru sent a letter to
China’s Premier Zhou Enlai. See p. 28 of the Tibetan translation of that and Bound-
ary, (sic) p. 15. Translator’s Note: I have been unable to identify either the Tibetan
text of Nehru’s letter or the source referred to as “Boundary.” The English text of the
letter is found in Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers: 1947–1964, 5 vols.,
ed. G. Parthasarathi (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985–1989). The conference
is described in detail in volume two of Alastair Lamb, The McMahon Line: A Study
in the Relations between India China and Tibet, 1904 to 1914 (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1966).
10. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 152.
Translator’s Note: This is a paraphrase rather than a quote.
11. All of these records are clearly set forth in the register of exchanges arranged
by the Treasury Office.
12. All of the replies that were made during the Simla talks are in the Collection
of Records.
13. According to the book published by the Indian government on the border issue
(p. 110), “The Red Line, which marks the border between India and Tibet, is called
the McMahon Line. The Blue Line lies between Inner and Outer Tibet.” Since this was
determined by the Chinese, they recognized the area beyond the blue line as Outer Tibet.
Translator’s Note: It is unclear what book Shakabpa had in mind. A map depicting the
red and blue lines is to be found in Alastair Lamb, The McMahon Line: A Study in the
Relations between India China and Tibet, 1904 to 1914 (London: Routledge & Kegan
Paul, 1966), 554–555. The final phrase quoted by Shakabpa, “to issue appointment orders
to chiefs and local officers, and to collect all customary rents and taxes,” was omitted
from the final official version of the treaty. See the same source (p. 623, fn. 4).
14. The entire treaty is given on pp. 1096–1100 below. If it is necessary to read it
in English, see Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968),
148–159, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History
from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.,
1962), pp. 269–272.
15. The entire treaty is given in H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An
Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York:
E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 272–275.
16. See Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. E. Richardson, A Short
History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese
Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 267.
17. The original map is in the Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. E.
Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times
to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 268.
18. Collection of Simla Records, 87-na-2.
19. Collection of Simla Records.
20. See Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. H. Dodwell, ed. The
Cambridge History of India (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1932), 77.
21. See Collection of Simla Records. These letters use different names for the Politi-
cal Officer of Sikkim.
22. The explanation of the Tibetan national flag is given above, pp. 94–97.
23. I asked Sitsab Dekharwa and my uncle Cabinet Minister Changkhyim Tupten
Shākya how someone would go about becoming a lawyer during that time. They
said:
A lawyer at that time would undertake special studies. In some places, there were
not actual lawyers, but disputes could be settled and the truth discovered by rely-
ing on people with natural intelligence who took religious and national laws as
their bases. Examining the evidence and analyzing the testimony, a good result
could be obtained. Examples of such lawyers include Sherdrung Chö Gyeltsen,
Tangpön Nyerpa, Möndrong Kelzang, and Shechak Gyellak.
24. I have heard this from many knowledgeable witnesses, such as Cabinet Minister
Dzasak Neshar Tupten Tarpa.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
TIBETAN-CHINESE WAR IN KHAM

In the previous chapter, Shakabpa recounted how Tibet was able to

assert its autonomy in the aftermath of the demise of the Qing Dynasty
in 1911. However, as chaos in China declined, authorities there aspired
to gain command over the portions of the empire, as they would say,
that had drifted away from central control. In 1916, Chinese forces came
into contact with Tibetan troops in Kham, foreshadowing the larger
conflict that would follow. As China was able to extend its influence
into the border areas, Tibetan monasteries and lay people experienced
ever greater oppression and dislocation. Under the command of the
Do Governor Jampa Tendar (d. 1921/1922), the monastic member of
the cabinet, Tibetan forces in Kham experienced success. Chinese and
Tibetan troops clashed in Riwoché and Chamdo in 1917, and a more
general war in Kham in eastern Tibet was decided in Tibet’s favor,
with some prominent Chinese commanders being killed or commit-
ting suicide at their surrender. Shakabpa portrays this quite decisive
victory as being a thoroughgoing repudiation of Chinese involvement
in the region, and he depicts the local Khampa leadership as accepting
Lhasa’s authority.
Ultimately, a British official, Eric Teichman (1884–1944), became
involved in the resulting peace negotiations and the withdrawal of forces
agreement.a A notable consequence of these talks was the determination
of Tibet’s eastern border at the Drichu River.b Even more significant for
Shakabpa, however, is what these tripartite talks indicate about Tibet’s
international status:c
Not only is it clear that there are no grounds for supposing Tibet’s
power to be insignificant, but the fact that the three—China, Tibet, and
Britain—made a treaty as equals indicates very clearly that Tibet was free
and independent.
a
See Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1922).
b
See map of eastern Tibet, p. 784.
c
See p. 799 below.
784 chapter seventeen
Eastern Tibet
1. As in the map showing Tibet’s place in Asia, this map depicts the extent of
cultural or linguistic Tibet. The border between Tibet and India follows the
McMahon Line. The Yangtze River, called the Drichu (’bri chu) in Tibetan,
was regarded as forming the border with China. See p. 783 above.
tibetan-chinese war in kham 785
The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s efforts to establish the internationally recog-

nized apparatus of nationhood seem to have begun to have an affect.
For centuries, eastern Tibetans, particularly in Kham, had enjoyed
quite comprehensive autonomy from both China and Lhasa. In this
chapter, Shakabpa makes a concerted effort to identify exceptions to this
pattern. He later cites a 1918 letter from Dergé monks and laity praising
“the noble activities of the Tibetan government, Ganden Podrang,” a
positive disposition that people in eastern Tibet frequently had not felt
in the past.d Shakabpa suggests a close relationship between Dergé and
the Lhasa government, with the former turning to the Dalai Lama’s
government for help in resolving a succession dispute. Ganden Podrang
also provided monastic subsidies and undertook other reforms.
As further evidence of Tibetan autonomy, Shakabpa describes Tibetan
coinage issued in the early decades of the 20th century. Also beginning
around 1916, the Dalai Lama began to form a much closer bond to
British-India, particularly with Charles Bell, the British governor of
Sikkim and, as mentioned above, the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s eventual
English-language biographer.
The already strained relations between the Dalai Lama and the
Paṇchen Lama became even more conflicted in the 1920s. For the first
time, Lhasa imposed taxes on Trashi Lhünpo monastic holdings, and
the Dalai Lama was displeased by the separate relations maintained
by the Paṇ chen Lama with both Britain and China. By the end of
1923, the Paṇchen Lama had departed Tibet for Mongolia and China.
Shakabpa represents him as having been used by the Nationalists in
China, although some other contemporary scholars see the Paṇchen
Lama as having made fairly skillful use of the Chinese as well.e Despite
evidence to the contrary, Shakabpa consistently endeavors to portray
relations between the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen Lama as friendly
and trusting. He remarks:f
d
See p. 800 below.
e
The best sources on the sixth Paṇchen Lama’s experience in China are Parshtam
Mehra, Tibetan Polity, 1904–1937: The Conflict Between the 13th Dalai Lama and the
9th Panchen: A Case Study (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1976) and especially Gray
Tuttle’s Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2004), which provides helpful context for understanding relations
between Chinese and Tibetan actors in the period.
f
See p. 808 below.
There is absolutely no evidence that there was any mistrust between the
Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Rinpoché. Through examining their letters,
one can know with certainty that the tremendous faith and compassion
between the lama and his student did not involve any contentiousness.
Instead, he blames the Paṇchen Lama’s attendants for being divisive.
The Dalai Lama maintained his efforts to modernize life to conform to
the norms he had witnessed outside of Tibet. For example, the Tibetan
army was expanded to ten thousand troops, the Lhasa police force was
reformed, and armaments were enhanced. Among Tibetans in general,
there was a deep sense of discomfort with foreign influences during
this time. Shakabpa describes the suspicion people felt towards motor
vehicles in Tibet. Similarly, he mentions that an English-medium school
was opened for a time in the 1920s and some young Tibetans were sent
to India for military training. However, these opportunities were short-
lived, as conservative elements within Tibetan society disapproved of
such innovations. It is clear from Shakabpa’s tone and his comments
throughout the text that he regrets this Tibetan resistance to change.
Through the late 1920s and early 1930s, the Dalai Lama continued
to resist the presence of foreigners, including Russians or Mongolians
whose countries had by that time embraced communism. Meanwhile,
China made efforts to establish an official presence in Tibet. Territorial
disputes continued to crop up with Tibet’s neighbors, including a 1927
dispute over Chinese incursions at Powo. The same year, the Chinese
Nationalist President Chiang Kaishek (1887–1975) attempted to open
relations with Tibet, but Tibetans remained disinterested in anything
beyond informal and mainly religious exchanges with the Chinese. In
contrast, the Dalai Lama fortified links with other figures beyond Tibet,
including Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948), the United States President
Herbert Hoover (1874–1964), and the Japanese Prime Minister Makoto
Saitō (1858–1936).
The 1930s opened with a series of border conflicts with Chinese
troops. Despite its increasing professionalism, the Tibetan army was
defeated at Ziling, Denkhok, and elsewhere. A series of minor campaigns
in eastern Tibet necessitated the negotiation of the Ziling-Tibetan
Treaty.g Shakabpa himself was a junior aide charged with carrying
official government seals; thus it is with this account that Shakabpa’s
own enduring public career enters the pages of this volume.
g
See p. 824 ff. below.
Amidst a variety of ill-omened presentiments, the Dalai Lama died

in 1933 at the age of fifty-eight. Extensive customary ceremonies were
planned and undertaken. Meanwhile, one of his closest aides, his per-
sonal attendant, Tupten Künpel (1905–1963) came under scrutiny. Of
peasant origins, he had risen to a position of unusual power through
the sponsorship of the Dalai Lama. He had established a private army
called the Drongdrak Makgar through which he elaborated a distinct
power base, alienating the cabinet and many other people. With the
death of his patron, people feared that Tupten Künpel might be trying
to seize power. Ultimately, Künpel was arrested and sent into exile in
China.h
h
These events are narrated in detail in Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the
Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California
Press, 1991), 146–185.
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
TIBETAN-CHINESE WAR IN KHAM
Lama Jampa Tendar, the cabinet minister with general responsibility

over civil and military affairs in Domé,a was afraid that contrary condi-
tions would affect the continuing negotiations between China, Tibet,
and Britain at Simla. Thus, in order to promote short term peace and
harmony, he wrote a letter to the Chinese General Pin Tungling at
Chamdo, Drin Tungli who lived in the Ba region, and Chang Ulen
who lived in Dartsedo. Although the other Chinese leaders did not
respond, General Pin Tung ling of Chamdo sent a yak’s tongue in
response at one point.b At another point, he said, “We intend to come
up to Kongpo Gyamda.” Hence, the initial foundation for the Chinese-
Tibetan war was set.
Other conditions underlying the war are as follows: Within the Chi-
nese army at Chamdo, the Chinese commanders Chang and Tān had
one thousand six hundred soldiers and two cannon under their control
at Riwoché. In an uninhabited region of Do, Chinese soldiers who were
harvesting grass arrested two men who were tending livestock for the
Tibetan army; they were imprisoned at Riwoché. As advised by the Do
Governor, Tibetan soldiers from Lho Castle wrote to the Chinese lead-
ers of Riwoché and Chamdo saying that they must immediately correct
the situation. Not only were they not released, they were supposed
to be taken to Chamdo. When they left for Chamdo from Riwoché
accompanied by fifty Chinese soldiers, Tibetan soldiers were lying in
wait, and they snatched the Tibetans from the Chinese. As a result, the
troubles between the two sides increased.
In 1916, the Do Governor discovered that the Chinese were planning
to reinforce their forces in Chamdo, Kardzé, Ba, and so forth, and they
were planning to transport military pay, materials, and weapons. In
addition, he received a letter attempting to establish relations with the
Chinese soldiers of Chamdo and Riwoché, which said:
a
Hereafter, this figure is refered to as the Do Governor.
b
Given the cultural significance of the yak in Tibet, this provocative act was an
expression of contempt for Tibetans.
Since I am planning to reinforce the armies and bring in a great quantity

of resources, we will be able to proceed on to Kongpo Gyamda before
long.
Not only that, but the letter also said that because of China’s serious
oppression of the many monasteries in the regions of Markham, Gojo,
Sangen, Drakyap, and so forth, “the Tibetan government is going to
evict people.” Many covert messengers arrived. As a result, the Do
Governor formulated a plan according to which three Tibetan armies
were created. The first was sent by way of Riwoché and Chakzamkha
to cut off the flow of Chinese reinforcements coming from Dergé in
the northern area of Chamdo. A second group of Tibetan soldiers was
sent to the western part of Chamdo straight through Lagong Ngenda
and Lamda. The third group was sent to Drakyap by way of Tsawa-
bashö to expel the Chinese soldiers who were in Markham, obstruct
the Chinese reinforcements who were coming from the Ba region, and
to flank Chamdo from the southeast.
The commanders gradually arrived.1 Within several months, Dapön
Pulungpa and Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso had expelled the Chinese.
Two senior Chinese commanders and about six hundred ordinary
soldiers escaped to Chamdo. Many of the remainder died, and many
were captured. Among the weapons that the Tibetans seized were two
German-made cannon. Thereafter, having come through Chakzamkha,
Ngomchu, and Dzachu, the Tibetan troops arrived in Chamdo in the
sixth month of 1917. At that time, the famous Dapön Pulungpa was
lost to the enemy in Dzezamkha.
The Tibetan soldiers who were going by way of Shapyé Zampa, led
by Dapön Tré Lingpa and Tsogowa, had to fight fiercely for a long
time at Ngenda and Lamda, where the Chinese army had made the
extensive preparations. They slowly proceeded on to Chamdo. The
Do Governor’s offices were transferred from Lho Castle to the Shapyé
Zampa region. The group that had gone by way of Tsawabashö, led
by Dapön Khyung Rampa and Tanawa, together with the local militia,
expelled the Chinese forces who were in Drakyap Jamdün, Lhadün,
Markham, and so forth. Border guards were introduced at Bumla
Pass, thus preventing Chinese reinforcements from going to Chamdo
from the Ba region. Eventually, they reached the southeast region of
Chamdo, according to plan.
From that point, the Chinese troops in Chamdo had no way to reach
Dartsedo from Kardzé except through Dergé. There were no more than
four thousand Chinese soldiers in Chamdo. Chinese reinforcements that
were coming from Kardzé by way of the great Dergé Monastery were
wiped out by the Tibetan army at a place called Dopa. They captured
two German-made cannon and a large cache of ammunition. After that,
when the one thousand Chinese soldiers led by the commander Wu
Kontai arrived at Topa Drugu Monastery, two days from Chamdo, they
were destroyed by the Tibetan army. While Wu Kontai was in prison
at Lhodrak Senggé Castle, I personally interviewed him. He said:
General Chang Ulen sent me from Dartsedo to help the troops at Chamdo,
along with one thousand troops, ammunition, and a large quantity of
money to pay the soldiers. I led about two thousand local militia troops
from the Horkhok area, and having left, we arrived at Topa Drugu
Monastery,2 near Chamdo, in the afternoon. While we were staying
there for the day, several Tibetan soldiers arrived near the main river in
front of the monastery. They fired a few shots and left. I was convinced
that they would come back that night, so guards were posted along the
monastery’s wall. I sent messengers directing the large contingent of
Chinese soldiers to take up positions along the river and the local militia
to arrange themselves behind the mountain.
At about midnight, the Tibetans arrived, a heavy barrage of firing
ensued, and the bullets came down on the monastery like falling rain.
When I was able to survey the situation as dawn came, I discovered that
the local militia who were in our midst had been collaborating with the
Tibetans against us. As a result, except for the Chinese soldiers within
the monastery, the entire area was completely lost to the Tibetans, both
behind the mountain and on top of it. Although there was a chance
of preventing them from entering the monastery, there was no hope
of beating them since they had surrounded the walls. After conversing
with the commander under me, I affixed a Tibetan greeting scarf to a
long pole in the wall and displayed it as a sign of peace. Subsequently,
I personally surrendered to the Tibetans. Dapön Khyung Rampa and
another dapön were there. During the night, any Chinese soldiers who
were able to escape did so.
I turned over everything we had, the weapons, money, and ammunition
of the remaining officers and soldiers. We were sent to the Do Governor’s
place in Shapyé Zampa. Upon meeting a monk minister I gave him a
nice rosary I was wearing on my hand and a gold bracelet which my
wife had given me, but he would not take it. Still I was given a special set
of traveling clothes and a horse. I was sent to Lhasa in the company of
my remaining troops, along with some Tibetan soldiers. Upon arriving
in Lhasa, the remaining soldiers were sent on to Burma by way of India
and then on to Yunnan.
However, with respect to myself, the fourth-ranking Taradopa issued a
proclamation to a secretary, and I was sent on to Lhodrak Senggé Castle
with an escort consisting of two people. Still, I thought that I was being
taken someplace to be killed at that time. I was extremely frightened.
However, upon arriving at Senggé Castle, Dzong Rinchen Gangpa read

the proclamation which said that my crime was having pursued the Dalai
Lama in Chakzamkha in the past. Thereafter, my feet were put in irons
and a collar was put on my neck. Since I was not going to be killed, I
was very relieved.
Previously, when General Luchen (lu’u cun) and the Chinese army had
arrived in Lhasa, I had the rank of Du Igen (sdu’i kwan). When the Dalai
Lama was escaping to India,c I volunteered [to pursue him] to Pakri, lead-
ing the cavalry. It seems that I was recognized due to the large birthmark
on my brow. During that time, I had been a young and boastful man.
The nobles and ladies of Lhasa called me the “Mulicolored Caterpiller,”d
and I knew a good many young nobles and ladies.
Throughout this period, the Tibetan army had extended their control to
the four corners of Chamdo. However, Chinese troops around Chamdo
secured the area between the Ngomchu and Dzachu Rivers. All over
the mountains, there were rugged, sturdy, and well-armed troops, and
so the Tibetans’ control was not complete. From among the machine
guns the British government had offered as a gift, two thousand rifles
and ammunition arrived. As soon as they were distributed to all of
the battle sites, the power of the Tibetan forces immediately increased.
All of the roadways on the mountaintops in dispute and the front-line
bridges were captured by the Tibetan army.
By that time, they had become accomplished at firing the four Chinese
cannon they had captured from Riwoché and Topa, and they had been
set up flanking Chamdo. The Tibetans sent an ominous message to the
Chinese saying that if they did not capitulate, they would be completely
wiped out. At that time, the Chinese leader called Nai (na’i) solicited
advice from the Chinese forces that were in Chamdo. Finally, he said
that it would be good if they gave up, and people accused him of being
a Tibetan spy. Thus, his throat was cut, and for several days, the Chi-
nese would not surrender. However, in the end, the remainder of the
troops would not obey their orders, and in the tenth month of 1917,
Pin Tungling sent a letter of capitulation bearing his official seal and
stamp. The Chinese commander Chang, who was an impetuous man,
c
See p. 721 ff above.
d
The bug being referred to in the text (‘bu khra khra) may be a ladybug, but that
feminine name would have given the wrong impression here. He is representing him-
self as a flashy or even flamboyant character. The sometimes fancy and often colorful
caterpillar may evoke something of the quality inspired by the Tibetan phrase.
took his wife, son, and pistol, and committed suicide, jumping into the
Tsangpo River from the bridge.
Subsequently, two of the Do governor’s deputies and groups of sol-
diers on the left and right slipped into Chamdo. They raised the Tibetan
flag over Chamdo Monastery and on all of the dwellings in Martang.
Each of the Chinese civil and military leaders were accounted for by
name, and all of their arms were seized. Eleven nobleman officers, includ-
ing General Pin Tungling, and one thousand four hundred soldiers were
captured and imprisoned. Most of the remainder were killed in combat,
and many also succumbed to an epidemic. Garwa Lama, a secretary
from the Riwoché monastic residence, was arrested for working for the
Chinese. It was decided that civilian officials and traders from China
should be detained and denied permission to travel across or between
cities in Chamdo. The remainder of the Chinese forces determined that
General Pin Tungling had committed the crime of hiding a great deal
of their pay by dumping about forty thousand Chinese dollars into a
coffin, and thereby concealing it as though it were a corpse.
The Do Governor, Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, went to
Chamdo and established a territorial government (sa ngas kyi gzhung)
for Domé (Kham). He met there with various civil and military Chinese
officers, including General Pin Tungling.3 The Chinese money that had
been concealed in the coffin was distributed equally to the Chinese com-
manders. Five dré of rice and travel clothes were provided for the trip
to Lhasa. All of them were sent to Lhasa along with a military escort.
General Pin Tungling was allowed to carry whatever private posses-
sions he had. Garwa Lama was taken bound and gagged since he was
an evil tantric magician.
The Chinese that had been captured in Chamdo and imprisoned were
immediately taken to Lhasa. They were all given travel clothes and were
returned the Yunnan by way of Burma, with the assistance of the Indian
government. General Pin Tungling was sentenced to life in prison in
Lhodrakdowo Castle. He married a Lhodrak woman there, and had a
son and a daughter. When he died in 1930, his last will stipulated that
one third of the little bit of gold dust he had should be offered to the
Dalai Lama. Accordingly, his wife and children went to Lhasa, where
they offered it. They performed extensive offering services to the Jowo
images. It is said that the children were handsome and clever, although
the son did a little gambling.
Garwa Lama was sentenced to life in prison at Jayül in the Lhokha
region, but he escaped and was lost. At that time, Nyelungpa and
Trengdong Letsen Jampa Kelzang, the commanders of the Jadep regi-

ment of Jayül, reported to the Cabinet that Garwa Lama had died from
an illness. However, after several years, he arrived in Nanjing, where
he created a new situation for himself. Thereafter, he went to Dar-
tsedo, where he distributed a newsletter promoting revolution against
the Tibetan government. As a result, commanders, Nyelungpa and
Trengdong Letsenpa, were investigated and censured. Subsequently,
when Garwa Lama was in Ba during 1936, the Chinese Communists
were moving towards Ba and Litang on the Long March. Garwa Lama
escaped to Nyakrong. It is reported that he was killed by people who
loved the Tibetan government.
Thereafter, the Do Governor Lama Jampa Tendar gave rewards and
decorations to the people who had served him diligently and he pun-
ished those people who had spied on the Tibetan side and who had
fomented turmoil and disaster. In the meanwhile, he appointed officers
and stewards to serve at all of the castles that had previously been under
Chinese control. He extended his authority over the entirety of Domé,
arranging officials to collect taxes and administer justice. He issued
currency for the payment of the soldiers’ salaries.4 Military camps were
established in order that the soldiers could rest for a few months.
All of the chiefs and monasteries of Dergé, Nyakrong, Horkhok, Ba,
and Litang sent letters saying, “We have been freed from the unwanted
domination of the Chinese through the compassion of the gods and
soldiers.” The Tibetans had risen up against the Chinese with whatever
power and strength they had. As a result, the Do governor dispatched
four platoons of regular forces and one platoon of the local militia from
Ü Tsang by way of Dergé and Horkhok to Chakzamkha in Dartsedo,
on the border with Sichuan. Three Ü Tsang platoons and one unit of
the militia were dispatched from Ba and Litang by way of Markham
to Jünaten on the border with Yunnan in order to liberate the people
there. As all of the monks and lay people from the various territories
cooperated, the Chinese troops who were in Dergé, Sangen, Gojo, and
so forth were ejected.
Likewise, the units of the Tibetan army who were in Horkhok turned
to Nyakrong, Ba, and Litang, and the units in Dartsedo and the cap-
tured territory were hopeful of arriving during the night. Because of
the incredibly frightful reputation of the Tibetans’ ferocity, it was as
though they could not overcome their assault. Thereby, the Chinese
General of the Ba region appealed to Dr. Shelton, an American Chris-
tian missionary living there. They consulted him on how to resolve the
border war with Tibet. In addition, Chinese border officials from both
Sichuan and Yunnan appealed to the central Chinese government. The
Chinese central government appealed to the British government for
help in bringing the border war to an end.5
They consulted with Eric Teichman, who was the British Chancellor
residing at Trintu in Sichuan. The British government conferred with
Lhasa’s government about whether they would consent to a meeting, and
they agreed. Thus, Teichman, the British representative and Liutselting
(Lu’u Jenting), the Chinese Governor-General of both civil and military
affairs in the Ba and Litang region, arrived in Chamdo and met there
with Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, the Do Governor. At the
same time, the Tibetan armies were fighting fierce battles in Rongpatsa
and Tsakhalho. Teichman’s book clearly set forth in detail the situation
between the Tibetan and Chinese leaders during this time.6
The Chinese and Tibetan representatives remained with the Brit-
ish negotiator; at the end of many days of negotiations, the border
was temporarily determined to be at the Drichu River. The region to
the east, excluding Dergé and Pelyül were to be controlled by China,
and all of the holdings of the monasteries that would then be under
Chinese control to the east of the Drichu River were to be controlled
by the Tibetan government. Those are some of the terms of the treaty
that were agreed upon. The treaty set the borders at the place they had
been when hostilities broke out between China and Tibet. It included
the following provisions:7
1. Whereas a state of hostilities arose last year between Chinese and Tibetans
owing to an attack by Chinese troops on Tibetan troops on account of a
trifling dispute near Leiwuchi and Chiamdo; and whereas the leaders on
both sides are now desirous of a restoration of peaceful relations on the
general basis of both sides retaining the territories they now occupy; and
whereas the British Government has consented to mediate in the dispute;
the following arrangement for a complete cessation of hostilities has been
agreed upon between the undersigned, namely, General Liu Tsan-ting
(Liu Zengtin), commanding the Chinese troops at Batang, and acting on
behalf of China. The Kalon Lama, commanding the Tibetan troops on
the frontier, and acting on behalf of Tibet, and Mr. Eric Teichman, of
His Britannic Majesty’s Consular Service, acting on behalf of the British
Government.
2. This agreement is of a temporary nature and shall only remain in force
until such time as the Governments of China, Tibet, and Great Britain
shall have arrived at a final and permanent tripartite settlement; but in the
meantime it cannot be modified in any way except with the unanimous
consent of all three contracting parties.
3. It is agreed that the provisional boundary line between Chinese and

Tibetan controlled territory shall be as follows: The districts of Batang
(Baan), Yenching (Tsakalo), Iron (Sanpa or Taso), Tejung (a), Litang,
(Lihua), Kantze, Nyarong (Chantui or Chanhua), Luho (Changku or
Drango)(b), Taofu (Taowu), Hokou (Nyachuka or Yachiang), Tachienlu
(Dartsendo or Kangting), Tampa (Romidrango)(c), Lutingchiao (jaza-
maka)(e), Chiulung (Jez-erong)(d), Hsiangcheng (Tinghsfang)(f), and
Taocheng(g), and the country lying to the east of them, shall be under
the control of the Chinese; no Tibetan troops or civil or military officials
being permitted to reside therein; while the districts of Riwoche (Lei-
wuchi), Enta(h), Chiamdo (Changtu), Draya (Chaya), Markam-Gartok
(Chiangka or Ningching), Gonjo (Kong, cbueh), Sangen (Sangai or
Wucheng), Tungpu (i), Tengko (k),e Seshu (Shihchu), Derge (Teko),
and Beyu (Paiyu), and the country lying to the west of them, shall be
under the control of the Tibetans; no Chinese troops or civil or military
officials being permitted to reside therein. As soon as the Governments
of China and Tibet shall have formally accepted this agreement, all the
Tibetan troops and civil and military officials at present in Kantze and
Nyarong (Chantui) districts shall be withdrawn; the Chinese civil and
military authorities engaging not to oppress or in any way maltreat the
natives of those parts, including the Lamas of Dargye Gomba and other
monasteries, after the withdrawal of the Tibetan troops. The existing
boundaries of Yunnan Province and of the Kokonor (i.e., the territory
at present under the control of the Sitting officials) shall remain for the
present unchanged.
4. It is agreed that, apart from local constabulary necessary for the mainte-
nance of law and order, no Tibetan troops shall be stationed to the east
of the river Yangtze (Die Chu or Chin Sha Chiang); and it is likewise
agreed that, with the exception of one hundred local constabulary, the
Chinese troops stationed on the south and north roads shall not cross
to the West of the Yangtze and Yalung rivers respectively; both sides
engaging to withdraw their troops in accordance with the above arrange-
ments as soon as the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally
accepted this agreement.
5. It is agreed that the control of all the monasteries in the above, men-
tioned Chinese governed districts, as well as the right of appointing high
Lamas and other monastic functionaries, and the control of all matters
appertaining to the Buddhist religion, shall be in the hands of the Dalai
Lama; the Chinese not interfering in any way therein; but the Lamas,
on the other hand, shall not interfere in the territorial authority of the
Chinese officials.
6. The Chinese and Tibetan authorities on both sides of the border shall
be responsible for and shall take all possible steps to prevent raids by
e
(a) De-Rong (b) Trong-Go (c) Rong-Ming-Trag-Go (d) Gyal-Tso-Rong (e) Chag-
Sam-Ka (f ) Cha-Trong (g) Taotda (h) Ngenda (i) Teng-Pug (k) Ten-Pog.
members of their forces or by others under their respective jurisdictions

across the temporary boundary line laid down in Article 3; and will
render one another reciprocal assistance in the maintenance of order,
suppression of brigandage, and apprehension of evil-doers. Peaceful
traders and travelers, however, shall be permitted to cross the border
without interference.
7. When the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally
accepted this agreement, all the Chinese prisoners in the hands of
Tibetans, and all the Tibetan prisoners in the hands of the Chinese,
shall be released and permitted to return home if they so desire.
8. It is agreed that no Tibetans or Chinese will be punished or in any
way maltreated for having adhered to or supported the Tibetan or
Chinese cause in the past before the conclusion of this agreement,
a general and complete amnesty in this respect coming into force
immediately. The Tibetan and Chinese authorities further undertake
that all Chinese in Tibetan controlled territory, and all Tibetans in
Chinese controlled territory, whether lamas or laymen, agricultural-
ists, merchants’, or others, shall be properly protected, well and fairly
treated, and in no way oppressed.
9. In the event of any dispute arising between the Tibetan and Chinese
authorities on the frontier after the conclusion of this agreement,
there shall be no recourse to arms; but both sides agree to refer the
matter in dispute to the British Consul for his arbitration. In order
to enable the British Consul to carry out satisfactorily his duties of
arbitrator and middleman under this agreement, the Chinese and
Tibetan authorities engage to render him all possible assistance
in visiting the frontier officials and travelling through the frontier
districts.
10. Inasmuch as the natives of Eastern Tibet have suffered greatly of
recent years from the large numbers of troops stationed in the coun-
try, and since now that peace has been arranged under this agreement
there is no longer any need for soldiers beyond those necessary for
the maintenance of law and order, the Chinese and Tibetan authori-
ties express their willingness to reduce their frontier garrisons; and
in accordance with this policy it is agreed that not more than two
hundred Chinese troops shall be stationed at Batang and Kantze,
respectively, and that not more than two hundred Tibetan troops
shall be stationed at Chiamdo and Gartok (Chimgka) respectively;
but the authorities on either side shall be at liberty to take what
military action they please in case of disturbances of the peace in
their respective territories.
11. It is agreed that no Chinese troops shall be stationed in the districts
known as Hsiangcheng (Tinghsiang) [Cha-Treng] and Nyarong
(Chantui or Chanhua) so long as the natives of those regions remain
peacefully within their own borders and abstain from raiding other
parts, but in the event of their causing trouble; the Tibetan authorities
shall not interfere with any action the Chinese authorities may take.
12. When the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally
accepted this agreement, its provisions shall be widely made known
by proclamations in Tibetan and Chinese throughout the districts
on both sides of the frontier with a view to pacifying the minds of
the inhabitants of the border after the recent years of fighting and
unrest.
13. Eighteen copies of this agreement having been drawn up and signed,
six in Chinese, six in Tibetan, and six in English, each of the three
signatories shall retain two Chinese, two Tibetan, and two English
copies. As the British representative has acted as mediator in the
matter the English text shall, in the event of disputes arising, be con-
sidered authoritative. Each signatory engages to report the provisions
of this agreement to his Government with the least possible delay for
their approval. Both Chinese and Tibetan authorities engage not to
move troops or open hostilities pending the receipt of the decisions
of the three Governments.
Signed and sealed at Chiamdo, this Nineteenth Day of August, Nineteen
Hundred and Eighteen.
Liu Tsan-ting (Liu Zengtin
Eric Teichman
Chamba Denda, the Kalon Lama
The treaty thus signed was forwarded for approval of the respective
governments. The date of the withdrawal of the army was to be final-
ized after the approval from the three governments.
Subsequently, discussions were held on the question of a mutual troop
withdrawal. The Chinese side was represented by Han Kuangchun (han
kong cun) and Chakla Gyelpo, Khenchung Lozang Döndrup, Tsang
Dapön Khyungrampa, and Dzang Dapön Tretongpa for the Tibetan
side, and British Consular official Eric Teichman as the mediator. The
parties went to Rongpatsa. The terms of the troop withdrawal are as
follows:8
Supplementary Agreement Regarding Mutual Withdrawal of Troops and
Cessation of Hostilities between Chinese and Tibetans
1. The Chinese and Tibetan leaders are equally desirous of peace. The Chi-
nese troops will withdraw to Kantze. The Tibetan troops will withdraw
to within the boundary of Derge district. Both Chinese and Tibetans
undertake not to advance their forces along either the Northern or
Southern Roads and to cease all hostilities for a year from the date of
the mutual withdrawal of troops pending the receipt of the decisions
of the President of the republic and the Dalai Lama regarding the
Chiamdo negotiations.
2. This agreement only concerns the mutual withdrawal of troops and
cessation of hostilities, and is not a definite settlement of the questions
at issue.
3. The mutual withdrawal of troops to commence on October 17, (12th

day of 9th Moon) and to be completed by October 31, (26th day of
9th Moon).
4. This agreement is concluded between Han Kuang-chun and the Chala
Chief, special representatives of the Szechuan Frontier Commissioner,
on the one hand, and the Kenchung Lama and Chungrang and Dren-
tong Dapons, representing the Kalon Lama of Tibet, on the other, and
is witnessed by Mr. Eric Teichman, British Vice-Consul, as middle-
man. The signatories engage to report the matter to their respective
Governments as soon as possible.
Signed and sealed by the Chinese, Tibetan, and British Representatives,
at Rangbatsa, October the 10th, 1918.
Additional Article
The Chinese troops shall withdraw to Kantze, but they shall be at liberty
to occupy the strategic point of Beri-beyond which point, however, they
must not advance during the cessation of hostilities.
(Signed by the three parties)
Once again, the Chinese forces were withdrawn from Gangtsé and for
the duration of the peace, the border guards at Beri were not permit-
ted to leave. The armies of both China and Tibet withdrew according
to the terms of the treaty.
The actual situation can be seen in such things as the wording of
both the treaty and the ceasefire. Not only is it clear that there are no
grounds for supposing Tibet’s power to be insignificant, but the fact that
the three—China, Tibet, and Britain—made a treaty as equals indicates
very clearly that Tibet was free and independent. It is clearly written
in many British and Tibetan books that if no treaty had been made
through the efforts of the Englishman, then the Tibetan army would
have easily regained the territory up to Dartsedo and Jünaten.
Because there were disagreements over whether to appoint the older
and younger candidate for the ruler of Dergé, both were appointed. A
gathering of all the officials came to a consensus that for the time being,
both Tsodzin Tabur Tsangda Khyungrampa and Tretongpa should be
appointed. So it was proclaimed to the officials in charge of receipts
and expenditures.
The officials and citizens who dwell in the Four Rivers and Six Ranges
(chu bzhi sgang drug) of Do Kham and in particular, the monks and
laity who live or travel in the Dergé region, sent a letter to all those
high or low. It read:
We Buddhists consider the noble activities of the Tibetan government,

Ganden Podrang, the one hundred joysf of the heavenly emperor, the Lord
of Buddhism, to fulfill the principles of the ten Buddhist virtues. It has
restored all of the harm which had been done to the precious Buddhist
teachings without distinction in Tibet and greater Tibet. At the same
time, the particularly noble customs of the protector-religious king are
like the love of a mother for her son in providing a foundation of hap-
piness. This is indicated by such things as Ganden Podrang’s obstruction
of even a moment’s danger to the lives of those who do not conceive of
the self, large or small beings, those who live on mountains or in valleys,
on land or in water.
In addition, this detailed proclamation had been distributed so that
people can adopt what is virtuous and forsake what is not virtuous.
At the same time, due to the deliberate intentions and activities of
the evil Chinese marching on Tibet, the proclamation recounted the
tremendous tyranny in terms of the monasteries that had been sepa-
rated from their bases of support and in terms of the unprecedented
new taxes which had to be applied to all of the people.
There was an internal disagreement between the older and younger
Dergé rulers, their close ministers, and so forth. In dependence on
just that, the Chinese were able to undermine their authority and seize
power. Everyone knew that this would bring about harmful results for
the monasteries and the laity.
The proclamation also said that once the government regained
control over the area, Dorjé Senggé, the prince of that estate, his close
attendants, and the common people would continue their allegiance
to the government. With the full measure of his authority, the ruler
proclaimed himself to be a religious subject of the Dalai Lama.
Although the monasteries and the general populace would have been
happy with their same old rulers, Prince Dorjé Senggé and Barpa Taiji
were bickering between themselves. Because of the uncertainty over
who would triumph and who would be defeated in their dispute, the
stability and prosperity of the region were threatened. Accordingly,
because of the decrease in harmonious relations, they were both sent
into retirement with pensions. Since both the older and the younger
leader had sons, everyone in the area and in the monasteries agreed
they should be named as the new leaders. They appealed to Lhasa for
compassion in the matter.
f
This is an allusion to one of the names of Viṣṇu.
In order to prevent the continual disintegration of the monasteries

and the religion and in order to prevent disunity among the public in
Dergé, and so forth, the six finest nobles were selected from among
the previous officials and they were appointed; the remainder were
appointed from among previous castle and estate officials according to
their personal qualities. Primarily, they were to exert themselves greatly
in taking individual responsibility for the happiness of their region,
doing their best to fulfill their office without permitting the status of
the Buddhist monasteries or the people to decline. Beyond that, they
had to let their own desires fall to the side. Previously, the people had
been unjustly oppressed; it became impermissible for the leaders to
pursue their own purposes, even in name, through doing such things
as imposing labor taxes or conscripting horses to carry loads.
The required military obligations in upper, lower, and middle Dza-
chu, in Yilhungpa, and in Denma, which had been widely avoided,
were to be fulfilled. The monasteries of Dergé are also to be given an
annual sum. Beyond that, the terrible hardship of taxes which had been
imposed during the time the Chinese held control of the area were
alleviated.
By understanding these kindnesses, people were supposed to remain
faithful to Ganden Podrang; they were to guard all of the liberative
altruistically motivated activities thoroughly such as practicing, main-
taining, and increasing the special religious precepts taught by the
monasteries. They were not to permit the four root violations or the
branch violations of ethical conduct.g On important occasions, such as
during a war, and so forth, special instructions were to be promulgated
and people were to behave appropriately.
Beyond that, once monasteries had collected the traditional types of
taxes, such as the duty of running messages, they were not to attempt
to collect additional taxes, claiming that they were customary. The
monasteries were to perform their rituals, and so forth, at the proper
times without fail, and they were to take steps to establish a happy
situation, encouraging the spread of Buddhism through such efforts as
encouraging people to give gifts of needed objects.
Also, the populace was instructed to go for refuge in the morning
and the evening, and adopt what is virtuous and abandon what is not
g
The four root violations are misleading one’s teacher, causing other people to regret
their virtuous actions, criticizing followers of the Great Vehicle, and cheating people.
virtuous, as they had previously been taught, through reflecting on

the dictates contained in the teaching on the ten virtues.h They were
to supplicate and perform twenty-one prostrations to the bodhisattvas
of the three familiesi and also to Tārā, in addition, they were to recite
prayers continuously in order to spontaneously manifest an altruistic
awareness, remove obstacles, and so forth. In particular, it was not
permissible to take even one moment of life of large and small crea-
tures that live in uninhabited areas, such as mountains, rivers, deserts,
and swamps.
During this powerless time, when the government was unable to offer
leadership throughout the Dergé district, the Tsang Dapön Khyungtré
Drelpo was appointed as the governor with general legal and tax respon-
sibilities; all residents were to obey his orders. In addition, in order to
avoid being overwhelmed by purposeless fear over internal disputes,
and so forth, people were to give their own resources which they earned
in their respective region to those in all areas; everyone was to work
for the general welfare, abandoning their own wishes. People were to
adopt what is good and abandon what is bad, without error.
During this time, there continued to be a large number of officers
and soldiers in the area guarding the border; the soldiers were forbidden
from oppressing the people through deceptive commercial practices,
demanding horse transport without authorization, or from taking provi-
sions, horses, mules, or wages. Local stores of barley flour, meat, butter,
and so forth had to be purchased and could not be stolen. The soldiers
were not permitted to violate any sort of local legal practice.
Similarly, the local inhabitants were enjoined from selling poor
quality goods or charging excessive prices. In addition, exchanges had
to be done with currency and coins. These provisions, which were
for the general welfare and which specified what to adopt and what
to abandon, were issued from Chamdo by the Do Kham governor,
h
The ten virtues are: not killing, not stealing, not engaging in sexual misconduct,
not lying, not engaging in slanderous speech, not engaging in harsh speech, not engag-
ing in idle gossip, not being covetous, not having harmful intent, and not holding
wrong views.
i
The three families of protector deities (rig gsum mgon po or more commonly rigs
gsum mgon po) are the primary bodhisattvas on which practitioners meditate. They
are: Avalokiteśvara, Mañjuśrī, and Vajrapāṇi.
cabinet minister Lama on the twenty-fourth day of the repeated tenth

month of 1918.9
Since 1896, Chinese troops in Dotö (Kham) had destroyed monas-
teries such as Drao Arpung, and they had severely oppressed the local
population with taxes and labor. Subsequently, as the conflict between
China and Tibet had continued for twenty years, the hardships inflicted
on the people were immeasurable. Then, when the Chinese were driven
out, the sun of happiness dawned a little. But, since it remained neces-
sary for both sides to be cautious, there was no way to avoid having
large numbers of border guards in the area. Thus, the people continued
to experience a little hardship because of the necessity of providing
sleeping quarters, firewood, and transport along the major roads.
Previously, in 1904, when the Dalai Lama began to teach the invoca-
tion of the great Glorious Vajrabhairava, foreign armies attacked Tibet.
As a result, the Dalai Lama was forced to flee to the north immediately.
Again, from the twenty-ninth day of the tenth month of 1916 until the
twenty-fourth day of the eighth month of 1919, he performed the pre-
liminary practices of the Great Invocation at Norbu Lingkha Lhündrup
Gatsel Gi Drudzin Palace, followed by supplementary practice of making
burnt offerings. Certain government officials who had remained under
the influence of Tsanglek Pardrupa,j and the Dalai Lama’s permanent
attendants invited the remainder of the participants to a reception. The
Dalai Lama spoke on the important duties of government and also gave
presents and advice.
As previously mentioned, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Chögyi
Nyima built a beautiful gold and copper image of Gyeltsap Mipam
at Trashi Lhünpo. It was renowned as the greatest such image in the
entire Land of Snows, measuring seven stories in height. He completed
the construction of the new abode of the image, Jamchen Tongdröl
Chenmo. The great protector Dalai Lama performed the blessing of
the image with a complete invocation. On account of that, Paṇchen
Rinpoché returned to Lhasa in the eleventh month of 1919. Along with
the customary religious ceremonies, the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen
Lama discussed the payment of soldiers or provisions for travelers at
the religious estate of Trashi Lhünpo and in the surrounding area, but
j
Tsanglek Pardrupa was one of the seven distinguished savants selected by King
Trisong Detsen to be trained as monks. Someone under his influence would be a
faithful and wise servant.
no decisions were reached. The former gave important religious and

political advice, and after remaining there for several weeks, the Paṇchen
Lama returned to Tsang.
The functions of the Stewards Office of the glorious government
were previously undertaken at the Zhöl Mint. However, after Lhadö
Menju’s civil and military officials had gone, industrial responsibilities
were given to Meru Dā Lama Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Bhumpa’s
son, Tseten Wangdu. They opened factories in Medok Gyetsel for the
production of currency and firearms. A factory for producing silver
and copper plates was opened in Dakpo Lhasöl. The Nortö Office of
Gold Coins was newly established in 1915 under Cabinet Minister
Tsarongpa’s leadership.
Between 1911 and 1921, standard silver coins were valued at five
zho, and between 1922 and 1925, gold coins were valued at twenty
zang of silver. The standard silver coins and the copper coins which had
been circulated previously had been manufactured in human-powered
machines. Thus, they were distributed for use. A mill was also estab-
lished for the manufacture of woolen and goat hair cloth. Rikdzin Dorjé
from Jangngö, who had studied in England, subsequently established
an electric power station at Dokdé that was driven by water.10 Hence,
the money printing operation was moved there. The project gradually
became more advanced. In 1931, the Office of Electrical Production,
the Treasury of Technology of Boundless Marvels, was newly established
at Drapzhi. Coins and paper money, guns, cannon, their spare parts,
and ammunition were increasingly manufactured there. In addition, a
factory was established at Dromo Norbu Tsokhyil for the production
of copper and silver plates.
Prime Minister Changkhyimpa Ngawang Pelzang passed away in
1916. Not long after, Shedra Peljor Dorjé, who subsequently took
over, also died. In consideration of the advanced age of Prime Min-
ister Zhölkhangpa Tseten Wangchuk, Yapzhi Langdün Gung Künga
Wangchuk was appointed as the assistant prime minister, with the
fondest hopes of everyone.
An inventory was made at Tengyeling Khar and some legal violations
on the part of three treasurers of Drepung Loseling Monastery were
revealed. They were taken from the monastic estate and were held in
the Zhöl offices. At that time, the monks and laity of Drepung Loseling
gathered at Norbu Lingkha Palace in order to stridently petition that
the three treasurers be restored. The Dalai Lama did not agree to their
appeal. There was no need to respond to their clear legal violations.
From that point, it was proclaimed to all, and those who had engineered
the petition were punished.
The Governor of Sikkim, Sir Charles Bell, came to Lhasa to deliver a
letter on behalf of the Indian ambassador. He met the Dalai Lama at a
large celebration at the Norbu Lingkha Palace military camp, and the
Tibetan leader accepted the Indian ambassador’s letter. Previously, when
the Dalai Lama was staying in Darjeeling, he had known the Governor
of Sikkim. In particular, during the tripartite negotiations between
China, Tibet, and Britain in Simla, he had made a good impression
on the Tibetans. Again and again, he seems to have given favorable
reports about Tibet’s situation to the Indian government. Since more
can be accomplished through familiarity, there was a great deal of
benefit from this relationship.
In recent times, the Tibetans had gotten a great variety of necessary
war materials, and at the same time, they had received training from
the British. Because of their harmonious relations and because Bell had
been so helpful, a military reception and send off were arranged for him
when he arrived and when he left. Bell Sahib was given special priority
and in meetings was given a seat like that of a senior minister. While
in Lhasa, he was given special attendants, and the Dalai Lama invited
him to performances and ceremonies. From that point on, every two
or three years, successive governors of Sikkim would come to Tibet to
discuss trade, cultural, and political affairs between India and Tibet. Each
of them was treated in a similar manner, and hence, all Tibetans and
Sikkimese adopted the practice of calling them “Senior Minister.”
At that time, in consideration of the agreeable relations between
India and Tibet, a deputy from Lentru Tsongtu requested an audience
at the Norbu Lingkha Palace military camp in order that he could offer
his salutations to the Dalai Lama. Before the meeting, the deputy and
all of his servants were exhaustively searched to see whether they had
any daggers or other harmful items. Finally, they were permitted to
meet with him.
The Tibetan government had begun to post large forces all around
their border for protection at this time. The military requisites for this
plan were sought from the annual grain tax revenue from the Tsemön-
ling and Tengyeling monastic estates. The remainder came from private
people, monasteries, and in particular, from the chiefs and nobles who
held extensive ancestral estates, ministerial estates, and estates granted
to military people. Taxes were levied on their secret treasuries to the
extent this was possible.
The central government had traditionally given a special dispensation

to the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, where the lineage of the Paṇchen
Lamas had lived. Thus, extensive cultivated and wild lands were given
to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. As its strength became like a second
capital, there had seemed to be no special necessity for it to pay taxes.
However, it was decided that Trashi Lhünpo must pay one quarter the
usual taxes. Khendrung Lozang Tenkyong and Tsipön Lungsharwa
Dorjé Tsegyel were assigned the task of evaluating the matter.
According to the excess or deficiency of grain in the various castles
and estates in a region, grain would be gathered or dispersed. Thus, the
grain would be kept for a group of mutually related castles and estates.
From what was in storage, farmers could borrow the dry grain at ten
percent interest for use as seed or as food. In Ü Tsang, two monks
and two laymen were appointed to oversee production. Moreover,
seed from estates and from upper and lower Powo which were under
the jurisdiction of Do, Dergé, and so forth were transferred to the new
Commerce Office. Thus, it was possible to send it to any place in the
country where it was needed.
As the three stūpas of Nepal were considered to be vital Buddhist
sites, the stainless descendants of the previous Tibetan religious kings,
Lha Lama Yeshé Ö and Jangchup Ö Khuwön, had restored them and
offered services there repeatedly. In addition, important Tibetan lamas
and kings had also restored them in turn and continually done such
things as building thirteen dharma wheels. During the time presently
under discussion, Tibetans heard that Boudanath Stūpa had developed
cracks, and that all of the wooden pillars of the Pakpa Shingküngyi
dharma wheels were broken. Thereupon, Tokden Śākya Śrī’s son also
made an urgent entreaty. Accordingly, in 1917, Tehor Jampa Chödrak
and some monks were named to repair and consecrate those sites.
Tsechak Lozang Khechok was charged with the responsibility of restora-
tion and was sent with a large sum of money that would be required for
the work. They repaired the walls of all three stūpas, and they replaced
the broken wooden pillars of the thirteen dharma wheels. By newly gild-
ing things and removing the rust from the old things, they were made
like new, and the deteriorated images and so forth were revived. Since
they had performed the consecration and so forth so thoroughly, the
Gurkha king and his ministers subsequently followed their lead with
joy and offered the highest services.
In 1920, the printing offices of Drepung and Zhöl completed the
woodblocks of the scriptures from Taten Püntsokling which had
been requested for many years. The restoration work was diligently
performed in order to repair the torn pages, the smudged letters, and
so forth. With the sponsorship of Jampa Chözang, the retired official
of Lamoshar, Butön Tamché Khyenpa’s twenty-six volume Collected
Works were reprinted. Most importantly, in 1921, Drigung Gochok’s
incarnation, Ngetön Tendzin Chökyi Wangpo offered one hundred
and seventy-five thousand silver coins, by virtue of which the precious
scriptures of the conqueror were printed, as a reminder of compassion.
The woodblocks were completed in Nyanang, Kyidong, Rongshar, and
the four regions of Lhodrak Castle. All additional requirements were
provided by the central government and someone was appointed to
oversee the operation. Thus, they were kept at the residence of Norbu
Lingkha Palace. One hundred people from Nyemo province, who were
skilled in carving woodblocks, were employed.
Deyang Tsenzhap Tendzin Trinlé, Lozang Gyatso, the great geshé
from Choné Monastery, and Lubum Lharam Geshé Sherap Gyatso of
Gomang Monastery oversaw the project and did some editing, while
Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap, Gyelwang Trülku Ngawang Tendzin of
Sera Mé Monastery, Jadrel Otok Trülku Jampa Chokden of Sera Jé
Monastery, Lhopa Gelong Tupten Sungrap of Sera Jé Monastery, and
so forth assisted. The woodblocks of the precious scriptures were kept
at the Potala’s Zhöl Tsuklakhang together with the image of Gyeltsap
Mipam Gönpo. The entire project was brought to completion in four
years. There are no activities of greater benefit to sentient beings.
Almost all of the monks from the great Ganden Monastery had
gone to the various villages for their autumn work. Only a few schol-
ars remained. Since they received no pay and had no tea, they were
extremely fatigued. Thus, the ninetieth throne holder of Ganden, Tehor
Jampa Chödrak, who was thoroughly altruistic, provided for the monks
from the endowment that traditionally is given to the throne holder.
The government newly established a fund for the purpose of paying
monks as an expression of compassion; the upper classes in the capital
also offered grain, money, resources, and other marvels to the fund.
A manager was appointed to oversee the receipts for this fund such
that the monks did not have to work in the autumn. The scholars
continued to go to religious gatherings throughout the duration of the
autumn. Beyond that, a careful study was made of the permissibility
of the traditional practice of monks traveling about in order to offer
prayers for life.
Five foreigners dressed in monastic robes arrived in Gyantsé in 1922,

whereupon they petitioned for permission to pilgrimage to Lhasa. By
general consensus within Tibet and also according to some scholars
of philosophy, they were engaged in a plan to steal the religion. The
Tibetan National Assembly and scholars believed that they had some
evil design to steal the religion. Thus, a proclamation was sent to the
market district in Gyantsé on the second day of the ninth month of
1922 saying, “It would not be suitable if they were permitted in the
country.”11 Accordingly, they were immediately turned back to India.
The fourth-ranking Mujawa from Zhikatsé telegraphed Lhasa from
Gyantsé to report an unfortunate turn of events. He said:
Early on the morning of the fifteenth day of the eleventh month of 1923,
the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché, his close attendants, and an escort had
suddenly left Trashi Lhünpo. When inquiries were made, it was immedi-
ately learned that they had gone by way of Yakpa. Most likely they were
going to Mongolia or China.
As a result, the cabinet immediately sent the Tsipön Lungshar Chen
to bring Paṇchen Rinpoché back, and they sent Dapön Tsogowa and
Salungpa to lead a military force as a back-up in case the monastic
estate attendants tried to cross the border. Accordingly, since they
quickly moved to the north of Namru, the military commanders were
sent back.
Until Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return, a replacement was needed at Trashi
Lhünpo Monastery and Paṇchen Rinpoché’s estate. In order to prevent
problems from occurring there, the central government appointed
Kyapying Dzasak Lama Lozang Tendzin, several government officials,
and honest, knowledgeable monks to important positions of respon-
sibility. There is absolutely no evidence that there was any mistrust
between the Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Rinpoché. Through examining
their letters, one can know with certainty that the tremendous faith
and compassion between the lama and his student did not involve any
contentiousness.
However, there were conflicting viewpoints between the government
and Paṇchen Rinpoché’s attendants on matters relating to the fulfill-
ment of their respective responsibilities. As a result, there seemed to
be no way to bring about a resolution with the attendants. After the
all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché left, when several senior attendants and
several monks from Trashi Lhünpo Monastery secretly departed, they
signed letters expressing their views. As a result, their estates and castles
were seized by the government and so forth. From that point, the rela-
tions between the two camps became increasing bitter.
Paṇchen Rinpoché and his entourage reached their destination in
China by way of Mongolia in the second month of 1925. The Chinese
Nationalists sent delegates out to receive him and held a grand reception
for him. At that time, the Nationalist government was in the ascendancy
in China. Thus, they used Paṇchen Rinpoché to their advantage, using
him as a political weapon for the purpose of fomenting revolt within
Tibet. Again and again, they employed both peaceful and aggressive
means against the Tibetan government. However, as a result of the
great extent of the Dalai Lama Rinpoché’s power and because of the
instability within China during that time, Paṇchen Rinpoché was forced
to stay in China for a long time; the Chinese were unable to be helpful.
Eventually, these events resulted in tremendous harm to the interests
of Tibet. We will come to this gradually.
During the time in the past when good relations existed between
China, Mongolia, and Tibet, many young Tibetans had studied the
Chinese and Mongolian languages. Subsequently, when good relations
existed between the Gurkhas and Tibet, a Gurkha language school was
established in Lhasa. During the era under discussion, there was a very
urgent need for English schools because of the increasingly harmonious
relations with India. Thus, in 1923, an English school was opened in
Gyantsé and help was sought from the Indian government. Accordingly,
the teacher Frank Ludlow was sent.
About thirty intelligent children from the families of government
officials and the nobility were examined and admitted. Three years after
the school was opened, the senior lamas and administrative monks of
Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries made a very forceful appeal
that there would be religious tensions within Tibet if English language
schools were in operation. Thus, the government was powerless in
preventing the school from closing. Once again, because of increasing
political connections with India, there was no way to stop the study of
English and in 1945, the Tibetans requested the Indian government’s
help in securing a teacher. Accordingly, Richard Parker was sent. About
seventy young students from among the families of government officials
and those of the people at large were examined and enrolled. A new
school was established at Lhaden Drungchiling.
In the morning, the students learned to recite Buddhist prayers and
learned religious rites. Then, the English teachers taught spoken and
written English until noon. In the afternoon, students learned to read

and write in the Tibetan language and also asked questions. After several
months, the senior lamas of Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries
protested as they had before against the emergence of conflicts between
the school and Buddhism. As a result, the school was closed once again.
A group of ten monks and children of lay government officials who had
some facility with writing English had to be sent to St. Joseph’s School in
Darjeeling at the expense of the Tibetan government. Religious interests
continually obstructed progress in such matters. However, they were
done without realizing the nature of the foreign realms and because of
a very strong and exclusive commitment to Buddhism.
Young military officers were sent to India and Gyantsé to study at
this time under the watchful care of the Defense Minister Tsarongpa.
They introduced all sorts of British customs in Lhasa. In particular,
they were taught to play polo on a square field, to climb mountains
for exercise on the hills near Sera and Drepung monasteries, and so
forth. The higher ranking monk and lay government officials and the
monks of Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries did not like these
new traditions, and hence, they were never accepted.
When inventory was taken of the British weapons in Darjeeling,
there were some discrepancies. Thus, the Junior General Yül Lhatenpa
Tsewang (Kachang Tenpa) was demoted to the status of a junior
secretary.
It was decided that a permanent Tibet army of ten thousand soldiers
should be established. The Tibetan National Assembly met to discuss
the raising of taxes from the ministerial estates and estates granted to
military people in order to pay for this new burden. As there were no
military people in the assembly, several military commanders12 were
included in the meeting on military taxes and military estates. Having
all come to the Dalai Lama’s upper residence at Nyiögak, the secretary
and the treasury official were called to the side and questioned. Under-
standing the situation within the assembly, there was disagreement as
to whether military people should be able to question the assembly.
Immediately, groups of a hundred monks from Sera and Drepung
monasteries established themselves at the Potala, Norbu Lingkha
Palace, and so forth. Another fifty young monks set themselves up at
the homes of the secretary and the treasury official. As a result, they
distributed weapons to the soldiers since the military commanders
were overcome with uncertainty. The two sides did not understand
the essential issues between them, and hence there were very serious
tensions between the civilians and the military. In connection with the
Dalai Lama’s directive, the Prime Minister Zhölkhangpa advised the
secretary and the treasury official who had organized the Assembly and
the military commanders that they must behave peacefully. Finally, the
Dalai Lama came to a decision based on the recommendations of the
senior abbot of the Potala:
For offenses committed in office, Prime Minister Khemepa Rinchen
Wangyel is demoted to district magistrate. Sampo Taiji, who was the
secretary of the assembly, his sons, and both Shenkhawas, who were the
military commanders of the Dalai Lama’s guard and who were guilty of
obstructing the National Assembly, and Tsogowa are demoted to ordinary
secretary and are not permitted to enter higher posts again. Other people
who have offended against their office are to be punished.
At that time, the Minister of Defense Tsarongpa had not been explicitly
implicated in any of the wrong-doing, although records showed that
he was involved. The Dalai Lama, having learned this, explained that
he did not have much information.13
Not long after, the Minister of Defense Tsarongpa went on a tour of
the Dromo Norbu Tsokhyil Factory and went to Drak, India to obtain
items needed by the government. On the way, he went on a pilgrimage
to Nepal. Because of his rank in the Tibetan government, the Indian
and Nepalese governments accorded him whatever hospitality and
local resources were suitable. When he was approaching Chushur near
Lhasa on his return, he received a note from the lower residence of
the Dalai Lama. It said that he would remain prime minister, but was
being relieved of his duties as secretary of defense.14 With an attitude
of defeat, he proceeded on to Lhasa.
For this reason, some of the younger military officers not only became
a little dejected, but they also became a little angry. As Bhrumpa Dzasak
Namgyel Gyeltsen was the Dalai Lama’s nephew, he was appointed as
the new general. However, since he was not strident in his duties and
continually took opium, he was ineffective; thus, he lost his ability to
do his job, and he was fired from his post as general. The treasury
official, Lungshar Dorjé Tsegyel, replaced him and the commander of
the Dalai Lama’s guard, Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, was appointed
as his assistant.15
When new lower ranking secretaries were recruited, they had to
perform certain preliminary tests. They had to shoot guns and arrows
and throw lances while riding a horse and shoot arrows a certain dis-
tance. These skills were exhibited before the cabinet and the people.
For quite some time, these abilities had been obsolete. Once new sorts
of weapons were introduced, there was little purpose in learning to use
the weaponry from a former time. Thus, in 1928, the Treasury Office
proposed a new plan in which from that time on, when the skills of
lower ranking secretaries were being tested, they would have to shoot
while standing, clean guns, shoot while lying down, and shoot and
assemble loose guns and machine guns, instead of the traditional tests.
When the plan was considered, the representatives did not adopt it for
the time being. There were difficulties because many civil and military
officials questioned it.16
According to Trang Yintang’s advice, the Tibetan government inau-
gurated a police force in Lhasa in 1907. They were to look after the
welfare of the people, take care of their well-being, pursue thieves, and
so forth. When the Chinese army, led by Lauchün, had attacked Lhasa
in 1910, he and Amban Lian threatened security. The Tibetan police
force was rounded-up and replaced by the Chinese Chüntrang force.
However, before long, the Chinese army was driven out and for the time
being, the Tibetan police force was reinstated in Lhasa and Zhöl.
The Honorable Sönam Lekden [S. W. Laden La] was called from
Darjeeling for the purpose of training about three hundred police
officers after the fashion of the Indian police. Subsequently, in 1924,
he became police chief and was given the rank of district magistrate.
Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang who had previously studied in Eng-
land, Lejar Dokarsé Püntsok Rapgyé, Lhading’s son, Mipön Gyeldrong
Nangso, Tsedrung Khyenrap Tsültrim, and Shödrung Jingsurwa were
appointed as his assistants. Thereby, the police force was established
in Lhasa and Zhöl. Since they concerned themselves with the welfare
of the people, the pursuit of thieves, and with the peacefulness of the
area, it was very beneficial.
The British government submitted a petition to the Tibetan gov-
ernment seeking permission to begin driving vehicles from Pakri to
Gyantsé in order that rice, general commercial items, and the salaries
of border guards and officials in Dromo Nadong and Gyantsé could
be transported from India. They received a favorable response, and in
1926, the vehicles began their routes to the respective stations. Four
large and small vehicles came to Pakri. When the vehicles began to run
to Gyantsé, the residents of Dromo and Gyantsé first of all suffered
losses in terms of the taxes and trade of which they were deprived. Sec-
ondly, all of the Tibetan’s transport animals such as horses, mules, and
large yaks, would wince in fear just by seeing the vehicles. They would
become scattered all over the area. Thus, they would be delayed each
time the vehicles went past. For these reasons, the people appealed to
the Tibetan government to discontinue the use of motorized vehicles.
Therefore, since the Tibetan government had to look out for the welfare
of the people, the permission to use vehicles that had been granted to
the British government was rescinded.
From 1929, the Dalai Lama toured around the Potala Palace in Lhasa,
the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production, and so forth, and he con-
sidered bringing four large and small vehicles from India. Gradually,
out of his ceaseless consideration for the people of Tibet, he hoped to
build roads and introduce motorized transportation. However, people
did not have faith in practical knowledge; during a time when there
are many avenues for such progress, obstacles are always presented for
those who are undeveloped in that way, as is the case for all countries
which have yet to modernize. Hence, this difficulty of holding on to
traditional ways of thinking is not peculiar to the Tibetans. This can be
understood through examining the situation in foreign countries.
The Tibetan government proclaimed laws such that it was not per-
missible to take opium, consume tobacco, or smoke cigarettes in Tibet,
and it was not permissible to bring those things into Tibet from other
countries. Similarly, since people who love dice games called tüpeju
(’thud pad ’ju) and taksé (tag se) end up engaging in quarrels and vari-
ous sorts of misfortune, they were prohibited.
At the same time, early in the Dalai Lama’s reign, people had been
prohibited from killing all large and small creatures that live in unin-
habited places, such as mountains, river, deserts, and swamps. It was
not permissible to kill any being, large or small. A special law was for-
mulated such that the government was to give grain and other supplies
to all those people who fish or gather eggs as a substitute. These are the
sorts of stainless traditions that are proposed by a religious king.
According to the treaty between the Gurkhas and Tibet, Gurkhas
were not to be tried under Tibetan law. Hence, as this was proclaimed
throughout Tibet, there were many violations. Some Gurkhas engaged
in the black market, earning huge profits. At that time, a Tibetan
called Gyelpo married a Sherpa woman, and together they sold illicit
tobacco. Therefore, the Nangshak Office attempted to apprehend them,
but they escaped to a place by the Gurkha Embassy. Thus, the police
rushed inside the embassy, capturing Gyelpo. As a result, since they had
violated International Law, the Gurkhas and Tibet were on the verge
of war. The Tibetan government even prepared for the ever present
eventuality of war at Dingri and Zhikatsé. General Kyizurwa and an

army were dispatched to Zhikatsé as reinforcements. As war became
more likely, the Indian government intervened, mediating between the
two sides. Since the police had stormed the Gurkha Embassy, violating
International Law, the Tibetan government apologized, restoring the
previous situation.
As Powo is undeniably within Tibet, they had always paid their small
taxes to the government treasurer. In recent times, when the Chinese
Manchu armies had come to the Kham region, they had oppressed
the Powo province, irritating the people there by taking grain and
hides from them. As they could not endure these afflictions, they rose
up against the Chinese. From the Chinese side there were continual
counter-attacks, but they suffered heavy losses because of the security of
the gorges and the land. When the Chinese soldiers were driven from
Tibetan territory, the people of Powo met before the Governor-General
of Do, Zhappé Lama. Relying on the grain stores from Powo, they pro-
vided for the soldiers’ salaries. Besides that, they also provided other
small taxes as they had in the past; there were absolutely no reports of
any problems. However, during the reign of Do’s Governor-General
Zhappé Trimon, the amount of grain collected was insufficient.
However, during the reign of Do’s Governor-General Zhappé Men-
khap Töpa, guards had to be posted because of the excess of grain in
the storehouse. One unit was sent there. Whether it was because the
army oppressed the people or otherwise, the people of Powo suddenly
rose up and killed fifteen soldiers, including the deputy in charge of
the granary and the commander of the guard. Thus, in 1927, there was
no choice but to post an army at Powo.
Initially, Dapön Tana from Lho Castle was the military commander.
Powo troops were lying in wait in a narrow passage on the edge of a
ravine. Dapön Tana himself and several soldiers were wounded. Armies
attacked Powo from all sides, and finally, Kanam Depa and the primary
offenders fled to Assam, India. The remaining leaders and older people
submitted to the army. A regional minister was established at the castle,
and he ruled over both the upper and lower regions of Powo. A border
guard was also established. Kanam Depa lived in Assam for several
years, and it is known that he died there.
In matters of religion, education, and politics, Tibet and Mongolia
had previously had an excellent relationship. In particular, Mongolian
monks were always coming and going from Ganden, Drepung, Sera, and
Trashi Lhünpo monasteries. However, in 1920, Russian communism
spread to Outer Mongolia. Ever since then, there had been a disruption
in the relationship that had previously enabled people to go to Tibet
to study; some people still escaped. Moreover, the Tibetan government
began to suspect Mongolian travelers. In 1927, the old leaders, lamas,
and monks of Buriat held a meeting. A Mongolian named Zangpo and a
companion arrived in Lhasa by way of Ziling. Although they could not
immediately meet with the Dalai Lama directly, their secret letter was
received. The two returned to Mongolia by way of India with the Dalai
Lama’s reply. At the end of that very year, a committee representing the
governments of Outer Mongolia and Russia was conducted under the
leadership of a Russian military commander. Several of the Mongolians
arrived in Lhasa by way of the Nakchu River. They were not accorded
any special privileges, such as an audience with the Dalai Lama, and all
communication with them was through the Tibetan Foreign Ministry.
They were prohibited from meeting government officials, the abbots and
monastic officials from Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries, or the
common people. Someone was also assigned to investigate whether or
not they made any contacts there. Although they were allowed to stay
for three months, they were to be sent home if they became haughty.
I have not seen any Tibetan government records and so forth which
indicate what these commissioners sought. However, the oral tradition
says that they appealed to restore the traditional relationship between
Ulan Bator and the Tibetan government.
The Chinese Nationalist government tried various methods to send
deputies and messengers to Tibet, but since the Tibetan government
would not issue visas, they could not come. However, in 1927, the abbot
of Sera Mé Monastery was sent to Beijing’s Yung Monastery. When
Abbot Könchok Jungné returned to Tibet, he brought a letter to the
Dalai Lama from China’s President Chiang Kaishek. Since it was the
first letter written by China’s President, a special reception was held
for the emissary and a ceremony was held to receive the letter. In it,
he wrote:
If Tibet were to be included within China, even nominally (in a rela-
tionship of suzerainty), then the Chinese government would offer their
sincere support in all matters in agreement with the wishes of the Tibetan
government.
The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché also could be returned to Tibet, seem-
ingly without any preconditions.
However, the Dalai Lama wrote back to President Chiang Kaishek
saying that he would be delighted if there were friendly relations between
Tibet and China, but that there was no way he could accept the idea
of Tibet being included within China.
Once again, in 1930, a woman named Liu Manqing who had a
Chinese father and a Tibetan mother, sought permission to go on a
pilgrimage in Tibet. When her visa was granted, she brought a letter
from President Chiang Kaishek. It proposed that it would be good if
Tibet formed agreeable relations with the Chinese government in an
unofficial manner. However, nobody within the government supported
this idea.
Although Domé was an agreeable and peaceful place, the Do gover-
nor’s officials, the military encampment, the granary, the storehouse,
and also the various leaders who held lesser ranks at the castles took
advantage of the common people, using their horses and requiring
servitude of them. In the exchange of goods, they would try to gouge
the people. In whatever way, through illegal taxes or other legal viola-
tions, they would take what they could. As a result, in 1929, an order
was issued in Domé (Kham):17
From: The cabinet minister who has primary responsibility over civil and
military matters of Domé
To: All of the people over whom I have responsibility, civilian and mili-
tary, monk and lay, leaders and citizens, rich or poor
Presently, our land which is completely surrounded by chains of very
white snow mountains, is governed by the all important conqueror (i.e.,
the Dalai Lama)—who is an emperor of the world as well as of precious
Buddhism, who by his magical displays subdues what must be subdued
with inconceivable altruistic activities—and is governed by the great
Ganden Podrang—which places all beings on a good and virtuous path
by the appearance of benefit and happiness in the religious and political
spheres of the domain.
In that context, the Chinese military commander, Luchun, brought
his armies to Tibet without any concern for the traditional preceptor-
patron relationship between China and Tibet. By various acts intended
to eliminate the precious religion, which is the foundation of all benefit
and happiness in Tibet, the Chinese sought to destroy many monasteries
and centers which perpetuate the religion in Domé. They set fire to sacred
articles. They killed people, stole things, and so forth. Their unprecedented
and limitless actions specifically aimed all sorts of inventive destruction
at our religion and our government. Accordingly, in order to protect
Buddhism and our government from complete destruction, every effort
must be made, without shying away from civil or military expenses. Efforts
should be made to protect the happiness of all beings in Do Kham and the
people should be protected from oppressive laws. Gradually, forces should
be positioned to protect their territory. Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa

Tendar, who has primary responsibility over civil and military matters,
is being sent for the purpose of overseeing these arrangements.
The people of this region are fortunate, and although the purpose of
this petition is to improve whatever restrictions there are, for a while,
some leaders had acted shamefully out of desire, by failing to fulfill their
civilian, military, and religious obligations. Illegally, they had employed
a variety of devices to oppress the people. There was no official entity
that could intervene on the people’s behalf. There is no need to question
the government’s admittedly repressive action of posting large numbers
of troops for a long time throughout this period. However, unnecessary
camps had been a source of tremendous difficulties for the people. In
particular, throughout this period, some civilian and military leaders
and also leaders of the common people sought illicit profits from trade
out of their own greed, and they illegally forced both people and their
animals to work for them. As there were serious losses, the burdens
were made especially difficult. The use of horses and oxen by the various
camps was illegal.
Moreover, under this contrary arrangement under the Kham leader-
ship, abusive leaders afflicted their agents. Thus, this statement should
relieve the suffering of the citizens which has become terribly severe in
Do Kham, unlike in previous times. But there is no way that a leader
influenced by religion could ignore this suffering. This should be taken
seriously and gradually implemented. Accordingly, in former times, when
oppression occurred, it was remedied. In the future, people should send
reports directly to the Do governor about any serious issues around the
border area, without waiting for the regular horse courier.
Beyond that, unless someone has permits with the seal of the prime
minister, cabinet, or Do governor allowing them to use transportation,
they will not be allowed to use it; senior and junior civil or military officials
will not be permitted to use such transportation on their own authority.
At the same time, use of provisions meant for soldiers protecting the
border will be investigated and punished. Beyond that, it is absolutely
forbidden for anyone public or private to oppress either rich or poor
people through illicit taxation, deceptive commercial practices, and so
forth. Thus, the interests of the people must be protected.
If people with evil habits oppress the people through ignoring these
words, all of the details must be investigated. If critical reports are received,
then no matter who it is, they will be investigated and swiftly punished.
People also must remember henceforth the kindness of the capital.
Accordingly, people should continue to have concern for the general
welfare without becoming depressed over the behavior of some officials.
Even more, they must make efforts at behaving properly according to
the ten religious virtues and the sixteen secular laws in reliance on the
government. All people throughout Tibet should reflect on the benefits
and costs of their behavior, and without deceit, they should adopt what
is virtuous and abandon what is not virtuous.
From Norbu Lingkha Dekyi Künga Khyilwé Kelzang Palace

On the fifth day of the eighth month of the Earth-Snake Year (1929).
Not only was this proclamation issued, but those who violated it were
punished. Also those who served the government and those who acted
compassionately towards people were rewarded and recognized. Eventu-
ally, people from the central government were admonished, “As soon
as one is out of the door, one is possessed by a ghost.”k
In order to enhance the status of both the government and the
religion, and to protect Tibetan territory, the omniscient Dalai Lama
made great efforts at diplomacy by writing letters to all of the nearby
states. He also kept close contact with Mahatma Gandhi, the great leader
who was directing the peaceful quest for freedom and independence in
India. However, after searching in detail, I have not found more than
one letter of his letters on religion from 1931. Thus, it follows:18
To Mahatma Gandhi, the faithful leader of the great Hindus:
It was especially meaningful to receive your letter of the twenty-fifth day
of the fourth month of 1931. It increased the joy in my heart. I regret
that the letter I previously sent you could not be understood because it
was in the Uchen script. Thus, I am enclosing an English translation for
your enjoyment:
The people of Tibet are striving to practice the teaching on ahimsa
given by Buddha, the blessed one, as you had hoped. You wrote that
the English word non-violence (ahimsa) is not the same as that word
as it is used in tantra. Since I do not understand why this is so, please
explain this again so that I may understand it. Further, the religious
foundation of both Indians and Tibetans came from India. As there
is one source, both concern themselves with liberating others from
the experience of suffering. Thereby, the primary consideration is to
dwell in the happiness of applying oneself to religion. I respectfully
ask that you do not distribute this letter in Tibetan and its English
translation to the newspapers.
The Dalai Lama,
Eighth day of the fifth month of the Iron-Sheep Year.
Not only did he continually write letters, but he also indicated that
there was harmony between the two peoples based on his saying “the
k
It seems that people from Lhasa warned people leaving on official assignments
that they could become corrupted upon leaving what they regarded as a more civilized
or more ethical center.
religious foundation of both Indians and Tibetans came from India”

and based on a similar conception of happiness and suffering.
The first American person who went to Lhasa was Charles Sudyam
Cutting who visited in 1930, 1935, and 1937.l Among the many letters
written between Cutting and the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, those impressed
with the Dalai Lama’s seal between the eleventh day of the tenth month
of 1932 and the twenty-ninth day of the fourth month of 1933, con-
cerned matters relating to foreign trade with America and the manner
of payment in order to improve the fortunes of Tibet.
On several occasions, there was contact with the American Congress.
Similarly, relations were established with the Honorable William Castle
of the State Department and the important American business man,
Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, President of Messers. Roosevelt S. S. Co. Also
President Hoover sent a letter and a photograph of himself to the Dalai
Lama Rinpoché, through Mr. Cutting. The Dalai Lama wrote in reply:m
It is sincerely hoped that, this country being a purely religious kingdom,
you will solicit the State Department to render international assistance as
far as it is in their power to do so, in order that the Buddhist religion may
flourish uninterrupted and that we may enjoy exercising our true right of
sovereignty and above all to enhance the prosperity of the people.
The Dalai Lama hoped to enhance both political and trade relations.19
The Dalai Lama presented Cutting with male and female Apso dogs. In
America, their descendants came to be known as Lhasa Apso dogs.
Similarly, the Dalai Lama frequently corresponded with the Prime
Minister of Japan through Togan Tada. On the twenty-sixth day of the
fifth month of 1933, the Dalai Lama sent a letter embossed with his
seal to Togan Tada:20
I write this letter especially for you. The information you sent to Tsharong
Dzasa, based upon the spirit of serving for Buddhism, has been reported
l
Charles Sudyam Cutting does not seem to have reached Lhasa in 1930 as Shakabpa
suggests. According to Cutting’s own travel memoirs [Fire-Ox and Other Years (New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1940), ix and 174–175], he visited Tibet three times
(1930, 1935, and 1937), but only reached Lhasa on the second and third journeys. This
is confirmed by James Cooper’s careful study of the visits to Lhasa of many foreign
travelers [‘Western and Japanese Visitors to Lhasa: 1900–1950’, The Tibet Journal, 28.4,
2003, 91–94], which indicates that the first American to visit Lhasa itself was William
McGovern in 1923.
m
I have copied the translation given in Sudyam Cutting, The Fire Ox and Other
Years (London: Collins, 1947), 177, since this would have been the version that Presi-
dent Hoover read.
to me, and I am aware of the situation. While I was staying at Wutaishan,

I had several talks with the Great Lama of Buddhism (i.e., Sonyu Otani,
of Nishi Honganji), who was specially dispatched from Japan, and talked
with him on Buddhism, especially on the Great Tsongkhapa, and other
high monks of the past. Later, while I was making the round of India, I
sent Tshawa Thritrüü Ngawang Losang Jampää Tändzin to Japan. At that
time he stayed at the Big Temple (Nishi Hoganji), gave a lecture, and after
a while came back to me. A Japanese priest, Thubtän Trashii (Bunkyo
Aoki) entered Tibet, and after staying here for over a year, went back to
Japan. Also, Thubtän Gyätshän (Tokan Tada) arrived in Tibet, stayed at
the Sera monastery as my disciple, studied Buddhism for many a year,
and practiced the other courses required, and it has been two years since
he went back to Japan. Next, a Japanese called Yajima (Yasujiro Yajima)
came to Tibet also, and as my personal guard, and also as an instructor,
he helped the Tibetan soldiers’ training. He is already back in Japan. Thus
the relationship between Tibet and Japan has been very close, tied by the
common religion Buddhism.
In Tibet, which is the center of Buddhism, there still exist good cus-
toms inherited from the days in the past when Buddhism flourished, and
administration is carried out in accordance with Buddhism. However,
compared with big powers, Tibet is inferior in military training, and
in all other cultural experiences. The Tibetan forces, whose aim is self-
defence, are weak in its defence. Based on thec ustoms [sic] of Buddhistic
administration, we are carrying out the steps of strengthening the Tibetan
military forces one by one. We are getting aid from the government of
Great Britain, for the cooperation and friendly relationship between the
two countries. It is my wish that the Japanese government will advice
the Chinese government not to take any hostile actions against Tibet
from the direction of Szechwan, Kansu and Yunnan provinces, which
border on Tibet. It is also my wish to get the directives and explana-
tions in secret, in order to foster the defence capabilities, for improving
and developing Tibetan autonomy, from Japan, from time to time, as
the necessity will arise. You will be good enough to consider the matter
and report my wishes to your authorities. You will also be good enough
to write to me what your government’s reaction was to my proposal.
I wish you will continue to supply me with necessary informations, as
you have done, for the sake of, and bearing in mind, the development
of Buddhism. Tibetan calendar: the Auspicious twenty-sixth day of the
fifth month, the year Water-Bird.
(Dalai Lama’s seal)
This letter was quoted in order to indicate a little how heavily the Dalai
Lama bore his political responsibilities. Besides that, he established rela-
tions with all sorts of countries large and small by all sorts of methods.
Since I cannot raise all of these matters, here I have gathered a few
letters. Out of fear of quoting too many, I have just given a few.
Around that time, Prime Minister Tsarongpa Dazang Dradül, Gen-

eral Tsodzin Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel, and the Dalai Lama’s
secretary Tupten Künpel became the great protector’s closest confi-
dants. They were very capable in civil, military, and economic matters
and so forth. However, as these things go in the world, they gradually
became attached and consumed by rivalry. When Tsarong had been a
general, there are reports that he could not account for all the arms in
government stores and so forth. For this reason, Tsarong was demoted
from the position of prime minister to district magistrate. He took this
position as there was nothing else to do. Things continued on as in the
past, meeting with the Dalai Lama and so forth.
All of the currency printing and presses such as Mekyi, Serṭam, and
Dokdé were consolidated at one site. In 1931, the Office of Electrical
Production, the Treasury of Technology of Boundless Marvels, was newly
established at Drapzhi. The Dalai Lama’s secretary and close attendant
Tupten Künpel was placed in charge, with Tupten Künkhyen being
appointed as his actual secretary and Chaluwa Sönam Püntsok being
appointed as the treasury official. Copper and silver coins and variously
colored money and so forth were produced. Firearms, ammunition,
and so forth were produced in larger quantities. In 1932, District Mag-
istrate Tsarongpa was appointed to hold the post jointly with Tupten
Künpel.
The English-made guns that the British government had given as a
gift remained in the Dorjeling armory. In the meanwhile, an armory
was newly constructed in preparation for the English guns, loose guns,
machine guns, and cannon that were to be handed over. Hence, the
armory was built in the Office of Electrical Production. Once again,
when the weapons were collected there, deficiencies were discovered
in the number of weapons. Due to these faults in the execution of his
duties, Lungshar was removed from the position of general although
he maintained his duties as the treasury official. The weapons officer of
the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, the so-called assistant General, Nangkarwa
Wangchuk Tarchin was given the status of General, without gaining the
rank. Even still, he completely fulfilled the capacities of office.
The preface to the notebook of the gun factory at Drapzhi’s Office
of Electrical Production, which was embossed with the Dalai Lama’s
seal, says:21
In 1914, Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé participated in the British-
Tibetan-Chinese conference at Simla, India. Both China and Tibet
formulated the treaty to improve the good preceptor-patron relations in

the future. When the prime minister was returning to Lhasa, the British
government offered him five thousand rifles, together with ammunition
and replacement parts. All of the Tibetan government ministers gathered
to consider the most appropriate manner of making use of this gift. They
included Prime Minister Shedra, Zhölkhang, Changkhyim, Cabinet Min-
ister Lama Jampa Tendar, and Sarjung Tseten Wangchuk.
Thus, District Magistrate Dazang Dradül and his assistant Trimon
Norbu Wangyal were assigned the responsibility of taking the weapons
to the armory. When the assistant General Trimon was promoted to
Cabinet Minister, Tenpa Tsewang was appointed as his replacement and
the latter was to arrange to receive the weapons. Again, he was willing
to give his life to set a good example. However, as the days, months, and
years passed, he was unsuccessful. As a result, both the junior and senior
generals were demoted with Tenpa Tsewang’s brother, and the magistrate
Bhrumpa Namgyel Gyeltsen, was assigned to the post on his own; since
he served with compassion and resoluteness, he was protected.
However, since he had all whatsoever mental, physical, and verbal quali-
ties, he took the responsibility into his hands. He was ordered to arrange
for the transport of all of the British weapons. However, he wasn’t cautious
in keeping records. He came from a high class family, but he was easily
influenced by bad people. He would smoke opium, and day and night
he passed his time unethically. He developed bad habits. A council of a
monk and lay official of both the old and the new general were appointed
with responsibilities. There was a delay in implementing this reform out
of negligence, and the culpable people were punished separately.
Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel took the post of general, and together
with the chief of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, Nangkarwa Wangchuk
Tarchin, had begun to enforce the legal system with determination.
Whatever he did was completely successful, and so his service was in
agreement with the Dalai Lama. Initially, they were unable to meet so
that he could be officially promoted. However, he was able to hold his
promotion party and to nominally hold the title of Dzasak beforehand.
He was able to take the seat corresponding to his new rank. Security
guards were posted at the threshold of his house.n
Except for one or two plans he had, he formulated contradictory plans
without even consulting Dapön Nangkarwa. For example, he did not set
money aside for the army salaries. Whatever he proposed was only for
his own prestige and welfare. It was reported three British hundred rifles
from the army headquarters were lost. An investigation was done and a
new inventory was taken. In the meanwhile, his office was negligent, never
acting with any diligence. While he was in charge as the chief guard of the
army, happiness and peace had to withdraw from the entire country.
n
He did not do things in the proper order; this is a sign of foreboding.
Then the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tupten Künpel, came into a
position of greater authority. During ceremonies, he was permitted to
sit among the senior abbots. Beyond that, he was not given any ranks
or other benefits that are normally connected with such a special status.
When he went to the Potala Palace, Drapzhi, Lhasa, and so forth from
Norbu Lingkha, he would travel in a little black Austin A-40 automo-
bile. When he would go to cabinet meetings, even the cabinet ministers
would have to stand up, and so forth. Such was his tremendous author-
ity. He conscripted one son from each of the wealthy families in Ü Tsang
and pressed them into service in a private army called the Drongdrak
Makgar. Although the strength of his army even exceeded one thou-
sand troops, still he continued to recruit. Trashi Döndrup, Yutok’s son,
was appointed the military officer of the Drongdrak Makgar, Taring’s
son, Jikmé Sumtsen,22 was appointed as his deputy, and Ngapö’s son,
Ngawang Jikmé, was appointed as the division leader.
Drongdrak Makgar soldiers, in contrast to all other armies, were
continually looked after, being given special provisions. As they were
always given excellent special care in every way, in their quarters, food,
medicine, and so forth, this was not to the liking of all of the other
armies. In addition, even the wealthy people among the Drongdrak
Makgar were unhappy. They did not like the military duties nor liv-
ing under such strict circumstances, both of which only seemed to
become more acute. Some of them did not need to go into the army
as they hired substitutes or paid money. Since these sorts of things
occurred several times, there was a sense of discrimination within the
army. The headquarters of the Drongdrak Makgar was constructed to
the west of the Office of Electrical Production in Drapzhi. It is said
that the army was established for the purpose of maintaining Tupten
Künpel’s authority.
In 1918, the Chinese and Tibetans upheld the treaty mediated by
the British at Chamdo; ever since the border was delineated at Rong-
patsarmé and the treaty specified that they were to protect the border,
there had been no breach of the peace.
Within Beri in the Tehor region, a lama of Nyarok Monastery was
born. Since there were not good preceptor-patron relations between the
Beri leader and that monastery, the Beri leader stole the documents on
the incarnation’s religious estate. As a result, the incarnation himself
was unable to stay at the monastery. Instead, he stayed at the Dargyé
Monastery. A dispute ensued between the Beri leader and Dargyé
Monastery over the ownership of the religious estate. Gradually, both
sides became malicious enemies and the hostility increased. The Beri
leader had the backing of Tsungtu Liu Wanhu from Sichuan, and he
received Chinese armies. Dargyé Monastery had the support of armies
from the six regions of Tehor. Then the Do Governor ordered the Dergé
Changra border guard to their aid, and Tsangda Tretongpa was made
the military commander. When the war erupted, the Tibetan army was
victorious. They reached as far as Tehor Drakgo, where they stayed
for more than two years. At that time, Liu Wanhu’s deputies, Trang
Kosen and Liu Tsenting, appealed for the commencement of negotia-
tions. This would have set the boundary at that point. If the Tibetans
had listened, they would have increased their territory in the Horkhok
region. However, since the Tibetans believed they would be able to
reach as far as Dartsedo, they refused to engage in talks.
In 1931, Governor Zhappé Menkhap Töpa, with general responsi-
bility over civil and military affairs in Domé, was replaced by Zhappé
Ngapöpa. At the same time, Tsungtu Liu Wanhu from Sichuan once
again sent two massive armies under his military commander Trang
Töntrang. Although there were Tsang soldiers in Tehor Drakgo under
Khyungrampa and Demönpa and Ü soldiers in Nyakrong under the
princes of Shelling and Khemé, they were outnumbered. Since they
were unable to hold fast, they were forced to relinquish territory. The
Chinese troops completely destroyed Dargyé Monastery, thus dispersing
all of the monks, old and young. Most of them joined the army camp
at Trawo Dordar Monastery to the west of Drichu River.
Since the Do governor cabinet minister himself was responsible for
the defense of the area, he made an appeal to Lhasa. Weapons and other
war materials were sent along with troops to reinforce the Do gover-
nor’s army. At the same time, the Indian government also conferred
with the Nanjing Nationalist government, asking whether they would
intervene in the Sichuan region. However, they were unable to bring
about any relief.23 Thus, both Horkhok and Nyakrong were defeated
and lost territory. In the second month of 1932, the Dzang commander
Khyungrampa and the Chinese leader, Tse Litrang, conferred along with
Jadak Rikdzin Dorjé. Thus, since the war effort was helpless, they had
to agree to the single Chinese demand that the border be immediately
established at the Kamtok River crossing.
Around this time, another conflict erupted between Mā Bufang of
Ziling and the Tibetan government forces over the continual offerings
to Namgyel Lhatsé from many areas of Nangchen. Initially, the Tibetan
troops reached Jyegündo. However, massive reinforcements arrived
from Ziling, and thus, the Tibetans were repelled back to their previ-
ous position. Fighting erupted between Tibetan and Ziling troops in
the Denkhok region in the third month of 1932.
The Tibetans had the Khao and the Drapzhi Regiments, together
with their supplies and arms, and they had the Ta Regiment under
the leadership of the military commander Tsogowa. However, without
their discerning it, they were suddenly surrounded on three sides by the
Chinese Ziling forces. The artillery and supply units and most of the
army had to retreat, while several commanders remained to meet
the oncoming Ziling troops. Yet, as they could not hold their position,
two commanders of the Drapzhi army, Nangrak Gyurmé Tseten, who
was the commander over artillery and supply units, and Lozang Yönten
were captured alive, along with about two hundred soldiers. While
small amounts of weapons and ammunition were lost to the enemy, the
military commander Tsogowa24 and several soldiers were saved. By their
tremendous valor, the remainder of the soldiers, the artillery, and so
forth were not lost to the Ziling forces. There are many such stories.
Meanwhile, Tibet also had whatever was required to expel the Ziling
troops, such as the Nga Regiment under Chappelwa, the Ta Regiment
under Shenkhawa, the Cha Regiment under Zurkhang Zurpa, and the
Ga Regiment under Dang Dapön along with regional armies from Sho,
Tar, and Lho. However, the three Tibetan armies at Denkhok were
defeated due to the surpassing strength of the enemy. Thus, when the
news reached the Tibetan camps, they became frightened. It is fortunate
that the Chinese army did not cross the border, because they had the
capacity to overtake Riwoché, Doshü, Tengchen, and so forth.
Tibetan armies had been thoroughly defeated in both the north and
the south that year. Therefore, the Dalai Lama decided to appoint my
uncle, Khendrung Ngözhiwa Tupten Künkhyen, as the governor of the
northern region with general responsibilities over civil and military
affairs. About twenty monks and laymen, along with modern armaments
and artillery and troops were sent in the sixth month of 1932.25
Through the efforts of the governor of the northern region, the troops
arrived at the Nakchu River and at Khyungpo Tengchen by way of
Mongolia. Gradually, as they made efforts to cross over to the Chinese
o
Just as in the American system, particular groups of soldiers are identified by
numerical designations, such at “the Seventh Army,” in the Tibetan army, different
units are identified with letters. The Kha Army is designated with the second letter of
the alphabet. The Ta (tha) army is designated with the tenth letter of the alphabet.
Ziling side of the river, the military commanders of the surrounding

border guards were ordered to make preparations for the appointed
time. There was tremendous fear among the Chinese as the governor of
the northern region, his large forces, modern weapons, and reinforce-
ments arrived. Thus, since they could not overtake the Tibetans, the
Chinese made overtures to them in hopes of securing a peace treaty. At
the same time, the Chinese side offered Tsega Chokgyur Lingpa, and
the Tibetan side offered Riché Zhaplé Dzözur Tsedrak as emissaries.
Because of their mutual understanding, the rest of the functionaries
were left at Tengchen, and the governor of the northern region went
to Riwoché without ceremony. The Ja Army under the leadership of
Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten26 and Tsedrung Chongchö Dorjé
Yugyel were dispatched to Drilchung Castle on the border in order to
confer on Tibet’s behalf.
While the Do governor-cabinet minister continued to be ill, territory
was lost in both the north and the south, and two armies under his
jurisdiction failed to follow his instructions. Because of such problems,
he became ever sicker, as his wind element became agitated. He died
in the tenth month of 1932.
For that reason, the Dalai Lama proclaimed that the governor of the
Northern Region (byang thang) should undertake all of the responsibili-
ties for Do until the Do governor’s replacement arrived. Therefore, he
remained in Riwoché, meeting with the relevant officials from Chamdo
on important matters under the Do jurisdiction. The people respon-
sible for protecting the border in the Dergé and Nyakkhok regions,
Khyungrampa, Demönpa, and the princes of Shelling and Khemé
had been responsible for losing territory. Moreover, in going beyond
the advice that they stop at the border formed by the Drichu River at
the Kamtok boat crossing, they had exercised faulty judgment. Thus, the
Dalai Lama proclaimed that they should be demoted to the status of a
lesser secretary, and new deputies were appointed.
In the beginning of the second month of 1933, Tretongpa Gyurmé
Gyatso was appointed as the new governor-general of Do. When he
arrived there, the governor of the northern region Khendrung Ngö-
zhiwa went to the headquarters for a day, behaving with confidence.
When they met, they had detailed and relaxed discussions on the
northern and southern borders. Since the terms of the treaty between
Ziling and Tibet had already been settled, the date for the signing of
the treaty was set. I carried the governor of the northern region’s seal,
taking the opportunity to photograph the Chinese Ziling camp, their

weapons, and so forth.
Accordingly, in the middle of the second month, we left from
Riwoché, reaching Drilchung Castle from Karmayül Castle by way of
Zindadrukha on the Ngomchu River. The treaty negotiators, Zurkhang
Zurpa and Tsedrung Letsen Dorjé Yülgyel, met at Tsega Chokgyur
Lingpa in Nangchengar. Thereafter, when they arrived at the treaty
site, Tretsa (Pitsa) Monastery in Nangchen, the two civil and military
officials from Chinese Ziling were accompanied by thirty cavalry. Sev-
eral lamas, monks, and leaders from the Nangchen district came out
to meet them at a place nearby.
Tretsa Monastery was a small monastery of both farmers and nomads.
There were fields on all sides. There was not much in the monastery
except for some images, texts, offering objects, and some possessions.
Whether it was because of the burdens of the war or otherwise, no
preparations whatsoever had been made at the site where the deputies
were to meet, such as places for them to stay. Cannon were arranged
to the left and right of the monastery’s gate. It seems as though the
enemy was content with this situation. The area near the monastery
and on the outskirts was filled with Chinese Hui hui (Muslim) soldiers
who wore upper and lower garments of cotton the color of stone. They
wore cotton shoes with leather soles and hats made of white and black
lamb’s wool, and they carried all manner of guns and rifles. Most of
them seem to have had horses. These are my impressions.
A variety of Ziling officials stayed in the monastery, a bearded old
man called Māshönchi27 (Māshönhitri), who was the military leader of
Mā Bufang or Mā Druzhi’s, and a young man called Li Tselmu who
knew a little English. They met with several civilian and military leaders
who were there. The Chinese Ziling delegation held a reception dinner
for everyone on the day they arrived. They met the next day, on the
twenty-second day of the second month of the Water-Bird Year,28 that
is, June 15, 1933.
The treaty was reported by the Chinese-Tibetan translator, Tungsi.
Afterwards, the governor of the northern region’s seal was affixed by
the Tibetan deputy, Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten, and Māsiling’s
seal29 was affixed by the Chinese deputy, Māshönchi (Māshönhitri). I
took a photograph of all of the assembled delegates. Then the Tibetans
held a reception dinner.
At dinner time, a cover was placed over bags of grain in place of a
table. The plates were of various sizes. Mutton and dried yak meat were
boiled and roasted in different ways. Momosp were served in several

different shapes. Beyond that there were not many green vegetables,
fish, fruits, and so forth. Liquor, tea, and boiled water were provided
for each person. The Chinese and Tibetan prisoners were exchanged,
including the two commanders. There were excellent opportunities
to take photographs of the Chinese camp and weaponry as the Dalai
Lama had wished.
There were five provisions of the Ziling-Tibetan Treaty:30
1. The border was to be restored to the place it was prior to the conflict.
2. The imprisoned soldiers were to be exchanged.
3. As in the past, both sides were not to prevent people from traveling
for the purposes of trade, pilgrimage, and so forth.
4. If the Tibetans were to circumvent the terms of the treaty, then the
territories of Riwoché, Chamdo, and Ba were to come under the
jurisdiction of the Chinese Ziling.
5. If the Chinese were to circumvent the terms of the treaty, then the
twenty-five regions of Dimchi were to come under the jurisdiction of
the Tibetans.
Also the Tibetan document was copied twice in both Chinese and
Tibetan. The day after the treaty was signed, Jadak Rikdzin Dorjé from
Sichuan arrived saying he had come to witness the signing. However, it
seems that neither the Ziling nor the Tibetan side had invited him.
According to the terms of the treaty, prisoners were exchanged,
including the leader of the Kha and Drapzhi armies, Nangrak Gyurmé
Tseten,31 and the leader of the Cha army and artillery, Lozang Yönten.
The armies who were on the border were gradually withdrawn. The
governor of the northern region, with responsibilities over civil and
military affairs, received a letter requiring him to return to Lhasa for
the Dalai Lama’s birthday celebration. Accordingly, he hastened his
departure. He arrived at the fortunate Norbu Lingkha Palace on the
fifth day of the fifth month of 1933. Thereafter, he offered his respects
at the birthday celebration at Lhündrup Gatsel and then met with
the Dalai Lama in a special audience. The Dalai Lama listened to the
detailed account of the situation throughout the Northern Region and
in Domé. That same day, he went to the cabinet meeting at the Norbu
Lingkha, where he briefed the ministers on the treaty and issues con-
nected with it.
p
Momos, a boiled meat-filled dumpling, are a favorite of Tibetan cuisine.
In 1932, the great Nechung Oracle proclaimed that the attendants,

monks, laity, and the general public ought to offer their prayers that
the Dalai Lama should continue to live for a long time. Accordingly,
the prime minister, the cabinet, and his personal attendant offered
prayers that the Dalai Lama live for one hundred eons following a
system from sūtra. All his devoted subjects took up the divine attitude
of compassion in order that they would be able to be determined and
diligent in their duties of serving the government. They did these things
on behalf of the population of all of Tibet. The Dalai Lama responded
to them in this manner:32
In the beginning, I was prophesied as the Dalai Lama without the neces-
sity of performing the Golden Urn Lottery. Since I was recognized as
the next incarnation of the sovereign Dalai Lama, the supreme guide of
the peaceful government, I was established on the throne. Ever since, I
have taken traditional practice as my paradigm. I have memorized and
learned to recite all of the prayers under the guidance of the Regent
Tutor Tatsak Hotoktu and the great Abbot Tutor Dorjé Chang Purchok
Rinpoché, whose religious activities are respected as the surpassing deeds
of supreme spiritual friends.
I have become a monk and taken the vows of a novice. I have learned
how to analyze and refute wrong positions in the five topics.q I have
received subsequent permission (rjes gnang), initiation (dbang), and oral
instructions (bka’ khrid) for an ocean of sūtra and tantra. I have applied
myself uninterruptedly to the limits of my ability.
When I reached the age of twenty, I took over responsibility for the
religious and political affairs of Tibet, according to the established cus-
tom. Although my experience, meditation, and knowledge in whatsoever
aspects of religion and politics were of inferior quality, the monks and lay
public appealed to me. In addition, I took the Chinese emperor’s request
to heart. Thus, I took up the burden. As I have made great efforts day and
night for the benefit of both religious and political matters, without any
concern for my own leisure and happiness, Buddhism has been promoted
and our political situation has been enhanced. So far as I have been able
to, I have acted to restore the Tibetans to happiness, straightening out
what was crooked in the activities of body, speech, and mind by the direct
method of the altruistic attitude.
In 1904, when the very large British army arrived, I tried to accom-
modate other’s wishes and their comfort. At that time, it was harmful to
our government, and therefore I considered ways to eliminate whatsoever
q
The five central topics studied are The Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras, the Middle
Way School, Dharmakīrti’s Commentary on Dignāga’s ‘Compendium of Valid Cogni-
tion,’ the monastic discipline, and Vasubandhu’s Treasury of Knowledge.
influence they might exert. Previously, the great fifth Dalai Lama had
enjoyed a mutually respectful preceptor-patron relationship with the
Manchu emperor. Ever since, they have worked to preserve one another.
As a result, thinking to transform an unpleasant situation into a pleas-
ant one, I showed my respects by marching north and traveling through
the Chinese-Mongolian region to the great capital, the golden Beijing,
in order to meet the emperor, the empress, and the prince. They held an
inconceivable reception.
However, before long, the emperor, the empress, and the prince each
died in turn. Thereafter, Xuantong was enthroned as emperor. Great
provisions were made for the father and the son. At that point, I returned
to the heart of Tibet. The amban who was staying in Tibet displayed his
cunning when his follower, Commander Luchun, brought troops into
Lhasa, usurping Tibet’s political power. I discussed the control of the
country with my ministers and then traveled to the Land of the Superiors,
India, for the purpose of releasing Tibet from its duress. Thus, through
the British government, the Chinese were completely expelled.
From one side, there were ceaseless prayers for success in religious and
political matters; the profound incontrovertible truth of the functioning
of cause and effect fulfilled those prayers. Thus, by virtue of the growing
conflicts within China, the Chinese leader and his army were gradually
ejected from Tibet, like a pond which is cut off from the course of a river.
Once again, I was able to dwell in the religious land of Tibet. Between
1913 and 1932, Tibet newly experienced happiness and prosperity; all
people of every station were cheerfully content, enjoying all manner of
virtue and happiness…
You must develop a good diplomatic relationship with our two power-
ful neighbors: India and China. Efficient and well-equipped troops must
be stationed even on the minor frontiers bordering hostile forces. Such
an army must be well trained in warfare as a sure deterrent against any
adversaries.
Furthermore, this present era is rampant with the five forms of degen-
eration, in particular, the communist ideology. In Outer Mongolia, the
search for a reincarnation of Jetsün Dampa was banned; the monastic
properties and endowments were confiscated; the lamas and the monks
were forced into the army; the Buddhist religion destroyed, leaving no
trace of identity. Such a system, according to reports still being received,
has been established in Ulan Bator.
In the future, this [communist] system will certainly be forced on this
land that cherishes the joint spiritual and temporal system, either from
within or without. If, in such an event, we fail to defend our land, the
holy lamas, including the triumphant father and son [the Dalai Lama
and Paṇchen Lama] will be eliminated without a trace of their names
remaining; the properties of the incarnate lamas and of the monaster-
ies along with the endowments for religious services will all be seized.
Moreover, our political system, originated by the three ancient kings, will
be reduced to an empty name; my officials, deprived of their patrimony
and property, will be subjugated like slaves by the enemy; and the public,
subjected to fear and miseries, will be unable to endure day or night. Such
an era could certainly come!
Thus, at the present time, our unmistaken religious and political form
of government still retains within its hands the ability to spread happi-
ness to others such that we are admired. Once again, all civil and military
should be undertaken with awareness, and people should cooperate. Each
person should do what they can do. Improving the government relies
upon the consideration of all of the religious and political officials; all
must work together.
If there is no confusion about what to adopt and what to abandon,
then certainly the spirit of cooperation will be maintained, thinking, “If
you develop reverence that accords with the aspirations of the masters
within the Tibetan state oracles, which are meaningful to behold, then
no problems whatsoever will befall you.” I will protect in this life and the
next those who works on my behalf for the religious and political form
of government, but not those who conspire behind my back.
There are people who selfishly seek their own interests, who help their
allies, but no one else, who are lazy and untrustworthy; such people will
fail, and it will be evident. They will have regrets that they ought to have
behaved better, but it will do no good. As long as I remain, I will take
care of Tibet, and it will remain happy and prosperous. As I have in the
past, I will perform services for those who experience problems. What
more is there to say?
It is important that you regret your past actions and work hard for the
future. If you do, then I will enhance for a long time the religious and
political government in the future. I will bear in mind equally both the
names and the objectives of all officials. And also for the citizens, I will
work assiduously as in the past to find a way to maintain for hundreds
of years the pleasant way things are now. Aside from this, what other
religious services are there. Thus, it is of the utmost importance that
through critical analysis of the aforementioned points, whatever you are
doing at all times of day and night, you do not get confused about what
to adopt and what to abandon.
At different times during that year, the Sikkim Governor (’bras spyi)
Colonel Weir and [Political Officer Sikkim] E. W. Williamson came to
Tibet.r They conferred about Indo-Tibetan relations and Sino-Tibetan
r
While Shakabpa identifies this figure as E. W. Williamson, Alex McKay indicates
the correct name is Frederick Williamson. In Shakabpa’s 1967 volume [Tibet: A Political
History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 281)], he identifies him as “F. W. Wil-
liamson.” Also in that other volume (267), he indicates that:
Major F. Bailey, Colonel James Weir, and Frederick Williamson, the succeeding
Political Officers in Sikkim, were each automatically referred to as Dreche Lonchen
(Prime Minister of Sikkim), when they visited Lhasa once every two years.
relations, respectively. On several occasions, there were also discussions

with Nanjing through the Indian government on the border issue.
At the same time, the great Tantrika Tā Lama Tendzin Jikmé
Wangchuk, Secretary Dangchenpa Lozang Gyeltsen, and Letsen Lod-
rung Gyeltsen also meet in Tibet to advise the government on the ques-
tion of the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return to Tibet. The appeals
were made by way of the cabinet and through petitions.
During the first month of 1933, the prime minister and the cabinet
sought a prophecy about the religious and political fortunes of Tibet
and about the Dalai Lama’s welfare. In reply to the request, the [Dalai
Lama] advised:33
We appreciate the superior beings who bear, protect, and increase Bud-
dha’s teachings, Drepung, Sera, Ganden monasteries, and the glorious
tantric colleges of upper and lower Lhasa, all of the nonsectarian monaster-
ies which have been asked to increase their efforts to fulfill their prayers
for all manner of virtues. Subsequently, they are to change their attitude
to one of respect toward the celestial emperor’s government, which only
seeks to achieve success.
All people, monks and laity, of whatever station are to hold fast to their
respective duties to the government. They are all to testify to the law of
cause and effect. For the benefit and success of the government, they must
withstand difficulties, not being confused about right and wrong and not
being duplicitous. If someone strives to fulfill the meaning of this exhorta-
tion, without pursuing their own interests, then they will surely proceed
on the path of prayer in all civil and military matters. If it is thought that
what was done in the past will still work, this is like brass pretending to
be gold. Wasting time throughout the day and throughout one’s life, one
is certain to encounter great obstacles eventually. Then unbearable regret
will arise. Before that time arrives, one should repent and increase one’s
intolerance for such misdeeds. This being the time to refrain from such
activities, when someone has their independence in their own hands,
they should consider pointing their fingers at themselves. If this is done
in detail, it is the only way to restore our government’s former position.
Whether government officials will be prepared for their service depends
upon their being able to enact this in detail . . . If they work earnestly to
discriminate the many differences between the ten religious virtues and
the sixteen impure irreligious non-virtues in the ethical code, then they
will be successful. Also in the very next life, they will experience whatever
profundities they wish, such as the blessings of the goodness.
If one considers the earlier and later advice, the order, and so forth,
then one wonders whether several of the primary government func-
tionaries or some of the stubborn attendants during that time were
failing to provide altruistically motivated service in accordance with

the Dalai Lama’s wish.
Throughout the year, all over Tibet, there were continual signs that
were not understood, and as there were many of them, lamas and gods
were asked to examine these portents. Continually, great ceremonies were
performed. Ever since the beginning of the tenth month of 1933, the
Dalai Lama had been a little ill. However, very little consideration was
given to this by his personal attendants. Thus, from about the twentieth
day of the month, he became more ill with a cough. Since the Dalai Lama
gave winter audiences to the monks of the Tantric College of Lower
Lhasa and to some common people at dawn on the twenty-fourth, his
illness was exacerbated. On the twenty-fifth, he was unable to give a
winter audience to the monks of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa,
and he was unable to perform the Ceremony of the Five Offerings.s The
next day, the prime minister, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal
attendant, and so forth came to learn about his welfare. Ganden Tripa
Zur Jampa Chödrak and Purchok Tutor Chokdrül Rinpoché were
invited. They were supplicated to perform the Long Life Ceremony,
along with the maṇḍala of body, speech, and mind, but they were not
permitted to enter the Dalai Lama’s audience chambers.
Dr. Jampa Yeshé, the Dalai Lama’s personal physician, was also
preparing medicines and administering them. The Nechung Oracle
was supplicated to extend the Dalai Lama’s life. The oracle also offered
medicine.
The merit of the Land of Snow was insufficient to prevent his death.
At about 3:30 in the afternoon of the thirtieth day of the tenth month
(December 17, 1933), the Dalai Lama showed that he had dissolved
into the sphere of peaceful reality, dying in his private Chimé Chokhyil
chambers in the Dapdrel Chensel Park at the fortunate Norbu Lingkha
Palace.
The Dalai Lama was fifty-eight years old. The Dalai Lama’s illness was
not widely known because his personal attendant Künpel had kept it a
secret. Immediately, everyone, rich and poor, became wretched because
of their love for the Dalai Lama. Then the pillar of Buddhism fell. The
sun illuminating the joy and happiness of Buddhism and living beings
s
The Five Offerings Ceremony marks the anniversary of the death of Lama Tsong-
khapa. See Rigzin, Tsepak. Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works
and Archives, 1993), 59–60.
had journeyed to the secret abode of the gods. Our leader, who indi-
cated the path of government without error, had been taken away. The
sad news was proclaimed throughout Lhasa and Zhöl. Thus, flags were
brought down. All people, men and women, of all stations took off their
jewelry.t The markets, restaurants, and bars closed their doors.
At sunset, offerings were made at the Potala Palace, Norbu Lingkha
Palace, and the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, and butter lamps were made
throughout Lhasa and Zhöl. People came to all of the religious sites,
the upper and lower Tsuklakhangs, the monasteries, parks, temples,
and so forth to present clouds of offerings for the fulfillment of their
profound wishes. All people, monks and laity, men and women, of high
and low station prayed that the Dalai Lama be free from suffering with
such intensity that it was as though they were intoxicated.
The prime minister, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant,
the Potala secretaries, and so forth gathered for consultations. Thus,
according to tradition, they examined the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s
records and so forth in detail. They consulted with Purchok Tutor
Rinpoché, Tsenzhap Takdrak Rinpoché, Gyelwang Chöjé, Keutsang
Rinpoché, Ling Rinpoché, and Trijang Rinpoché about what the occa-
sion required. Provisions were to be made for the construction of a
reliquary for his remains, and the people of Lhasa and Zhöl, including
the government officials, had to be given an opportunity to view his
remains. Moreover, arrangements had to be made for such things as
funerary prayer ceremonies throughout the country.
As they were occupied with such things as appointing people to
organize the funerary ceremonies and so forth, the Tibetan National
Assembly was convened to discuss who would be the most suitable
and most virtuous candidate to take responsibility for the government.
Some people felt that an incarnate lama should be the regent as was
traditional. Others thought that the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant,
Tupten Künpel, would be a suitable governor. Still others thought it
would be unnecessary to appoint a regent if two suitable monk and
t
In describing her engagement ceremony, which took place about a month after the
thirteenth Dalai Lama died, Dorje Yudon Yuthok recounts that, “Mourning and sadness
were present in everyone’s heart. The families agreed not to postpone the engagement
ceremony since the date had already been fixed. Of course we downplayed the occa-
sion. I put on my best dress but I did not wear much jewelry.” Dorje Yodon Yutok,
House of the Turquoise Roof (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 1990), 139.
lay officials assisted the prime ministers. People went on expressing

their own opinions.
Someone with the Drongdrak Makgar began to spread deceptive and
duplicitous rumors on the third day of the eleventh month saying “Now
is the time for the army to resign.” Accordingly, several soldiers, think-
ing only of themselves, without concern for the welfare of Buddhism
or the government, fled upon hearing the rumors. Since the rumor
spread to many in the Drongdrak Makgar, they proceeded to Norbu
Lingkha’s threshold where they resigned. In addition, they stayed in
their own places in Lhasa and Zhöl without returning to their barracks.
As a result, several people from the National Assembly said that since
there were no longer any soldiers in the Drongdrak Makgar, the wealth
of the country, such as the mint at the Office of Electrical Production
in Drapzhi and the treasury, was not safe. Therefore, they advised
that it would be best if groups of one hundred monks from Sera and
Drepung monasteries were conscripted to protect them. The secretary
proposed this to the cabinet. However, the cabinet decided against the
proposal and instead designated half of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard
for the purpose. They were issued weapons and sent to Drapzhi. Thus,
it was not known whether there were violators within the office or the
Drongdrak Makgar camp. Representatives of the national army and
the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard were sent out with orders to shoot to kill
in the case of any disturbance.
The Drongdrak Makgar, which the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant,
Tupten Künpel, had founded to back him up during times of crisis,
was widely thought to have become an enemy. In the end, they sud-
denly were unhelpful because of the resignations and so forth. Thus,
those people who had been in favor of having Tupten Künpel lead the
government could have melted ice with their anger, and several people
among those who did not favor him felt that when the Dalai Lama had
become ill, the prime minister, the cabinet, and so forth should have
been informed. Further, since that group and the government officials
did not know, they could not appeal to the Dalai Lama for advice. Thus,
their minds were resentful. Therefore, they wondered whether it had
been necessary to keep secret the duration of his illness, whether he
had taken sufficient medicine, whether the proper ceremonies had been
performed, and so forth. The results of this inquiry were accepted.
Finally, the personal attendant, who lived at the threshold of the
Dalai Lama’s chamber at Norbu Lingkha, was taken into custody on
the twenty-fifth day of the eleventh month. Personal attendant Künpel

La, Trashi Döndrup La, Dechen Yingsel La, Dr. Jampa Yeshé who had
administered the medicine, the Nechung Oracle medium, and so forth
were questioned in turn. Finally, personal attendant Künpel La was
convicted for not informing the prime minister, cabinet, and so forth
of the Dalai Lama’s illness. Dr. Jampa, the Nechung Oracle medium,
and so forth were convicted of a lesser offence.
Personal attendant Tupten Künpel La was sent to Mochapnak Mon-
astery in Kongpotsé, Trashi Döndrup La was sent to Rapten Monas-
tery in Dakpo Kunam, Dr. Jampa Yeshé was sent to Zhi Monastery
in Lhokhadöl, and the Nechung Oracle medium was sent to Loseling
College of Drepung Monastery. People had decided to throw away the
Dalai Lama’s stainless advice.
After the omniscient conqueror passed into nirvāṇa, people ought to
have worked assiduously to fulfill the responsibilities of government in a
steadfast way, in complete agreement with the Dalai Lama’s thoroughly
profound intentions, the virtuous clouds of worship, and in complete
agreement with the Dalai Lama’s profound advice. Instead, not even
seven days after the Dalai Lama passed into nirvāṇa, the stability of
the government had diminished because the Drongdrak Makgar was
lost. One must investigate the instructions given to the Dalai Lama’s
personal attendant. One wonders whether the misfortune of our country
began from this point.
The common and uncommon religious activities of the supreme
thirteenth Dalai Lama are so inconceivable that they exceed the under-
standing of one of low intelligence, such as myself. I am unable to
express, even slightly, the extent of these activities. However, in general,
if I indicate just the common activities, they are as follows.
When the Dalai Lama was young, he took monastic vows, having
studied under many extremely learned, virtuous tutors and so forth.
In turn, he brought his studies of both sūtra and tantra to comple-
tion. Thereafter, he studied the five topics and took his examinations
for the highest degree of learning in the Gelukpa School at the Lhasa
Great Prayer Festival. He had augmented this with the great propitia-
tion of the glorious Vajrabhairava, which is a prerequisite to purifying
one’s sins, together with the practice of burnt offerings. Moreover, he
had also received many initiations in the old and new secret tantras,
along with obtaining permission to practice these rites and learning
the limitless stages from whoever was suitable for each practice. He
also guided people with his explanations of Lama Tsongkhapa’s Great
Exposition of the Stages of the Path. He taught about the monastic vows,
the vows of a novice monk and the vows of full ordination to many
tens of thousands of monks.
He purified all traditional practices of all the monasteries without
regard to which school they belonged to, including Sera, Drepung, and
Ganden monasteries. He sent notices to each of these monasteries in
turn. He took the examination of the Lharampa Geshé. He declared
that except for those who had attained that rank, others would not
be permitted to become the heads of prayer assemblies, abbots, the
Chöjé of either Ganden Shartsé or Jangtsé, Throne Holder of Ganden
Monastery, and so forth. New woodblocks were made for many of the
rare collected works, including Buddha’s word. The old woodblocks
were restored.
Lhasa’s miraculous sites, the Tsuklakhang, Gyetap Ramoché, the Great
Potala Palace, the environs of Norbu Lingkha Palace, Trasam, Ushang,
Yerpa, and so forth, and also Tatül, Yangtül, Runöngyi Tsuklakhang,
the Ganden golden reliquary of Lama Tsongkhapa, Sangpu, Radreng,
Pabongkha, the three stūpas of Nepal, and so forth, all of the sources
of the flames of Buddhism were restored and newly constructed. Tra-
ditional offerings were made with ease, and since it is not the outward
form that is important, actual objects were given. He provided tea, meat
and noodle soup, special roasted barley, and pastries during Lhasa’s
Great Prayer Festival. Also, during the summer retreats at the different
monasteries and the religious teachings, he would take the opportunity
to send representatives with offerings. Also in his speech, he would
reprimand people, saying, “These days, everyone, monks and laity, take
religion to be of little importance,” and so forth. He went further than
just talking or thinking about religious activities.
Since I have discussed his political activities in detail above, even
if I repeat myself, I will mention a few of his deeds in order to recall
his previous kindness. Ever since the preceptor-patron relationship
was formed between the great fifth Dalai Lama and the First Manchu
Emperor Shunzhi, China and Tibet mutually protected one another.
As a result, during the time of the seventh Dalai Lama, the Manchu
Emperor Kangxi faithfully sent several military leaders to serve him. At
that time, the government ministers of Ü Tsang, because of their own
misfortune, each attempted to persuade the Manchu leaders to show
favoritism to them. Therefore, the Chinese, observing the domestic
situation within Tibet, gradually saw the selfishness of the ministers
due to their sinfulness. Hence, a great number of Manchu soldiers
invaded and overpowered Tibet. Yet, in the end, they were completely
expelled, and Tibet was able to re-establish its independence and free-
dom. Moreover, the preceptor-patron relationship between Tibet and
China was restored.
Again and again, the great thirteen Dalai Lama explained to both
the Manchu and the Nationalist governments that Tibet was not a
subject-nation. He established a powerful army which was able to
preserve Tibet’s territorial integrity at the urging of other parties.
Similarly, he continually corresponded and exchanged gifts, official
communications, titles, and so forth with leaders, famous people, and
patrons of Buddhism from countries both near and far, such as Russia,
Britain, America, India, Japan, Mongolia, Nepal, Bhutan, and so forth.
In particular, he sent a copy of Buddha’s word together with a cover-
ing fashioned from the seven types of precious material to the czar of
Russia as a token of faith. Such acts served to continue the excellent
religio-political relations with Russia.
The small regional powers in Tibet and the territorial leaders who
were high-handed and cruel were suppressed by the powerful central
government and the unscrupulous were destroyed. Those who upheld
the general benefit of the country and of the common people were
rewarded. What need is there to mention those government officials
who bore other people’s burdens.
He wrote proclamations to several lamas and especially honest people
in the border areas and on estates, urging them to increase the wealth in
the territories and to collect the government taxes. He asked whether or
not the people were being tormented. He understood in all ways, directly
and indirectly, the situations of the different places. From all directions,
he got frequent reports which he urged be examined carefully. Thus,
he could make decisions quickly. This was very popular with all of the
people of Tibet, monks and lay people, of high or low status.
People were to strive to be of service through their own efforts.
Feeble servants should be looked after like a mother protects her son,
out of love. Aged parents, who had been driven out of the house by
their children, as well as old servants, were to be taken care of by their
respective families. People were enjoined to obey the laws governing
the illegal imposition of a work tax on an unknown wanderer or the
requisitioning of horses which was taking places throughout the country.
Also when it was necessary to call someone to work, the exchange was
supposed to be in consideration of the local custom. Private parties
and monasteries were not permitted to charge excessive interest or
compounded interest on loans of grain or money. A reliable system for

taxes and collateral was established. It was forbidden to switch items
in the market for those of lesser quality.
In an effort to increase the wealth of the country, wool, tails, hides,
and so forth were exported to foreign markets. Since there is no advan-
tage in empty lands, more extensive areas were ploughed and planted.
Irrigation canals and ponds were newly built, and sulphur mines were
opened.
At various times of the year, ceremonies were performed to induce
rainfall and offer protection from hail, frost, snow, wind damage, epi-
demics, and so forth. He founded the Medical and Astrological Institute,
through which medicines were dispensed, preventing illness for both
people and livestock. A telegraph system, postal system, hydroelectric
dams, regional police forces, and so forth were newly established. He
tried to improve the country in many ways.
Marvels such as the tradition of religious painting, image making,
gold, silver, and iron work, mud, stone, and wood construction, leath-
erwork, pottery, sewing, and so forth were all practiced. Wood and
ivory were carved. Woolen cloth, carpets, fringed carpets, and blankets
were fashioned from goat hair with skilled hands. Agriculture was
improved and houses were constructed, utilizing whatever practices
were helpful.
In brief, the Dalai Lama seemed to take a great interest even in
small matters, such as the planting of flowers, trees, and vegetables.
He forbade high stakes games such as bak (sbag) and taksé (stag se)
and he also forbade the consumption or sale of tobacco, cigarettes, and
opium. He forbade excessively expensive clothing and ornaments. As
people borrowed money beyond their own means, he also formulated
detailed rules even with respect to the manufacture of women’s jewelry
and so forth.u In all ways, solely out of concern for Buddhism and the
Tibetan people, he established a system of weights and measures. Like
the developed nations, he instituted the election of leaders, language
schools, mining, roads for vehicles, and so forth. He introduced many
improvements appropriate to the time.
Since he encountered many difficulties in performing his religious
activities and so forth, he was not always able to perform the required
u
Dorje Yodon Yutok, House of the Turquoise Roof (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 1990),
189.
ceremonies as he would have wished. Since the merit of Tibet was not
sufficient to keep him alive, he could not complete all of his activities in
his life. He initiated and expanded the honor of Tibet in both religious
and political spheres, such that the country was able to feel pride in the
world. Working day and night six days a week, he became extremely
fatigued. In addition, without discussing the completion of his activities,
he offered short-term advice, again and again:
Now, without wishing to increase happiness, this is an occasion to take
our own happiness in our own hands. From this point, the welfare of
the government depends upon the service of the monk and lay govern-
ment officials. The happiness of Tibet in general definitely requires only
the increased enthusiasm from the monks and laity, people of high and
low station, from all of Tibet’s subjects, without their falling into error,
taking responsibility.
In advice given at a later time, the Dalai Lama said:
Now, when someone has their independence in their own hands, they
should consider pointing their fingers at themselves. If this is done in
detail, it is the only way to restore our government’s former position.
Whether government officials will be prepared for their service depends
upon their being able to enact this in detail.
Since the Dalai Lama was able to see these future events, he continu-
ally gave these instructions. However, as will be explained gradually
below, in the meanwhile there was no improvement in the situation
of the government. Therefore, there was very great disappointment, a
little like losing the end of a thread.
The Bengal scholar, Sarat Chandra Das, went to Lhasa in 1889.v In
Account of Journey to Tibet, he described his meeting with the Dalai
Lama, who was eight-years old at that time. Das explained that he grew
very happy merely by meeting the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. He
said his complexion was white, while his cheeks were red. He gazed for
a long time straight into the Dalai Lama’s large eyes. Das described his
countenance as being similar to an Indian Aryan’s.34
W. W. Rockhill, the representative of the American government,
describes the thirteenth Dalai Lama:35
v
Das made two journeys to Tibet, in 1878 and in 1881–1883, as indicated in Sarat
Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, edited by W. W. Rockhill (London:
J. Murray, 1902). The Dalai Lama would have been eight-years old in 1884.
He is a man of undoubted intelligence and ability, of quick understanding

and of force of character. He is broad-minded, possibly as a result of his
varied experiences during the last few years, and of great natural dignity.
He seemed deeply impressed with the great responsibilities of his office
as supreme Pontiff of his faith, more so, perhaps, by those resulting from
his temporal duties. He is quick tempered and impulsive, but cheerful
and kindly. At all times, I found him a most thoughtful host, an agree-
able talker and extremely courteous. He speaks rapidly and smoothly,
but in a very low voice.
He is short in stature, probably about five foot six or seven inches, and
of slight build. His complexion is rather darker than that of the Chinese,
and of a ruddier brown; his face, which is not very broad, is pitted with
small pox, but not deeply. It lights up most pleasantly when he smiles
and shows his teeth, which are sound and white. In repose, his face is
impassive, and rather haughty and forbidding.
His nose is small and slightly aquiline, his ears large, but well set on
his head. His eyes are dark brown and rather large with considerable
obliquity, and his eyebrows heavy and rising markedly towards the temple,
giving him a very narquoise and worldly expression, which is further
emphasized by his moustache and the small mouche under his lip. His
hands are small and well shaped; on his left wrist, he usually carries a
rosary of “red sandalwood” beads with silver counters. When walking,
he moves quickly, but he does not hold himself erect, a result of passing
most of his life seated cross-legged on cushions. His usual dress is the
same dark red one worn by all lamas, with a waistcoat of gold brocade
and a square of the same material covering his ch’ablu, and hanging down
below his waist in front.
Moreover, Sir Charles Bell, who was very well acquainted with the Dalai
Lama, writes in his Tibet: Past and Present:36
He was and is determined to free Tibet as far as possible from Chinese rule.
The majority of the Tibetan race are with him in this, and see in him the
leader of the National Party and the only means of attaining their goal . . .
Also, from a political perspective, he was able to perform the excellent
work of removing the Chinese people from Tibet. Adopting a political strat-
egy of relying on the powerful strength of China and India, he worked to
preserve Tibetan freedom and independence. From among the government
officials and the public, those who work well toward the common good were
rewarded and those who violated the law were punished or exiled; through
such methods he rectified matters. He disallowed dismemberment, the most
severe forms of punishment for criminals that the leadership of the districts
and estates had previously employed. He taught that unless one committed
treason, the punishment of execution would not be employed . . .w
w
I have been unable to locate this paragraph in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924).
Except for the traditional clothes worn by government officials, he disal-

lowed the wearing of irregular hats, clothes, or shoes. He disallowed the use
of tobacco, cigarettes, and opium and prohibited their sale in the country.
He also prohibited the playing of high stakes dice games. According to the
Dalai Lama, these evil actions resulted in a waste of a country’s reputation,
its time, and its wealth . . .
Government officials purchase terribly expensive jewelry for their wives
and thus there is competition over ornamentation. Thus, several people
have fallen into debt. Since one had to wear clothing, this competition
created difficulties for one’s resources; these practices were to be discon-
tinued. This was not to the liking of the nobles or the wealthy traders.
However, in general, among all of the common people completely agreed
with this reform and welcomed it.
Notes to Chapter Seventeen
1. As for the situation at that time, Lukhangpa, who was the cabinet secretary of
the Cabinet Minister Lama in charge of Do and would later become the regent, went
to Zhabyé Bridge as an official. Although Kendrung Ngozhiwa, who would later serve
as the civil and military chief in the north, was not there at that very time, he would
subsequently live in Kham for a long time. I heard these things myself from Dapön
Tangpön. For an English-language source, see Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer
in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 51–58.
2. In Tibetan texts, this is called Beri Monastery.
3. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The
University Press, 1922), 116, says:
Over the Kalon Lama’s residence, a small Tibetan house, floats the banner of Tibet,
a yellow flag bearing a device like a lion in green, with a white snow mountain
and a sun and moon in the corner.
Pin Tungling asked the Do Governor that he be allowed to assist the Tibetan govern-
ment in their work since he was not able to return to China. Translator’s Note: He
did not anticipate being able to return to China because of having unconditionally
surrendered to the Tibetans.
4. At that time, the seal of the Do Governor said, “The seal of the one who rules
and who causes the teaching of happiness and peace to increase through his pervasive
blessings.” This included all of his names. It was square and written in four columns
of Hor script.
5. During this period, Chinese leaders along the border in Yunnan, Sichuan, and
Tsongön were sometimes under the jurisdiction of the central Chinese government;
at other times, Pengyang would not submit himself to the government, as though he
were independent.
6. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The
University Press, 1922), 114–169.
7. A copy of this treaty with the cabinet’s seal affixed is included in Compilation of
Records. Translator’s Note: Since the treaty itself says that the official English source is
to be taken as definitive, I have merely copied the version in Michael C. van Walt van
Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London,
Wisdom, 1987), 330–333.
8. A copy of this treaty with the cabinet’s seal affixed is included in Compilation
of Records. Translator’s Note: I have employed the version found in Michael C. van
Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law
(London, Wisdom, 1987), 333–334.
10. Jang Ngöpa used a hydro-electric dam to run the lights of Lhasa and to mint
currency. Besides that, he built another small one to operate the lights of Norbu Lingkha
and the surrounding area.
12. Bhumpa Dzasak, Dorjé Taiji, Military Commander of Dalai Lama’s bodyguard
Shenkha, Military Commander Tsogowa, Salungpa, Defense Secretary Yeshé Wangyel,
and Tadrin.
13. These events are set forth in the records of the Deputy Minister Shenkhawa,
which are included in the Compilation of Records.
14. Prime Minister Dekharwa has given a detailed account of these matters which
is included in the Compilation of Records. When Defense Minister Tsarongpa was in
Norbu Tsokhyil and India, the cabinet offered the idea that it was sufficient to have a
single secretary in charge and that Zhölkhang’s son, the cabinet steward, should replace
him in that post. The Dalai Lama dispatched cabinet secretary Dekharwa and when he
arrived in Chushur, he gave Tsarongpa the note indicating his termination.
15. The foreword of the Treasury Report on Firearms Manufactured at Drapzhi Office
of Electrical Production explains a little about the three generals. See p. 821 above.
16. I have seen a copy of this proposal in the records of the Treasury Office.
Buddhism, vol. Ji, 29-ba-5.
Buddhism, 76-na-5.
19. I got copies of the original letter written to Sudyam Cutting, which is in the
Newark Museum. As for the letter that was sent to the American President, it is on
page 177 of Cutting’s book.
Studies, 1965), 95–97.
21. If you wish to examine this issue in detail, see Compilation of Government Papers,
the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. thi, 15-na-7.
22. Yutoksé and Taringsé had both been to Gyantsé to study military science.
23. See H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from
the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962),
134–137, in regards to the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s thoughts about these events.
24. The military commander Tsogowa was continually possessed of the physical
capacities for bravery in battle. However, his behavior was not very good and the sight
of him pained his superiors. Thus, he was continually promoted and demoted several
times. He satirically explained that he was like a large tea pot used for occasional
gatherings. Translator’s Note: The implication is that he was only employed when it
was convenient, but that he was scorned in general.
25. At that time, I had publicly been instructed to serve as the governor of the
northern region’s aide. Secretly, however, I was appointed to take photographs of the
Chinese and Tibetan military camps and given the necessary provisions. Accordingly,
I was perpetually with the governor of the northern region.
26. He was the father of Zurkhang Zhapé Wangchen Gelek and lived separately
from Zurkhang House; subsequently, after being Dzasak, he was the Do Governor,
and thereafter, he was appointed as the foreign minister of Tibet.
27. He was Matruzhi’s uncle.
28. Although, I have relied upon Tibetan dates, I have taken this international date
from Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956).
Since I have doubts about its correctness, an investigation should be made.
29. Māsiling held joint responsibility for civil and military affairs over Ziling, China;
he was stationed in Kyidor.
30. Since I have not obtained this treaty from Compilation of Records, a more thor-
ough search should be made.
31. Because of the accomplishments in military service of Nangrak Regiment Com-
mander Gyurmé Tseten over many years, he was appointed as the Ü Dapön. However,
he died before he was promoted; thus, his younger son, Sönam Trashi, was appointed
as a regiment commander in recognition of his father’s deeds.
Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, vol. 2, 300-na-1.
33. 314-na-6.
34. Sarat Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, edited by W. W.
Rockhill (London: J. Murray, 1902).
35. William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with
the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910), 91–92.
36. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 130–140.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CONFLICT WITHIN THE STATE

According to custom, with the death of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, a

regent was appointed to guide the government until the new Dalai
Lama could be identified, educated, and established at the head of the
government. As Radreng Hotoktu Jampel Yeshé Tenpé Gyeltsen (d.
1947) took power, a rival locus of power emerged under Tsipön Lung-
sharwa Dorjé Tsegyel (1881–1940). The latter, who had been exposed
to a great deal of modern and progressive ideas while he served as the
physician and chaperone of a group of four boys sent to England in
1912–1914. Back in Tibet, a group of reform-minded allies gathered
around him, and his position continued to be elevated by virtue of the
fact that the Dalai Lama himself perceived the need for modernization.
With the death of the Dalai Lama, Lungshar’s reform group, Alliance
on the Side of Happiness (skyid phyogs kun mthun), sought to create a
more representative democracy. Although his movement can be seen
as attempting to diminish the influence and power of the noble classes,
it was depicted as a communist organization. Shakabpa reports that at
the time he wondered if the accusation of its communist sentiments
was accurate. By the time he wrote this book several decades later, he
seems to have become quite sympathetic towards the group:a
However, after careful consideration, it appears that since Tsipön Lung-
sharpa lived in England for about a year, the new reform organization
was progressive, following the lead of the developed nations, and not a
communist movement seeking to overthrow the government. Moreover,
whenever reform movements initially arise in every country in the world,
unless it is supported by a large military force, it always suffers defeat.
In the event, Lungshar was punished by being blinded, and others were
demoted and sent into exile.
The Chinese government, which had not had an official presence in
Tibet since 1913, used the Dalai Lama’s death as a pretext for sending an
a
See p. 850 below.
846 chapter eighteen
official funerary delegation. The Chinese representatives were empow-

ered to renew relations with Tibet, but the Tibetan cabinet insisted
that negotiations be undertaken in light of the 1914 Simla Convention.
The Chinese resisted negotiating within the terms of that agreement,
not wanting to affirm the Tibetan autonomy it implied. Meanwhile,
the Tibetans took pains to treat the Chinese delegation in the same
way as the British and other delegations to the funerary ceremonies as
a way of fortifying the perception that they were all similar in being
foreign powers.
In the mid-1930s, a faction under Bomdawu Topgyel became upset
when Tupten Künpel was exiled; they seized weapons and declared
Kham independent. The Do Governor suppressed the uprising but the
offenders fled, seeking the protection of Chinese authorities. This was
another impediment to Nationalist Chinese efforts to open a dialogue
with the Tibetans. However, they were also preoccupied with their
battles against the communist armies of Mao Zedong (1893–1976)
then engaged in the Long March. Both the Tibetans and the Nationalist
Chinese regarded the communists with disdain.
As the search committee was formed to seek out the new incarnation
of the Dalai Lama, Shakabpa himself accompanied the party seeking
visions in the oracle lake called Lhamo Latso inhabited by Pelden
Lhamo, the protector spirit charged with ensuring the well-being of the
Dalai Lamas.b What the regent and others saw in the lake contributed
to the emerging notion of where the new incarnation would be found
and under what circumstances.
In 1935, the Tibetan government commenced negotiations with
the sixth Paṇchen Lama Chökyi Nyima (1883–1937) over his return
to Tibet. Shakabpa represents the “primary obstacles to his return” in
terms of Chinese efforts to interfere in Tibetan customs. The Nation-
alists had granted the Paṇ chen Lama the elevated title of “Special
Cultural Commissioner for Western Regions,” phrasing that evoked
both Tibetan subservience to China and a status for the Paṇchen Lama
equal to that of the Dalai Lama lineage. The Tibetans could not accept
either of those premises.c Finally, while the Tibetan cabinet wanted him
b
Keith Dowman, The Sacred Life of Tibet (London: Thorsons, 1997), 268.
c
See p. 860 below. See also Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern
China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 183–194 and Melvyn C. Goldstein,
The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley,
University of California Press, 1991), 252–299.
political conflict within the state 847
to return, they were firm that the Paṇchen Lama would have to do so
without a Chinese escort.
Shakabpa narrates all of the twists and turns in the negotiations
in great detail. His sympathies clearly lie with the Lhasa government
of which he was then a part. He does not discuss the grievances that
likely animated the Paṇchen Lama’s reluctance to return, including the
taxes newly applied to his estates and the sense that his status had been
diminished by the Dalai Lama’s government in Lhasa. That the Paṇchen
Lama might feel he had lost status compared to his predecessors is
understandable in light of the fact that the thirteenth Dalai Lama was
the first in the lineage to live into adulthood in a century. At the same
time, in order to enhance its position in Tibet, the Chinese worked to
foster divisions between the two incarnations, something that continued
with the seventh Paṇchen Lama. Before the matter could be resolved,
however, the Paṇchen Lama died in the borderlands in 1937.
The Regent Radreng Rinpoché had a tumultuous relationship with
some segments of the government. In 1938, he managed to engineer
the resignation of the Prime Minister Langdün Kunga Wangchuk
(b. 19th century), with whom he had until then shared power. With the
ultimately successful candidate for the identification of the Dalai Lama
still just a small child living under Chinese control, Radreng assumed
full authority over the Tibetan government.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CONFLICT

WITHIN THE STATE
After the thirteenth incarnation of the protector Dalai Lama died for
the benefit of other people, there were no invasions by foreign powers
until 1950. However, as the thirteenth Dalai Lama had already warned,
there was no consensus among people with regard to the affairs of state.
Thus, there were serious threats to its power.
Moreover, for a period of two months after the Dalai Lama died, the
prime minister and the cabinet worked together. During that time, the
Tibetan National Assembly gathered to discuss whether it was necessary
to have a leader to undertake the religious and political responsibilities
as the regent. It was unanimously agreed that it would be best to appoint
an incarnate lama as regent and to make Prime Minister Langdün his
aid. Thus, the names of three candidates were put forth, the Ganden
Throne Holder Minyak Ami Yeshé Wangden, Radreng Hotoktu Jampel
Yeshé Tenpé Gyeltsen, and Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa
Tsültrim. In the presence of the image of Avalokiteśvara and in the midst
of the prime minister, the cabinet, the secretaries, and the assembly,
the former Ganden Throne Holder Jampa Chödrak drew the lots after
expressing sincere words of prayer. As Radreng Hotoktu’s name was
drawn, he was enthroned as the Dalai Lama’s regent. Prime Minister
Langdün Gung Künga Wangchuk was made his aid.
Before long, it was discovered that many of the monk and lay govern-
ment officials were meeting separately under the leadership of Tsipön
Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel. Some people felt that the group believed
that for the benefit of the public, power ought to be distributed more
equally, in accordance with a reformist ideology more in agreement
with the times. Others believed that they were communists who were
enemies seeking to overthrow the government. Throughout this time,
many government officials could not decide what to do.
Amongst the reformists (gsar brje pa), the fourth-ranking official,
Kashöpa Chögyel Nyima, explained the group’s position to Cabinet
Minister Trimon. Immediately, Cabinet Minister Trimon explained the
situation to Regent Radreng Rinpoché, and he then immediately went
to Drepung Monastery. That day, Tsipön Lungshar and the fourth-

ranking official, Kashöpa, were quickly arrested and detained in the
lower chambers. A four-member panel was appointed to investigate
the matter, consisting of Horzhip Khendrung Khyenrap Wangchuk,
the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, Lhanyer
Dekharwa (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten, and Potala Secretary Tenpa
Jamyang.
In Kashöpa’s statement, he said that Lungshar’s assertion that the
Alliance on the Side of Happiness (skyid phyogs kun mthun) was founded
in order to improve the government was merely expressed for general
consumption, but that in reality, he secretly intended to murder Cabi-
net Minister Lama Gendün Chödar and Cabinet Minister Trimonpa
and then seize power. Accordingly, efforts were initially made to seize
the group’s documents and exile the primary guilty parties. For their
faults, it was decided that Tsipön Lungsharpa was to be blinded, and
eight monks and lay officials who had committed crimes in office were
demoted and sent into exile.1
During that time, I always wondered whether this was a communist
movement. However, after careful consideration, it appears that since
Tsipön Lungsharpa lived in England for about a year, the new reform
organization was progressive, following the lead of the developed
nations, and not a communist movement seeking to overthrow the
government. Moreover, whenever reform movements initially arise in
every country in the world, unless it is supported by a large military
force, it always suffers defeat. There are many such stories and such
accounts.
Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, Khendrung Rampa, Tsipön Trogawowa,
and other functionaries were appointed to oversee construction of a
golden reliquary for the precious remains of the supreme sovereign, the
wish-fulfilling jewel conqueror. Having identified a worthy place to build
the tomb in the Tsuklakhang, artisans and workers were employed.
The height of the great fifth Dalai Lama’s golden reliquary, the orna-
ment for the world, from the ground to the top is eighty gyukto.a The
thirteenth Dalai Lama’s reliquary was five gyukto higher.2 This glori-
ous precious golden reliquary, which was unrivaled in this world, of
marvelous design and adorned with priceless ornaments, the residence
of this wish-fulfilling cow, was completed in two years.
a
I.e., the measure of twelve finger widths.
Since 1913, all of the Manchu leaders and soldiers had been expelled
from Tibet. Thereafter, the Chinese Nationalist government had tried
again and again to find a way to send a deputy to establish contact
with Lhasa. However, after reflecting on how to avoid contentiousness,
the Dalai Lama decided to send a Tibetan government representa-
tive to Nanjing, but beyond that, he would never consent to having a
Chinese representative come to Tibet. Seeing the Dalai Lama’s death
as an opportunity to send a delegation under the pretense of making
funerary offerings, the Nationalist government sent a communiqué to
this effect to the Tibetan government through the Do governor. Not
being able to bear whatever religious consequences might come about
if they prevented funerary offerings from being made to the Dalai Lama
Rinpoché’s remains, they communicated their acceptance of a limited
delegation through the Do governor. This was the Tibetan government’s
most serious mistake.
The Chinese leader, Huang Musong, and other functionaries arrived
in Lhasa by way of Dotö (Kham) in the seventh month of 1934 with
a radio transmitter and operator. Arrangements had been made for
them to stay at Kyitöpa’s house in Lhasa. At the Potala Palace, they
paid their respects and made offerings before a likeness of the Dalai
Lama, according to the Chinese custom. They presented gifts suitable
to the occasion to the regent, the prime minister, the cabinet, and
other lesser monk and lay officials. Each person was also given a deco-
ration made of gold, silver, and copper with the likeness of Sun Yatsen
impressed in it.
Just at that point, as an aside, they said they wished to restore the
previous favorable relations between China and Tibet. The cabinet
members said:
We would gladly discuss the preceptor-patron relationship between China
and Tibet, but if we are to confer on the terms of the Simla Convention
of 1914, then we will do so through the intermediary of the Indian gov-
ernment. Otherwise, it would not be good for China and Tibet to confer
directly. Also, the Tibetan territory which was taken in the past would
have to be returned.
The Chinese delegates said that there need not be disagreement because
the border question was a minor issue. However, they did not know
if they could agree to discuss the terms of the Simla Convention with
India as an intermediary. Thus, there was no benefit at all in holding
a peace conference.
Therefore, two Chinese officers were commissioned to continue the

discussions. They remained in Lhasa along with the radio in the hope
that this would expedite negotiations. Knowledgeable people heard
such things as that after peace talks had been successfully concluded
and the two commissioners had returned, the radio and the necessary
accessories were to be given to the Tibetan government. As the Chinese
leader, Huang Musong, prepared to leave, he again presented similar
decorations to each person. At the end of the meeting, a great number
of Tibetan goods which were similar to what they had received were
given as gifts. Huang Musong was given the hat and all of the clothing
suitable to someone with the rank of a district magistrate, and all of
his subordinates were given the hats and all of the clothing worn on
ceremonial occasions by officials of the fourth rank.
At the same time, Rai Bahadur Norbu Döndrup, the assistant to
the Governor of Sikkim, arrived with a delegation to offer the Indian
government’s condolences for the Dalai Lama’s death. After making
offerings and so forth, the mission, which had been sent along with a
radio transmitter, conferred with Tibet from the Indian side. Like the
Chinese, they sought to open discussions on the Simla Convention. Rai
Bahadur and eventually Hugh Richardson were settled at Dekyi Lingkha
along with their radio. The Tibetan government did not give any status
to either the Chinese or Indian deputies except that each was called a
“mission.” Both deputies likewise, were required to communicate with
the Tibetan government through the foreign ministry. When viewing
such things as the New Year’s or summer festivals, the Chinese and
Indian missions were invited to banquets in just the same manner as
the heads of the Gurkha, Bhutanese, or Kashmir Muslim delegations.
Thus, absolutely no distinctions were made between them.
The great thirteenth Dalai Lama had appointed Bomdawu Topgyelb
as the regiment commander to lead the army of Markham. Thus, he
lived in the border region. Regiment Commander Topgyel had the
most altruistic wishes for both the Dalai Lama and his personal attend-
ant Künpel La. Thus, when Topgyel heard that Künpel La had taken
responsibility when the Dalai Lama died, and then been arrested and
exiled, he was immediately upset. In the tenth month of 1934, he led
b
See p. 853. The commander’s name is spelled as Topgyé (stobs rgyas) and Top-
gyel (stobs rgyal). The Bomdawu family is described in Carol McGranahan, Between
Empire and Exile: A Khampa History of Twentieth Century Tibet, Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Michigan, 2001.
the army under his command, attacking the Markham border guards
and Dapön Norgyé Nangpa’s camp under the cover of night.
At that time, Dapön Norgyé Nangpa was at Tsawabültok Monastery
making funerary offerings, as he had been commanded by the Do
Governor. Since he was not present, he was not wounded. However,
several captains and soldiers were wounded or killed. Some artillery and
ammunition, as well as the personal effects of the soldiers were stolen,
and Khültok Tsasho Tsedrung Tupten Zangpo was also captured. In
this way, control was violently established.
Regiment Commander Topgyel, in collusion with his older brother
Rapga, distributed a letter saying that since Kham was independent
from all other countries, it should be made separate from the Tibetan
government. Others did not support their efforts, and the acting
Do Governor in Chamdo, Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso, immediately
dispatched a strong force to suppress the uprising. For this reason,
Pomdabu Topgyel and his brother, escaped to Ba along with the units
that were involved.
Through their mission in Nanjing, the Tibetan government com-
municated to the Chinese that it was necessary that Pomdabu Topgyel
be turned over. The Chinese government would not agree to hand him
over to Tibet. However, even though he had revolted against Tibet, he
was not a Chinese ally. The Chinese, nonetheless, permitted him to
stay at Pokhok, thinking he would be useful should the need arise at
a later date.
As soon as this information reached Lhasa, security forces surrounded
the house of Lozang Yarpel, Pomdabu’s older brother, who was living
in Lhasa. Just as he was to be arrested, some monks and lamas from
Sera, Drepung, and Ganden monasteries who were partial to Pomda,
appealed to the cabinet. They said that Yarpel had never been involved
in Regiment Commander Topgyel’s evil plans and should be acquitted.
They also requested that Yarpel be permitted to make restitution for
the weapons, ammunition, and personal effects which his brothers had
stolen. Pomda’s father, Nyima Gyelpo, and the older brother, Nyima
Gyeltsen, were both favored by the Tibetan government, and they had
continually provided many services to the government. At the same
time, Lozang Yarpel was serving in the government in trade matters
and so forth. Considering all of these facts and that Yarpel had not
been involved in the plot, it was decided that he should be released
provided he make restitution on his brothers’ behalf.
The Chinese Nationalists and the Chinese Communists were fight-

ing at this time, and as a result, more than one hundred thousand
ill-equipped and poorly-fed Communist troops and their commanders
were being pursued through the northwest provinces of China by the
Nationalists. This was called the “Long March.” In 1936, they entered
Tibetan territory at places like Litang, Ba, Nyakrong, Horkhok, and
Dergé. In order to prevent them from gathering on Tibetan lands, a joint
monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do dispatched
an army to the region.3 As a result, there was no difficulty in driving
them to the northeast, back into China. This was the first time that the
Chinese Communists entered Tibet.
Meanwhile, the cabinet in Lhasa sent a communiqué of support to
the Do Governor’s military leader, Jadang Dapön Namseling Peljor
Jikmé:4
Jadang Dapön Namlingpa, regiment commanders, captains, sergeants,
and soldiers:
The one who clearly sees the past, present, and future by virtue of his great
and unrivalled kindness, the single deity of the land of snow, the protector-
sovereign, Dalai Lama Dorjé Chang’s profound advice is manifest. The
thieving and lying Chinese who hold the Communist ideology, who have
already entered our territory in Domé and its environs, are known with
certainty to be the executioners of living beings’ happiness. Thus, for this
very reason, throughout the country, appeals have been made to lamas
and deities, and in this connection, out of concern for the vital welfare
and happiness of Buddhism and living beings, they are performing a vast
number of rituals directed to reversing the efforts of the Chinese.
In agreement with the Do Governor’s assessment of the crucial defense
of the border, forces, weapons, and ammunition are being sent, without
concern for the lavish expenses. Because of these perpetual efforts, what
will there be to say when these evil forces are pacified in our territory? If
that doesn’t happen, and these wandering foreigners cross into our terri-
tory and settle, there is no way we could not be successful in obstructing
the protection of the harmless enemy leaders, who are responsible in name
only, whether they come from the south or the north. There is no need
to covet the weapons, ammunition, and so forth of others. Therefore, our
hope rests on you army commanders.
It is definite that just Buddha’s precious teachings are the source of all
beings’ happiness. All powerful or humble beings in this country, includ-
ing monk and lay government officials, have not just a little good fortune
from past good deeds, unlike foreign nations subject to terrestrial kings.
Thus, to the extent that people cherish this kind guidance, including
such things as that generations of people are free to hold estates and so
forth, each person will act according to their own wish. As a result, it is
impossible to question whether people will forsake their duty to protect

the country even at the cost of their own life. Yet, even during the war
of the Water-Monkey Year (1932), a great deal of territory was lost to
our enemy. We relied upon so-called heroes who weakly defended our
forts, while they offered excuses about the difficulty of the terrain and the
strength of the enemy. The commanders during that time and so forth
were summoned into the presence of the Dalai Lama. Efforts were made
to determine the facts in the case.
However, because our store of merit was insufficient, the Dalai Lama
Dorjé Chang temporarily passed into the sphere of reality. Some small-
minded people, operating under their delusions, may attempt to invoke
these bad excuses without consideration.
Thus, in regards to what was already said about the Communists, when
you are not occupied in any way with the responsibilities assigned to
you by the joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing
Do, do not avoid out of tiredness such things as contesting enemy forts
and so forth. When the foreigners do attack, do not retreat a step. You
must firmly resolve to fulfill your assignments for the benefit of serv-
ing earnestly. You must confound the enemy leaders with an attitude
of self-sacrifice. When the deeds of victorious heroes are reported, they
will be decorated. An order has already been sent to the joint monk-lay
committee of district magistrates governing Do saying that whosoever,
strong or weak, retreats by even one step from the protection of their
assigned area, being seized by the shame of abandoning the law of cause
and effect, should be convicted on the spot and punished according to
military conventions. Everyone from the military commanders on down
to the ordinary soldier should reflect on the proper way to behave and
from the beginning exchange losses for profit.
Sealed on the twelfth day of the seventh month of 1936.
At the same time, the Chinese Communists were severely oppressing
the people to the east of Drichu River, although they had not come to
the west. Even in the east, the Communists did not stay for more than
eight or nine months, finally going to Guangxi by way of Sichuan.
The search for the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama and the
efforts to bring him to Lhasa were the most essential matters politi-
cally. During the fifth month of 1935, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu
Rinpoché, Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, Khendrung Trilingpa Khyenrap
Wangchuk, and Rampa Tupten Künkhyen traveled to Chökhor Gyel
to observe visions in Lhamo Latso Lake which would indicate whether
or not incarnation had been born. Among the cabinet’s functionaries,
I myself was named the acting secretary. Thus, I had the opportunity
to accompany the party.
Regent Radreng Rinpoché, Khendrung, and their attendants initially

left Lhasa for Radreng Monastery by way of Göla Pass. Then they
proceeded on to Drigung by way of Lungshö. Cabinet Minister Tri-
monpa and his party supplicated the deities at Dzingkhamé estate in
Penpo, and then they visited Lo Monastery. Finally, they met Regent
Radreng’s party at Drigungtel Monastery. Thereafter, they pilgrimaged
to Yangrigar, Sha Temple, Meldrokatsel, Rinchenling, Ölkha Dzingchi
Monastery, and so forth and made offerings. Likewise, they proceeded
by way of Longla Pass offering their respects at Metoktang Monastery
at Chökhor Gyel. By then, the monks from Önngari Monastic College
and Dakpo Monastic College had also come to Chökhor Gyel.
Since Metoktang Monastery, which the second Dalai Lama, Gendün
Gyatso, had founded, was at an extremely high altitude, even during
the summer season the weather can change in a single day, with sleet
and hail falling and so forth. The main images in the monastery were
wrathful protector deities such as Jamchen Tong Drölma or Tepgülma,5
Barnang Lhamo, Göngön Lhamo, and Gönpo Kotim. Many mountain
retreats were to be found in the surrounding areas of Potala, Gatsel,
Lhatok, and so forth. At Chökhor Gyel itself, there were about three
hundred monks in permanent residence. There were known to be about
six hundred monks at Önngari Monastic College6 and about eight
hundred at Dakpo Monastic College.7 These monks appear to have
been blessed by being of pure behavior and by making great efforts at
learning their prayers and religious topics.
The place from which the visions in Lhamo Latso Lake can be seen
is on a rock outcropping about five miles northeast of Chökhor Gyel
Monastery. From there, the skull-shaped lake is one quarter of a mile
below and is surrounded by clay and cliffs. It is said that unless it is sum-
mer, the lake is covered by thick ice and so visions cannot be seen. As
soon as the Regent Rinpoché and his attendants arrived at the summit,
the Namgyel monks began to invoke Pelden Lhamo, presenting massed
offerings. Thereafter, everyone split up, viewing the lake from different
vantage points. The blessed among our party had visions. Such things
as Lhamo’s body, palaces, and other signs appeared to those who had
pure appearances. It is known that various different visions appeared
such as letters, fields, and houses according to which reflections, the
future revealed itself variously to the individual people.
I myself offered prayers to Lhamo sitting alone beside a rock, and
although I stayed there for almost two hours reciting mantras, I did
not see anything. Most people reported having visions. Others were
like me in not seeing anything. The regent returned three times, and
Sawang Trimon returned once more. I accompanied them then also,
but as before I did not see anything.
Just what the regent had seen he kept secret at the time, so I did not
know what it was. Subsequently, when we returned to Lhasa, he gave
the National Assembly a piece of paper with his visions recorded on
it. On the page, he had written the letters A, Ka, and Ma in the Uchen
script.c Below that was a three storied monastery with a gold and cop-
per canopy and the intermediate roof painted turquoise. There was a
straight white road to the east of the monastery which reached up to
the peak of a small hill. There was a single storied house to the side of
the road with a blue roof.
Thereafter, our party also went to Chamsingi Latso Lake to the east of
Chökhor Gyel Monastery. Careful supplication prayers and one billion
complete offerings were made at Chökhor Gyel. We stayed about four
weeks performing these ceremonies. Then we proceeded on to Ramé
in Dakpo Gyatsa. Regent Radreng Rinpoché’s birthplace is two days
to the south. There are several humble houses in the village which is
set low in a ravine. The villagers had made the house in which Regent
Radreng Rinpoché had been born into a small temple.
When Regent Radreng Rinpoché was three years old, he is reported
to have driven a large wooden peg into a huge bolder in the space near
the door of the temple, and so he was called the Pounder.d We saw the
hole. Asked why he had done this, he replied, “I will be receiving travel-
ers. They can tie their horses to it.” That very evening, a party of lamas
and monks had arrived, saying that they were searching for Radreng’s
re-incarnation. Although the wooden peg had protruded about eight
finger widths out of the rock, each pilgrim would take splinters of it
for blessing. Later, there was still a piece of the peg in the boulder, but
someone dug it out with a knife. From that point, there was no wood
in there at all.
The Regent Rinpoché and his entourage stayed in tents that were
arranged in a field and in an open space. During tea breaks, Rinpoché’s
relatives were given audiences. They had humble livelihoods, and
although as a group, they had a powerful appearance, they seemed
extremely poor and meek. When I saw them, I thought it was fantastic
c
I.e., a, ka, and ma.
d
I.e., the one who pounds, kyon pa.
that Tibet’s kings, possessed of such incredible power and wisdom,

could be born in such a humble and remote place. I also thought it was
wondrous how incarnate lamas are recognized. I heard that the govern-
ment and especially Radreng Rinpoché’s monastic estate had provided
a great deal of help to his nephew and the poor villagers.
For two or three hours each afternoon, the Regent Rinpoché and
Cabinet Minister Trimonpa spoke with each other while we were there.
On the fourth day, Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, my uncle, spoke to
me. He briefly recounted the situation since he had begun to serve. I
listened while he reflected on his service. Since he had become old, he
said he must resign. I was astonished that he would say this. I said that
since his fellow cabinet ministers and his sons were in Lhasa, he should
conceal his intentions until he could consult with them. Thus, I asked
him to not require me to write his resignation letter.
He said that both he and Radreng Rinpoché decided to resign. Because
of my entreaties, he delayed his resignation until we returned to Lhasa.
Once there, he made his appeal to the cabinet at the end of 1937. In
commemoration of his service, he was given Nupling ministerial estate
in Gyantsé along with some gifts. He lived there in retirement.
After staying at the place where he was born for about ten days,
he went on pilgrimage to Dak Lhagampo, Gyasok Lhading, Zangri
Khangmar, Tel Monastery, and so forth, performing the appropriate
ceremonies. Having gone on pilgrimage to Dak Lhagampo, Cabinet
Minister Trimon then crossed a large river from Dromda Drukha in a
three person yak-hide boat. He toured up to the sacred place of Tsaritra
by way of Dakpo Ganden Rapten, Kunam Castle, and Bumda Sinbum.
Eventually he reached the Trimon estate in Ön by way of Lhakhong
and Yartödrakla Pass.
The Regent Rinpoché and his entourage also performed a pilgrim-
age from Tel Monastery to Trashidokha, and finally took a hot meal at
Trimon estate. He proceeded on to Önchöding with Cabinet Minister
Trimon. They went in turn on pilgrimage to Drutöntsetang in Nyangpo,
Tradruk, Sheldrak, Riwo Dechen, Songtsen Bangso, Chenyé, Trashi
Chödé, Yumbu Lingkha and so forth, finally reaching Samyé. They
performed vast and carefully observant ceremonies for the welfare of
all of Tibet and also so that the incarnation of the Dalai Lama would
quickly arrive. They appointed people with the responsibility of restoring
the three main sites at Samyé, the surrounding temples, Jomoling Sum,
and so forth. At last they returned to Lhasa by way of Gökarla Pass.
Regent Radreng Rinpoché’s account of the lake visions were pro-

claimed to the entirety of the Tibetan National Assembly. It was
concluded that the Dalai Lama’s incarnation would be reborn to the
east or northeast of Lhasa. Purchok Yongdzin Choktrül Rinpoché,
with the assistance of Tsedrön Tenpa Jungné, my younger brother
Tsedrung Changkhyimpa Tupten Tsepel, and Shödrung Pünrappa,
searched in the northern region and in the Dakpo and Kongpo areas.
Sera Jé Monastery’s Keutsang Trülku Rinpoché, with the assistance of
the Zhöl assistant Khemesé Sönam Wangdu, Nakchu Abbot Tsedrung
Khyenrap Tendzin, and Tsedrung Lozang Tsewang, searched in the
Domé Amdo region. Sera Jé Monastery’s Khangser Trülku, with the
assistance of Tsedrung Letsen Tsültrim Chöpel and Shödrung Letsen
Driyülwa, searched in the Dö region. The parties went to their assigned
area, taking certain possessions of the previous Dalai Lama, the neces-
sary money, and so forth.8
In the same year, the Political Officer of Sikkim, F. W. Williamson,
went to Lhasa to discuss Tibetan relations on behalf of the Indian
government as was the custom. He suddenly became sick. Thus, the
Indian government appealed to the Tibetan government through the
foreign ministry for permission to fly an airplane into Lhasa in order
that he could be taken to a Calcutta hospital. A panel from the cabinet
considered the merits of the question in the Tibetan National Assem-
bly. They said it would be difficult to deny permission for the plane
to land in consideration of both the very agreeable relations between
the Indian and Tibetan governments and the life-threatening illness
of the political officer. However, there is no need to mention friendly
countries’ landing in Tibet because up to this point they had not even
been allowed to enter Tibetan airspace. If it were permitted in this
case, then other neighbors would not find it contradictory for them to
bring in airplanes as well. In the alternative, they proposed providing
whatever resources would be necessary to get the patient to Sikkim
quickly, such as fast horses, litters, and a mule litter.
Accordingly, this report was communicated through the foreign
ministry together with the government’s regrets. The Indian govern-
ment made great efforts to maintain friendly relations, saying there
was no other way. A few days later, Sikkim’s Political Officer died.
Thus, condolences were offered to Williamson’s wife and so forth.
The Tibetans behaved respectfully, conveying his coffin to Gyantsé by
porters, and so forth.
The next year, the new Sikkim Political Officer Basil Gould and the
Brigadier General P. Neame, the general commander of the East Indian
Army, arrived in Lhasa. According to the tradition, his credentials
were accepted as the Sikkim Political Officer. The Tibetans continued
to request that the British government make contacts with the Chinese
Nationalist government in regards to the Paṇchen Lama’s return to
Tibet.
In 1935, the regent, the cabinet, and also the Tibetan National
Assembly conferred on the question of having the all-seeing Paṇchen
Erdeni Rinpoché return to Tibet. The terms which the Dalai Lama had
set forth when he had been alive were communicated to Ngakchenta
Lama and Drungchen Dang Chenpa, representatives of the Paṇchen
Lama. Some discussions were held about his subsequent reception and
how he would be invited.
However, our merit was insufficient, due to which the Dalai Lama
had died for the benefit of others. From that point, there had been very
inauspicious omens which kept the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché away.
Thus, among the terms set down according to the profound consider-
ation of the great Dalai Lama, the Tibetan government wished to main-
tain unity. To this end, the government wished the all-seeing Paṇchen
Lama would immediately return to Trashi Lhünpo, his own place of
protection. Arrangements made to receive him would be respectful of
his dignity. This message was sent by telegraph to the Nanjing Mission.
Three mission officials9 met with the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché and
asked for his response to the telegram. At the time, they said it would
have been an auspicious development if he had given his approval.
However, except for vague generalities, he did not say anything.
The primary obstructions to his return was that, not long after the
Tibetan government extended its invitation, the Chinese Nationalist gov-
ernment announced that the Paṇchen Lama’s offices would be opened at
Ziling. In addition, it was announced that several senior Chinese leaders
and five hundred border guards would be sent to convey him to Tibet.
In addition, the Nationalists also granted Paṇchen Rinpoché the title,
“Special Cultural Commissioner for Western Regions.” The Tibetan
government immediately told the Nationalist government through its
Nanjing Mission that the Tibetan government and the Tibetan people
would never accept the title that had been given to Paṇchen Rinpoché.
In addition, they made the most vigorous protests saying, “There was
no way that a Chinese government official or a single border guard
could accompany Paṇchen when he returned to Tibet.” Protests were

also lodged through the Indian government by the British representa-
tive in Nanjing, Sir Alexander Cadogan.
The Tibetan Nanjing Mission and the joint monk-lay committee of
district magistrates governing Do sent reliable reports that:
Paṇchen Rinpoché arrived in Jyegündo in the beginning of the third
month of 1937, having come by way of Ziling and accompanied by Chi-
nese officials and a border guard escort.
At the same time, it was learned that attendants from the Paṇchen
Lama’s monastic estate had arrived in Dartsedo from Sichuan, bearing
immense loads of the lama’s possessions.
The Tibetan government immediately directed that arrangements be
made to receive Paṇchen Rinpoché, and Taiji Gashiwa (Doring) was
given instructions and money to oversee these affairs. He was sent to
the meeting place. The joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates
governing Do, the Hor governor, and the Nakchu leadership were also
issued orders, according to which the passes, roads, and bridges along
which Paṇchen Rinpoché would proceed were to be repaired. Accom-
modations were to be arranged for the party and camps for the porters.
Whatever supplies and people or horses were required as porters were
to be provided, all without even the slightest malfeasance. The respect
befitting a high dignitary was required. They were also ordered that
except for the Paṇchen Lama’s personal attendants from his monastic
estate, not even a single Chinese leader or border guard was to be
permitted to accompany him as an escort. Civilian Chinese traders or
pilgrims likewise were not permitted to accompany him.
Accordingly, the ranking member of the Do governing committee
sent a delegate to Jyegündo to inform the Paṇchen Lama of the sort of
reception he would be accorded and of the limitations being placed on
his escort. He did not approve of the terms. He sent a representative
to Chamdo in a similar manner to convey his requirements. He said
that there was no alternative to having Chinese government officials
and Chinese bodyguards accompany him up to Trashi Lhünpo Monas-
tery. After a few months of recuperation, they would return to China.
Thus, in the fifth month, the leader of the Yellow Hat Gelukpa School,
Pabongkha Jetsün Jampa Tendzin Trinlé Gyatso went to Jyegündo in
order to personally request that happiness be furthered by taking up
negotiations. He personally met Paṇ chen Rinpoché, conveying the
considerations of the Tibetan government from both the military and
religious perspectives. He respectfully beseeched him that it was not

necessary for him to be accompanied by Chinese leaders and soldiers,
but Paṇchen Rinpoché refused.
Despite the continuous efforts of the Do governor, Paṇchen Rin-
poché had not agreed with the Tibetan government’s terms. Therefore,
the country’s cabinet had referred the matter to the Tibetan National
Assembly so that they could have a detailed discussion of what course
of action was best. Unfortunately, the Paṇchen Lama’s assistants sent
an arrow letter from Jyegündo wrapped with a piece of yellow silk in
order to request compromises on the arrangements for his return. The
cabinet presented the original letter to the Tibetan National Assembly.
It said:
Old people and farmers must understand that the main road from
Kyaygudo to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery passes through Nakchu and
Lhasa . . . The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché will need to have an entourage
consisting of six hundred followers, twenty Chinese government officials
led by Ma Hotien (ma’ ho thin) in compliance with the law on escorts,
and five hundred bodyguards. Without any malfeasance, necessary
arrangements are to be made for conveying loads, providing food, fuel,
and horse or human porters, wherever the party stays.
As soon as the assembly saw the way the letter was worded, their fury
only increased.
Without dissension, they decided that except for the supreme all-
seeing Rinpoché’s actual Tibetan attendants, not even a single Chinese
leader or soldier designated with the name “bodyguard” would cross
into Tibet. The Tibetan army could provide for his protection from the
border up to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. If, however, Paṇchen Rinpoché
was powerless to prevent the Chinese escort from accompanying him,
then they should be permitted to go to Trashi Lhünpo, provided that
after one month’s rest, they return to China. This would have to be put
in writing and be guaranteed by a foreign country. Otherwise, there
was no reason to run such risks in civil and military matters and not
even a single Chinese person would not be permitted to enter Tibet.
The members of the Tibetan National Assembly swore a unanimous
oath (mna’ gan thu mo che), and all four members of the cabinet placed
their seals on the document. Accordingly, orders were sent to the Do
governor, the Hor governor who controlled the main road, and to the
border guard by way of the Nakchu command.
The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché along with his entourage and the
Chinese bodyguard left Jyegündo, establishing himself at Rakshülung
Monastery. At that time, the Do governor received the cabinet’s orders

and the Tibetan National Assembly’s proclamation. Immediately, Gov-
ernor Dzasak Zurkhang Surpa went to Denkhok to confer with the
Paṇchen Lama’s closest aides. He explained that the supreme all-seeing
Rinpoché would have to go to Tsang with only his attendants. Alter-
natively, he would have to get a foreign country to guarantee that the
Chinese escort would return to China after accompanying him to Trashi
Lhünpo. If he were to cross into Tibet without sincerely fulfilling these
requirements, then he would have to prevent his party from crossing
the border. He urged him to give the matter great consideration.
Meanwhile, the cabinet also sent a telegram to the Nationalist gov-
ernment through the Nanjing Mission. It indicated that since not even
a single Chinese leader or soldier would be permitted to escort the
Paṇchen Lama, they must be withdrawn. By virtue of the proclamation
issued by the Tibetan National Assembly, a group of nomads living
in the border area were extremely dissatisfied with having Chinese
soldiers into Tibet, even though they were anxious to receive Paṇchen
Rinpoché. They were pleased with the Tibetan National Assembly’s
proclamation, even though they had already been waiting for several
months and had made preparations for horses, beasts of burden, and
men, they withdrew these. As a result of these developments, there was
fear that Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return would be further delayed, and also
there was an earnest wish to show the steadfastness of the government’s
resolve. Accordingly, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and
Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé of the northern region border
guard sent an appeal to the all-seeing Rinpoché and his Nangmakhang
Office by courier. It read:10
To the supreme all-seeing omniscient Paṇchen, the unequaled leader of
gods and living beings:
Respectfully, we, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and the
commander of the northern Border Guard Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa,
supplicate before your lotus throne.
Because of your incomparable kindness, all-seeing, supreme protector
Rinpoché, you are returning to central Tibet, the land of religion. Thus,
we, the Hor Governor Khenchung and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa,
are respectfully remaining in this temporary abode. In consideration of
the repeated orders from the great leaders and lamas and the Tibetan
National Assembly, when you return to Tibet under the sole protection
of your close attendants, all arrangements will be made as a sign of the
respect due to the spiritual son of the father Dalai Lama, including horses,
beasts of burden, and men.
Otherwise, in order to secure the return of the Chinese troops within

a specified period of time, a foreign government must act as witness.
When it is possible for you to enter our country, absolutely no Chinese
or Mongolian people may accompany you due to the lack of a final
settlement between China and Tibet. Therefore, whatever may result, in
order to protect our country, this is the single essential point on which
the Tibetan National Assembly is unified. For this reason, we must care-
fully and strictly beseech you to comply. It would be best if you were to
consent.
If you do not, then the faulty strategy of sending even a single Chinese
or Mongolian across the border will not be successful in the slightest.
It is required that whosoever promotes this end will grow in prestige.
Severe punishments have been prescribed for those lazy or indifferent
people, attempting to undermine the government’s kindness in either
name or reality, if there appears from any quarter just the slightest report
of actions which contradicts their orders. It is necessary to adopt the
profound altruistic mind.
We, the Hor Governor Khenchung and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa,
have already come to Drachen, a place near the main road along which
you, revered one, will pass. We are waiting for you to come, while observ-
ing the area to insure your security. Since the season is changing, the
delay in your journey ought to be postponed.
All of the people of Tibet have the essential wish that the supreme
all-seeing protector could be successful in removing the obstacles which
prevent his returning to his seat at Trashi Lhünpo. May you quickly
proceed home!
As for the issue of the Chinese soldiers, at present, terms are still to be
arranged for the peaceful relations between China and Tibet. As a result,
the entrance of Chinese soldiers appears to people of all stations to be a
potential source of trouble for both Buddhism and the government. All
people are united in this belief.
Accordingly, the best course of action would be for them to turn back
from the Tibetan border and for you to proceed to your monastic estate
solely in the company of your Tibetan retinue. Please do this!
Finally, if the nature of the present difficulties are such that the only
way to have the supreme protector swiftly return to his seat is to be
accompanied by a Chinese and Mongolian escort, then a foreign witness
must be enlisted to insure that after a defined period of rest, they will
leave our country. This is the wish of all of the people of Tibet.
You have been having discussions with Dzasak Zurkhang Surpa who
has joint civil and military responsibilities over Domé at Denkhok. Thus,
the continuation of these talks would be helpful in eliminating discord
between the monastic estate and the government. After adopting the
profound consideration of the gods, you should immediately be able to
return.
All of these appeals and the efforts being made in your camp, together
with the efforts being made in Lhasa by the senior religious figures and
those inside the monasteries, are undertaken in the sincere wish to sup-
plicate you, all-seeing Protector Rinpoché, to return to your duties. Since
it is utterly impossible for you not to pursue the happiness of all of Tibet’s
people, which in word and deed is like the relationship between a father
and son, we supplicate you for that purpose.
Jadang Chupön Anu has brought you this petition immediately as an
ally of all parties. Changkarwa, the attendant from your monastic estate
has offered security to your assistants and attendants for the purpose of
continuing these talks without interruption. As we wait at the appointed
place, we are uncertain when you intend return to Tibet. At present, since
you have already returned to Jyegündo, an inquiry was made to Chang-
karwa and two members of your party from Jyegündo as to whether you
would be returning later. Chupön returned here on the tenth day of the
tenth month saying that he had to return from Tratsangdo as he could not
tell whether you were going to return as had previously been agreed.
We are waiting in this place, having already offered security for a
messenger to report on the situation contained in the appeal in which
the respected people supplicate the all-seeing Rinpoché, those from your
camp, and the efforts of the senior lamas. Since the appeal from the lamas,
leaders, and the Tibetan National Assembly has already been presented,
please do not abandon your responsibilities for even one moment.
In addition, these days, the Sovereign Protector Dorjé Chang, the
protector of Buddhism and the great mass of people in Tibet, the Dalai
Lama is temporarily sleeping in the sphere of reality because our merit is
insufficient. The continual delay in restoring you to your throne is very
harmful to Tibet and the Tibetans. As it would be the source of freeing
monks and lay people from their despair, once again, we are sending
this urgent appeal.
We call you to the important task of fulfilling the altruistic vows of
the Buddha and the bodhisattvas. Due to striving for the vital happiness
of Buddhism and the people of Tibet, we have no alternative but to
request with sincerity that you remember your protective responsibil-
ity, as the god Brahmā supplicated Buddha to teach our religion. The
great omniscient one who knows all phenomena did not entertain even
a moment of conflict.
Previously, people of all stations were overcome with boundless, sin-
cere devotion and joy upon hearing that the all-seeing great protector
was going to return quickly to his throne in the religious land of Cen-
tral Tibet. Presently, no settlement has been achieved between China
and Tibetan, and so having a Chinese escort cross into Tibet would be
extremely harmful religiously and politically at this time, when Tibet’s
religious and political lord, who embodies the three kindnesses,e the great
Dorjé Chang, the Dalai Lama is not in a body. There is no way for you
e
The three kindnesses are bestowing vows, teaching the sūtras and tantras, and
transmitting oral traditions.
to overlook your responsibility. For these reasons, supreme protector,

if you are contending with both physical and mental sufferings, which
are the proximate obstacles to your returning to your throne, then we
supplicate you as before.
In agreement with the advice of the common people, the Chinese sol-
diers should be turned back from the Tibetan border and out of compas-
sion you should proceed with just your close Tibetan attendants. Finally,
if this presents difficulties and the only way to have the great lama and
teacher swiftly return to his seat (is to have a Chinese and Mongolian
escort), then you must arrange a witness to guarantee that they will return
after a month of rest. Accordingly, you will certainly fulfill the altruistic
intentions of the Great Sovereign Guide, Dorjé Chang, the Dalai Lama
forever. In Tibet, the land that the gods have promised to protect, it is
crucial that all activities for Buddhism and living beings, whether large
or small, must be done in agreement with religious principles. Thus, it is
necessary to understand what is appropriate in a time when degenerate
disciples are involved in misery. All the people of all stations, monks and
laity, in Tibet are absolutely united on the issue of the Chinese escort.
If you would agree with the desires of the people of Tibet, disciples of
the Buddha and the bodhisattvas, and Buddhism would flourish. Since
this would manifest fortunate signs such as happiness, leisure, stability,
and peace for Tibetans and the non-deceptive reality in which they live,
so you should eagerly adopt the practices of a bodhisattva for the benefit
of Buddhism and living beings. Following the wish of Buddhists, you
should secure a foreign government as guarantor that after the Chinese
and Mongolian troops accompany you to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery,
they will return to their own country following a month of rest. Out of
compassion, please see to this.
In addition, because of the small merit of living beings during this
degenerate era when you have stayed away for so long, whatever signs
appear which obstruct your three secret bodies, do not to abandon your
considerable responsibility. Like one who is overcome by thirst desires
water, all monks and lay people of Tibet are praying for the immediate
appearance of a festival of fortunate signs that the precious incarnation
of the Sovereign Protector Dorjé Chang, lord of Tibet’s religious and
political spheres, will be found and brought to Lhasa.
However, the fulfillment of this prayer depends upon the conqueror
and his son recognizing their traditional roles which have been function-
ing for so long; only then can the supreme protector descend to bear his
great burden.
It is impossible that whatever turns out to be a source of life for Bud-
dhism and living beings, in general and in particular, will not appear in
your pure mirror of exalted wisdom, which is free of any darkness what-
soever. Thus, it is like the saying, “Where there is profound religion, there
are hostile demons.” Even as pressure increases to harm and obstruct the
path to the fulfillment of happiness of sentient beings and of Buddhism,
please give profound consideration to taking up your perennial duties

with respect to the supreme conqueror.
Therefore, we ask you to return swiftly to your throne in the religious
land of Tibet. When you are certain that you will be proceeding home,
having secured a guarantor, inform us so that we can arrange for horses,
beasts of burden, and men and make arrangement for whatever else is
suitable to a person of your stature.
This forceful, urgent, and final appeal is offered on behalf of great Lhasa
leaders and lamas and the Tibetan National Assembly and upon obtain-
ing your good response, fulfilling our happy purpose, we will breath a
sigh of relief in this place and issue the orders. Please try to come to the
sphere of happiness with all haste.
Khyen! Khyen! Khyen!f
Together with this appeal, we have sent a ceremonial greeting scarf
and a five silver sang note as a sign of respect.
Sent on the thirteenth day of the tenth month.
At the same time, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and
Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa sent a letter to the Paṇ chen Lama’s
Nangmakhang Office:11
To the supreme attendants of the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate, glori-
ous in one hundred ways.
We offer our regards. The letter you sent back to us on the eighteenth
day of the seventh month by the mounted courier Wangyel reached us
on the ninth day of the eighth month. The letter written on the first day
of the seventh month and sent by mounted courier reached us on the
sixteenth day of the seventh month. It said that at that time, you had
received instructions from Chamdo saying that negotiations between the
government and the Paṇchen Lama were unsuccessful and so Paṇchen
Rinpoché’s party would not be continuing on.
As orders have been issued to negotiate a suitable arrangement, in
the meanwhile it is unnecessary to be concerned about the preparations.
What sorts of difficulties have come about from not knowing when horses,
beasts of burden, and men would be needed? In order to protect the
return of the conqueror and his son to their seat, it is reported that the
essential objectives of the officials of Paṇchen Rinpoché’s monastic estate
are unreasonable. However, the Do Governor has not done anything to
prevent the arrangement of horses, beasts of burden, or men.
The Tibetan government said that the Paṇchen Lama had not upheld
his responsibility because of the harmful circumstances of his being gone
f
This word, which is an honorific form of the verb to know, is repeated here three
times as a sign of respect. Even more, the vowel marker on the first two appearances
of the word is written three times, indicating an even higher form of respect.
for so long. Thus, retired abbots, fourth-ranking officials, and current

abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were sent to supplicate
the Paṇchen Lama, asking that from that point, he quickly return to his
throne in the religious land of Tibet. After those representatives return
to Tibet, they will come before Ganden Podrang, the government of our
religious land, to recount the charges and the actual facts. At this time,
it is certain that traditional responsibilities should be maintained, such
as being ready to act without delay.
In the letter sent by the cavalryman Wangyel on the first day of the
seventh month, detailed instructions were to be communicated through
the Tibetan representatives, including retired abbots, fourth-ranking
officials, and present abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries
in accordance with the situation. When Wangyel arrived to present the
situation to the Paṇchen Lama’s office, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché
and his retinue had already left for Rakshilung Monastery, and so the
Tibetan representatives stayed at Jyegündo Monastery. As a result, he
had to wait for a response to be given in a personal audience. Therefore,
Wangyel was unable to go to deliver the message to the Tibetan repre-
sentatives personally. He sent that letter with a man from Kham, which
caused a delay. It seems that the immediate arrival of the government’s
instructions would be impossible.
However, it is hoped that the terms arrived before long. In addition, at
that time, Paṇchen Rinpoché’s party had already left Jyegündo. The senior
lamas and officers from the area and the Tibetan National Assembly have
continually sent instructions to us, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten
Pema and the commander of the border guard in the northern territory,
Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa, saying that gracious arrangements should
be made for the return of the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché to Tibet.
Horses, beasts of burden, and men would be organized. Many people
should advise that a Chinese escort is unnecessary and that they should
withdraw from the border. However, if in the end this course becomes
difficult, then they should be required to leave Tibet after one month of
rest, and a meeting must be held immediately to request Paṇchen Rin-
poché to seek a guarantor that the Chinese soldiers will depart.
Since we have already come to Hor Drachen near the main road, we
have received increasing indications that eventually, the Paṇchen Lama
would be coming. However, not being able to bear these continual delays,
we implored the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché to take his throne at Trashi
Lhünpo Monastery quickly.
The essential issues to be communicated to the Paṇchen Lama’s office
are as follows: They were urged to resolve the issue of a guarantor for
the return of the Chinese troops. Jadang Chupön Anu was sent to pre-
sent to the Tibetan representatives a progress report on the vital issue of
having the Chinese soldiers return to China and to report on the efforts
to have the Paṇ chen Lama come to Tibet immediately. Changkarwa,
the attendant from the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate was sent for the
purpose of offering to serve as a guide. They left on the twelfth day of
the ninth month, traveling day and night. However, upon meeting with
Paṇchen Rinpoché’s personal attendants at Tratsangdo, they learned that
no decision had been made regarding his return to Tibet and that he had
already gone to Jyegündo. It is said that his departure had been concealed
in order to avoid giving a response.
Based on the clear statements of the Paṇchen Lama’s personal atten-
dants and Changkarwa, they said he must return, and he arrived here on
the tenth day of the tenth month. However, we have already sent a peti-
tion to the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly saying that we had
supplicated the all-seeing Rinpoché and have sent a messenger to inform
the Paṇchen Lama’s office and the Tibetan representatives. That being the
case, it would be unbearable to report that he had been turned back at a
mere command. In addition, all people of whatever station, monks or lay
people, pray that the all-seeing Rinpoché will quickly return to his seat in
Tibet. He was dispatched once again to make urgent entreaties. Out of his
fidelity to the injunctions of Buddha and the bodhisattvas, the Paṇchen
Lama should return to his seat in his own realm; it would result in the
boundless expression of the faithful devotion of all people throughout
the religious land of Tibet. There is absolutely no alternative. In addition,
the Do governor has not done anything to prevent the arrangement of
horses, beasts of burden, or men as a result of claims by the officials of
the monastic estate that it was unsuitable.
However, if the monastic estate or the entourage has any grievances
against the Tibetan government, then it will be possible for the govern-
ment, which is endowed with religious and political authority, to give
appropriate consideration to the true state of affairs when the Paṇchen
Lama’s party proceeds into Tibet alone in the desired manner. As you
know, all along, the essential issue has been about the harmful conditions
of the Paṇchen Lama’s return to his seat in Tibet. Accordingly, the senior
and junior attendants of the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate also should
take advantage of this vital opportunity to bring him back to his seat
quickly. As there is absolutely no necessity for him to be accompanied
by Chinese soldiers, if it was his pleasure to send the Chinese troops back
from the border, he would be in agreement with the opinion of the great
majority of the public.
Moreover, if this course of action presents difficulties, then there will
be no cause for delay in his return when he secures a witness to guarantee
that the wishes of the government will be fulfilled. In addition, without
there being a witness to guarantee the return of the Chinese soldiers, it
was unknown whether he would be coming. Thus, the Do governor could
not avoid the instruction of the Tibetan National Assembly which said
that there must be no hurry in arranging horses, beasts of burden, and
men to aid the Paṇchen Lama’s party. Beyond that, there are no obstruc-
tions preventing his gracious return to his seat of power.
Therefore, Tibetan representatives including retired abbots, fourth-
ranking officials, and present abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries came to supplicate the all-seeing Paṇchen Lama since the
extent of harm caused by his prolonged absence is uncertain. Unable to

bear his absence, they have been sent to supplicate Paṇchen Rinpoché
in dependence on the Lord of Tibetan Buddhism, the Dalai Lama and
his spiritual son.
Since it is not known whether the Chinese leaders and soldiers will be
good or bad, they should not be brought into Tibet in large numbers. At
this point, the all-seeing protector should quickly return to his seat and
live there in happiness. In order to fulfill the wishes and bring about the
happiness of Tibet and the Tibetan people in an enduring way, the long-
term tradition of the solemn altruistic vow between the Dalai Lama and
the Paṇchen Lama must be preserved; for the benefit and happiness of
all, this is the responsibility of the Tibetan government and the Paṇchen
Lama’s monastic estate attendants. All responsible parties are urged to
adopt these measures. Thus, a foreign government should be found to
guarantee the time when the Chinese soldiers will leave. This order, which
will enhance our prospects, has been expressed immediately because of
the great importance of acting in agreement with so many people.
When a decision has been reached with regard to the Paṇchen Lama’s
return, then care will be taken to arrange whatever is necessary in the
situation. Please consider this matter favorably!
This letter is sent on the good thirteenth day of the tenth month of 1937
along with a ceremonial scarf.
The above letter was dispatched by mounted courier. However, the Do
governor had already been working to make a definite agreement. At
the same time, a conflict had erupted between China and Japan over
the Marco Polo Bridge in the east, initiating the Sino-Japanese War.g
Simultaneously, the Tibetan government vigorously insisted that the
Chinese leaders and soldiers who were to accompany the Paṇ chen
Lama be turned back.
As a consequence of these factors, the Chinese leader Ma Hotien,
received a telegraph message from Nanjing saying that the Paṇchen
Lama’s Chinese escort had to be returned. Thus, Paṇchen Rinpoché,
his attendants, and the Chinese escort left Nangchen Rakshilung Mon-
astery for Jyegündo on the twentieth day of the eighth month. Paṇchen
Rinpoché became a little ill at that time. While staying at the Chinese
monastic estate of Döndrup Ling Monastery in Jyegündo, suddenly
g
In June and July of 1937, Chinese Nationalist forces clashed with Japanese Impe-
rial Army at the Lugouqiao Bridge, also known as the Marco Polo Bridge. This battle
opened a route that enabled the Japanese conquest of Beijing and ignited the a war
between the two powers that was only concluded with the end of World War II.
his body became increasingly painful due to a wind disorder. On the

twenty-eighth day of the tenth month (December 1, 1937), the all-
seeing Paṇchen Ertené Lozang Chögyi Nyima Gelek Namgyel passed
into nirvāṇa.
As soon as this unfortunate news reached Lhasa, the government
performed the traditional funerary ceremonies. According to a govern-
ment order, the Do governor dispatched a deputy to make offerings to
the body. After detailed discussions with the Paṇchen Lama’s attendants,
the deputy advised them to stay at Horkhok for a while since China
and Japan were battling in China. They agreed and went to Horkhok
with the Paṇchen Lama’s body.
In 1938, because of disagreements with the Chinese leader at Dar-
tsedo, Liu Wenhui, there were small clashes, and the Chinese even stole
some of the Paṇchen Lama’s possessions. Escaping with the body, the
attendants reached Jyegündo by way of Dergé. Thinking that it would
be good to reach an understanding with the attendants, the Do gover-
nor immediately dispatched a representative. Thus, one group of them
returned to Trashi Lhünpo with Paṇchen Rinpoché’s body. After Datsap
Jokbewa was appointed to receive them, he arranged horses, beasts
of burden, and people on all of the roads they would be traversing.
While the appropriate ceremonies were being performed, they arrived
at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. The other group of attendants went to
Ziling, where they stayed.
In the same year, the Chinese leader at Dartsedo, Liu Wenhui, and
the Do governor’s monk and lay dzasaks conferred on the return of
Dargyé Monastery’s monastic estate to Tibet. Thus, the Chinese side,
headed by Tselitrang, and the Tibetan side, headed by the fourth-rank
Zurkhangsé Wangchen Gelek, met at Dargyé Monastery for detailed
discussions. The monastic estate was to be returned, provided the
Dargyé monks no longer interfered in Beri, Kardzé, and so forth. In
addition, they were to be restored their former wealth, and the Tibetan
government would appoint the abbot of Dargyé Monastery as they had
in the past. Both parties agreed to these terms. As a result, the Tibetan
government helped the Dargyé monks who were scattered about on
the west of the Drichu River, in Trawodo, Joda, Chamdo, and so forth
return to their home. All of the monks cooperated to rebuild the mon-
astery and its furnishings.
In 1937, Sikkim’s political officer sent a request to Lhasa asking per-
mission for five Germans to visit Tibet, Doctor Schäfer, photographers,
and so forth.h Like other foreigners in Lhasa, they were invited to

observe the Great Prayer Festival and following that the ceremony
of burning offerings. Thereafter, they visited Samyé, Tradruk, Yam-
bülakhar, and so forth and then returned to Lhasa. There was a large
crowd at the part of the Great Prayer Festival’s burnt offerings ceremony
when the nāga spirits are attended upon, and they did not accept the
Germans photographing the ceremony. Thus, there was a misunder-
standing; many people began shouting and throwing stones. Doctor
Schäfer was struck in the head with a stone and was a little hurt. One
of their cameras was destroyed. Since they were able to hide, no further
harm was done.
During a cabinet meeting in the presence of the Regent Radreng
Rinpoché, he explained that he was resigning from the position of
regent. Immediately, the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attend-
ant appealed to him, offering him a token sum of money. They said that
he was still young and that he was in good health. Moreover, they said,
since there was a great deal of important work for him to do, such as
searching for the incarnation of the Dalai Lama and bringing him to
Lhasa, he should continue with his responsibilities. In addition, they
asked him to identify any government officials who were not doing all
they could in the service of the government and so forth. They pros-
trated to the regent and supplicated him. However, he would not listen
to them. Thus, the cabinet instructed the Tibetan National Assembly
to consider the situation in detail and decide upon the best course of
action. As a result, some representatives from the National Assembly
went to Radreng’s monastic estate to ask that out of compassion, the
regent continue with his responsibilities.
The Regent Rinpoché explained that he could not make immediate
decisions because it was necessary for him to consult with his associ-
ate, the prime minister, on all sorts of important religious and political
questions. He continued saying there were great difficulties such as
that at times there are excesses and delays because of disagreements
between them. As a result, Tibetan National Assembly decided that
h
Isrun Engelhardt, Tibet in 1938–1939: Photographs from the Ernst Schäfer Expedi-
tion to Tibet (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2007). An exhibit of these photographs
was displayed in conjunction with the 11th Seminar of the International Association
of Tibetan Studies in Königswinter, Germany in 2006. The book (p. 183) contains
one photograph of Tsepon Shakabpa along with his younger brother, Thubten Tsepal
Tai Khang.
since problems had arisen in such actions, Prime Minister Langdün

should retain his title, his official residence, and so forth, but should
be relieved of his duties as the regent’s associate. If the cabinet were
to request the prime minister to resign, then in agreement with this
method for improving the situation, they were to issue a proclamation.
Accordingly, on the thirtieth day of the second month of 1938, the
cabinet together with the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant met with
Langdün at the prime minister’s estate, where they presented him with
the National Assembly’s proclamation. Being a peaceful and gentle man,
the supreme prime minister immediately considered what he had been
told and retired. Thereafter, the Regent Radreng Rinpoché assumed
complete control of the country.
Notes to Chapter Eighteen
1. Changchen Gungzur, Kusung Rupön Chapasé, Sherpang Gyelkhar Nangpa,

Shödrung Draktönpa, Shödrung Menriwa, Tsedrung Letsen Kyitöpa, Chakpé Dodam
Tupten Gelek, and Zhapzur Yüllha Tenpa Tsewang.
2. Desi Sangyé Gyatso, Boat for Crossing the Ocean to the Island of Liberation,
Catalog of the Ornament for the World, the Golden Reliquary, 261-na-6.
3. Although previously it had been the custom for a cabinet minister to become
the Do governor, during this time, District Magistrate Lozang Pelden and District
Magistrate Zurkhang Zurpa were Do governors.
5. The image of Maitreya, which was fashioned from gold and copper, measured
more than three stories in height. Yet the artist was so skilled that merely by pressing
the thumb on its back, the entire image will move and give off a pleasing sound.
6. Founded by the second Dalai Lama Gendün Gyatso, it was associated with Ngari
Chögyel Jikten Wangchuk Pekar Monastery and Lönpo Ngawang Namgyel.
7. It was founded by Chöjé Lodrö, the sixth in the lineage of seven Mañjuśrīs.
8. Khenché Gyeltsen Püntsok, Taiji Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyel, and Önzhi
Döné Shar Tupten Tarpa were appointed.
9. At this time they were Khenchung Ngawang Gyeltsen, Tsedrön Chöpel Tupten,
and Lotsāwa Ngawang Drakpa.
CHAPTER NINETEEN
GREAT FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA IS ENTHRONED

Shakabpa provides a detailed narration of the process of identifying

the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama, the most detailed in the entire
book. As he was a member of the committee assigned to search for
the fourteenth Dalai Lama and was an eye-witness to many aspects
of the search, his first person account sheds interesting new light on
this singular process. Once the child was identified, a Chinese warlord
Mā Bufang (1903–1975), who governed Qinghai, demanded a bribe of
four hundred thousand silver coins. Without announcing the identity
of the child, a resolution was eventually achieved and the youth was
brought to Lhasa. Radreng Rinpoché cut the ceremonial lock of hair
and granted the boy his new name. The Regent Radreng oversaw his
enthronement and early education.
Foreign dignitaries, including some from China, arrived to partici-
pate in the ceremonies relating to the youth’s enthronement. Shakabpa
refutes the claims of some Chinese historians that have claimed the
Chinese delegation was accorded a status indicative of Tibet’s sub-
servience to China.a Shakabpa offered a sustained critique of Chinese
representations of these events, most of which were in fact witnessed
by Shakabpa.
Just before Japan invaded China in 1941, the Regent Radreng retired
and was replaced by the Dalai Lama’s tutor. Although Radreng was
a monk constrained by the vow of celibacy, he had not vigorously
protected his commitments, and due to the impurity of his monastic
status, he was deemed to be unsuitable to serve as the Dalai Lama’s
preceptor. The Dalai Lama’s tutor, Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop
Tenpé (1874–1952), assumed the responsibility of the regency in early
a
For a Chinese account that claims a high level of involvement by the Chinese
delegation, see, for example, Ya Hanzhang, The Biographies of the Dalai Lamas (Bei-
jing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991), 406–409. See also Tsering Shakya, The Dragon
in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1999), 6–7.
876 chapter nineteen
1941. Serving for a decade until the Dalai Lama was able to assume
authority himself, Takdrak Rinpoché was a stabilizing force after the
comparatively tumultuous influence of Radreng.
The Allies wished to support China in their war with Japan, but
their supply routes had become imperiled. Consequently, the Tibetan
government was petitioned to permit transportation to pass through
its territory; Tibet refused. Shakabpa argues that this demonstrates that
Tibet was capable of making its own choices, as a sovereign nation
does. He includes a letter from President Roosevelt appealing for
Tibetan cooperation. Following the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s example,
the Tibetan government endeavored to enhance its international stand-
ing throughout this period.
Increasingly, Tibetans found themselves interacting with others in
an international setting. A dispute between a Gurkha and a Tibetan
resulted in the former being protected by the Chinese Mission. The
Tibetan objected to the action of the Mission’s Gong Jingzong and
expelled him from the country. A Tibetan lama from Gomang Mon-
astery, Geshé Sherap Gyatso (1884–1968), was a progressive figure
intent on modernizing traditional Tibetan education. Moving to China
in 1937, he gained support from the Paṇchen Lama and other patrons
in the Republican government. This enabled him to gain a national
reputation and found an important school called the Qinghai Tibetan
Buddhist and Chinese Language School.b Shakabpa depicts him as an
“instrument of the [communist] government” who “broadcast propa-
ganda over the radio in Tibetan.”c
In 1944, American pilots crash-landed near Lhasa on their way from
India to deliver war supplies to China, and the next year, the Austrians
Heinrich Harrer (1912–2006) and Peter Aufschnaiter (1899–1973)
escaped a British internment camp in India and made their way to Tibet.
Harrer became a friend and tutor to the young Dalai Lama, teaching
him about science and the larger world.d Likewise, at the successful
conclusion of World War II, the Tibetan government congratulated the
b
See Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York:
Columbia University Press, 2004), 207–212.
c
See p. 894 below.
d
Heinrich Harrer and Peter Aufschnaiter are authors respectively of Seven Years
in Tibet (London: R. Hart-Davis, 1953) and Peter Aufschnaiter’s Eight Years in Tibet,
ed. by Martin Brauen (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2006).
great fourteenth dalai lama is enthroned 877
victors. The government participated, for example, in the Inter-Asian

Conference in 1947, with Tibet flying its own flag and its delegates
meeting with Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948), the Indian Prime Minister
Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964), and President of the Congress
Party Sarojini Naidu (1879–1949). Shakabpa understands these events
to provide further evidence of Tibetan autonomy.
In 1944 or 1945, a conflict emerged between the government and
Sera Monastery over grain taxes and monastic independence. Thereaf-
ter, Radreng Rinpoché, who was a monk from Sera Monastery, visited
Lhasa and met with the new Regent Takdrak Rinpoché, evidently in
part to complain about sanctions that had been placed on Sera. Sha-
kabpa explains that soon after an apparent attempt on Takdrak’s life,
Radreng was arrested for having written a letter to China’s President
Chiang Kaishek (1887–1975) that threatened to seize the government
from Tatrak if he did not resign voluntarily. Radreng confessed before
the Tibetan National Assembly, along with his co-conspirators. He
died suddenly of a mysterious cause while in custody. Shakabpa was a
member of the investigating committee.
When India gained independence from the British Empire on August
15, 1947, it inherited all treaty rights and obligations from Britain. The
Indian and Tibetan governments agreed to continue their relationship
as it had been conducted previously through the British.
In 1947–1948, Shakabpa led the Tibetan Trade Delegation around
the world to a large number of nations. The journey was an extended
exercise in demonstrating Tibet’s independence and sovereignty. All
along the way, Chinese interests sought to undermine Shakabpa’s efforts
to assert Tibet’s freedom by refusing to honor Tibetan passports, urg-
ing the use of Chinese-issued passport, attempting to persuade other
countries not to permit the Tibetans to visit or transit their countries,
and so forth. However, in addition to India and China, the delegation
visited Hong Kong, the United States of America, Great Britain, France,
Switzerland, Italy, Egypt, and so forth. Shakabpa met with a variety
of important dignitaries including Secretary of State George Marshall
(1880–1959), general and future president of the United States Dwight
Eisenhower (1890–1969), Prime Minister Clement Attlee (1883–1967),
and former Prime Minister Winston Churchill (1874–1965). He engaged
in discussions about currency rates, trade relations, and other matters
ordinarily indicative of the independence of a state and he purchased
gold from the U.S. Treasury. Shakabpa’s narration of these events
demonstrates his heightened awareness of the importance of appear-

ances in international affairs.e
As the 1940s and the chapter draw to a close, spies and intrigue are
everywhere.
e
See the photos, as well as the image of Tsepon Shakabpa’s passport from this
journey at the beginning of volume 2.
CHAPTER NINETEEN
GREAT FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA IS ENTHRONED
The Protector Regent Radreng Hotoktu Chok, the cabinet, and the
previous Dalai Lama’s personal attendant consulted about the supreme
sovereign’s incarnation. It was reported that the young boys showing
auspicious signs who had been interviewed by Purchok Yongdzin
Choktrül Rinpoché, Keutsang Rinpoché, and Khangser Rinpoché
respectively in their far-flung homes and the doubtful candidates in the
Lhasa area should be brought to Lhasa so that a definitive examination
and recognition could be carried out. The esoteric, exoteric, and secret
examinations were to be kept secret. Other than this rumor, nothing
clear was known.
However, on the fifth day of the second month of 1939, Tsedrön
Tönpa Jedrung Jampa Khedrup and I, Tsipa Shakabpa, were summoned
to the cabinet. The ministers told us that it had been decided that all
of the doubtful and likely candidates for the Dalai Lama’s incarnation
had to be brought to Lhasa so they could be examined and the proper
person could be recognized. Thus, the two of us were to retrieve the
child from Mindröling in Drachi and had to stay at Driptsechokling
for a while. The date of our departure, our orders, money, and so forth
were still being arranged. We received orders that we had to wait for
these preparations to be completed.
We gradually understood that besides this candidate, there were oth-
ers. Another one from Kumbum Monastery was to be brought at the
same time. It appears that Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Tardö, Lachak
Sarjungsé, and so forth had been sent discreetly to make preparations
to receive the parties at Tutopchu River.
On the twenty-eighth day of the sixth month of 1939, the Tibetan
National Assembly met at the Dalai Lama’s private chamber at the
Potala, Dedenkhyil, where the secretary reported the consensus opinion
of the regent, prime minister, and cabinet:1
In regards to the search for the incarnation of the protector sovereign,
the great Dorjé Chang of unparalleled kindness, the doubtful and likely
candidates had been earnestly investigated, like burning, cutting, and
rubbing gold. Finally, they had settled on a boy named Lhamo Döndrup
who was born on the fifth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Hog Year
(June 7, 1935)a to the father Chökyong Tsering and the mother Sönamtso
of a family called Chija in a small farming village called Taktsé near
Kumbum Monastery in Domé Amdo.
The location, the arrangement of the house, and so forth were very
much in accord with the predictions from Lhamö Tsozik at Chökhor
Gyel.b The letters A, Ka, Ma, and so forth, the place and the surround-
ings, and so forth were in accord with the signs that had been expressed.
Not only had the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché been inclined toward
him, but when Keutsang Trülku had personally met with him several
times, both publicly and privately, and examined him, he was different
from the other child-candidates in all of his actions. He had recognized
personal belongings of the great thirteenth Dalai Lama as his own, such
as his rosary, walking staff, and his hand drum, without mistaking them
for other similar items.
Not only was this belief validated by such things as his calling the
member of the search party by their respective names, but the circum-
stances were in agreement with Nechung Oracle’s prediction from the
previous year during the consecration of Samyé Monastery after it was
restored and with the Nechung Oracle’s prediction that same year in
the Dalai Lama’s chambers called the Three Worlds. For these reasons,
there was no doubt.
However, the place where the young boy was born was under Chi-
nese rule, being in Zining. Thus, Mā Bufang and the Kumbum monastic
council complained that the determination of whether or not the boy
was the Dalai Lama had to be made in their region. It was diplomatically
explained that according to traditional practice, when all of the potential
candidates were gathered in Lhasa, the tests would be given and recogni-
tion would be granted.
Mā Bufang continually said that he needed four hundred thousand
silver coins as a ransom. However, they employed all sorts of methods,
including having some Zining traders pay the ransom and be reimbursed
at a later time. Also, a member of the search party, Tsedrung Lozang
Tsewang, had to be kept as a hostage. There was no certainty that addi-
tional delays would not emerge, if they did not proceed on to Lhasa, such
as a Chinese demand to escort the child.
The extensive special ceremonies which were performed all throughout
the country for the purpose of eliminating obstructions to the Dalai Lama’s
return to Tibet have been successful. The compassionate supreme incar-
a
The Dalai Lama’s birthday is customarily celebrated on July 7, 1935. However, it
is given as July 6, 1935 in both Tsepakg Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library
of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1993), 36 and John F. Avedon, In Exile From the Land
of Snows: First Full Account of Dalai Lama and Tibet since the Chinese Conquest (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), 8. The June date given here appears to be an error.
b
See pp. 285–287 above.
nation Rinpoché and his entourage have left the great seat of Kumbum
Monastery. Thus, at this time, joyfully they have crossed into Tibetan
territory. This young incarnation, Lhamo Döndrup, born at Taktsé in the
Chija family in the Kumbum district, was predicted to be the reincarna-
tion of the protector conqueror Dalai Lama and is so recognized. From
all quarters, certain faith has been found which is free from the stain of
error. Thus, he has been determined to be the Dalai Lama.
This news should be proclaimed today, along with this auspicious
assembly. Therefore, within the meeting of the Tibetan National Assembly,
the reports of the search party, the predictions, and so forth were each
published. People should just enumerate his qualities, without falling to
either extreme of being attracted to him or critical of him.
Out of joy, respect, and happiness, all of the people who were in the
assembly, from whatever station, expressed their gratitude toward the
regent and the ministers for fulfilling their responsibilities by perform-
ing the esoteric, exoteric, and secret duties in the intervening period.
Respected figures from Sera, Drepung, and Ganden monasteries, the
isolated regions, the monk and lay government officials, the Tibetan
National Assembly members representing religious and secular affairs,
together with the common people unanimously and with utter certainty
agreed to recognize the incarnation who was born at Taktsé in the Chija
family in the Kumbum district as the reincarnation of Dalai Lama.
With an attitude of joy, respect, and delight, they also proclaimed
that at that time, he should immediately be brought to Lhasa so that out
of his compassion, he could be invested with the religious and political
responsibilities according to the custom.
The secretaries’ summer festival, the cabinet’s celebration, and so forth
were postponed and preparations were made for the entire reception.
Since I was also a member of Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa’s party
which was to go to Nakchu River to receive the Dalai Lama, I con-
tinued with the preparations such as acquiring the ceremonial clothes
and the horses. The organization of the camp at Shuktri Lingkha, the
duties involved in the reception and procession, and so forth were also
announced.
As soon as the Dalai Lama and his entourage completed their jour-
ney to Dangla on the fifth day of the eighth month, Cabinet Minister
Bönshöpa, his monk and lay escort, the monks from Namgyel Monas-
tery, the palanquin bearers, the Potala cooks, and the flag bearers left
Lhasa. When they reached Dromtö, a message arrived by horse courier
from the commanders of Nakchu. It said that the Dalai Lama’s party
would reach the Nakchu River on the tenth day of the eighth month.
Thus, Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa immediately explained the situation
to his escort. With happiness, he said that he had to go on himself
and that his escort should also go on without changing horses and so
forth. Everyone was to gather at Nakchu on the ninth day of the eighth
month. One by one, everyone hurried along.
I myself traveled the entire night, taking rests at Chakla Pass, Lanyi,
and Sangzhung, finally arriving at the Nakchu River at midnight of the
ninth day. Immediately thereafter, I put on the ceremonial dress and
proceeded on. When I got to Gazhi Nakhar at sunrise on the tenth, the
Dalai Lama and his entourage had already arrived. In addition, it is said
that Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa arrived just before the Dalai Lama and
was just barely able to offer him a greeting scarf in his palanquin.
The rest of the escort arrived one by one, and a ceremony was held
at dawn. It was gratifying to encounter the four-year old incarnation.
Dressed in monastic robes, the Dalai Lama was brought in by the
Nakchu chief, Khyenrap Tendzin. Thus, he was established on the
throne. His mother was also seated next to the throne. A paṇḍita’s hat
was placed on the young incarnation’s head. Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa
presented a maṇḍala of body, speech, and mind to the Dalai Lama on
behalf of the government. The proclamations confirming the identity
of the precious conqueror from the regent, the cabinet, and the Tibetan
National Assembly were presented.
Then all of us who had come to greet the Dalai Lama presented
greeting scarves to him and received his blessings. Tea and rice were
then served. Thereafter, Latsi Letsen Ngödrupding Lozang Dorjé made
offerings of celestial nectar to the eight demons and the letter that
accompanies Sipahoc was read out. Before the Dalai Lama were ban-
ners, big ceremonial drums, religious trumpets, and so forth. Then the
monk and lay government officials came on horses along with a litter
carrying the incarnation Rinpoché. The Dalai Lama’s father followed
wearing the traditional dress of Amdo Ziling, and his mother wore
shell ornaments and followed on a mule-palanquin. They in turn were
followed by the attendants and lesser dignitaries. The party proceeded
to Den Monastery in Nakchu in a mental condition mixed with sleep
and dreams.
The Regent Radreng Rinpoché and so forth came out to greet the
Dalai Lama at a camp established at Damtö Uma Trashi Tang. Hav-
ing stayed for three days at Radreng Monastery, the headwaters of the
Kadampa School, the party proceeded on, resting at the mountain retreat
c
See p. 749 above.
of Samtenling. On the twenty-third day of the eighth month (October

6, 1939), the party reached a camp at Dögutang, which was populated
with tents, as though bright stars were scattered about.
All of the monk and lay government officials, the abbots of Ganden,
Sera, and Drepung monasteries, the lamas, incarnations, and abbots
of the two colleges of Gyudö, Gyümé, and Namgyel monasteries, the
missions from India and China, the government representatives from
Nepal and Bhutan, and the leader of the Kashmir Muslims came to
greet the Dalai Lama there. After staying there for two days, on the
twenty-fourth day of the eighth month, the extensive party proceeded
in the traditional manner. More than ten thousand people from Lhasa
and Zhöl offered their greetings, including military units, a monastic
procession, dancers, and singers. Thus, sounds of joy were proclaimed.
Meanwhile, after visiting Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, the Dalai Lama
settled in at Kelzang Podrang at Norbu Lingkha.
On the thirteenth day of the tenth month, (November 23, 1939),
Radreng Hotoktu Chenpo cut a lock of the Dalai Lama’s hair before
the image of Jowo Śākyamuni at Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple and
bestowed on him the monastic name Jampel Ngawang Lozang Yeshé
Tenzin Gyatso Sisum Wanggyur Tsungpa Mepedé Pelzangpo.
Afterwards, a sealed communiqué was proclaimed throughout Tibet
explaining that the incarnation had definitely been installed on the
throne. It read:2
The Supreme Incarnation, the Omniscient Protector, Conqueror of the
Three Worlds, the Dalai Lama, who is the Limitless Thorough Protector
of Buddhism and of living beings has arrived on the twenty-fifth day
of the eighth month, a day marked with astronomical miracles, at the
marvelous Norbu Lingkha Palace, the limitless heavenly garden, amidst
a crowd of beings, all bowing in respect and displaying joy, faith, and
delight. Thus, the victory banner, which is the single ray of hope, the
Gelek Zhapsen Norbu, was raised.
On the blessed thirteenth day of the tenth month, at the urging of
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the monk and lay government
officials, and the Tibetan National Assembly, the Regent Tutor Radreng
Hotoktu ceremonially cut the lock of hair from the Dalai Lama before
the image of Jowo Śākyamuni and conferred on him the name Jetsün
Jampel Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tenzin Gyatso Sisum Wanggyur Tsungpa
Mepedé. With one voice, Buddha and the bodhisattvas recounted his
praises. Through bringing down a rain of blessings, this news was broad-
cast all over, throughout the land.
At the same time, the Dalai Lama was installed in power on the golden
throne supported by auspicious fearless lions in the Potala Palace, the
inestimable mansion which is the second home of Avalokiteśvara on

the fifteenth day of the first month of 1940; this was a terribly important
time when all living beings throughout the three realms were fed with the
nectar of the gods because Lord Buddha had pacified the six adherents to
the heretical schools through his display of magical marvels.
The kings of the four directions, monks, and lay people, high, low, and
middle, all beings touched the dust of his blessed feet with the top of
their heads while making clouds of offerings. This news, a life-preserving
nectar, which was a completely auspicious manifest omen to be enjoyed
as a magnificent festival of fortune, was broadcast to all beings. Thus,
during this supremely pleasing festival of fortune, the gods, lamas, monks,
and nuns of all large and small monasteries should recite sincere prayers,
perform rituals, and invoke the protector deities so that the Dalai Lama
can abide for one hundred eons and accomplish his crucial activities,
nourishing the fruit of happiness and benefit of Buddhism and all beings
under the sky.
All subjects, both men and women from government, private and reli-
gious estates, adorned with ornaments, should pray to and worship the
three precious jewels, burn incense throughout the area and on mountain
tops, sound different types of music, beat drums, raise banners, engage in
all ways in dancing, singing, and sports and have a cheerful attitude.
Without fail, you senior figures must act to inform all of the monaster-
ies and people under your jurisdiction in advance.
We Tibetans have tremendous appreciation for the appearance of this
youthful sun, the maṇḍala which exemplifies the body, speech, and mind
of the Protector of the Land of Snow, radiating one hundred thousand
brilliant rays of benefit and happiness. We have faithful satisfaction in
this fortunate era in which enjoyment will be improved in all ways. Ear-
nestly apply yourselves to fulfilling all of the ten religious virtues and the
sixteen civil purities of the excellent law of religion and politics with an
attitude of increasing this faith, like two opponents coming to smile at
each other. You must continually apply yourself to this fortunate endeavor,
without knowing how to exhaust the play of this festival of religious and
financial happiness.
On the happy twenty-seventh day of the tenth month of 1939.
This pronouncement was proclaimed throughout Tibet.
In this connection, the Chinese government sought permission to
have its delegate, Wu Zhongxin, come to offer their congratulations on
the Dalai Lama’s ascension to the throne. Thus, the Chinese government
applied to the Indian government for transit visas so the delegation
could pass through India. In turn the Indian government asked the
Tibetan government if it was okay for them to issue the visas. Initially,
the Tibetan government said there was no need to send a Chinese del-
egation and so no transit visas should be issued. However, subsequently
they replied that it was suitable to give visas to those people who were
coming to make offerings at the enthronement, but that others should
not be permitted to enter Tibet.
The Chinese functionary Gong Jingzong came by way of Dartsedo
together with actual offerings. He and his servants were given travel
permits by the Do governor, and an official host from the Nanjing
Tibetan Mission was assigned to travel with them. The Political Officer
of Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould, offered his respects at the enthronement on
behalf of the British crown and the Indian government. Official hosts,
transportation, and permits were provided to representatives of both
India and China. Sir Gould gradually made his way to Lhasa by way
of Dromo. Both representatives were brought to the Norbu Lingkha
Palace and were given audiences with the young incarnation.
On the thirteenth day of the first month of 1940, a procession brought
the Dalai Lama from Norbu Lingkha to the Potala Palace according
to tradition. On the fourteenth day (February 22, 1940), the day on
which the Dalai Lama was installed in power, the supreme sovereign
incarnation Rinpoché was set upon the exalted golden throne which
was raised up by the eight lords of the fearless Mahādeva in the Sizhi
Püntsok Reception Hall. At the same time, the monks of Namgyel
Monastery recited prayers of good fortune. In agreement with the ritual
which precedes the installment, monks adorned with ornaments made
offerings to the Dalai Lama of the eight auspicious signs, the eight aus-
picious substances, and the seven varieties of royal emblems.d
The religious service was performed and solemn prayers were recited.
The Protector Regent Radreng gave an oral explanation of the maṇḍala.
After the articles of investiture were presented to the Dalai Lama, the
regent, the prime minister, the tutors, the high ranking figures, the cabi-
net, the general attendants, the lamas and incarnations from Ganden,
Sera, and Drepung monasteries, and the government officials received
the Dalai Lama’s blessing. Then gifts from the Chinese Nationalist gov-
ernment were presented by Wu Zhongxin, Jao Gundin, Gong Jingzong,
Chang Waibi, and so forth.
d
See The Great Treasury of Words, Chinese and Tibetan (Beijing: Nationalities
Publishing, 1993), 3302–3, for drawing of these three offerings.
The text reciters, debaters, offering distributor, dancers, musicians,

the public, and otherse assembled for the official celebration as in the
past. All over Lhasa and Zhöl, drums were beaten, and flags were
raised. Dancing, sports, and drama were performed at Deyangshar and
Shingtsé at the inner stone pillar. At the outer stone pillar, horse races
were run. The incomparable auspicious festival engendered donations,
rewards, and so forth.
On the fifteenth day, Gyeltsen of the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate
presented offerings to the high throne of the [Dalai Lama]. Just after
that, the Political Officer of Sikkim serving as the representative of the
Indian government, Sir Basil Gould, Rai Bādur Dzasak Norbu Döndrup,
Hugh Richardson, Rai Sahib Rimzhi Sönam Topden, Major Casey, Cap-
tain D. Thornburgh, and Doctor Captain Troktren,f presented gifts as
congratulations for the ascension to the throne on behalf of the British
crown and the Indian government.3 At the same time, the representative
of the king of Sikkim presented offerings to the throne.
Thereafter, officials of the Radreng monastic estate, the cabinet, the
senior and junior secretaries, abbots of Ganden, Sera, and Drepung
monasteries, the important figures of Ü Tsang, and other people from
monasteries and temples throughout Tibet came to the enthronement.
The ceremony continued for days.
Several foundationless and untrue statements have been written about
the enthronement by Chinese Nationalist representatives Wu Zhongxin
and Li. In this regard, Richardson’s Tibet and its History says:4
The ceremonies of Installation were held in February 1940 and were
attended by Sir Basil Gould and Wu Chung-hsin (Wu Zhongxin). The
latter traveled through India, having been given facilities at the request
of the Tibetan Government. Li’s charge that the question of permission
for his journey was decided by the British Foreign Office is misinformed
e
The text reciters are special officiants who sit away from the main rows of monks
and recite texts at a low volume. They are usually monk officials, one of them young
and the other old. The debaters are finalists in a large debate competition. The offering
distributor takes a sample from the offerings that have been made and passes it around
so that everyone can partake of them, at least symbolically. The entire public is not
invited, but rather just a handful of people who represent the public at large.
f
I have been unable to identify a British officer whose name could be spelled in
this manner in Tibetan (krog kran). Alex McKay (personal communication) indicates
that Hugh Richardson was not present at the enthronement, although he was in Lhasa
when the Dalai Lama arrived in Lhasa. He also indicates that although there are no
other records of a Major Casey being present, Major J. Innes-Keys and Dr. H. Stanton
were present as was the Anglo-India doctor, M. V. Kurian.
and tendentious. There are similar discrepancies in the different accounts

of the ceremonies. According to the Chinese, still clinging to the long-
discredited mummery of selecting the Dalai Lama by use of a golden
urn, Wu professed to have satisfied himself that the child was the true
incarnation and the urn need not be used. After that, in February 1940,
the Chinese Government appear to have issued a decree recognizing the
child as the Dalai Lama. The Tibetans, as has been said, had recognized
the child in August 1939 and had been treating him as Dalai Lama ever
since. There must have been bad co-ordination in Chinese quarters, for
a Chinese press notice had announced in July 1939 that the child had
been declared Dalai Lama with the consent of the Tibetan and Chinese
authorities.
Wu also claimed that he personally conducted the enthronement and
that, in gratitude, the Dalai Lama prostrated himself in the direction
of Peking. Those stories, described as false by Bell on the authority of
information from Gould, were categorically denied to the writer and dis-
missed as ludicrous by Tibetans who attended the ceremony. In looking
for the truth of the matter, the firm attitude of the Tibetan Government
to the demands of Huang Musong may be recalled and, looking much
further back, it is permissible to see the origin of such ritual fictions in
the fanciful account, in Chinese official histories, of the visit to Peking
by the Vth Dalai Lama.
Upon carefully examining these baseless political statements, it is our
responsibility to respond honestly and truthfully. Li’s The Historical
Status of Tibet says:5
The Regent sent Mr. Wu a communication asking the Central Government
to confirm La-mu-tan-chu as the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama with-
out the performance of drawing lots . . . The private interview took place
on the morning of January 31 inside a small pavilion in the Jewel Park
(Norbu Lingkha), one and a half miles out of Lhasa. Mr. Wu conversed
with the boy for about a quarter of an hour and presented him with four
gifts, including a watch, which greatly pleased him. Mr. Wu was deeply
impressed by the dignified and natural manner of the boy who was only
four and a half years old . . . The Nationalist Government, upon . . . the
favorable recommendations of Mr. Wu, issued an order on February 5
for dispensing with the lot-drawing process and for proclaiming the boy
as the 14th Dalai Lama.
All of us government officials who were present can prove these false
allegations to be baseless.
As I have already said, the Tibetan National Assembly gathered
together in the Dedenkhyil Chambers of the Potala on the twenty-eighth
day of the sixth month of 1939, proclaiming their decision to accept
the candidate from Kumbum as the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. In
addition, this news had already been proclaimed throughout Tibet. After
the ceremony at Gazhi Nakhar on the tenth day of the eighth month,
Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa had presented a maṇḍala of body, speech,
and mind to the Dalai Lama, and the proclamations confirming the
identity of the precious conqueror from the regent, the cabinet, and
the Tibetan National Assembly had been presented to him. Ever since
that day, he had been treated with the respect due to the Dalai Lama,
and when his party had processed to the great camp at Dögutang on
the twenty-third day of the eighth month (October 6, 1939) in the
company of religious banners, trumpets, incense and horses, he was
accompanied by monk and lay government officials. What need is there
to mention the lamas, incarnations, and monastic officials from Ganden,
Sera, and Drepung monasteries. Jang Jiyu, the Chinese officer who had
remained after Huang Musong for the alleged purpose of negotiating a
settlement between China and Tibet, Hugh Richardson from the Indian
Mission, a representative from Nepal, and a person from Bhutan who
was bringing the annual tribute were also at the ceremony.
The following day when the procession moved on to Norbu Lingkha,
he was most certainly treated as the Dalai Lama and not merely as a
candidate. In addition, the hair on the crown of his head was cut, and
he was given a name. His certain identification and enthronement was
proclaimed throughout Tibet on the twenty-seventh day of the tenth
month.
Beyond all of these facts, Li himself wrote in The Historical Status of
Tibet that three weeks before Wu arrived in Lhasa, when Gong Jingzong
arrived by way of Kham, that the regent had already investigated and
confirmed the incarnation from Kumbum.g When the decision had
already been made, these assertions by the Chinese government that Wu
performed a further investigation of the incarnation lacks foundation
in truthful sources. If people possessed of discrimination examine this
issue, there will be nothing for them to do but laugh.
Furthermore, Wu’s assertion that he conducted the enthronement
ceremony, that he himself placed the Dalai Lama on the throne, and
that the Dalai Lama bowed in the direction of Beijing out of gratitude
are false, and each is completely without foundation in truth. Although
g
Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (London: King’s Crown Press, 1956),
181.
I was not a high official at that time, having the rank of Tsipa,h I was
among the officials who were adorned with ornaments and who held
incense. Thus, when the Dalai Lama came from his chambers, I greeted
him carrying incense. Throughout the ceremony, I had to remain sitting
before the throne in the meeting hall.
When the Dalai Lama came from his chambers, Cabinet Minister
Lama Tenpa Jamyang and Chief Attendant Ngawang Tendzin held
his hands. When he climbed the steps and sat upon the throne, Abbot
Khyenrap Tendzin raised him up in his arms. Since Wu Zhongxin had
been invited, he was allowed into the throne room. Beyond that, not
only did he not touch the Dalai Lama, but he was not permitted to
even approach the throne. If anyone had attempted to come near the
throne, they would definitely have been seen by everyone. In addition,
there is no doubt that the great and powerful bodyguards would have
harmed them. In this way, I have fulfilled my responsibility of refuting
these groundless charges.
Following these events, while Wu Zhongxin was still in Lhasa, he
gave presents and decorations made of gold, silver, and so forth to
important leaders such as the regent and the cabinet. He raised the
question of a Chinese-Tibetan peace agreement and reported that the
Chinese officer who had been left behind to negotiate this agreement
from the time of Huang Musong, together with the radio transmitter,
would be renamed as a branch of the Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau.
The cabinet said that in recent times, many Tibetan territories had been
seized by the Chinese government and so forth. When the land, tribes,
and peoples to the east of Dartsedo which had previously been part of
Tibet were returned, they certainly would discuss peace terms between
China and Tibet. Moreover, they said that arrangements should be made
for the Indian government to mediate as had been the custom in the
1914 Simla Treaty. Also, beyond designating the Chinese officer stay-
ing in Lhasa who had been left behind to mediate as a Mission, there
was no way that the Tibetan government would accept his office being
called the Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau. Since the Tibetans spoke
decisively, there was nothing at all for the Chinese to do. Wu replaced
the previous representative, Jang Jiwu, with Gong Jingzong. Wu and
his subordinates returned by way of India.
h
I.e., a treasury official.
From about the tenth month of 1940, there were continual rumors
that Regent Radreng Rinpoché was going to resign from his responsi-
bilities over Tibet. During the twelfth month, Regent Radreng Rinpoché
met with the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, saying
that according to the prognostication of gods and lamas, there were
very serious threats to his own health. Thus, he said that he would
temporarily be forced to postpone the fulfillment of his official duties,
while he performed religious ceremonies and so forth. In response, the
cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant said that since he was
still young and suffered from no ill health, he should not resign his
religious and political responsibilities. They said that the government
itself would undertake whatever rites were suitable to help him avert
his illness. Yet he would not listen to their supplications.
Thus, the Tibetan National Assembly conferred on the most beneficial
course of action. Initially, some within the assembly wondered what
the regent’s real intentions were since he was still young, his activities
had been successful, and it was a time when the border regions were
peaceful. Some people even think that they were secretly concerned to
have changes in the higher offices of government or to have political
reforms and so forth.
Some Drungtsi from the Tibetan National Assembly were delegated
by the cabinet to meet with the regent at his Shö home, but he vowed
that nothing would come of their entreaties. He advised that it would
be best if the Dalai Lama’s tutor, Takdrak Rinpoché, be appointed the
new protector of the realm. The cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal
attendant informed the great sovereign Dalai Lama of this advice, and
he asked them to make the request to the Tutor Rinpoché. A delega-
tion from the National Assembly offered a symbolic gift to Takdrak
Rinpoché and implored him to take up the office. Thus, after seven
years of suffering the responsibilities of state, Regent Radreng Alchi
Hotoktu retired. The Tutor Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop Tenpé
Gyeltsen took responsibility for protecting the state on the first day of
the first month of 1941.
To the east, Japan had invaded China with the Chinese losing a great
deal of territory; they were forced to move their capital to Drungchin.
At the same time, Japan attacked Indo-China, Malaysia, and other
places. Thus, the Japanese cut off the great road along which China’s
allies America, Britain, and so forth had been bringing necessary war
materials from India to China by way of Burma. In addition, since the
allies had taken control of Assam, India, both Dzasak Rai Bādur Norbu
Döndrup and Gong Jingzong, the officers of the Indian and Chinese
Missions who were staying in Lhasa, asked the Tibetan Foreign Affairs
Office if it would be possible to construct a new road for transporting
necessary war supplies between India and China through the Tibetan
territory of Dzayül. The Tibetan government refused saying that since
Tibet was not allied with either the British and Chinese government
or the Japanese government, it was utterly unable to give its consent
to building a road for transporting military goods. They did, however,
consent to permitting private merchants to convey civilian goods such as
cloth, thread, medicine and so forth along government roads to China.
It seems [the Tibetan government] did not give due consideration to
the issue given the importance of the Sino-British military objectives.
Yet, it is a clear indication of Tibet’s free and independent behavior.
On the tenth day of the first month of 1942, the Dalai Lama received
his monastic vows from the Tutor Regent Takdrak Rinpoché in the pres-
ence of Lhasa’s Jowo Śākyamuni. At the beginning of that same year,
the first Americans came to Lhasa,i Captain Ilia Tolstoy and Lieutenant
Brooke Dolan. They were traveling toward China through Tibet and
Tsongön; the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office offered them hospitality
during their more than month long visit in Lhasa, and they met with
the Dalai Lama. In their journey to the Tsongön Lake border region,
Dergesé Kelzang Wangdu was provided as a host. A military escort and
papers authorizing the use of horses, beasts of burden, and men were
also provided. They had brought a letter together with a gift to the Dalai
Lama from the President Roosevelt from the White House:6
Your Holiness:
Two of my fellow countrymen, Ilia Tolstoy and Brooke Dolan, hope to
visit your Pontificate and the historic and widely famed city of Lhasa.
There are in the United States of America many persons, among them
myself, who, long and greatly interested in your land and people, would
highly value such an opportunity.
As you know, the people of the United States, in association with those
of twenty-seven other countries, are now engaged in a war which has
been thrust upon the world by nations bent on conquest who are intent
on destroying freedom of thought, of religion, and of action everywhere.
The United Nations are fighting today in defense of and for preservation
i
Tolstoy and Dolan would have been the first American officials to visit the country.
As mentioned above, Sudyam Cutting had already been in the country, and in 1923,
William McGovern was the first American to enter Lhasa.
of freedom, confidant that we shall be victorious because our cause is just,

our capacity is adequate, and our determination is unshakable.
I am asking Ilia Tolstoy and Brooke Dolan to convey to you a little
gift in token of my friendly sentiment toward you.
With cordial greetings [etc.]
Franklin D. Roosevelt
July 3, 1942
Along with this letter, the president sent along a photograph of himself
and a magnificent gold watch which marked the phases of the moon
and the days of the week.
In turn, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché also wrote to the American presi-
dent and sent him a gift:7
The Honorable Franklin D. Roosevelt
Dear Mr. President:
We received with the greatest gratification your letter and the tokens of
goodwill (your autographed photo and an exquisite gold watch showing
phases of the moon and the days of the week) through Envoys, Captain
Ilia Tolstoy and Lieutenant Brooke Dolan, who arrived here safely.
I am happy that you and the American people have a great interest in
our country. Likewise, it is a great sign that the American people together
with those of twenty-seven other nations are engaged in a war for the
preservation of freedom, which has been thrust upon them by nations
bent on conquest and who are intent upon destroying freedom of thought,
of religion, and of action everywhere.
The Tibetan people also attach great importance to the protection of
freedom and independence of our territory which we have enjoyed from
the distant past. Although I am young, following the practices of the
previous Dalai Lamas, I have been making efforts for a long time and
am attempting to increase the supreme religion taught by the Buddha,
depending on the fertile religious soil of Tibet. I pray and hope for a
speedy conclusion to the world’s conflicts and that peace and happiness
may endure.
As a symbol of my affection, I am sending a greeting scarf, three gold
Tibetan coins, and three religious paintings fringed with blue brocade
depicting the six elements of long life, the four harmonious brothers,
and the eight auspicious signs.
The Dalai Lama of Tibet
The nineteenth day of the first month of the Water-Sheep Year
February 24, 1943
The gifts were sent along with the letter.
A Gurkha and a Tibetan had a disagreement in Lhasa’s central
marketplace. When the police went to arrest them, the Gurkha man
hid within the Chinese Mission at the Kyitöpa residence. When one
of the policemen followed after him, the Chinese officials seized him.
In addition, that very night, Gong Jingzong went to Norbu Lingkha
Palace, even though the inner and outer gates of the residence had
already been locked. The Dzadrak pounded on the gate. He explained
that since the policeman had violated the law, he was seeking Regent
Takdrak Rinpoché’s protection. After someone was sent immediately
to determine if there was any disturbance in Lhasa, the Chinese official
Gong was sent back with an escort. Meanwhile, there was absolute
tranquility throughout Lhasa.
The Tibetan National Assembly directed the Foreign Affairs Office to
eject Gong Jingzong within forty-eight hours because of his provoca-
tive actions directed at disrupting relations between China and Tibet,
such as his mad behavior when there was absolutely no disturbance,
for seizing the policeman, and also for pounding on the door of Norbu
Lingkha Palace in the middle of the night. His liaison, firewood, offi-
cial residence, and so forth having been withdrawn, Gong returned to
China by way of Kham.
The Nationalist government apologized for the mistakes Gong had
made without consideration and they asked if they would be permitted
to send another deputy. The Indian government asked the Tibetans if
it would be suitable to issue travel permits to Gong’s replacement, who
was called Shen Zonglian, as well as some other functionaries, to travel
through India to Lhasa. As the Tibetan government gave permission,
Shen arrived in Lhasa. At that point, it was reported that although the
delegation seemed to be promoting harmonious relations, internal
records indicate that they were also working to sow dissension.
During the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s time, military costs were paid for
with revenue generated from previously untaxed government, private,
and religious estates, and so the treasury stores were preserved. As
they were taxed like the general public, there was absolutely no place
to store the grain [since so much had been gathered]. However, at
this time, many people requested a discount on their taxes, and it was
granted. Also, a great deal of grain had been exchanged for silver. For
these reasons, when provisions were needed for the military, it had to
be transported from Shelkar to Dotö (Kham). As the distance was so
great, it did not arrive for a long time. There were tremendous hard-
ships because the government had to enlist farmers to carry loads to
the widely scattered areas and along the major roads. Thus, the Tibetan
National Assembly restored the previous system of taxation, asking that

the contributions be collected and held at specific sites.
Hor people were widely spread through thirty-nine villages and
were without any particular tax base. Thus, for the general welfare of
the public, it was arranged in six regions, and monk and lay officials
were appointed and dispatched. Once again, the government created
tax sources. In the northern Jang region, four districts were created.
However, Jang is a place where supplies must be carried through vast
empty stretches, around lakes, and along the border regions in the
north. At this time, it was joined with the thirty-nine Hor villages,
and monks and lay people were appointed with general responsibility
for the area.
The geshés of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were highly
accomplished in the five great texts. However, it was very difficult for
ordinary monks to make arrangements for the traditional feast held
on the occasion of a geshé’s graduation. Thus, many monks who had
reached the end of their geshé studies had to stay at regional monas-
teries [without academic monastic infrastructure]. Because of the great
difficulties for authentic academic monks, the government began an
endowment for these ceremonies. At the same time, faithful people
possessed of resources contributed gifts to the fund. The interest from
the fund was loaned to candidates for the geshé degree in proportion
to the number of monks in their monastic college. This was extremely
beneficial for education. Likewise, an endowment for the Great Prayer
Festival had been managed by a council of the monastic estates, but as
it had grown in recent years, a separate office was opened. The inter-
est from this fund was given to the monks. Such efforts were truly
beneficial.
Geshé Sherap Gyatso from Gomang College of Drepung Monastery,
an unrivalled scholar who was learned in sūtra, tantra, and so forth,
disagreed with the way that the Buddhist scriptures were being edited
under the guidance of the thirteenth Dalai Lama. Thus, he went to live
in China. As he made plans to return to his monastery, he traveled as
far as Nakchukha in the sixth month of 1944. However, he had been
working for the Chinese Nationalist government’s Mongolian and
Tibetan Bureau. Consequently, he was not permitted to enter Lhasa
out of fear that he had been sent from the Nationalist government and
that he would be the cause of problems within the monastery. He was
forced to return. When the Chinese Communists gained control over
the entirety of China some years later, he became an instrument of the
government. He was made the chairman (kru zhi) of the Tsongön Lake
region. As such he broadcast propaganda over the radio in Tibetan.
At about ten at night on the third day of the eighth month of 1944,
a plane flew from the north of Lhasa. Many people saw it and heard it
going to the south. Two days later, the deputy who lived at Nedong,
Shödrung Shakjangpa sent a report saying that four American transport
planes had crashed in the sands on the banks of the Tsangpo River at a
place called Donang near Samyé Monastery. Five pilots had parachuted
and landed safely at Tsetang. The American plane had brought supplies
from India to China, and when they were returning, they became lost,
ran out of fuel, and crashed.
The Tibetan government provided assistance such as transportation
and supplies, to Lieutenant R. E. Crozier so that he could be brought to
Lhasa. A reception was also held by the Chinese and British Missions.
The Tibetan government escorted the Americans to the Indian border
by way of Gyantsé. At the same time, the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office
lodged a complaint with the American military mission in India saying
that they were not permitted to cross through Tibetan airspace. The
American government told the Foreign Affairs Office that the planes
had crashed in Tibetan territory because they had run out of fuel and
gotten lost. They also said that it would not occur again. In the letter,
they also conveyed their gratitude for the help that had been extended
to the airmen and for bringing them to the Indian border. The fact that
the Tibetan government could raise this dispute with the tremendously
powerful country, which is renowned throughout the world, is excellent
proof of Tibet’s freedom and independence.
Two Germans,j Heinrich Harrer and Peter Aufschnaiter, escaped from
a British war prison in Dehra Dun, India. They reached Lhasa by way
of Tsahreng, Saga, and Droshö in the first month of 1945. Although
the Indian government asked that they be sent back, the Tibetan
government refused. The reason for this was that Tibet maintained a
position of neutrality in World War II. Not being returned to India,
they were given responsibilities in the government. Aufschnaiter built
a new irrigation system under the auspices of the Office of Electrical
Production. He also built a new power plant at Zhang. Heinrich Har-
rer gave advice on such things as reforestation in the area in front
of Chakpori Mountain and the construction of a new dam on the
j
The two men were actually Austrians.
Kyichu River. Both of them lived in accordance with the law and so
were well regarded by Tibetan people of all stations. Later, when the
Communists invaded Tibet, Aufschnaiter lived in Nepal, and Harrer
returned to his own country. He remained supportive of Tibet’s cause
and wrote a book called Seven Years in Tibet.k
Since America, Britain, and the allied countries won World War II
in 1945, the Tibetan government sent congratulatory delegations to
America, Britain, and China headed by Dzasak Tupten Sampel and
Dzasak Khemé (Künzangtsé) Sönam Wangdu. While preparations were
being made, Hugh Richardson of the Indian Mission, who was living in
Lhasa, explained to the Foreign Affairs Office that if the Tibetan govern-
ment were to send delegates to the Great Chinese National Assembly
called Guomin Dahui that year, then they would be in violation of the
1914 Simla Agreement. In addition, he said that it would be a political
liability. The cabinet replied to Richardson through the Foreign Affairs
Office that the Tibetan government had no purpose except to send a
delegation to China, Britain, and America to congratulate them on
their victory in World War II.
There was a tremendous ceremony for the Mission when it arrived
in Delhi, India. India’s Viceroy Lord Wavell was given a letter of con-
gratulations from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet along with some gifts.
Without needing to go to America itself, a letter and gifts were conveyed
through the American Embassy in Delhi. When the Mission had arrived
from Lhasa, the Chinese Government Mission Agent in Lhasa, Shen
Zonglian assigned Drin Shichang as his representative and accompanied
the Tibetan delegation as a sort of host. In Nanjing, China’s capital,
they presented letters of congratulations and gifts from the Dalai Lama
and the cabinet to President Chiang Kaishek, the Defense Department,
the Foreign Affairs Office, and so forth.
Unfortunately, Dzasak Khemé’s wife died suddenly and so there was
a delay in their departure. During the fifth month of 1946, the Chi-
nese National Assembly took place, and people on the Chinese side,
such as the Nationalists and so forth, claimed that members from the
Tibetan delegation attended. This was even reported in the Chinese
newspapers.
k
The story has been told in a romanticized form in the film of the same name,
starring Brad Pitt as Harrer.
At that time, the Tibetan government cabinet said that they would
not go without instructions or orders from the Tibetan government.
In addition, the International Commission of Juristsl questioned
Dzasak Khemé (Künzangtsé) Sönam Wangdu about these matters at
Mussourie in 1959. He said that his delegation had been sent to offer
congratulations from the Tibetan government, but that beyond that,
they had been given no authorization of any kind to attend the Chinese
National Assembly. At that time, they had heard that some attendants
from Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and some people from Kham were to
be included in the assembly, supposedly as representatives of Tibet.
Thus, Dzasak said he went to the assembly to observe. Even though they
may have been photographed by the newspapers, they were absolutely
not there as official representatives. Moreover, they had certainly not
signed the new Chinese constitution.
At this time, India was nearing freedom and independence from
Britain and so they organized a major conference of nations in the
east at Delhi, India’s capital. In response to the invitation, the Tibetan
government sent Taiji Samdrup Podrangpa Tsewang Rikdzin and
Khenchung Lozang Wangyel as delegates, with the fourth-ranking
official Kyibukpa Lozang Wangdu serving as a translator. On March
23, 1947, the Inter-Asian Conference, comprised of Asian nations, was
convened. Like other nations, the Tibetans raised the Tibetan national
flag. In the midst of the large assembly, Taiji Samdrup Podrang Tsewang
Rikdzin, the Tibetan delegate, made a speech:8
Since our government has been invited, we are attending this meeting on
relations between Asian nations. Our country is one which is protected
by the peace and harmony, agreeable with religion. Since India is like the
source or mother of the Buddhist religion, it has maintained the excel-
lent relations of friendly neighbors toward the Asian Buddhist nations.
Likewise, India has especially harmonious and good relations with Tibet.
As a result, our government has sent us to this great conference at this
time in order to maintain our peaceful and harmonious relations and to
promote agreements in accord with religion. We are happy to meet with
l
See the two reports produced by the International Commission of Jurists, Tibet
and the Chinese People’s Republic (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1960)
and The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva: International Commission
of Jurists, 1959). Through these documents, the prestigious body of international law-
yers and judges offered a more neutral account of events in Tibet since the Chinese
occupation had begun than had been available up until that time. See also, p. 1034
and p. 1057 below.
representatives of Asian nations that have come to this conference and

in particular, we are extremely happy to meet with the great Indian lead-
ers Mahatma Gandhi, Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, and Sarojini Naidu. In
addition, we are grateful for their having organized such a conference. It
is our hope that hereafter, each of the nations in Asia will live as friends,
having abandoned hateful attitudes and harmful actions. We further hope
and pray that agreeable religious, harmonious, and economic relations
may be furthered.
The regent and Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché and the retired leader Radreng
Hotoktu Rinpoché had maintained the relationship of teacher and stu-
dent. As explained above,m when Radreng Rinpoché retired, he advised
the cabinet and the National Assembly that the Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché
be given the responsibility of state. However, divisive people began to
promote discord, and in accordance with foreboding omens of the
destruction of the religion and the nation, evil conditions emerged.
For example, in many places such as Penpo, Taktsé, Chushur, Zé,
and Gongkar, private and monastic functionaries were collecting the
seed and interest which had been loaned to the farmers for the spring
planting. As usual in the fall, when someone was unable to repay their
debts, their livestock and wealth were seized. Moreover, the interest
on their loan was compounded and thus, many farmers became like
featherless birds. In 1944, the Tibetan National Assembly had issued a
proclamation which made such oppression impermissible. Accordingly,
farmers who were unable to make their payments and had become
burdened with years of debt were to be protected. Interest on loans
during the previous ten years was to be fixed and in order to prevent
extremely high interest rates, the government set rates. In addition,
it became illegal to seize land, wealth, livestock, and so forth. Finally,
people who owed debts were to pay their debts on time. These provi-
sions were communicated to all of the districts.
In the fall of 1945,n the grain stewards from the Jé and Tantric col-
leges of Sera Monastery went to collect grain from Lhündrup Dzong in
Penpo, but in accordance with the cabinet’s proclamation, the farmers
there would not pay. The issue was submitted to the officials of Lhün-
drup Dzong for a ruling, and in dependence on the terms of [the 1944]
m
See p. 890 above.
n
According to Melvyn C. Goldstein, [The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History
of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), p. 428,
fn. 2.], who relies on weekly British dispatches reporting the events occurring in Lhasa,
these events occurred in the spring of 1944.
proclamation, the representative, Khendrung Chöpel Tupten, said that

the farmers need not pay. In consequence, the grain stewards from Sera
Monastery assaulted the district official, due to which he died.
In response, the government appointed an investigating committee
comprised of nine members of the Drungtsi and led by Taiji.9 They
ordered that the accused be handed over, but the monastery refused.
Moreover, during an important ceremony when the Dalai Lama pro-
cessed to the assembly of Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival, many monks
from Sera Monastery’s Jé and Tantric colleges did not attend. In addi-
tion, they held improper meetings within the monastery. Immediately
after the Prayer Festival, detailed discussions were held and new abbots
were appointed for Sera Jé Monastery and the tantric colleges as pun-
ishment for their defiance. The monks who had beaten the district
representative of Lhündrup Dzong and those who had conducted
the improper meetings were punished, being expelled and sent away
according to their crimes. Some were given token punishments. For a
time, it seemed as though the situation had been resolved.
However, Ngawang Gyatso, the former abbot of Sera Jé Monastery,
suddenly fled to Kham. The same year, Sera Jé Monastic College invited
the retired Regent Radreng Rinpoché to oversee the consecration of
the monastery’s restoration. When he came to Lhasa, the government
extended the usual courtesies to him such as greeting him and seeing
him off. After an audience with the Dalai Lama, the retired regent
met with Takdrak Rinpoché. It seems that they did not have mutual
agreement, although in the end it is difficult to know just what they
discussed. There were many stories and rumors that the retired regent
complained about the decisions reached regarding the grain stewards
from Sera Jé.
During the ninth month of that year, while Tsipön Lhalusé Tsewang
Dorjé was returning to Lhasa at night, he was ambushed near Langkhang
behind the castle. Several shots were fired, but neither the master nor
his attendants were harmed. However, Lhalu’s horse was killed. It was
traditional on the fifteenth night of the Great Prayer Festival for the
regent and the cabinet to process ceremonially. In 1947, as preparations
were being made, the regent suddenly postponed it. Several days later,
a letter was tossed into the threshold of Takdrak Rinpoché’s monastic
estate. It said that the Do Governor Dzasak Yutokpa had sent an impor-
tant letter to the regent through Khendrung Ngawang Namgyel, but
that the latter had failed to deliver it. Immediately, an investigation was
made and a small box was found at Khendrung Ngawang Namgyel’s
house which supposedly had been sent to Takdrak Rinpoché by the

Do governor. It had been delivered several days before, but it had not
yet been delivered to the regent. People were suspicious because of the
letter that had previously been thrown into the regent’s house. When
the box was opened up, a hand grenade blew up. Thus, Khendrung
Ngawang Namgyel immediately informed the cabinet of these events.
The Cabinet instructed the Welfare Office and the magistrate of Lhasa
and Zhöl to investigate the matter in detail.
Meanwhile, on the twenty-third day of the second month, the Regent
Takdrak Rinpoché, Cabinet Ministers Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen
and Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Kashö Chögyel Nyima, Lhalu Tsewang
Dorjé, and Khyenrap Tendzin held a meeting. That very night, lead-
ing about a hundred soldiers from the Drapzhi’s Khadang Regiment,
Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu went to bring the former Regent
Radreng back to Lhasa. On the morning of the twenty-fourth day, the
cabinet summoned the Drungtsio to explain that the Tibetan Mission
in Nanjing had sent a radio message saying that the former Regent
Radreng Rinpoché had written to President Chiang Kaishek. The let-
ter said that Regent Takdrak Rinpoché had been dealing unfairly with
the Tibetan people, but that nothing need be said if he stepped aside
voluntarily. However, if he did not step aside, Radreng Rinpoché might
have to seize control by force. If that were to transpire, Radreng asked,
would Chiang Kaishek come to his aid.
The Drungtsi said that since these events constituted a serious threat
to the government, Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu had already
gone the previous evening to retrieve the retired Regent Radreng. The
Drungtsi, together with representatives of Potala, the lower government,
and the cabinet were directed to go and seal the Radreng monastic
estate that day. A dzasak and a retired official were summoned to block
other houses; out of suspicion, the homes of Yapzhi Püntsok Khangsar
and Sadutsang also had to be sealed that same day. On the twenty-
fifth, when Sera Jé Monastery’s abbot, Lozang Tendar, was returning
from a meeting, several Sera Jé monks attacked him and four of his
attendants, beating them to death. The reason for this is thought to be
o
Tsepon Shakabpa himself was among those informed that morning. Melvyn C.
Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951
(Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 480.
that the abbot had taken Takdrak Rinpoché’s side and made charges
against Radreng.
On the twenty-seventh day, Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu
brought the retired regent to Lhasa, and he was imprisoned in the
eastern tower in the Potala Palace. Khardo Trülku, who had been com-
plicit in the intrigue, was also taken into custody. Because of the great
turmoil, the ceremonial monastic procession was not held.
The retired regent Rinpoché was brought before the Tibetan National
Assembly for questioning and given a seat; it was said that he was like
the middle of a stūpa in that the top and bottom had been reversed
while the middle remains constant.p He had succumbed to the perpetual
exhortations of Nyungné Lama Lozang Yeshé Namgyel, Khardo Trülku
Kelzang Tupten Nyendrak, his nephew dzasak, and so forth to be
disposed against Regent Takdrak Rinpoché. He was questioned about
a great variety of his own correspondence which he exchanged with
Nyungné Lama in which the advisability of these very serious actions
was discussed. He immediately bowed before the National Assembly
and confessed his crime, saying that he would seek forgiveness from the
Regent Rinpoché when they met. Khardo Trülku confessed that he had
sent his servant to kill Tsipön Lhalu by lying in wait and then attacking
him. Nyungné Lama also confessed to having fabricated the package
which was supposed to have come from the Do governor, but which
contained the hand grenade. After just a brief period of questioning
about these violations of the law, the Tibetan National Assembly was
preparing and composing their verdict.
Meanwhile, on the twenty-seventh day of the third month, Tsechak
reported to the National Assembly’s Investigating Committee that the
retired regent was slightly ill. Accordingly, the cabinet sent Doctor
Khenchung Khyenrap Norbu to care for him. After feeling his pulse,
the doctor determined that there were no serious problems except
something like a headache.q He asked permission from the National
Assembly to administer some medicine called sampel norbu (bsam
’phel nor bu). At two o’clock in the morning of the twenty-eighth day,
p
I.e., even when things are turned upside down, their center was the same. His
essential nature remained the same.
q
This phrase is given as dbu ya’ rnam pa (390.15). Melvyn C. Goldstein [The Demise
of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of
California Press, 1991), 510], refers to an illness called grib rlung, which he says is a
chronic nervous disorder.
Tsechak Tupten Gyelpo and the Commander of the Guards, Tsedrön

Kelzang Ngawang, reported to the National Assembly’s Investigating
Committee that Radreng had died for the benefit of other people.
A committee consisting of Dzasak Tsarongpa, Khenché Lozang
Trashi, and so forth along with several other abbots and the steward
of Radreng monastic estate was convened to examine the corpse. They
found that except for an oblong bruise above the buttocks, there were
no wounds or marks of any sort. All of the people who were present
were compelled to have faith that a superior person had attained certain
freedom in death. His remains were taken to Radreng monastic estate
where funerary rites were performed.
While Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu were bringing the retired
regent to Lhasa, they passed in front of Sera Monastery. At that point,
several monks from Sera Jé flexed their muscles, mounting plans to
rescue Radreng Rinpoché. Subsequently, they broke into Sadu’s house
in Lhasa and stole some weapons. In reality, they [were upset] about the
illegal action of taking the Chödzé Yulgyel to Sera and so forth. They
were also asserting themselves by asking for the release of the retired
Regent Rinpoché. In response, Cabinet Minister Kashöpa and Lhalu
themselves went to Drapzhi. They were planning that if no agreement
was reached with Sera Jé monastic college that they would forcefully
enter it. At the same time, patrons, such as traders, told the monks
that they had to adopt a conciliatory attitude toward the government
and behave peacefully. However, the monks refused to listen because
obstructions had intervened. Still, the suspects were apprehended with
just the slightest force.
The National Assembly’s Investigating Committee deliberated on
the case. Among the primary suspects, Nyungné Lama Lozang Yeshé
Namgyel took his own life. In addition, Khardo Trülku Kelzang Tupten
Nyendrak and Radreng’s nephew dzasak were both to be incarcerated
in the new prison to be built near the quarters of the Dalai Lama’s
bodyguard. The rest of the guilty parties were punished in accordance
with their crimes. Yapzhi Pünkhang, Sadutsang, Dzazur, and so forth
were found innocent, even though they had been suspects, and so no
sentence was passed on them.
One evening while the two cabinet ministers were taking Radreng
Rinpoché to Lhasa, seventeen soldiers from the Drapzhi’s Khadang Regi-
ment who were guarding the Radreng monastic estate were murdered
by his attendants. As a result, the military commander Khenchung
Kelzang Tsültrim, and my older brother, the Governor of the Northern
Province Shakabpa Losel Döndrup, along with the Khadang Regiment

military command under the leadership of Ü’s military leader Shukhupa
Jamyang Khedrup were ordered to move into the area. After a small
skirmish, they occupied both Radreng Monastery and the monastic
estate, where they remained for the time being.
Correspondence sent and received by the monastic estate together
with some proclamations issued to the public were displayed. At that
time, a variety of stories were passed around, each person having his
or her own interpretation. However, what I have written above is based
on my actual experience as the representative of the Drungtsi to the
Investigating Committee without contradicting the facts. I have not
exaggerated or minimized things.
When it became known that it would not be long before the Brit-
ish government gave freedom and independence to India, the Tibetan
government became very concerned over whether the new Indian
government would support Tibet as the British government had done
during the Chinese-Tibetan conflicts. During July of 1947, the British
Mission Officer who was living in Lhasa explained that the new Indian
government wished to maintain agreeable relations with the Tibetan
government as the British had. In addition, it would continue to provide
support to Tibet in its struggles with China, as had been the tradition.
The British government and the Indian government had come to mutual
agreement that the British government’s treaty obligations toward and
their political relations with Tibet would continue to be undertaken
by the new Indian government when they took over control of the
country. Moreover, the Tibetans were told that direct contacts between
the British and Tibetan governments would be conducted through the
high commissioner in India whenever necessary; British representatives
would get permission to go to Tibet from the high commissioner in
India whenever necessary.
On August 15, 1947, the Indian government gained its freedom and
independence from Britain. Thus, the Tibetan government extended
their congratulations to Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister
of India. The Indian government wrote to the Tibetan government
saying that they would be happy if the Tibetans agreed to continue
relations between the two sides without negotiating new treaties. The
letter said that this mode of procedure that been followed between India
and other nations who had had treaty relations with the government
of His Majesty’s British India.10 Accordingly, the British trade delega-
tions in Gyantsé, Nadong, and Gartok and the Mission in Lhasa were
renamed as offices of the Indian government. At the same time, the

Tibetan government acknowledged them as such.
Tibet’s primary exports are tail wool, pashmina wool, tails, skins,
medicinal roots, musk, deer horn, and so forth, and these are mainly
traded with India and China. Tibet’s main imports from India are
fabrics, candies, machines, iron, and so forth, and from China tea, silk
brocade, greeting scarves, and so forth. From this time, Tibetan wool
was sold to such countries as England and America.
The great thirteenth Dalai Lama had written to both Britain and
America in order to improve trade relations with them, although he
had been unable to send delegations.11 However, at a more suitable
time, the Tibetan government decided to send trade delegations to
India, China, America, and England in order to enhance their trade,
and so they conferred with America and England on exchanging money
earned from trading wool for dollars and pounds sterling. Tibet had
been isolated up to that point; people throughout the world did not
know much about Tibet, and Tibetans also did not understand much
about the world. Thus, it was hoped that some detailed understanding
would arise from the trade delegation’s mission.
Secondarily, the delegation was charged with securing a small
amount of gold to back up the currency that was issued by the Mint
at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production. I, Tsepon Shakabpa
Wangchuk Deden, was appointed to head the group with Khenchung
Changkhyim Tupten Tsepel as my assistant, the fourth-ranking offi-
cial Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel who had extensive experience in trade,
and with Zurkhangsé Lhawang Topgyé serving as the translator. Our
government issued passports,r and we took letters from the Dalai Lama
and the cabinet to the heads of states and the Foreign Affairs Offices of
the various governments we were going to visit. On the eleventh day
of the ninth month of 1947, we left Lhasa.
When we arrived in Delhi, the capital of India, we met with Viceroy
Lord Mountbatten and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, presenting
them with the letters. At that time, we discussed the purposes of the
Trade Mission, exchanging currency and exporting Tibetan goods
through the Kalimpong Sanskrit Association; we also sought their assis-
tance. Prime Minister Nehru told us that there was a need for further
r
See the image of Shakabpa’s passport, which he argues is undeniable evidence that
Tibet was regarded as an independent country during this period.
talks about trade relations and currency exchange and that these should
be discussed with the Foreign Affairs Office. Accordingly, we met with
D. H. Dayal and Menon from the Foreign Affairs Office for discus-
sions on several occasions. In essence, they said that before they could
discuss currency exchange and trade relations it would be necessary
to negotiate a treaty which could serve as the basis for Indo-Tibetan
relations. Otherwise, the terms previously settled between Britain and
Tibet would have to be followed. As we had not been assigned respon-
sibility to negotiate, we did not know how to respond. The Indians said
they would confer with the governor of Sikkim about the Kalimpong
Sanskrit Association. Beyond that, they said it was important to negoti-
ate a treaty. Four secret messages were sent to the cabinet, and copies
were sent to the Foreign Affairs Office. These issues were to be taken
up with the Indian Mission in Lhasa. The cabinet said that we must
leave for America and so forth by way of China. Beyond that, we did
not receive any instructions on forming a treaty with India. Thus, we
left with just a little foreign currency. We planned to have discussions
about the treaty at the end of our journey.
We went to meet with Mahatma Gandhi, the great being who had
peacefully led India to freedom and independence, at Birla House in
Delhi. We explained the essential purposes of the Trade Mission. He
said that since India and Tibet have had tremendous religious and
cultural relations for many centuries and since the two countries share
an extremely long border, it was vital for them to live in peace. He also
explained that instead of importing goods from foreign countries at a
high price, it was best for each country to strive to produce whatever
manufactured or agricultural goods it was able to produce. For example,
he said it was unfortunate that a small thing like the greeting scarf which
we had just presented to him had to be imported from China and could
not be manufactured in Tibet itself. He told me that he would be happy
if he was presented with a small greeting scarf made by Tibetan hands.
This was the sort of advice he gave us.
After leaving India, we traveled to the capital of Nationalist China,
Nanjing, by way of Hong Kong and Shanghai, arriving on the twenty-
seventh day of the eleventh month of the Fire-Hog Year (January 31,
1948). When we heard that Mahatma Gandhi, whom we had just meet
several days before and who had given us such courageous advice, had
been killed, we sent telegrams to Lhasa and to Prime Minister Nehru in
India. At that time, we heard that the Tibetan government had offered
one thousand lamps before the image of Jowo Rinpoché in Lhasa to
mark his death, that the entirety of Gyümé Monastery had said prayers
on his behalf, and that the Dalai Lama had requested that prayers be
said at sacred places all over.
While we were staying in Nanjing, we met with Chiang Kaishek,
Prime Minister Trangchün (krang cun), Foreign Minister Wang Hrichi
(wang hri ci), Trade Minister Drin Jaiten (drin ja’i than), and so forth
and presented them with a letter. We also discussed the purposes of
the Trade Mission with them. Zhuihri (zhu’i hri), the head of the so-
called Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau, and Shen Zonglian, who had
previously been to Tibet and was the governor general of Shanghai,
hosted a grand reception for the Trade Mission. At the end, they said
that if we were going to go to foreign countries like America and so
forth, there would be no purpose. Thus, they said it would be best if
we returned to Lhasa through India. However, if we had to go, they
said it would be helpful if we took Chinese passports. Then in whatever
country we visited, we would be assisted by Chinese representatives
who were there. They also said that the Chinese government would
give us fifty thousand American dollars for travel expenses. We told
them that the Trade Mission had no objectives except to explore trade
relations with America and England. We also said that we would use
our passports, issued by our own Tibetan government. We expressed
our gratitude for their offer of fifty thousand American dollars for
travel expenses, but that we had already obtained sufficient foreign
currency from the Indian government with money from the Tibetan
government. Not only would we not accept even one dollar from the
Nationalist government, but we proclaimed this clearly in newspapers
published in Nanjing and Shanghai.
Preparations were being made at that time for the Chinese National
Assembly. The so-called Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau said that it
would be good if we were able to attend. Although they urged us to do
so, we did not go since we had no instructions to attend the assembly.
Moreover, it had been arranged that many people from Kham, who
were supposed to be a delegation representing Kham areas such as Ba,
Litang, Pokhok, Tehor, and so forth, had been brought to Nanjing. The
fourth-ranking official Pomdawa pleaded directly with them himself,
persuading them not to go. When Chiang Kaishek and Li Zongren had
been elected President and Vice-President respectively, I edited the con-
gratulatory message which had been received by telegram from Lhasa
and according to official instructions, delivered it in the company of the
secretary, the steward, and the translator of Tibet’s Nanjing Mission.
During our stay in Nanjing, we met with the old Indian Ambassador
K. P. S. Menon, his replacement Sardar K. M. Panikkar, and the assis-
tant Chakarpati. We requested that foreign currency be made available
in Hong Kong or, in the alternative, when we arrived in America. We
then conferred with the American Ambassador John L. Stuart about out
visas. He asked whether we were considering going directly to America
or if we were going to stop in another country first. We responded that
first we would go to Hong Kong and then we would be going directly
to America. In that case, he said, we should get our visas in Hong
Kong; he would write a letter to his representative there telling him
to make the arrangements. Then, we got a visa from Sir Ralph Skrine
Stevenson, the British ambassador. He said that he would be able to
assist us wherever we traveled.
We also met with some officials of Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate
several times, such as Jikmé, the head of the delegation who is also
known as Tanak Trashi Tongpa, Yeshé Tsültrim of Lhatsé Mönkyi,
and Lozang Rinchen. They told us:
We have a small requirement of our government. As we told the lay and
monk dzasaks last year, responsibilities ought to be given to the incarna-
tion who we have recognized as the Paṇchen Lama. The holdings and
power over Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate should be restored as before.
Finally, Dzasak Lama and his officials should be withdrawn from gover-
nance of Trashi Lhünpo. If these three terms are fulfilled, then we will
return. Due to such obstructions as that the mediators have not made
our request known to the government, we have not been successful in
communicating our offer to the government. Please represent our mes-
sage to the government well.
I responded:
If you monastic estate attendants submitted your proposal in the proper
manner and not through the Chinese government, then it would certainly
be considered. I will send a telegram from here, and I will especially
pursue your case when I return to Tibet. It is trying for you to be in a
foreign country, there being no way at all to fulfill your requirements.
Thus, you must be able to return to Tibet quickly.
I said whatever I could think to say. During that time, the Nationalist
government was like a waning moon. I sent an honest report of my
own observations to Lhasa in which I explained that it would be best
to resolve the issue with the Trashi Lhünpo officials as soon as possible
since there was no way of knowing what the Communists would do.
Similarly, we had several meetings with Apa Alo or Wang Siling, who
was a relative of Jamyang Zhepa of Amdo, and Pema Wangchuk or
Yang Bushin who was the prince of Choné, as they were also Tibetans.
We discussed the current situation along the border and the status of
the Nationalist government. Not only did we discuss the unity of the
Tibetan people, but we also tried to persuade them in whatever way
we could to take Tibet’s side.
On the twelfth day of the fifth month of the Earth-Mouse Year
(June 23, 1948), the Trade Delegation arrived in America from China
by way of Hong Kong. Wherever we went, the Commerce Depart-
ment provided us with excellent hospitality. Just before we met with
the Secretary of State George Marshall in Washington, the Nationalist
Chinese Ambassador Wellington Koo met with us. He said that he
would accompany us in our meeting with the secretary of state. He
also said that he would be able to assist us in whatever way we would
require in our trade discussions. We replied that in India we had met
directly with representatives of the Indian government and with Prime
Minister Nehru without any involvement by the Nationalist govern-
ment. We had held direct discussions on trade matters and had not
needed any assistance.
We met with the secretary of state in the State Department and
delivered letters from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet. After exchanging
greetings and so forth, he said that the Nationalist ambassador seems
to have wanted to accompany us and that although the U.S. enjoyed
good political relations with Nationalist China, he was happy to meet
with representatives of our Tibetan government directly. He asked
various questions about the political state of Tibet and we responded,
explaining the actual facts.
Thereafter, we met with Mr. George Bell, Director of the Bureau of
International Trade, Thomas Blaisdell, Assistant Secretary of Com-
merce, Henry Dempey, Chief of New Foreign Business Relations, and
so forth. We discussed the exportation of wool and skins from Tibet,
the payment for them in dollars, the importation of American goods,
and the purchase of gold to back up Tibetan currency. Several American
factories primarily bought Tibetan wool from England and a little bit
from India; thus, they said that they would be happy to help arrange
direct exportation with the factories. Since there were political implica-
tions related to the question of selling gold, they had to check with the
state department before giving a response.
Beyond that, they said that if we made a list of whatever items we

required, such as machinery, preparations would be made to supply
them. However, when they asked how we would pay, we said we would
pay in Indian rupees. That being the case, they explained that we would
have to arrange currency exchanges through the Indian government. If
we could arrange to send Tibetan wool directly from Tibet, they said we
could receive dollars or receive American goods, but these exchanges
would have to be in accordance with international laws on trade and
currency exchange. They gave us several books on the subject.
Samples of soil from the three provinces of Tibet, Ü, Tsang, and
Kham, as well as details on the altitude, temperature, rainfall, and winds
were given to the Agriculture Department for analysis and advice was
sought on seed and fertilizers which would increase the yield. Similarly,
extensive discussions were held on how to increase the yield from pas-
tures, medicines to prevent illness in cattle, methods of feeding poultry,
and medicines to prevent illness in them. We discussed agriculture and
irrigation, and they gave us seeds suitable for our soil, various books,
and a little bit of medicine, all without cost. In accordance with the
instructions of the State Department, the Federal Reserve set aside gold
to back up Tibetan currency. This was the sort of assistance that the
American government provided.
We communicated in secret with the cabinet on several essential
political matters. In turn we received a telegram saying that up to that
point our efforts had been successful, but that we should not undertake
any new and more extensive ventures. Thus, this good opportunity
was wasted.
This was the first time that Tibetans had been in America, and most
people had no knowledge about the situation in Tibet. Several people
asked whether there were houses in Tibet or whether there were fruit
trees, forests, or agriculture. Many people asked whether Tibet was
included within China or Britain. Although many people were curious
about Tibetan history, they only read books written by foreigners or
various fanciful accounts. In particular, an annual journal published
by the Nationalist government promoted the Chinese perspective. It
detailed the appointment of civil and military officials in Tibet, the
assistance given to farmers and the various monasteries, and many
other such falsehoods. Since people in America read these reports,
they believed that Tibet was included within China. In addition, since
Tibetans had not yet traveled to foreign countries, there was no one to
respond to the Chinese accounts and so tremendous harm to Tibet’s

cause resulted. We thought that we could explain matters clearly and
so we talked about Tibet’s freedom and independence in political mat-
ters in press conferences and so forth. For example, we showed that
we were traveling on Tibetan passports. We were also able to clarify
the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet and the
way in which religious and cultural relations had arisen between India
and Tibet.
We met with General Eisenhower at Columbia University in New
York. (Later he would become the President of the United States from
1952 until 1960.) He said, “I am very grateful for the assistance the
Tibetan government provided to our soldiers when they had to crash
land in Tibet.” He also said, “It would be helpful for you to go and tour
the training facility for military officers called North Point,”s offering to
provide an escort. Both Tolstoy and Cutting, who had been to Tibet,
provided excellent hospitality and helpful assistance.
Thereafter, we arrived in London, the capital of Britain. We met
with Prime Minister Attlee and officials from the Trade and Commerce
Department. We discussed the exportation of wool and skins from
Tibet and the importation of manufactured goods. They said just the
same things as the American government had said. They said that if we
became involved with them, they would be very happy to work with
us. They explained that international law is like a knife which cuts the
same way for everyone.
While we stayed in England, the government offered us wonderful
hospitality, and we were taken to tour the Upper and Lower Houses
of Parliament. In the House of Lords, we met with Winston Churchill
who had been the prime minister during the war. Again, we took the
opportunity to discuss Tibet’s situation.
Many people who had some previous relationship with Tibet offered
us hospitality, such as Major Bailey who was the former Political
Officer of Sikkim and who had been to Tibet, Sir Basil Gould, Hop-
kinson, Major Sherrif, and Charles Bell’s daughter. We were also the
main guests at official teas and dinners. We explained whatever we
could about Tibet’s freedom and independence at news conferences.
s
Presumably, this should read West Point, the military academy n New York stae.
It is possible that he had “North Point Academy” in mind because some of his children
attended a school by this name near Darjeeling, India.
Thereafter, we returned to India by way of France, Switzerland, Italy,

Egypt, and so forth. All of the countries through which we traveled
recognized our Tibetan passports, without even the slightest question
about giving permission.t
Back in India, we met with Governor General Raja Gopalacharya,
Prime Minister Nehru, and the new Foreign Minister K. P. S. Menon.
Once again, we discussed trade matters. Prime Minister Nehru said that
it was vital for India and Tibet to reach a new treaty as he had indicated
the previous year. In particular, because of the tremendous changes tak-
ing place in China at that time, there would be great difficulties if Tibet
remained as it had been in the past. Thus, he said that it was important
for Tibet to offer reforms which would benefit the common people.
He urged this point in the most forceful terms touching my shoulder
several times. “This,” he said, “is the most important thing I can say.”
He also said that it would not be unsuitable for us to take up the
matters of trade and currency exchange with the foreign minister. We
asked if it would be possible for the Tibetan government to have a
representative stationed in Delhi since there was an Indian Mission in
Lhasa. He said that he would consider the issue and send a response.
Thereafter, we had several discussions with the foreign minister.
He said that since Tibetan wool was sorted and packaged in India, it
became Indian wool and since it was sold to England and America
from India, the Tibetans would be paid in Indian currency and not in
pounds sterling and dollars. However, whatever foreign currency the
Tibetan government required would be made available. Although for-
eign goods could be imported to Tibet, a duty would be charged if they
were opened or sold in India. Alternatively, no duty would be applied if
they were not opened in India. Moreover, as there would be difficulties
in opening a Tibetan Embassy in Delhi, in the present circumstance
an office would be opened, which is called a Trade Mission. Political
matters could be dealt with through it. Gradually, it could be referred
to as an embassy. These issues were decided after the most detailed
discussion about their agreement with international law.
When we had returned to Tibet, we immediately went to the monk
and lay officials and the cabinet. We submitted a small and a large
t
The most notable exceptions to this include China and Hong Kong, where many
background deliberations were undertaken about how to handle the Tibetan delegation.
See Melvyn C. Goldstein [The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet,
1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 570–606.
report to the cabinet on our observations on trade matters, our political

discussions, and other considerations of importance and benefit. The
Regent Rinpoché considered these in detail and passed them on to the
National Assembly, where they were read. I explained the points that
were difficult to understand. Only those people who already had some
knowledge about politics were very interested in the reports. Other-
wise, it was just like reading a long story because they were such large
collections of words. I did not feel that the important issues received
sufficient attention.
Except for the following, none of the important political recom-
mendations in the reports were adopted. The gold which had been
acquired was placed at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production; it
was examined, newly embossed, and then presented to the small trea-
sury. A small plot of land at Gangtö was set aside by the Agriculture
Office for the testing of the seeds and the German Aufschnaiter was
placed in charge. The medicines for preventing cattle illnesses and for
counteracting poison were deposited at the Medical and Astrologi-
cal Institute. Instead of opening a Trade Office in Delhi, a house in
a secluded area of Kalimpong was purchased and a new Trade Office
was opened there.
In 1948, Professor G. Tucci received permission to come to Tibet,
and he toured around Sakya, Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, Lhasa, and Yarlung.
He collected many texts and old religious paintings which can still be
seen at the ISMEO (Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente)
Library in the Italian capital of Rome. Not only had he written several
books on Tibetan religious painting and the monuments of Tibet’s
religious kings,u but he had also subsequently invited such Tibetan
scholars as Geshé Jampel Senggé and Dergé Chögyel Trülku Namkhé
Norbu [to Italy].
The Nationalist Chinese sent many Tibetans to Ganden , Sera ,
Drepung, and Trashi Lhünpo monasteries to spy under the pretense
of studying religion. In addition, several Chinese people had arrived
in Lhasa supposedly as traders. While the Tibetan government was
considering how to eject all of these sorts of people who were in Tibet,
the power of the Communists in China was on the rise. Gradually,
u
Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 3 vols. (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca
dello Stato, 1949) and “The Tombs of the Tibetan Kings (Rome: IsMEO, 1950), among
many other notable foundational works in the field.
such places as Beijing and Shanghai were lost to them. When even the
Nationalist government could not hold out; there were many stories
expressing fear that there were Communists among the Nationalist
officials and spies in Lhasa. Thus, there was fear that the Communist
army might enter Tibet in order to seize Nationalist officials. Since
there was no way to know what harm the Communist spies could do
in Tibet’s political affairs, the regent and the cabinet sought the advice
of the Tibetan National Assembly on the question. Accordingly, on
the third day of the sixth month of 1949, the Nationalist Mission in
Lhasa, Drin Shinjang, his assistants, and their radio set, as well as the
spies and suspected spies in Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries
and in Lhasa were sent back to China by way of India. This included
Bapa Püntsok Wangyel.
The American Ambassador in Delhi, Loy Henderson, asked permis-
sion for the famous American radio host, Lowell Thomas, and his son
to visit Lhasa. As the government gave its consent, they reached the city
during the seventh month of 1949. After staying for about one week,
they returned. At that time, he fell from his horse and hurt himself.
He had to be carried on a palanquin. He returned to America through
India, and thus, many reports about Tibet were broadcast throughout
the world. He wrote a book called Out of This World,v and even still,
he continues to support Tibet’s cause.
When the Chinese Communists seized control over all of China, the
United States Vice Consul General Douglas S. Mekiernam, his colleague
Frank Bessag, and three White Russian friends were in Xinjiang. Hav-
ing heard about these events, they headed to Tibet through the empty
northern province. A message arrived at the Foreign Affairs Office of
the Tibetan government from the American Ambassador in Delhi asking
that they be given permission to enter Tibet, that they be provided with
assistance, and that they be taken to the Indian border. Even though
it was unknown from which direction they would come, the Tibetan
government issued instructions to all of the border commanders in the
northern region and the surrounding forts. Unfortunately, the party
reached a place called Naktsang in the seventh month of 1950, before
the orders had arrived. Not knowing the situation, the Tibetan border
guards fired on them and killed the Vice Consul and two of the White
v
Lowell Thomas, Jr., Out of This World: Across the Himalayas to Forbidden Tibet
(New York: Greystone Press, 1950).
Russians. After several days, when the orders arrived, the commander
of Naktsang and the border guard were extremely disconcerted. Thus,
they traveled to Lhasa with the other two members of the party. The
commander of Naktsang and the border guard were punished. The
American Frank Bessag and the single White Russian were accompanied
to the border and returned to America by way of India.
Notes to Chapter Nineteen
1. This discussion depends on the Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of
Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai
Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977) and on the truthful reports of Dzasak
Khemepa Sönam Wangdu, together with my own experience.
3. The enthronement ceremony was recounted in the English language records by
the Political Officer of Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould, who was a witness and in the Tibetan
language by Raṇi Chöying Wangmo and Changchen Sönam Gyelpo. Translator’s Note:
Gould’s report, “Discovery, Recognition and Installation of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama,”
is included in Discovery, Recognition and Enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama: A Col-
lection of Accounts by Khemey Sonam Wangdu, Sir Basil J. Gould, Hugh E. Richardson
(Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2000), 53–101.
4. H. E. Richardson, Tibet and its History (Boulder, CO: Prajºnā Press, 1962),
154.
1956), 181–183.
6. Compilation of Records. Translator’s Note: It is puzzling to see the phrase “United
Nations” capitalized since the international body would not be founded for another three
years. See, http://mblog.lib.umich.edu/tibet/archives/2008/04/the_united_stat_1.html.
7. The original copies of both of the above letters are included in Compilation of
Records. They were taken from the State Department in Washington.
9. Taiji Samdrup Podrang, Khenché Trashi Lingpa, three senior secretaries, and
four accountants composed the nine-member Investigating Committee. Khendrung
Chöpel Tupten was not a member as contended.
10. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The
Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner
Books, 1977), 77–78.
11. Several different such sealed letters are included in Compilation of Records.
CHAPTER TWENTY
CHINESE COMMUNIST INVASION OF TIBET

Towards the end of 1949, Mao Zedong’s Communist forces seized

power over all of China. Almost immediately, they began broadcast-
ing announcements that soon they would peacefully liberate Tibet,
declarations that were met in Lhasa with intense alarm. The Tibetan
government decided that it was advisable to negotiate an agreement with
the bellicose Chinese Communist government, and so a divination was
performed to determine the identity of the best negotiators. In 1950,
Tsepon Shakabpa, and another official, Tsechak Khenchung Tupten
Gyelpo, were selected, and they left for India, with plans to transit
through Burma to China. The Tibetan National Assembly issued negoti-
ating instructions and the Foreign Affairs Office of the Tibetan govern-
ment issued passports. As the negotiating team reached India in early
March and prepared to depart for Hong Kong, obstacles were raised
by the British High Commissioner Sir Archibald Nye (1895–1967). In
the end, the Tibetans were advised to travel to Delhi to negotiate with
the communist officials then traveling from Beijing.
As the Chinese Red Army began to build up along the Tibetan
border, Cabinet Minister Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé (b. 1914) was replaced
by Cabinet Minister Ngapöpa Ngawang Jikmé (b. 1910) as the Do
Governor. As Shakabpa and Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo com-
municated with the ambassador’s deputy in the Indian capital in early
September of 1950, and they were reassured that Tibet would enjoy
religious freedom and political autonomy, but that it was necessary for
the Chinese soldiers to liberate Tibet from foreign influences. At the
same time, the Chinese insisted that Tibet accept it was part of China.
Shakabpa met with Prime Minister Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, hoping
he would serve as an intermediary. Nehru responded in a way that
dispirited the Tibetans:a
a
See p. 926 below.
916 chapter twenty
While the Indian government accepts that Tibet is part of China, as was
the case during the British period, it will call for increased autonomy
within Tibet and for Chinese troops to not go into Tibet. That being so,
it would be difficult to find a suitable arrangement if the Tibetan repre-
sentatives speak of Tibet’s absolute independence (rang btsan gtsang ma).
As for India’s role as an intermediary [required in the Simla Convention],
that was from negotiations that took place thirty years ago. That time is
not like these days.
The Tibetans refused this perspective, maintained that Tibet was free
and independent, and refused to accept that it was a part of China.
Shakabpa and the other Tibetans argued vigorously that Tibet had been
acknowledged as independent in Simla and that it remained so until
the current time. At Nehru’s refusal, Shakabpa was filled with sorrow;
he may have been among the first Tibetans to understand how isolated
Tibet had already become.
When the Tibetan delegation finally met with the Chinese Com-
munist Ambassador General Yuan Zhongxian on September 16, 1950,
they pleaded that there were no foreigners from whose influence Tibet
needed to be liberated and that Tibet was happy living under the protec-
tion of the Dalai Lama. The ambassador summarized China’s position
with three points:b
1. Tibet must accept that it is a part of China.
2. The Chinese government will undertake the defense of Tibet.
3. The Chinese government will carry out any negotiations of political
and trade matters with foreign countries.
He declared that if Tibet accepted the three points, there would be a
peaceful liberation; otherwise, there would be war. The Tibetans con-
veyed these points to Lhasa and conferred with Prime Minister Nehru
and Foreign Secretary Kumara Menon (1898–1982).
As Lhasa deliberated its reply, troops built up on the border and
the delegation in Delhi attempted to delay. Weeks passed by without
a definitive response, despite the entreaties of Shakabpa and the oth-
ers. Meanwhile, Chinese armies advanced into eastern Tibet on several
fronts on October 7th, eventually seizing large swaths of land from the
ill-equipped and outnumbered Tibetan forces. Finally, on October 21,
the instructions came from Lhasa, advising the Tibetans to accept the
first provision only if the Dalai Lama’s status could be preserved, but
b
See p. 928 below.
chinese communist invasion of tibet 917
refusing to accept the other two demands. In a follow-up cable, permis-

sion to accept even the first provision was rescinded. He remarks that
with this message, “We had lost all hope that a peaceful conclusion
could be obtained . . . [We] could not utter even a single word about
the prospects for peace, and so, with blank expressions, we went to
the embassy.”c The Tibetan National Assembly ordered Shakabpa and
others to travel to Beijing to negotiate on that basis. However, before
they could leave from Kalimpong for Calcutta and then on to Beijing,
events on the ground in eastern Tibet proved decisive.
The Red Army attacked all along the border at the end of October.
Many significant outposts, such as Dartsedo, Litang, and Gyeltang
fell to the Communists, but Tibetans fought back vigorously in some
places, such as Dergé. The response of the Do Governor Cabinet Min-
ister Lhalu was ineffectual and halting, but when he was replaced by
Ngapö, the policy shifted to one of conciliation. He even ordered that
the Chamdo armory be destroyed. Ultimately, he was surrounded, and
he surrendered. Meanwhile, from India, Shakabpa lodged the Tibetan
government’s protests with the United Nations.
Shakabpa reflected during the writing of the book on what might
have been during the negotiations:d
Giving careful consideration to these events now, I think that if we had
accepted the first and second points and publicized this fact from India,
the Indian, Nepalese, and other governments would have continually
supported our internal authority and remained friendly. Thereby, there
would have been no way for such a disastrous arrangement as the so-called
Seventeen-Point Agreement to have been enacted at Beijing.
It remains one of history’s fascinating what-if moments.
c
See p. 933 below.
d
See p. 934 below.
CHAPTER TWENTY
CHINESE COMMUNIST INVASION OF TIBET
After the Chinese Communists seized the entirety of China in October

of 1949, radio broadcasts were made from Beijing and Ziling in the
Tsongön Region that Tibet was a part of China and that the Chinese
Communist People’s Liberation Army was thus being sent into Tibet to
liberate it from the foreign imperialists. The broadcasts urged the people
of Tibet to revolt against the Dalai Lama’s government and other such
baseless things. The Tibetan government acknowledged through the
radio station in Lhasa the existence of the preceptor-patron relation-
ship between China and Tibet; aside from that, however, there was no
sense in which Tibet was a part of China. Moreover, they responded
truthfully to the claims coming from Beijing, saying that absolutely no
foreign governments were exerting influence in Tibet.
Immediately, the regent and the cabinet conferred with each other
in the Pelden Lhamo Chapel in the Potala and performed a divination
concerning the most suitable people to negotiate with the Chinese.
Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk
Deden, were selected according to the divination. Gowo Geshé Lodrö
Gyatso of Drepung Loseling was to represent the three great monaster-
ies, and monk and lay functionaries were appointed, Taring Sé Jikmé
Sumtsen was the English translator, and Yapzhi Tak Lhesé Püntsok
Trashi was the Chinese translator. We were given written negotiating
instructions and were told to stay at a place near the Chinese border.
We were to negotiate with the Chinese government on maintaining
Tibet’s freedom and independence. Accordingly, the Tibetan National
Assembly issued the written negotiating positions affixed with four
seals, as follows:1
This Snow-Covered Land, Tibet, which is under the protection of the
superior Avalokiteśvara, is a special country in which Buddha’s teachings
are spread. Up until this time, our free and independent nation, pos-
sessed of both religious and political dimensions, has not lost territory
to any foreign nation. All foreign powers know clearly that we continue
to protect our own territory in accordance with religion.
920 chapter twenty
However, the Chinese Nationalists and the Communists are continu-

ally in conflict. Thus, civilian and military officials must all be instructed
that Communist troops must make no further incursions into Tibetan
territory along our common border in the Tsongön area and Xinjiang.
Previously, on the twelfth day of the ninth month of the Earth-Ox Year
(1949), the Foreign Affairs Office of the Tibetan government sent a pro-
posal through India by airmail to Mao Zedong about maintaining peace
along the Chinese-Tibetan border. It sought negotiations at the conclu-
sion of the Chinese war on the Tibetan territory which had recently been
merged into China. Although he must have received this proposal, we
have not gotten a response.
Additionally, at present, there are many radio broadcasts from Beijing
and Ziling saying such things as that Tibet is a part of China, and these
radio messages are broadcast widely. They say that the Tibetan people
should subvert the authority of the Dalai Lama and lessen the bonds that
oppress Tibetans. They say people should rise up and revolt against the
Dalai Lama’s government. There are numerous reports that people must
prepare to surrender Tibet in 1950.
Previously, for many years the Manchu emperors had offered the great-
est respect to the Dalai Lama from a religious point of view and made
absolutely no attempt to subjugate Tibet; instead they merely maintained
a preceptor-patron relationship. Subsequently, during the reign of the
Manchu Emperor Xuantong (1906–1967), Luchün was dispatched to
Tibet with an attack force, committing various atrocities. The protector
Dalai Lama, king of Tibet, and his ministers were unable to remain in
our capital. All of the people of Tibet, monks and lay people, experi-
enced limitless suffering, free from happiness. As a result, in the Tibetan
Water-Mouse Year or the year of 1912, the Manchu emperor’s army was
expelled from Tibet, whereupon Tibet’s freedom and independence were
restored. In addition, everybody knows that Tibet is completely different
from China in race, language, religion, clothing, customs, and so forth.
All Tibetan people respect the successive incarnations of the Dalai Lamas
as the image of the actual Buddha.
These days, the protector Regent Rinpoché, who bears responsibility
for the government, is also highly regarded. Also, the two of them, the
preceptor and patron (i.e., the Dalai Lama and the regent), are concerned
for the lives of the Tibetan people, loving and protecting them like a par-
ent does a child. As a result, all of the people of Tibet unanimously and
without hesitation wish to maintain Buddha’s teachings and the system
of governance in Tibet. Thus, the previously mentioned radio broadcasts
have inspired tremendous fear among Tibetans.
Up to now, Tibet has not lost its territory or sovereignty to any foreign
nation. We continue to protect our land and to engage in behavior that
accords with our religion. Tibet occupies an extremely important posi-
tion in Asia and the world. As a result, if Tibet does not maintain its
independence, then all of its neighboring nations will be greatly afflicted.
There is no need to explain this, however, because the supreme leader
Mao Zedong and all small and great officials have a clear understanding
of these facts.
Accordingly, we are sending a Tibetan government mission consisting
of Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk
Deden, their staff, and Gowo Geshé Lharam Lodrö Gyatso of Drepung
Loseling—the latter to represent the three great monasteries, Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden—in order to confer with the Chinese on the proposal
previously sent by the Foreign Affairs Office, to review the status of the
teaching, achievement, and practice of the Buddhist monasteries, and to
discuss the nature of the radio reports mentioned above. They are to meet
with representatives of the Communist government at some suitable place
furnished with telegraph and mail facilities. It is necessary to achieve a
detailed agreement with Mao Zedong whereby the Communist army will
make no further incursions into Tibetan territory.
Up until now, Tibet has kept to itself under the religious and politi-
cal leadership of the Dalai Lama, the actual incarnation of the superior
Avalokiteśvara. Harmonious relations should continue to exist between
China and Tibet, as they have in the past. It is necessary that it be made
clear that orders must be disseminated to the civilian and military leaders
on the border immediately so that agitations and transgressions do not
occur and Communist forces do not cross into Tibet. In this way, peace
and prosperity can continue along the border, as before.
In particular, you are hereby given authority to negotiate on the most
suitable way to maintain agreeable relations between China and Tibet if
the Communist government sends representatives to the border for that
purpose. Therefore, you must do your best to respond in a manner that
is beneficial to both the present and the future happiness and welfare of
all of Tibet, the Dalai Lama, Buddhism, the government, and all living
beings. If any new and important proposal emerges about which you are
unable to reach a decision, then you must immediately send a message
to our capitol for consideration. A helpful response will be returned
immediately.
Meanwhile, several foolish and unaware attendants of one of Tibet’s
lamas, the deceased, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama, caused consider-
able agitation between China and Tibet from within China during the
Nationalist era. Even now, this problem persists, and it is unknown what
some of these bad people might do to foment problems between China
and Tibet. Therefore, if anything of this sort emerges, pay no attention
to them. Authority is hereby given to the mission’s two representatives
for whatever suitable negotiations are undertaken in an honest manner.
That being the case, all senior and junior officials of foreign governments
should cooperate with them. These negotiating instructions were issued by
the Tibetan National Assembly on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month
of the Tibetan Earth-Ox Year (1950), and affixed with four seals.
The Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office issued passports which said, [for
example]:2
922 chapter twenty
Tsepön Shakabpa, leaving on a mission to China to find a way to main-

tain Tibet’s independence, is being sent by the Tibetan government. All
countries through which he passes are asked to recognize and acknowledge
him without obstruction and to extend assistance to him. Issued by the
Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month
of the Tibetan Earth-Ox Year (1950).
This passport, written in English and Tibetan, was impressed with the
Foreign Affairs Office’s seal and signed by the cabinet minister in charge
of the Foreign Affairs Office, Rampa Tupten Künkhyen. On the eight-
eenth day of the twelfth month, we took our leave of the Dalai Lama, the
regent, and the cabinet. However, we were delayed several days because
I had to deposit the gold that had been obtained from America to the
Tsé Treasury and obtain a receipt with the Dalai Lama’s seal. Having
delivered the gold and having received the receipt and a special reward,
we left Lhasa on the twenty-sixth day of the twelfth month.
On the eighteenth day of the first month of the Iron-Tiger Year
(March 7, 1950), we arrived in Kalimpong. I wrote a letter to the
Indian Prime Minister Nehru informing him of our objectives and
saying that we would be able to meet soon. We also sent a letter to
China by way of Hu Thruhu, Gyeldön’s father-in-law. It asked that
Beijing send a representative empowered to negotiate to a place near
the Chinese border. Their reply arrived on April 8th. It said that the
Chinese Communist government would send a representative to Hong
Kong and that Tibetan representatives should go there immediately.
In addition, though, the letter said that it would be unacceptable for
us to come as foreigners.
In India, we had to exchange currency and obtain transit visas from
the Burmese and British governments. When we obtained these, we
wrote to Beijing that we would certainly be there on April 16th. Our
translator Yapzhi Tak Lhesé Püntsok Trashi and Chipché Driyülbu
Tsering Wangdu left for Hong Kong ahead of us, but were stopped at
the Calcutta Airport. Therefore, we hurried to Delhi to meet with the
Indian Foreign Secretary K. P. S. Menon and the British High Com-
missioner Sir Archibald Nye, both in turn. I explained that because
China and Tibet were very close to war, we had to go to Hong Kong
to negotiate and that although we had already gotten transit visas, we
had been prevented from leaving the airport when it came time to
leave. If we were not able to leave immediately, we could not bear the
responsibility for the consequences.
They said that since Hong Kong was under British jurisdiction, visas
had to come from England, but this could not happen immediately,
and so we had to be stopped. Moreover, since the Chinese Communist
government was opening an embassy in India and the ambassador was
due to arrive soon, we were advised that if we waited in Delhi to open
peace negotiations with China, that this would be most beneficial for
everyone. Furthermore, Beijing had discovered that we had been pre-
vented from traveling to Hong Kong, and so they sent a letter saying
that it would be best if we met with the ambassador who was being sent
to India shortly and negotiate with him. Thus, there was no alterna-
tive but to wait for the time being. While we stayed in Delhi, we had
cordial meetings with the American Ambassador Loy Henderson and
the Nepalese Ambassador Sangha Shamsher Ratna.
Gradually, Communist troops arrived on the eastern and northeast-
ern borders of Tibet. Since they proclaimed that they had been sent to
liberate Tibet from subjugation by foreign nations, the Tibetan Foreign
Affairs Office wrote saying that representatives were being dispatched
to the governments of Britain, America, and Nepal to discuss pertinent
matters, such as the continued independence of Tibet. At the same
time, the appointed representatives and their staffs and translators left
Lhasa. Since those countries did not respond, the delegations had to
wait at Gyantsé.
In the meanwhile, Communist troops who had come from Ziling
attacked the Tibetan government border radio transmitter station at
Denkhok under the cover of night, whereupon Tibetan border guards
and Chinese forces clashed. A famous hero called Rupön Bukhangpa3
was lost to the enemy at a place called Bendé Draktsé at that time. The
cabinet minister with general responsibility for civil and military affairs
in Domé, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, had completed his term, and so Tsipön
Ngapöpa Ngawang Jikmé had been appointed as the cabinet minister in
his place. Assuming the duties of the office of the Do governor, Ngapö
and his assistants reached Chamdo.
On the evening of the first day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger
Year (July 15, 1950), a loud and long sound, like the report of many
cannons being fired in one moment, was heard in the sky over Lhasa,
the northern region, and Kham. Simultaneously, a great earthquake
struck in Dakpo Kongpo, Powo, Ba, Litang, Dzayül, Chatreng, Mili,
Gyeltang, and so forth, killing many thousands of people and cattle.
924 chapter twenty
News arrived that the Chinese Communist ambassador would be

arriving in Delhi shortly. Accordingly, the Indian Foreign Ministry
said that the Tibetan representatives should go to Delhi, and if we
initiated a dialogue with the Chinese government, they would extend
whatever assistance they could. Thus, I reached Delhi with my assistants
on the twenty-third day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger Year
(September 4, 1950). When I met with the Indian Foreign Secretary
Menon on the fifth, he said:
Recently, newspapers have reported that several tens of thousands of
troops from the Communist People’s Liberation Army are massed
around the Tibetan border. Therefore, the Indian government has lodged
a protest with the Beijing government through the Indian Ambassador
Sadar K. M. Panikkar, saying that all of the nations in the world would
condemn China if it were to invade a small religious country like Tibet.
Meanwhile the Chinese Communist ambassador’s deputy has just arrived
in Delhi. Thus, it would be advisable for you representatives of Tibet to
meet with him immediately. Once the actual ambassador arrives, nego-
tiations could begin.
We expressed our gratitude because he had criticized Beijing with integ-
rity. I also asked what was meant by the term “Liberation Army.” The
next day, we were to meet with the Communist ambassador’s deputy,
and we prepared to negotiate after the ambassador himself arrived. We
requested hopefully that the Indian government act as an intermediary
when the actual negotiations began, as had been done in the past.
The reason they should have acted as intermediaries is that there
would be great significance even for India if the Tibetan government was
stable. Thus, before we met with the Chinese ambassador, we wanted to
meet with Prime Minister Nehru as there were many points on which
we wanted his advice. The senior secretary responded as follows:
The term “liberation” signifies that there are supposed to be British,
American, and Nationalist Chinese influences within Tibet. The fact of
the matter is that Hugh Richardson is the only foreigner in Tibet,a and
he is an official of the Indian government. As was the case during the
a
Warren W. Smith Jr. [Tibetan Nation: A History of Tibetan Nationalsm and Sino-
Tibetan Relations (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), 278–279, n. 57] indicates there
were seven Europeans in Tibet just before the Chinese invasion. They were: Heinrich
Harrer, Peter Aufshneider, Hugh Richardson, the radio operator Reggie Fox, Robert
Ford in Chamdo, Geoffrey Bull in Markham, and the White Russian Nedbaillof in
Lhasa. In addition, Frank Bessac was in Lhasa from June 11th to July 27th 1950 along
with another Russian, Vasili Zvanzov.
British rule, the Indian government would like to offer assistance to Tibet
in political matters. Prime Minister Nehru could not be here because he
has gone to Assam. However, before the Chinese ambassador arrives, he
will certainly meet with your representatives.
On September 6th, we met with the Chinese Communist ambassador’s
deputy, Shen Chien, and conveyed the present situation to him in
detail. We told him that since we were going to begin negotiations as
soon as the ambassador arrived, he must urgently call the government
in Beijing so that no further incursions would take place in the Kham
border region. Shen replied:
For many thousands of years in the past, the relationship between China
and Tibet had been like that between an older and a younger brother (or
a nephew and an uncle). In addition, the entire world knows that Tibet is
part of China. It should be understood that this is the basis of the efforts
of General Liu Bocheng of the Western Command of our government.
He gave us a small booklet written in Chinese. It said:
Our soldiers are going to liberate Tibet. Upon arriving in Tibet, these
soldiers have no authority to change the present customs, culture, and
religious faith of the Tibetan people. The presently existing Tibetan army
will be renamed the “Chinese Government Border Guards.” All provi-
sions such as their weapons and the soldiers pay will be dispersed by the
Central Government. Those people who were sympathetic to the British,
Americans, Nationalists, and so forth in the past will not be investigated
for their past activities provided that they do not obstruct the Communist
government.
By the way that he spoke, it was clear that they were prepared to subdue
us by military force immediately. We explained that when the Com-
munist ambassador arrived, we would initiate discussions on restoring
the excellent preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet
as in the past, and that afterwards we were prepared to go to Beijing
to establish a harmonious environment. The next day, Deputy Shen
and his wife came to the house where we were staying, and we served
them tea.
On the twenty-sixth day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger
Year (September 8, 1950), we met with India’s Prime Minister Paṇ̣ḍita
Jawaharlal Nehru and spoke with him for more than two hours. Pri-
marily, we said that it would be tremendously beneficial to both India
and China if it was possible for Tibet to maintain its freedom and inde-
pendence, and therefore, we requested the Indian government’s careful
consideration. We said we wanted negotiations on the preceptor-patron
926 chapter twenty
relationship between China and Tibet to take place on Indian territory

because if we went to China, we could not bring about any result except
what the Chinese wanted. Thus, we asked for assistance in keeping
the negotiations in India. When the actual negotiations took place,
we requested that India act as the intermediary, as had happened in
the past [with the British]. The most pressing issue was for a call to be
made to the Chinese government asking that they cease hostilities on
the Tibetan border.
Prime Minister Nehru replied:
While the Indian government accepts that Tibet is part of China, as was
the case during the British period, it will call for increased autonomy
within Tibet and for Chinese troops to not go into Tibet. That being so,
it would be difficult to find a suitable arrangement if the Tibetan repre-
sentatives speak of Tibet’s absolute independence (rang btsan gtsang ma).
As for India’s role as an intermediary [required in the Simla Convention],
that was from negotiations that took place thirty years ago. That time is
not like these days.
We maintained that Tibet was free and independent and that there was
absolutely no way that we would discuss Tibet’s being autonomous and
independent within being a part of China.
We asked that he never speak in such a way for if Tibet were to be
included within China, then with great certainty, it would utterly vanish.
Throughout the eastern world, suffering would be felt. In particular,
we pointed out that the Indian government presently had seventy-five
soldiers protecting the trade market in Tibet; yet, if China and India
shared a border, then many hundreds of thousands of soldiers would
have to be called up to protect the border. Thus, even India would be
severely oppressed. We asked him to give careful consideration to the
importance of the long-term outcome and not merely of the agreeable
relationship between Nehru’s government and Mao’s government in the
present. With some irritation, the Prime Minister said that we needed
to produce legal evidence for our claim that Tibet is independent.
We noted that in the separate treaty between Britain and Tibet dur-
ing the Simla Conference of 1914, China had been declared to have
no authority at all in Tibet and that even the term “suzerainty” had
been eliminated. In the intervening period, Tibet had remained free
and independent. The Chinese said that a treaty did not exist which
could be called “separate,” and they did not recognize the Simla Treaty.
Moreover, the Chinese thought that Tibet was part of China, and the
Tibetans thought that since the Chinese did not recognize the Simla
Treaty, the “separate” treaty was evidence of their independence.

According to Nehru, this was problematic in that Tibetans had no clear
decision at that time. Later, when Tibetans had a good opportunity to
act, they failed to take advantage of the occasion. During that same
time, the Chinese had been cunning, and thus, they had frequently
proclaimed publicly that Tibet was part of China. At present, he said,
it was extremely important for the Tibetan representatives to exercise
extreme caution at the start of the negotiations. We replied that if the
Indian government did not reflect on the correspondence between their
interests and ours, then along with the elimination of Tibet, India also
would suffer terrible oppression. We said everything we could think of
such as that he must give careful consideration to the events of the past.
Then I felt an immeasurable sorrow, thinking that even though we had
truth in our hands, truth could be thrown in the dust without difficulty
because we lacked the strength of arms and the power of resources.
Our initial meeting with the Chinese Communist Ambassador,
General Yuan Zhongxian, took place on the fifth day of the eighth
Tibetan month (September 16, 1950). We met twice after that, earnestly
expressing in detail that Tibet would continue to be independent and
that Tibet was concerned to continue observing the critically important
preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet. As for the
so-called “liberation of Tibet from foreign influences,” we vociferously
argued that there was absolutely no foreign influence in Tibet by Britain,
America, the Nationalists, or anyone. Tibet, we continued, lives under
the protection of the Dalai Lama.
The essence of the repeated responses of the Chinese was as follows:
It was absolutely impossible to say that Tibet was independent. It was
good if there actually were no foreign influences in Tibet. Again, they
gave us a small book published by the Chinese government, and we
were told to concentrate on points fifty to fifty-three in the book.b The
representatives said we must understand them and implement them
well. The booklet said that the degree of internal authority would be
based upon the size of the territory and the number of minorities.
The customs and religious faith of the peoples in each territory would
not be changed. The soldiers of each territory would guard it, and the
central government would help effectuate these in agreement with the
b
While in some contexts, items fifty to fifty-three would be considered to be four
points, here, Shakabpa means there are three items, number 50, 51, and 52.
928 chapter twenty
wishes expressed by the collective advice of the people and of the local
governments. With a gesture of his hand, he explained all questions,
simply and certainly, by referring to the three points:
50. Tibet must accept that it is a part of China.
51. The Chinese government will undertake the defense of Tibet.
52. The Chinese government will carry out any negotiations of political
and trade matters with foreign countries.
We had to respond to whether or not we accepted these three points.
If we accepted them, then armies would not come into our territory.
We would have a peaceful liberation. Otherwise, he said, there was no
way to prevent war. Saying this, he threw his sword into the sky.c Since
these terms greatly exceeded our instructions, we said we would consult
our government. We said that in the meanwhile he must request that
there be no further incursions along the border. We were anxious at
how our side could accept these terms and at how to avoid missing
the essential issues.
Immediately thereafter, on the eighth day of the eighth month (Sep-
tember 19, 1950) we sent a telegram to the cabinet in Lhasa, recount-
ing just what the Chinese Communist Ambassador Yuan had said.
In addition, we reported the confidential advice from Prime Minister
Nehru and Foreign Secretary Menon without skipping even a single
word. We said that if we do not decide to cooperate, then it would be
difficult to reach any settlement at all.
Moreover, we suggested to the Tibetan government suitable ap-
proaches to the Communist ambassador’s three points: As for the first
point, we could accept that Tibet was part of China in name only. As
for the second point, the stationing of troops in Tibet for its protection,
there was no threat of war from India and Nepal. Thus, if a war did
erupt, Tibet could appeal to the Chinese government for military assis-
tance. Otherwise, there was no need to have Chinese troops in Tibet con-
tinually, for we could protect our own territory. As for the third point,
we could conduct negotiations with such foreign countries as India and
Nepal on trade and cultural matters. Further, we proposed that we should
go to Beijing in order to negotiate further. The alternative would be
certain war along the border. Therefore, we asked for clear instructions
c
It is difficult to know if this should be taken literally or if it is an expression mean-
ing the Tibetans were powerless. They were powerless, as if a sword were wielded by
the sky. I.e., who knows where it will fall? (420.8).
in a detailed telegram. A copy of the message with more forceful lan-

guage was also sent by pony express through the Dromo governor. At
the same time, without contentment, we explained the Communist
proposals to Prime Minister Nehru and Foreign Secretary Menon.
On the twelfth day of the eighth Tibetan month (September 28,
1950), the initial reply came from the cabinet. It said that since the three
points from the Chinese government were so harsh, they would have
to undertake focused and detailed consultations on these important
issues, whereupon they would send a reply. Until then, they told us,
we had to forestall any disruptions in the discussions.
Again and again, the Chinese ambassador tried to discover whether
we had received a response. Thus, that day, when we went to the
Chinese Communist Embassy, we said we had wired our message to
Lhasa, but that since the wires were not in good shape, we had also
sent it by horse courier so that it could be delivered in person. After it
arrived, we continued, it would need to be discussed, and so it would
take several weeks. However, as soon as we were able, we would clarify
the Tibetan response.
Again on the nineteenth day of the eighth Tibetan month (September
30, 1950), we wired the cabinet saying that the Communist ambassa-
dor had repeatedly asked for a reply. We said that if a clear reply was
delayed any further, then more clashes would occur along the border,
and there would be absolutely no need to go to Beijing. Thus, we asked
for an immediate response.
Khenchung Lozang Tsewang and the fourth-ranking official Zur-
khangsé, the two other members of the Tibetan Trade Mission, came
to Delhi. They met with President Rajendra Prasad and Prime Minis-
ter Nehru, presenting them with letters from the Dalai Lama and the
cabinet. They explained that although the initial idea had been to have
the Trade Office in Delhi, it was now to be opened in Kalimpong, since
that was the most important trade site between India and Tibet. Thus,
they returned there.
On the twenty-ninth day of the eighth month (October 12, 1950),
the cabinet sent a telegram saying that the regent, the cabinet, and the
secular and monastic officials had discussed the acceptance of the pro-
posal. If they accepted the three points, they said that Tibet’s previous
religious and political authority would be lost in both name and in fact.
They directly stated that there was no way they would accept the pro-
posal. Yet the Chinese Communist army was powerful, and tremendous
forces had been assembled along the borders; thus, we were advised
930 chapter twenty
that we should attempt to delay action. As it was unknown what reac-

tion this response might engender, there were serious concerns about
how to reply to the Chinese in the short term; we were to do what we
could to delay matters in order to forestall a massive incursion across
the border. Since they were following the situation on the border and
the evolving reaction in the world, the cabinet would consider events,
consulting the Tibetan National Assembly when necessary.
When we received this message, we immediately sent back a criti-
cal telegram. We said that although there was no way to avoid giving
serious consideration of important questions, the dam had now been
breached. Therefore, at this time, they could no longer wait for inter-
national developments. We concluded that if they did not send an
immediate and clear response, without delay, then border attacks would
commence. Since there would be nothing to decide at that point, we
urged them to come to a conclusion immediately.
On the seventh day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 17, 1950),
we received a telegram which said the cabinet had sent it on the
fourth day. It said that the Communist army had crossed the border
in five or six places in Domé and that Gotö, east of the Drichu River,
had been lost. Also, the Chinese were already only three or four days
from Chamdo. Therefore, we were ordered to meet with the Chinese
ambassador to negotiate a halt to the hostilities. As the situation was
critical, we immediately telephoned the Chinese ambassador. He said
that we should come the following day at ten o’clock since he had no
time that day.
We immediately went to the Indian Foreign Ministry and asked that
Prime Minister Nehru be informed. We also asked that he intervene
with the Communist government to cease the fighting on the border.
On the eighth Tibetan day, we recounted the contents of the govern-
ment’s telegram to the Chinese ambassador. We also told him that it
was illegal to launch a surprise attack on Tibet while peace negotiations
were ongoing between China and Tibet. We asked that he appeal to
Beijing to have the Communist troops withdrawn to the other side of
the Drichu River.
He said that he knew that the Chinese had attacked Chamdo, but
that it was not the fault of the Chinese because the Tibetan representa-
tives had forced a delay in the talks, stalling for more than a month. He
said that whatever people thought in the rest of the world, the Chinese
government had already decided to liberate Formosa (Taiwan) and
Tibet. At this point, Tibet must accept that it is part of China, and if
the representatives went to Beijing, no further harm would result.
Newspapers reported that while peace negotiations were underway

between China and Tibet, the Chinese had launched a surprise attack
across the border, illegally crossing the border into Kham. Later, when
news arrived about the actual situation in Kham, it was discovered
that troops suddenly and simultaneously crossed the border from five
places4 on the twenty-sixth day of the eighth Tibetan month (October
7, 1950).5
We visited the Indian Foreign Ministry, the minister of the Office
of Domestic Affairs, and important figures in the Parliament implor-
ing them to help find a way to stop the hostilities between China and
Tibet. We also publicized the fact that the Chinese Communists had
launched an illegal attack at five places, where Tibet kept only a few
border guards. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Nehru wrote letters of
protest to the Chinese Communist government on the twenty-first,
the twenty-sixth, and the twenty-eighth days of the tenth Tibetan
month. In addition, President Rajendra Prasad spoke out protesting
these actions. In Parliament, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, India’s Internal
Affairs Minister, together with many other important figures, protested
against the Communist attacks on Tibet and forcefully called on the
Indian government to offer military support to Tibet. On the sixth day
of the eleventh Tibetan month, the British Foreign Secretary Ernest
Davies addressed the British Parliament, expressing the great sadness
of the British government over the Chinese government violent attack
on Tibet, saying that it supported the Indian government’s continual
protests against the Chinese government over Tibet.
We received another telegram from our government on the eleventh
day of the ninth month of the Iron-Tiger Year (October 21, 1950), say-
ing that ever since the Communists had crossed into Kham, no word
had been received from the Chamdo radio transmitter. For this reason,
there had been daily meetings of the Tibetan National Assembly, and
it had been decided that a mission consisting of Tsechak Khenchung
Tupten Gyelpo, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, and an assistant
should immediately leave to meet with the Communist government in
Beijing. Our instructions were as follows:
1. If you must accept the first point, that Tibet is part of China, then
you can if you receive assurances both that the supreme protector
Dalai Lama’s authority would be preserved in name and deed and
that our religious and political form of government would remain
free and independent.
2. You must not accept that negotiations with foreign governments will
be conducted through the Chinese government.
932 chapter twenty
3. You cannot at all accept the third point, that Chinese government
troops will protect our territory, as this would entail unbearable harm
in both religious and political spheres, now and in the future. We will
continue to protect our own land with our own Tibetan guards.
Thus, every effort should be made to preserve the religious and political
character of Tibet and to find a lasting peace. Discuss in detail how
to assure the return to our country of the Do Governor from the
Kham region, Sawang Ngapö, and the civil and military leaders who
have fallen into enemy hands. It is necessary to keep the essence of
Buddhism in mind. If the talks go well, then you must continue on
to Beijing to further them.
The response directed us to accept explicitly the first point together
with provisions and to reject the other two. They hoped that if we
could convey these points in a conciliatory tone, we might be able to
forestall warfare. It was decided that if they seemed receptive to the
negotiating points, we should go to Beijing immediately. Thus, we called
the ambassador to request a meeting, saying that we had received a
response from the Tibetan government. He said that he was certain
that the response from Lhasa would be favorable, but that since it was
Sunday, we should plan on coming the following day for lunch. We
could speak then.
On the thirteenth day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 23, 1950),
we were preparing to go to the embassy. We had also made an appoint-
ment to meet with Foreign Secretary Menon at 3:30. Just as we were
leaving, we received another urgent message from Lhasa. We decided
it was best to decode it before we went to the Chinese Communist
Embassy in case there were additional instructions. It was dated the
twelfth day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 22, 1950), and it said
that since we had received the telegram indicating the response to the
three points which had been decided by the regent and the cabinet in
consultation with the National Assembly, that we must be preparing to
leave for the Chinese Embassy. However, at this point, His Holiness the
Protector Dalai Lama thought that acceptance of the first of the three
points dictated by the Communists would be like subjugating Tibet to
a foreign power. As the acceptance or rejection of that point had the
gravest consequences for the religious and political character of Tibet,
the infallible precious jewels would have to be supplicated and a divi-
nation would have to be performed so that no harm would come now
or in the future. The divination had been performed in the chapel of
the protective deity at Norbu Lingkha Palace before both Lhamo and
the Six-Armed Mahākāla deities so that the most desirable course of

action could be ascertained. It indicated that the religious and political
character of Tibet would be harmed if the first of the three points was
accepted, i.e., that Tibet would be under the domination of a foreign
power. Since it is not possible for the divination to be mistaken, all
three points must be categorically rejected. The message concluded
by saying that we must be able to leave for Beijing by the seventeenth
day of the ninth Tibetan month. We had lost all hope that a peaceful
conclusion could be obtained.
While we were decoding the message, the escort and the cars from the
Indian government and the Communist Embassy had to wait for more
than an hour. Now, however, that the instructions had come from Lhasa,
we had nothing to do but convey them. Tsechak Khenchung Tupten
Gyelpo, I myself, an assistant, representatives of the monasteries, and
translators could not utter even a single word about the prospects for
peace, and so, with blank expressions, we went to the embassy. Since
Ambassador Yuan assumed that we had received a response that was
mainly positive, he inquired about it with a smile on his face.
While he wished to know of the reply from our Lhasa, we merely
said that we must be able to leave for Beijing by the seventeenth day of
the ninth Tibetan month, and to facilitate this, we asked that he assist
us in getting traveling papers, visas, and airplane tickets. We said that
we would pay for the tickets. When he asked about our instructions
with regard to the previous three-point proposal, we replied that we
had received absolutely no response. He observed the manner of our
speech and our demeanor, noting that in the beginning of any great task,
there would always be certain difficulties, but that we must maintain
a calm attitude. His words were spoken soothingly, but internally, he
was extremely disappointed.
We told him that we were going to Kalimpong to get winter clothes
the following day and that we would then go to Calcutta. He said that
all of our traveling papers would be ready at the Calcutta consulate.
After lunch, we met with India’s Foreign Secretary; we explained to him
that although Tibet would not accept the Chinese proposal, we were
going to Beijing as instructed. We asked that the Indian government
appeal to the Communists that they must turn back from the Tibetan
border, and we expressed our gratitude to him. He said that it was
unusual for us to be dispatched to Beijing without any sort of clear
934 chapter twenty
response to make to the proposals; he indicated that he himself would

immediately recount what we had said to the prime minister.
Giving careful consideration to these events now, I think that if
we had accepted the first and second points and publicized this fact
from India, the Indian, Nepalese, and other governments would have
continually supported our internal authority and remained friendly.
Thereby, there would have been no way for such a disastrous arrange-
ment as the so-called Seventeen-Point Agreement to have been enacted
at Beijing.d
On the other hand, while we did not accomplish anything at the
time, we never accepted in any way that Tibet was part of China. As
a consequence, these days, that fact has become the most important
factor in the quest for Tibet’s freedom and independence. Moreover,
the Seventeen-Point Agreement was negotiated in Beijing without
consulting with the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché or the Tibetan
people at all. As it was signed under duress, we were able to proclaim
this widely.
Initially, a divination was performed before Pelden Lhamo in the
private temple in the Dalai Lama’s Potala chambers where [Tsechak
Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I] were identified as the best people
to send. In the meanwhile, the regent, the cabinet, and the Tibetan
National Assembly had directed us to go to a place near the Chinese
border to negotiate with the Chinese about the maintenance of Tibet’s
independence. Finally, when we had been close to accepting two of
the points, the divination from the wisdom protector rejected them.
I have explained these facts in detail because there can be no doubt
these things were done out of future necessities and for the special
collections of goodness they would bring. This is known by the older
government officials and by the sensible older civilians, both monks and
lay people, who have reflected carefully on these events. However, for
the benefit of all people everywhere and for those young people who
are earnest about politics these days, I have explained this so that it is
easier to understand.
d
The Department of Information and International Relations of the Central Tibetan
Administration of the Tibetan government-in-exile published a valuable small book that
provides context, a timeline, and key documents relating to the Tibetan government’s
understanding of the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Facts About the 17-Point “Agreement”
between Tibet and China (Dharamsala: DIIR Publications, 2001).
Afterwards, we reached Kalimpong by way of Calcutta and made

preparations to depart for Beijing the following day. We received a
telegram from Lhasa on the twenty-second day of the ninth Tibetan
month (November 2, 1950); it was dated the twentieth day of the ninth
Tibetan month (October 31, 1950). It said,
While peace talks were continuing between China and Tibet, the Com-
munists had crossed the border, and so the Tibetan National Assembly
had advised that, “The representatives should delay their departure for
Beijing.” Pursuant to their instructions, you are not to leave for Beijing.
The National Assembly will issue instructions after conferring about
whether you should stay or go.
The Political Officer of Sikkim, Harishwar Dayal, dispatched a messenger
named Norden Bhabu with a letter. It said that Indian Foreign Secretary
Menon had sent him a letter from Delhi advising us that it would be best
if we delayed our departure for Beijing. The following day, we received
another telegram from Lhasa saying that after discussing whether we
should stay or go, the National Assembly had decided that we should
go to Delhi to meet with the Chinese ambassador. We were to say that
the Do Governor Sawang Ngapö had sent two groups of delegates for
the purpose of negotiating and still the Chinese government had crossed
into Tibet; from that point on, we had no reason to trust the Chinese
in negotiations without another country serving as intermediary.
Again, a divination had been performed in the Norbu Lingkha private
chambers. Since it said that we should not go to Beijing, we were so
ordered, and thus, we did not go. In dependence on that message, we
sent a message to the Chinese ambassador in Delhi and the consul-
ate in Calcutta saying that for now our departure was being delayed.
Let us briefly examine the situation in Chamdo during that time.
While Cabinet Minister Lhaluwa Tsewang Dorjé was the Do governor,
one column of Communist troops gradually moved from Dartsedo to
Kardzé, Dar Monastery, and Dergé, while another proceeded from Yun-
nan to Satam, Gyeltang, Litang, and Ba. Wangchuk Tenpa of Gyeltang
fought with them on several occasions, but finally he was captured and
sent to China. Another column moved from Ziling to Jyegündo, Dimchi
Nyernga, Denkhok, and Lingtsang. During the night, the Tibetan radio
transmitter station in Denkhok was attacked. The Ga and Zhikatsé army
units fought, and the famous Rupön Bugangpa fell into enemy hands. At
the same time, many officials committed to Buddhism—including Der-
gé’s queen, Tsedrung Tutop who was the abbot of Dartsedo Monastery,
and others—thought that it would be best to strike back right away
936 chapter twenty
because the Communists were only arriving, and they did not yet know
the land or the people.
A series of letters had been received from the Chinese [National-
ist] leader of Jyegündo saying that he was prepared to rise up against
the Communists. As a result, the Do Governor Lhalu performed a
divination before the remains of Geshé Jampa Tayé Rinpoché, and the
indication was that even though the opponent had the upper hand and
timing on their side, a good opportunity would come at the beginning
of the eighth month. After consulting with several of the older officers
from Riwoché and Nangchen districts, he decided to strike back at
his opponents on the second day of the eighth month at Jyegündo.
The Gyantsé commander from Sertsa, the Jadang commander from
Riwoché, the Podrakyül army from Karma Yüldzong, and the Zhikatsé
Gadang commander from Dongdzong Drukha are recorded as the
participants. Cabinet Minister Lhalu asked Lhasa for advice by radio.
The cabinet said:
It would be good if you are able to seize territory by attacking. However,
since you must hold an extensive piece of territory continuously, you must
carefully analyze whether you will be able to avoid risking our territory.
If not, you must consider well the benefits and losses for the future.
Since the parties were not cooperating due to their own over-enthusiasm,
they held each other responsible, and so matters remained unsettled.
Since the new Do governor was coming very soon, there was concern
that the war effort would be upset when power was handed over; thus,
the old Do governor remained.
The new Do governor, Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, arrived. Since the
civil and military policies of the old and new Do governors [Lhalu
and Ngapö] were so different, Lhalu left for Lhasa. Ngapö felt that
there was no alternative except to be conciliatory. He sent the officials
Yeshé Dargyé and Pomda Rapga to Markham, while he dispatched
Yülga and another official to Denkhok in order to discuss peace terms
with the Communists. However, before long, on the twenty-third
day of the seventh month Chinese troops simultaneously crossed the
border at five places, Kamtok and elsewhere. The Gadang Regiment
leader Mujawa and the Podrak militia commander Tsedrung Ludrup
Namgyel made excellent headway against the enemy. However, on
the ninth day of the eighth month, the Do Governor Sawang Ngapö
ordered that the weapons in the Chamdo armory had to be destroyed
on that day because they would have to escape through some other
province, such as Joda.
He and his staff planned to go to Lhodzong for the time being.
When he reached Lamda, he learned that a large contingent of Chi-
nese soldiers from Pashö and Riwoché discovered his location through
bribery, and all of the main routes had already been blocked. They
were going to go to To Drugu Monastery that night. He and his assis-
tants conferred and decided that if they surrendered, they would not
be killed. Immediately, the official Khenchung Samkharwa Tupten
Dönyö, the Dapön of Nya Regiment Laya Jarikpa Sönam Wangchuk,
and Tsedrön Tsadrül Tsang Nyima Gyeltsen were sent to Chamdo to
surrender.
When they came down, they saw some Chinese soldiers coming along
the road; they signified that they were surrendering and explained their
situation to the officer in charge. He said that this was good because
they would not have to go to Chamdo. People who were coming from
Pashö arrived in Lamda that night, and they remained with them,
leaving for the place where Ngapö was the next morning. That night,
they were told to stay there, while a message was sent with a horse for
the Do governor. The Chinese officer made many radio calls between
Lamda and Chamdo. On the morning of the eleventh day, when the
functionaries were going to To Drugu Monastery with Chinese soldiers,
they met Sawang Ngapö who was coming down from the monastery
with several Chinese Communist soldiers from Chamdo.
There was some argument among the Chinese troops over who
would take Ngapö to the headquarters. Once again, the Do Governor
cabinet minister and all of his assistants were taken back to Drugu
Monastery, weapons were seized, all the officials were made to sign
and apply their seals to a document written in Chinese, and every-
one was photographed many times below the monastery as a sign of
their surrender. Thereafter, Ngapö and all of the officials were taken
to Chamdo in the midst of Chinese cavalry. A Chinese officer named
Wang Qimei was already there. The Do Governor Sawang, Samkhar
Khenchung, and Tsogo Sé were temporarily kept in the dining room.
The rest of them were kept in the Chinese camp, which was like
a good prison. They were kept together for several days and ques-
tioned. The rumor was begun at this point that the Tibetan govern-
ment’s radio operator, Robert Ford, had poisoned Getak Trülku from
Tehor.
938 chapter twenty
One day a large group of Tibetans was assembled and Wang Qimei
told them:
We have come in order to liberate the woeful Tibetan people. The People’s
Liberation Army is your servant, and we are not permitted to take even
a needle and thread from you. If you have any concerns, I can answer
you. You must speak out in this meeting, whether it is about the murder
of Getak Trülku or something similar.
A senior official from Chamdo Monastery, Benlok Rinchen Döndrup,
said:
I am grateful you say the People’s Liberation Army will not oppress the
people. At present, I have not heard anything of the sort, but you must
not bring about suffering in the future. The peace negotiations between
China and Tibet should not alter the teachings of Buddha or the govern-
ment of the omniscient Dalai Lama. Getak Lama died naturally. Before
today, I had not heard it said that Getak Trülku had been murdered by
the radio operator. How is such a thing possible?
He spoke directly about many issues, and although some of his close
attendants pulled him back, asking him not to speak, he explained
his views until he was content. That he was cornered and confined by
Chinese officers that very night reveals the dishonesty of the regime,
that there was no freedom of speech.6
The report of the People’s Republic of China broadcast on October
25, 1950 that “the People’s Liberation Army had been ordered to go to
Tibet in order to liberate three million Tibetans from the imperialistic
domination of foreign powers and to protect China’s western border,”
is a lie; they had already invaded on October 7. Moreover, Tibet was
governed by Tibetans, and there was absolutely no influence from
foreign nations. In addition, Chankya’s Tibet Disappears says:7
Until the Chinese Communists reached Tibet in 1950, all Tibetans, monk
and lay, strong and weak, enjoyed freedom and happy lives. The word
“liberation” is strange for from who would they be liberated.
Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I received a radio message
from Lhasa at Shakabpa House. It contained an appeal which was to
be presented to the United Nations. We immediately wired it to the
Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld on the first day of the tenth
Tibetan month (November 10, 1950). Copies were also mailed to India’s
Prime Minister Nehru, Foreign Secretary Menon, and the ambassadors
of Britain, America, Nepal, France, Italy, Australia, Canada, Burma,
Ceylon, Thailand, Indonesia, Belgium, and Holland in Delhi. The

appeal which was sent to the secretary-general of the United Nations
read as follows:8
Your Excellency:
The attention of the world is riveted on Korea where aggression is being
resisted by an international force. Similar happenings in remote Tibet
are passing without notice. It is in the belief that aggression will not go
unchecked and freedom unprotected in any part of the world that we have
assumed the responsibility of reporting to the United Nations Organiza-
tion, through you, recent happenings in the border area of Tibet.
As you are aware the problem of Tibet has taken on alarming propor-
tions in recent times. The problem is not of Tibet’s own making but is
largely the outcome of unthwarted Chinese ambition to bring weaker
nations on its periphery under its active domination. Tibetans have for
long lived a cloistered life in their mountain fastnesses remote and aloof
from the rest of the world except insofar as His Holiness the Dalai Lama,
as the acknowledged head of the Buddhist Church, confers benediction
and receives homage from followers in many countries.
In the years preceding 1912, there were indeed close friendly relations
of a personal nature between the Emperor of China and His Holiness
the Dalai Lama.9
The connexion was essentially born of belief in a common faith and
may correctly be described as the relationship between a spiritual guide
and his lay followers; it had no political implications. As a people devoted
to the tenets of Buddhism, Tibetans had long eschewed the art of warfare,
practised peace and tolerance, and for the defence of their country relied
on its geographical configuration and in non-involvement in the affairs
of other nations.
There were times when Tibet sought but seldom received the protec-
tion of the Chinese Emperor. The Chinese, however, in their natural urge
for expansion, have wholly misconstrued the significance of the ties of
friendship and interindependence that existed between China and Tibet
as between neighbors. To them China was suzerain and Tibet a vassal
state. It is this which first aroused legitimate apprehension in the mind
of Tibet regarding China’s designs on its independent status.
The conduct of the Chinese during their expedition of 1910 completed
the rupture between the two countries. In 1911–1912 Tibet, under the
Thirteenth Dalai Lama, declared its complete independence—even Nepal
simultaneously broke away from allegiance to China—while the Chinese
revolution of 1911, which dethroned the last Manchurian emperor,
snapped the last of the sentimental and religious bonds that Tibet had
with China. Tibet thereafter depended entirely on its isolation, its faith
in the wisdom of the Lord Buddha, and occasionally on the support of
the British in India for its protection. No doubt in these circumstances
940 chapter twenty
the latter could also claim suzerainty over Tibet. Tibet, notwithstanding
Anglo-Chinese influence from time to time, maintained its separate
existence, in justification of which it may be pointed out that it has been
able to keep peace and order within the country and remain at peace with
the world. It continued to maintain neighbourly goodwill and friend-
ship with the people of China but never acceded to the Chinese claim
of suzerainty in 1914.
It was British persuasion which led Tibet to sign a treaty which super-
imposed on it the nominal (non-interfering) suzerainty of China and
by which China was accorded the right to maintain a mission in Lhasa,
though it was strictly forbidden to meddle in the internal affairs of Tibet.
Apart from that fact, even the nominal suzerainty which Tibet conceded
to China is not enforceable because of the non-signature of the treaty of
1914 by the Chinese. It will be seen that Tibet maintained independent
relations with other neighboring countries, such as India and Nepal.
Furthermore, despite friendly British overtures, it did not compromise its
position by throwing in its forces in the Second World War on the side
of China. Thus it asserted and maintained its complete independence. The
treaty of 1914 still guides relations between Tibet and India, and China,
not being a party to it may be taken to have renounced the benefits that
would have otherwise accrued to it from the treaty. Tibet’s independence
thereby reassumed de jure status.
The slender tie that Tibet maintained with China after the 1911 revolu-
tion became less justifiable when China underwent a further revolution
and turned into a full-fledged Communist State. There can be no kinship
or sympathy between such divergent creeds as those espoused by China
and Tibet. Foreseeing future complications, the Tibetan Government
broke off diplomatic relations with China and made a Chinese repre-
sentative in Lhasa depart from Tibet in July, 1949. Since then, Tibet has
not even maintained formal relations with the Chinese Government and
people. It desires to live apart uncontaminated by the germ of a highly
materialistic creed, but China is bent on not allowing Tibet to live in peace.
Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese
have hurled threats of liberating Tibet and have used devious methods
to intimidate and undermine the Government of Tibet. Tibet recognises
that it is in no position to resist. It is thus that it agreed to negotiate on
friendly terms with the Chinese Government.
It is unfortunate that the Tibetan Mission to China was unable to leave
India through no fault of its own but for want of British visas which were
required for transit through Hong Kong. At the kind intervention of
the Government of India, the Chinese People’s Republic condescended
to allow the Tibetan Mission to have preliminary negotiation with the
Chinese Ambassador to India, who arrived in New Delhi only in Septem-
ber. While these negotiations were proceeding in Delhi, Chinese troops,
without warning or provocation, crossed the Di Chu [Upper Yangtse]
River, which has for long been the boundary of Tibetan territory, at a
number of places on October 7, 1950. In quick succession, places of stra-
tegic importance such as Demar, Kamto, Tunga, Tshame, Rimochegotyu,

Yakalo, and Markham, fell to the Chinese. Tibetan frontier garrisons in
Kham, which were maintained not with any aggressive design but as
a nominal protective measure, were all wiped out. Communist troops
converged in great force from five directions on Chamdo, the capital of
Kham, which fell soon after. Nothing is known of the fate of a Minister
of the Tibetan Government posted there.
Little is known in the outside world of this sneak invasion. Long after
the invasion had taken place China announced to the world that it had
asked its armies to march into Tibet. This unwarranted act of aggres-
sion has not only disturbed the peace of Tibet, but it is also in complete
disregard of a solemn assurance given by China to the Government of
India, and it has created a grave situation in Tibet and may eventually
deprive Tibet of its long cherished independence. We can assure you, Mr.
Secretary-General, that Tibet will not go down without a fight, though
there is little hope of a nation dedicated to peace will be able to resist the
brutal effort of men trained to war, but we understand that the United
Nations has decided to stop aggression whenever it takes place.
The armed invasion of Tibet for the incorporation of Tibet in Com-
munist China through sheer physical force is a clear case of aggression.
As long as the people of Tibet are compelled by force to become a part
of China against their will and consent, the present invasion of Tibet will
be the grossest instance of the violation of the weak by the strong. We
therefore appeal through you to the nations of the world to intercede in
our behalf and restrain Chinese aggression.
The problem is simple. The Chinese claim Tibet as part of China.
Tibetans feel that, racially, culturally, and geographically, they are far
apart from the Chinese. If the Chinese find the reactions of the Tibetans
to their unnatural claim not acceptable, there are other civilised meth-
ods by which they could ascertain the views of the people of Tibet, or
should the issue be purely juridical, they are open to seek redress in an
international Court of Law. The conquest of Tibet by China will only
enlarge the area of conflict and increase the threat to the independence
and stability of other Asian countries.
We Ministers, with the approval of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, entrust
the problem of Tibet in this emergency to the ultimate decision of the
United Nations, hoping that the conscience of the world will not allow
the disruption of our state by methods reminiscent of the jungle.
The Kashag (Cabinet) and National Assembly of Tibet

Tibetan Delegation–Shakabpa House, Kalimpong.
Dated Lhasa, the 27th day of the ninth Tibetan month of the Iron Tiger
Year (7 November 1950)
The appeal was wired to New York from Kalimpong.
942 chapter twenty
Notes to Chapter Twenty
1. The original is in the Compilation of Records.

3. During the many days of fighting between the Ziling, Chinese forces and the
Tibetans, Rupön Bukhangpa killed seven or eight Chinese every day. Finally, he also
killed the leader of the Ziling Chinese Sen Yindrang, who was a famous Chinese hero.
He was renowned for having secured great victories for the Tibetan army.
4. The five places are Den, Kamtok Drukha, Tsamé, Yagalho, and Markham.
5. In my English-language book, I wrote that the date of the initial attack by the
Communist forces was on the twenty-third day of the seventh month of 1950; I also
said that they came from eight directions. These are my own errors. Translator’s Note:
The error in the reckoning of the date was corrected by the 1984 Potala Publications
edition of Tibet: A Political History, p. 301.
6. An official of the Do Governor Ngapö’s during this time merely writes that he
had spoken in detail.
7. Sen Chankya, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International
Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960),
65. Translators Note: The quote prior to the block quote is from Chankya, but I have
been unable to locate the block quote in Tibet Disappears.
8. This is translated from the original in the English language. The English version
may be found in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961 (New Delhi: Bureau of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.), 1. Translators Note: I have merely cited the original
English version.
9. Although there is some slight difference between this chronology and the actual
events, I have consulted the original records. This should be investigated.
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
NECESSITY FOR THE FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA TO

ASSUME RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL
AUTHORITY SUDDENLY
With armies in the field, oracles were consulted in Lhasa, and it was
determined that the young Dalai Lama ought to take over control of
the government, despite being only fifteen years old. As the abbot of
Kumbum Monastery, his older brother, Taktser Trülku Tupten Jikmé
Norbu (b. 1922), had already seen how difficult things could become
under the Communist government. He left Amdo for Lhasa so that he
could warn his younger brother of the dangers posed by the Chinese. In
the Dalai Lama’s own autobiography, he describes Taktser Rinpoché’s
plight:a
The Chinese endeavored to indoctrinate him in the new Communist
way of thinking and to try to subvert him. They had a plan whereby they
would set him free to go to Lhasa if he would undertake to persuade me
to accept Chinese rule. If I resisted, he was to kill me. They would then
reward him.
In November of 1950, as Taktser Rinpoché made plans to flee into per-
manent exile, the young Dalai Lama prepared for his enthronement.
Shakabpa conveyed a further appeal to the United Nations on
December 3, 1950, asking for the United Nations to send a fact-finding
mission to Tibet. Shakabpa blames the newly-independent Indian gov-
ernment and the British government for U.N. inaction because they
both urged that the matter be set aside. Meanwhile, the Lhasa govern-
ment attempted to open up dialogue with the Chinese, urging them
to withdraw from Tibetan territory and to return to a state of peaceful
relations. As the Tibetan government attempted to navigate the new
situation, the Dalai Lama and his family temporarily moved to Dromo
a
Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in Exile: The Auto-
biography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990), 58.
944 chapter twenty-one
near the border with India, although they eventually felt safe enough
to return to Lhasa by mid-summer of 1951.
In the spring of 1951, a delegation of Tibetan officials, led by Cabinet
Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, traveled to Beijing for negotiations.
According to Shakabpa’s account, a predetermined set of demands
was foisted on the Tibetans, and even a request for clarification was
met with anger. By May 23, Ngapö had been compelled to sign the
so-called “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of
Tibet.”b Chinese sourcesc represent this as an agreement the two sides
carefully negotiated with the involvement of Lhasa authorities, while
Tibetan sources, including the Dalai Lama,d assert that the first time
they heard about it was when it was being broadcast over the radio
from China. Those Tibetan sources depict the seventeen points as
constituting a complete capitulation to Chinese demands. Notably,
it assumes Tibet is an integral part of China, referring to the Tibetan
authorities as the “local government.” The document promises broad
autonomy for Tibetans, and it indicates that Chinese reforms in Tibet
would not be compelled.
In July, 1951, the Dalai Lama’s party returned from the border town
of Dromo, resigned that Tibet’s situation was so imperiled that he was
needed in the capital. As the Chinese military and civilian authority
began to spread throughout Tibet, Tsepon Shakabpa petitioned for
and received leave to remain in India, where the Dalai Lama’s brother
was already ensconced. From there, the two men, along with the Dalai
Lama’s other older brother, Gyalo Thondup (b. 1928), were able to
begin to lay the groundwork for the Dalai Lama’s permanent exile
eight years later; in the intervening years, the three men performed
many other services for the Tibetan government. Shakabpa and Gyalo
Thondup founded the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in India, an
organization that would become essential when one hundred thousand
Tibetans followed the Dalai Lama into exile just a few years later.
b
c
For example, seven distinct rounds of negotiations are specified in the account pro-
vided in the anonymous source from the “Series of Basic Information of Tibet of China”
called Tibetan History (Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2003), 145–153.
d
Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The
Books, 1977), 67 and Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in
Exile: The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990),
68. Also, see p. 956 below.
fourteenth dalai lama assumes authority 945
Through 1952 and 1953, the two sides were attempting to find a
new equilibrium. As Tibetans experienced the Chinese presence as
oppression, they protested against it. On the other side, the Chinese
tried to find a way to rule the population effectively. They persuaded
the Dalai Lama to relieve the two prime ministers, Lozang Trashi (d.
1966/1967?) and Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten (1898–1966),e of their
responsibilities in the spring of 1952. This undermined the Tibetans’
capacity to influence events since the Dalai Lama was still quite young,
and nobody else could stand up to the Chinese.f
Back in 1951, the Dalai Lama was asked by Trashi Lhunpo Monastery
to identify the new incarnation of the Paṇc̣ hen Lama; Ngapö wired from
Beijing to say that of the three potential candidates, only the one from
Amdo would be accepted by the Chinese government. Whether it was
solely for that reason or because he became convinced of the correct-
ness of that identification, the Dalai Lama did give his blessing to that
candidate—three years younger than himself—without the traditional
tests being performed. When the Paṇ̣chen Lama reached Lhasa, he had
an audience with the Dalai Lama in the Potala, but the former’s atten-
dants complained about the protocol of the visit.g The Dalai Lama has
written about his personal fondness for the Paṇc̣ hen Lama and his own
sorrow at the difficulties faced by the Paṇ̣chen Lama, who was used as
a pawn by the Chinese even as a boy. Shakabpa observes that:h
[The Dalai Lama] had to enter into a fifteen-point agreement devised
by the Chinese and Trashi Lhünpo about the relationship between the
government and the Paṇc̣ hen Lama. Although it was supposedly arranged
for the purpose of unifying Tibet, in fact it divided Ü Tsang, wrongly
inaugurating a small measure of political authority for the Trashi Lhünpo
lama.
The Chinese continually tried to elevate the Paṇ̣chen Lama to a status
equal to the Dalai Lama as a way of diminishing the Dalai Lama and
dividing Tibet.i
e
According to E. Gene Smith at the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, Lukhangpa
Tsewang Rapten was born in either 1896 or 1897 and died in either 1966 or 1973.
f
Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since
1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 210.
g
See p. 963 below.
h
See p. 973 below.
i
Books, 1977), 81–84.
Tibetan officials were compelled to begin accommodating Tibet to

the changes being ordered by the Chinese government. A delegation of
Tibetans was taken on a tour of factories, schools, and the like in China
in order to foster a compliant attitude and confidence in the Communist
Party. In 1954, the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama were invited to
Beijing, where they met with a dismissive and occasionally aggressive
Mao Zedong. They were also conducted around to staged events in the
capital, including the National People’s Congress, meant to portray the
Tibetans as willing and compliant representatives of one of the regional
populations within the happy family of China. While the Dalai Lama
was in Beijing, the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region
of Tibet was established, ostensibly to smooth the way for complete
assimilation of Tibet into communist China. Yet, whenever the Tibetans
on the committee, including the Dalai Lama, would object to any small
matter, the Chinese members would demand full compliance. Shakabpa
represents the committee as a sham instrument.
When the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama went to India to cel-
ebrate the 2500th anniversary of Buddha’s death in 1956, the Chinese
attempted to stage manage the Dalai Lama’s public appearances and to
control his private time. However, he gave his own speech reviewing
Indian-Tibetan relations through the centuries. He also managed to
confer with Indian officials, including Prime Minister Nehru. Although
he considered remaining in exile in India, he was eventually persuaded
to return to Tibet.j Also while in India, the young Dalai Lama was able to
speak with Premier Zhou Enlai (1898–1976). Perhaps as a consequence
of this meeting, some of the most problematic reforms in Tibet were
suspended by Mao Zedong.k
Early in 1957, the Dalai Lama returned to Tibet. As he traveled back
to Lhasa, he stopped off in Zhikatsé at the invitation of the Paṇ̣chen
Lama. Shakabpa reports that the Chinese intervened and caused the
monastic estate to provide only an inadequate reception as a way of
creating the appearance of division between the two figures. Shakabpa
suggests the episode could be used to criticize the Paṇ̣chen Lama, but
then he shifts the blame to the Chinese absolving the Paṇ̣chen Lama
of all fault:l
j
Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since
1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 152–153.
k
See p. 984 below.
l
See p. 990 below.
Whatever the reason, when the Chinese Communists subsequently

oppressed both the Dalai Lama’s government and the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s
monastic estate equally, the all-seeing Paṇc̣ hen Rinpoché praised the high-
est true religion and the Dalai Lama without fear and without apprehen-
sion. Upon hearing this, one had to confess and repent at one’s previous
conclusions about the Paṇ̣chen Lama and rejoice in the excellent deeds
of a superior person.
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
NECESSITY FOR THE FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA TO

ASSUME RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL
AUTHORITY SUDDENLY
During this critical and savage time, the two oracles, Gadong and
Nechung, were invoked in the private chambers of Norbu Lingkha
Palace and their guidance was sought in the matter of the lost men
and territory in Kham. At that time, the Gadong Oracle indicated that
the time had come for the Dalai Lama to assume religious and politi-
cal authority. Hence, the regent and the cabinet sought the advice of
the Tibetan National Assembly on whether to follow this order. The
assembly unanimously agreed that he should, and so, the Dalai Lama
was beseeched to do so.
Accordingly, the Regent Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché resigned on the
seventh day of the tenth month of the Iron-Tiger year, after being
Tibet’s supreme ruler for ten years. A traditional ceremony, which had
been cut short under these onerous and crucial circumstances, was
held and although the fourteenth Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, was not
yet sixteen years old, he assumed the religious and political leadership
according to the wishes of all gods and people of Tibet. This news was
immediately spread throughout Tibet, and all convicts who were in
prison were freed.
The Dalai Lama’s older brother, Taktser Trülku Tupten Norbu, who
was the abbot of Kumbum Monastery, was taken to Ziling where Com-
munist military officers made him their messenger. They told him to
go Lhasa and tell the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government officials
that it would be best if they maintained relations with the Communist
government; Tibet’s cultural tradition and religious faith would remain
free. When he reached Lhasa, he gave a truthful and detailed account
of the actual facts since the Communists had arrived in Tsongön the
previous year. He said that many people, in particular the wealthy, had
been attacked and there was absolutely no religious freedom.
The United Nations heard Tibet’s appeal with an attitude of indiffer-
ence to the truth, as the countries which clearly understood the situation
in Tibet were just concerned for their own interests. Once again, the
cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly sent a wire to the United
Nations through Shakabpa House in Kalimpong on the twenty-fourth
day of the tenth month (December 3, 1950). It said that:1
While the General Assembly has not immediately taken up the matter
of Tibet, many areas of Tibet are under attack by the Chinese Commu-
nists. Chamdo has also already been subjugated. In order that the United
Nations clearly understand the nature of the situation between China and
Tibet, we would welcome a U.N. fact-finding mission.
On November 12, the Dalai Lama assumed religious and political
authority for Tibet, and at that time, he ordered that this appeal be sent
to the United Nations.
This appeal was also sent by radio.
At the same time, according to the advice of the Indian government,
the Dalai Lama sent a letter with his seal to the Chinese government
through the Chinese officers in Chamdo as a way of initiating a concilia-
tory arrangement. It said that in his youth, relations between Tibet and
China had been strained, but now that he had assumed the leadership
himself, he hoped that amicable relations between the two countries
could be restored as in the past. It also said that the Tibetan soldiers
who had been captured must be returned, and the Tibetan territory
seized by the Chinese army had to be restored.
The Chinese government also hoped to restore a peaceful environ-
ment, and so they relaxed the treatment of the Tibetan civilian and
military officers under their control. Following the advice of the Chi-
nese officer in Chamdo, Wang Qimei, Do Governor Ngapö, who was
imprisoned at the time, sent two Do officials, Tsedrön Gyeltsen Püntsok
and Püntsok Dorjé the younger Kadrön Samling, to Lhasa asking for
authority for him to negotiate terms between China and Tibet.
Since there was absolutely no way to know what the Chinese Commu-
nists might do, the Tibetan National Assembly came to the unanimous
conclusion that the Dalai Lama should temporarily move to Dromo
for his own security. As this decision became known, everyone became
anxious, wishing to be able to accompany the party. People did not want
to remain behind because they would have to take responsibility for
the government. Both of the Dalai Lama’s tutors and Cabinet Minister
Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen were assured of going. A divinatory
lottery was performed to determine who ought to accompany the party
from among the other important officials, the cabinet ministers, the
Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, the Drungtsi, Dzatai, and so forth.
Many people who were not going to Dromo, nevertheless, found some
pretext for leaving Lhasa.2 Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar
(Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten were both appointed as prime ministers,
and except for matters of extreme urgency, they were given authority
to decide all civil and military matters. The Dalai Lama’s party left for
Dromo on the eleventh day of the eleventh month of the Iron-Tiger
year (December 19, 1950).
When the Dalai Lama and his retinue were established at Dromo, I
was instructed to go there along with my assistants. On the way, I was
pushed aside by a mule on the Natö Pass. Since I struck my hip on a
large boulder, I was in a great deal of pain. However, we had to reach
our destination to report our previous actions, and our future plans
to the Dalai Lama and the ministers. Thus, I arrived at the Dromo
governor house leaning on two people for support.
Then at a reception of all of the assistants, Tsechak Khenchung
Tupten Gyelpo and I presented our report without embellishment.
But some of the attendants and members of the assembly registered
their disapproval, bleating like sheep and goats. At that time, the Dalai
Lama and his retinue lived at the home of the Dromo Governor, Chubi.
However, not much later, they moved to the Dungkar Monastery above
Dromo where they remained until returning to Lhasa [the following
summer].
When Mr. Castro, El Salvador’s Ambassador to the United Nations,
presented an appeal on behalf of Tibet, the British ambassador said:
Since Tibet’s legal status is unclear, any discussion of the question in the
United Nations should be set aside.
At the same time, the Indian ambassador also spoke:
We have no wish to exhaust the efforts of the United Nations over this
turbulence between Tibet and China. Since relations have existed between
China and Tibet, we believe that they will peacefully reach an agreeable
arrangement between themselves on the questions of Tibet’s autonomy.
In the meanwhile, any discussion in the United Nations ought to be set
aside.
In dependence on these proposals, the United Nations did set El Salva-
dor’s appeal aside. In this regard, both the British and the Indian gov-
ernments failed to uphold their obligations truthfully; having engaged
in treaties with Tibet, they knew the actual legal status of Tibet as a
free and independent nation. Those actions placed over six million
Tibetans in the hands of the Chinese Communists. Among the further

ill effects of that behavior, the freedom, peace, and resources of India
and many of her neighbors were also threatened.
As explained above, a monk and lay official carrying a message from
Chamdo came to Lhasa. The two acting-prime ministers told them that
although the Do Governor Cabinet Minister Ngapö had the authority
to negotiate between China and Tibet, he must obtain assurances that
the Chinese army would not take any more Tibetan territory than they
presently occupied. He was also instructed that he must conduct the
talks in Chamdo3 and that Khenchung Tupten Lekmön and Samposé
Tendzin Döndrup would be sent to serve as his assistants. With disap-
pointment at the response from the United Nations, the Tibetan gov-
ernment decided to jump into the fire with the Chinese. Thus, Dzasak
Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten and Khendrung Chöpel Tupten
were sent to Delhi to improve relations with the Chinese Communist
Ambassador Yuan. The ambassador advised that it would be best to
undertake discussions in Beijing. Accordingly, Cabinet Minister Ngapö
Ngawang Jikmé and his assistants went to Beijing from Chamdo by
way of Dartsedo, Yangen, Drungchin, and Shingen, arriving on April
22, 1951. Dzasak Kemepa Sönam Wangdu and Khendrung Tupten
Tendar left from Dromo to help make decisions. They were directed to
consult with the government if important issues arose which exceeded
their instructions.4 They reached Beijing by way of Hong Kong four
days later.
In the meanwhile, officials from Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and
from various other monastic estates sent an appeal to the Dalai Lama
asking that he examine and render a decision on three potential can-
didates for the reincarnation of the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama, two from
Kham and one from Amdo. Cabinet Minister Ngapö wired a message
from Beijing to say that if the candidate from Amdo was not approved
the China-Tibet talks would be harmed.5 That candidate was approved;
there seemed to be no alternative since he was the one identified by
the Chinese Communist government.
During this time, the Tibetan government held a grand ceremony
at Dromo’s Dungkar Monastery for a gift from the Indian Mahabodhi
Society of relics of the Compassionate One and the pair of supreme
Hearers.6 A vast cloud of offerings was presented at the ceremony, as
vast as the sky. The Dalai Lama also gave the profound initiation of
the superior Compassionate One. The faithful gathered from Dromo
and Pakri, not to mention the limitless numbers of monks and lay
people from Ü Tsang, southern Bhutan, Sikkim, Kalimpong, Darjeeling,
Ladakh, Nepal, and so forth. This great occasion was fortunate in that
these people were completely led to the profound path of liberation.
As I had been instructed, I wrote a small book in both English and
Tibetan which set down the details of the ceremony.7
When the delegates of the Mission to China arrived in Beijing, Prime
Minister Zhou Enlai held a banquet for them. After the Chinese and
Tibetan representatives were introduced, Communist representatives
Li Weihan, Zhang Jingwu, Zhang Guohua, and Sun Zhiyuan presented
the Tibetans with ten points which were supposed to be the basis of
discussion. What need is there to mention that the Tibetan representa-
tives were not able to consult with their own government; they had to
give up any plans to preserve Tibet’s previous autonomy peacefully. The
ten points said that Tibet had been peacefully liberated from foreign
domination and that the Tibetan people were returning to the great
family of nations of their ancestors. Such assertions contradicted the
actual facts, and the Chinese were being impossible, not allowing the
Tibetans to ask questions which would have settled their minds. Even
requests for a little clarity in the meanings of words and phrases were
met with harsh and malicious words and an attitude of vexation.
In such an environment, the Tibetans finally had to agree to the so-
called Seventeen-Point Agreement which had been written according to
the wishes of the Chinese. They asked pointedly whether the Tibetans
would accept the terms or not. Although the Tibetan representatives
asked their questions a little more loudly, Zhang Jingwu would stand
up in the meeting room and furiously shout all kinds of hateful things.
In addition, Chairman Li Weihan also harshly stated that in the end
they would have to consent to the agreement. Otherwise, they could
leave unobstructed, even returning in the next few days. The central
government could send a single radio message to the border officers.
They said they had absolutely no desire to speak of any other difficulties.8
The so-called Seventeen-Point Agreement was reached under duress.
The agreement was signed in Beijing on May 23, 1951:9a
a
The preamble to the agreement is cited in Appendix 1, pp. 1124–1125.
1. The Tibetan people shall unite and drive out imperialist aggressive
forces from Tibet; the Tibetan people shall return to the big family
of the Motherland—the People’s Republic of China.
2. The local government of Tibet shall actively assist the PLA (People’s
Liberation Army) to enter Tibet and consolidate the national
defences.
3. In accordance with the policy towards nationalities laid down in the
Common Programme of the CPPCC,10 the Tibetan people have the
right of exercising national regional autonomy under the unified
leadership of the CPG (Chinese People’s Government).
4. The central authorities will not alter the existing political system in
Tibet. The central authorities also will not alter the established status,
functions and powers of the Dalai Lama. Officials of various ranks
shall hold office as usual.
5. The established status, functions and powers of the Paṇc̣ hen Ngoerhtehni
shall be maintained.
6. By the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama
and the Paṇ̣chen Ngoerhtehni are meant the status, functions and
powers of thirteenth Dalai Lama and the ninth Paṇc̣ hen Ngoerhtehnib
when they were in friendly and amicable relations with each other.
7. The policy of freedom of religious belief laid down in the Common
Programme of the CPPCC shall be carried out. The religious beliefs,
customs and habits of the Tibetan people shall be respected and lama
monasteries shall be protected. The central authorities will not effect
a change in the income of the monasteries.
8. Tibetan troops shall be reorganized step by step into the PLA and
become part of the national defense forces of the CPR.
9. The spoken and written language and school education of the Tibetan
nationality shall be developed step by step in accordance with the
actual conditions in Tibet.
10. Tibetan agriculture, livestock-raising, industry and commerce shall be
developed step by step and the people’s livelihood shall be improved
step by step in accordance with the actual conditions in Tibet.
11. In matters relating to various reforms in Tibet, there will be no com-
pulsion on the part of the central authorities. The local government
of Tibet should carry out reforms of its own accord, and when the
people raise demands for reform, they shall be settled by means of
consultation with the leading personnel of Tibet.
12. In so far as former pro-imperialist and pro-Kuomintang officials
resolutely sever relations imperialist and Kuomintang and do not
b
The enumeration of the Paṇ̣chen Lamas, like so many other issues relating to the
lineage, has become tendentious. The Chinese government and Trashi Lhunpo Mon-
astery both count three additional earlier figures within the lineage of the Paṇ̣chen
Lamas. See p. 659, note 22 below.
engage in sabotage or resistance, they may continue to hold office

irrespective of their past.
13. The PLA entering Tibet shall abide by all of the above-mentioned
policies and shall also be fair in all buying and selling and shall not
arbitrarily take a needle or thread from the people.
14. The CPG shall have centralized handling of all external affairs of the
area of Tibet; and there will be peaceful co-existence with neighboring
countries and establishment and development of fair commercial and
trading relations with them on the basis of equality, mutual benefit
and mutual respect for territory and sovereignty.
15. In order to ensure the implementation of this agreement, the CPG
shall set up a Military and Administrative Committee and a Military
Area HQ in Tibet and—apart from the personnel sent there by the
CPG—shall absorb as many local Tibetan personnel as possible to take
part in the work. Local Tibetan personnel taking part in the Military
and Administrative Committee may include patriotic elements from
the local government of Tibet, various districts and various principal
monasteries; the name-list shall be set forth after consultation between
the representatives designated by the CPG and various quarters and
shall be submitted to the CPG for appointment.
16. Funds needed by the Military and Administrative Committee, the
Military Area HQ and the PLA entering Tibet shall be provided by
the CPG. The local government of Tibet should assist the PLA in the
purchase and transport of food, fodder and other daily necessities.
17. This agreement shall come into force immediately after signatures
and seals are affixed to it.
Signed and sealed by delegates of the CPG with full powers: Chief Del-
egate: Li Weihan (Chairman of the Commission of Nationalities Affairs);
Delegates: Zhang Jingwu, Zhang Guohua, Sun Zhiyuan. Delegates with full
powers of the local government of Tibet: Chief Delegate: Cabinet Minis-
ter Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé; Delegates: Dzasak Khemé Sönam Wangdu,
Khentrung Thupten Tentar, Khenchung Tupten Lekmön, Rimshi Sampösé
Tendzin Tundup. Peking, 23rd May, 1951.
Initially, thinking that the peace talks would be legally conducted
on equal terms, the Do governor had taken his cabinet seal and the
deputies had brought their respective seals of office. However, they all
said that they had not brought them once it became evident that they
would be illegally coerced into signing the agreement under the threat
of force. The Chinese government forged new seals. After the Tibetans
were forced to make the impressions with the false seals, it seems that
the latter were kept in Beijing. The pens with which they had signed
the document were also kept. The Dalai Lama Rinpoché has written
about these events:11
It was not until they returned to Lhasa, long afterwards, that we heard
exactly what had happened to them. According to the report which they
submitted then, the Chinese foreign minister Zhou Enlai had invited
them all to a party when they arrived, and formally introduced them to
the Chinese representatives. But as soon as the first meeting began, the
chief Chinese representative produced a draft agreement containing ten
articles ready-made. This was discussed for several days. Our delega-
tion argued that Tibet was an independent state, and produced all the
evidence to support their argument, but the Chinese would not accept
it. Ultimately, the Chinese drafted a revised agreement, with seventeen
articles. This was presented as an ultimatum. Our delegates were not
allowed to make any alterations or suggestions. They were insulted and
abused and threatened with personal violence, and with further military
action against the people of Tibet, and they were not allowed to refer to
me or my government for further instructions.
This draft agreement was based on the assumption that Tibet was part
of China. That was simply untrue, and it could not possibly have been
accepted by our delegation without reference to me or my government,
except under duress. But Ngabo (Ngapö) had been a prisoner of the Chi-
nese for a long time, and the other delegates were also virtual prisoners.
At last, isolated from any advice, they yielded to compulsion and signed
the document. They still refused to affix the seals which were needed to
validate it. But the Chinese forged duplicate Tibetan seals in Peking, and
forced our delegation to seal the document with them.
Neither I nor my government were told that an agreement had been
signed. We first came to know of it from a broadcast which Ngapö made
on Peking Radio. It was a terrible shock when we heard the terms of it.
We were appalled at the mixture of Communist clichés, vainglorious
assertions which were completely false, and bold statements which were
only partially true. And the terms were far worse and more oppressive
than anything we had imagined.
The preamble said that “over the last hundred years or more,” imperial-
ist forces had penetrated into China and Tibet and “carried out all kinds
of deceptions and provocations,” and that “under such conditions, the
Tibetan nationality and people were plunged into the depths of enslave-
ment and suffering.” This was pure nonsense. It admitted that the Chinese
government had ordered the “People’s Liberation Army” to march into
Tibet. Among the reasons given were that the influence of aggressive
imperialist forces in Tibet might be freed and return to the “big family”
of the People’s Republic of China.
This was also the subject of Clause One of the agreement: “The Tibetan
people shall unite and drive out imperialist aggressive forces from Tibet;
the Tibetan people shall return to the big family of the Motherland—the
People’s Republic of China.” Reading this, we reflected bitterly that there
had been no foreign forces whatever in Tibet since we drove out the
last of the Chinese forces in 1912. Clause Two provided that “the local
government of Tibet shall actively assist the People’s Liberation Army
to enter Tibet and consolidate the national defences.” This in itself went
beyond the specific limits we had placed on Ngabo’s (Ngapö’s) authority.12
Clause Eight provided for the absorption of the Tibetan army into the
Chinese army. Clause Fourteen deprived Tibet of all authority in external
affairs.
In between these clauses which no Tibetan would ever willingly accept
were others in which the Chinese made many promises: not to alter the
existing political system in Tibet; not to alter the status, functions, and
powers of the Dalai Lama; to respect the religious beliefs, customs, and
habits of the Tibetan people and protect the monasteries; to develop agri-
culture and improve the people’s standard of living; and not to compel
the people to accept reforms. But these promises were small comfort
beside the fact that we were expected to hand ourselves and our coun-
try over to China and cease to exist as a nation. Yet we were helpless.
Without friends13 there was nothing we could do but acquiesce, submit
to the Chinese dictates in spite of our strong opposition, and swallow
our resentment. We could only hope that the Chinese would keep their
side of this forced, one-sided bargain.
With the Dalai Lama away in Dromo and the situation in Kham worsen-
ing daily, everyone was tremendously frightened that some evil people
might spread rumors around Lhasa and so cause theft, destruction,
and looting. However, under the leadership of the two acting-Prime
Ministers, Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar, the stewards
and police of Lhasa and Zhöl were directed that they must concern
themselves with maintaining peace and tranquility. A committee of
monk and lay government officials toured the area at night. It was
forbidden to stockpile scarce commodities, such as fire wood. The
Chief Disciplinarian of Drepung Monastery, who traditionally imposes
order during the Great Prayer Festival, was given strict orders not to
permit any hoarding of food. These measures assured that the peace,
resources, and especially the regional customs and traditions of the area
were maintained. All people, monks or lay people, of whatever station,
felt that Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar, the acting-Prime
Ministers, ought to be praised for setting people’s minds at rest.
When the astonishing radio reports from Beijing and newspaper
stories from India about the signing of an agreement reached Dromo,
some of the government officials there thought it would be best if the
Dalai Lama moved to India temporarily, before the Chinese representa-
tives arrived so that the agreement, which had been signed under duress,
could be repaired. Others felt that in light of the way that the United
Nations, India, and Britain had ignored Tibet’s cause, there was no
alternative but to tolerate the unfortunate situation for the time being.
Without faulting either of these approaches, it was finally decided that

he should return to Lhasa.
The Mission to China consisting of Dzasak Kemepa Sönam Wangdu,
Khendrung Tupten Tendar, and the fourth-ranking official Samposé
arrived at Dromo on the eleventh day of the fifth month (July 15, 1951),
and according to the terms of the agreement, they were accompanied by
the Chinese Communist representatives to Lhasa, General Zhang Jingwu
who was the military and civilian leader, his assistant Alo Butrang, and
a translator from Ba. Dzasak Neu who was in charge of foreign affairs,
a secretary, and an accountant greeted the party at Papi Pitang. The first
indication that the general was unhappy came at that point; he said, “The
cabinet ministers have not come.” He continued, saying that he would
meet the Dalai Lama two days hence, the cabinet ministers were to be
there, and he and the Dalai Lama were to be seated on chairs of equal
height during their meeting. On the thirteenth day of the fifth month
(July 17, 1951), General Zhang Jingwu and Alo Butrang met with the
Dalai Lama at Dungkar Monastery in Dromo, where they gave him a
letter which had been sent by Mao Zedong. Sitting on footstools, they
were served tea and so forth.
On the twelfth day of the fifth month of the Iron-Hare year (July
20, 1951), the Dalai Lama and his retinue left Dromo for Lhasa. The
two Chinese officers escorted them to Lumotang (Lingmatang) above
Dromo, but after three days, they stopped for a while and thus met up
again in Lhasa. I also accompanied the party as far as Pakri. Thereaf-
ter, not wishing to live under Chinese Communism, like some caged
monkey, I asked permission to be able to stay in India, where I could
recover my health in freedom. This was granted to me, and I returned
there. The Dalai Lama gave religious teachings on the way in Gyantsé
and so forth and was established at Kelzang Palace in Norbu Lingkha
on the thirteenth day of the sixth month.
The Chinese General Wang Qimei, who had led three thousand troops
of the so-called People’s Liberation Army in the attack on Chamdo,
arrived in Lhasa on the eighth day of the seventh month (September
9, 1951). At the same time, Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé
also arrived. After about two months, General Zhang Guohua and Tan
Guasan led twenty thousand Chinese soldiers into Lhasa. From among
these troops, several companies were sent to the borders with Bhutan,
India, and Nepal, and also to Tsona, Pakri, Dromo, Nyanang, Tögar, and
so forth. Vast numbers of civil officials, Chinese laborers, traders, and so
forth arrived in waves. Great stores of grain which were in government
granaries and monasteries were borrowed by the Chinese communists.

Most of the large houses in Lhasa were forcibly purchased.
They seized a tract of land on the shores of the Tsangpo River to
the south of Lhasa, the Luguk Nakha area where the cavalry usually
camped during the Great Prayer Festival, and the Zhuktri Lingkha
area which had been used for religious teachings since the time of the
supreme seventh Dalai Lama Kelzang Gyatso. In place of the things
that traditionally occurred in these places, they wrongly put a military
camps, assembly halls, and mess halls for the Chinese army. The price
of food increased and the value of firewood soared one hundred-fold.
Thus, ordinary monks and humble farmers experienced great hard-
ships. Consequently, the people sang songs of protest against the
Chinese and hung many posters. In addition, representatives of all
the people of Tibet sent a six-point petition to both the Chinese and
the Tibetans on the fifth day of the second month of the Water-Dragon
year (March 6, 1952).14 Not only did the Chinese not attempt to come
to terms with the peaceful demands of the Tibetan public, but they
became tremendously suspicious of the two acting-prime ministers,
thinking that they had advised the people to send the petition. Five of
the citizen’s representatives were imprisoned.15
The Chinese army began to build a new highway from Sichuan to
Lhasa by way of Kham, Dartsedo and so forth and another one from
Lendru to Lhasa by way of the Tsongön Lake region. Countless numbers
of laborers from China were pressed into service to build an airport in
Dam, and a similar number of people were required from the Tibetan
government. Many thousands of people from the various districts and
estates were pressed into servitude. Six or seven coins were given each
month to each person as compensation for building the roads, while
the farmers were made to work for free. Eventually, such shortages
spread even within the Tibetan government.
During an important function, the Chinese officers met with the
Dalai Lama Rinpoché indicating their increasing feelings of distaste
for the two prime ministers. In addition, it was clear in the agreement
that Tibet’s army was to be folded into the Liberation Army. General
Zhang met several times together with the two acting-prime ministers,16
the cabinet,17 and the Chinese officers18 about raising the Chinese
Communist flag. At that time, the two acting-prime ministers strongly
urged that the incorporation of the Tibetan army into the Liberation
Army and the raising of the Chinese flag at the general’s quarters were
in disagreement with the wishes of the Tibetan people and so should
not be implemented. All of the Chinese officers became furious and

so there was a great deal of discussion. In particular, Pen Ziling urged
that they definitely raise the flag on rooftops by force. Lukhangpa said
that if they raised it one hundred times, the Tibetan people would take
it down one hundred times.
The agreement said that the Tibetans had to assist the Chinese in
Tibet. However, except for agreement with the customs in the hearts
of Tibetans, there is nothing in the agreement which could compel the
Tibetans to help them. Thus, he said it would be best for the Chinese
civilian and military officials to leave Tibet as Tibet was free and inde-
pendent. The Chinese said that they were provoking hostile feelings
between China and Tibet, and thus they should resign. In the alterna-
tive, the Chinese told the Dalai Lama, they should be withdrawn. They
continued, saying that when the Chinese told them to do something,
they did not do it, but if the Dalai Lama spoke to them, even if he told
them to commit suicide in a fire or if he told them to jump in a river,
they would do it. Such shocking replies caused a great uproar. Then, the
cabinet ministers, looking out for their own welfare, did not offer any
kind of support to the two acting-prime ministers.19 There are plenty
of such sad accounts.
Accordingly, because of all of these activities, the Chinese officers
sent a letter to the Dalai Lama urging that he remove the two acting-
prime ministers from office. Merely considering the general objectives
of the Tibetan government, they were reliable from the point of view
of fulfilling their jobs. Thus, there was no way to force them to quit.
However, seeing the great danger to them personally, Lozang Trashi
and Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten were forced to resign on the second
day of the third month (April 27, 1952); they were universally respected
among Tibetans and they were conscientious in fulfilling their duties
in the religious and political spheres.
The Dalai Lama describes these events:20
Lukhangwa forebore (sic.) to point out that the only people who had
ever threatened our frontiers were the Chinese themselves, and that we
had administered our own affairs for centuries. But at another meeting
he told the General that in spite of his assurance that the Chinese had
come to help Tibet, they had so far done nothing at all to help. On the
contrary, their presence was a serious hardship, and most of their actions
were bound to add to the anger and resentment of the people . . . On one
occasion, Chang Chin-wu came to the Cabinet office and angrily accused
the two Prime Ministers of being the leaders of a conspiracy to violate
the agreement which had been signed in Peking.
The pattern of these events will be distressingly familiar in any coun-

try which has been the victim of invasion. The invaders had arrived
believing—with how much sincerity one cannot tell—that they had come
as benefactors. They seemed to be surprised to find that the invaded
people did not want their benefactions in the least. As popular resentment
grew against them, they did not try to allay it by withdrawing, or even
by making concessions to the people’s wishes. They tried to repress it by
ever-increasing force, and rather than blame themselves, they searched for
scapegoats. In Tibet, the first scapegoats were purely imaginary “imperial-
ists,” and my Prime Minister, Lukhangwa . . .
All through this period of mounting tension, the Chinese insisted from
time to time on by-passing my Cabinet and the usual agencies of the
government and making direct approaches to me. At the beginning, my
two Prime Ministers had always been present to advise me when I met
the Chinese generals, but at one meeting Chang Chin-wu entirely lost his
temper at something my monk Prime Minister Lozang Tashi said . . .21
The final crisis between the Chinese and Lukhangwa arose over a mat-
ter which had nothing to do with the sufferings of Lhasa. An especially
large meeting was called by Chang Chin-wu. My Prime Ministers and
Cabinet were summoned, and all the highest Chinese officials, both civil
and military, were present. The General announced that the time had
come for Tibetan troops to be absorbed in the “People’s Liberation Army”
under the terms of the Seventeen-Point Agreement, and he proposed that
as a first step a number of young Tibetan soldiers should be chosen for
training at the Chinese army headquarters in Lhasa. Then, he said, they
could go back to their regiments and train the others.
At this, Lukhangwa spoke out more strongly than he ever had before.
He said the suggestion was neither necessary nor acceptable. It was absurd
to refer to the terms of the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Our people did
not accept the agreement and the Chinese themselves had repeatedly
broken the terms of it. Their army was still in occupation of eastern Tibet;
the area had not been returned to the government of Tibet, as it should
have been. The attack on Tibet was totally unjustifiable: the Chinese
army had forcibly entered Tibetan territory while peaceful negotiations
were actually going on. As for absorbing Tibetan troops in the Chinese
army, the agreement had said the Chinese government would not compel
Tibetans to accept reforms . . .
They proposed that the Tibetan flag should be hauled down on all
Tibetan barracks, and the Chinese flag should be hoisted there instead.
Lukhangwa said that if Chinese flags were hoisted on the barracks, the
soldiers would certainly pull them down again, which would be embar-
rassing for the Chinese . . .
[Again, during a meeting, Lukhangwa and the Chinese officers argued.]
General Fan Ming lost his temper, and accused Lukhangwa of having
clandestine relations with foreign imperialist powers, and shouted that
he would request me to dismiss Lukhangwa from his office. Lukhangwa
told him that of course if I, the Dalai Lama, were satisfied that he had
done any wrong, he would not only give up his office but also his life.
[Otherwise, it was useless for the Chinese to speak to him; he had decided
not to obey any of their orders.]
I received a written report [from Chang Chin-wu] after the meeting, in
which the Chinese insisted that Lukhangwa did not want to improve rela-
tions between Tibet and China, and suggested that he should be removed
from office. They made the same demand to the Cabinet, and the Cabinet
also expressed the opinion to me that it would be better if both Prime
Ministers were asked to resign . . . I greatly admired Lukhangwa’s courage
in standing up to the Chinese, but now I had to decide whether to let him
continue, or whether to bow yet again to a Chinese demand.
There were two considerations: Lukhangwa’s personal safety, and the
future of our country as a whole. On the first, I had no doubt. Lukhangwa
had already put his own life in danger. If I refused to relieve him of office,
there was every chance that the Chinese would get rid of him in ways
of their own . . . So I sadly accepted the Cabinet’s recommendation and
asked the Prime Ministers to resign.
The two Prime Ministers had served the government with tremendous
courage and there was no way for them to avoid resigning. Such a result
enabled us to see clearly from the beginning the extent to which the
Chinese would use force.
Prime Minister Lozang Trashi studied at the Tsé School as a monas-
tic official and while he served in the government, he was a lama at
Dam. He worked at Samyé district, was a steward functionary at Trashi
Lhünpo monastic estate, and a monastic representative at the Nanjing
Mission. He was a senior abbot for some years thereafter and prime
minister for more than two years. Since he retired, he had striven to
cultivate virtue, reciting prayers. During that time, he had been invited
to the Norbu Lingkha Palace to oversee some work when the Chinese
army arrested him on the fifth day of the second month of 1959. He
spent two years at a Ziling prison with his hands and feet in chains.
Thereafter, he labored at Nachentrang for about five years. It seems
that he was released in 1966, and he then lived in Lhasa. However, he
died before long. He was known to be honest from the heart, and he
never sought other’s approval, nor belittled others.
Prime Minister Lukhangpa was born in 1898. His paternal estate at
Shökor called Dekharwa was one of the smallest and since his residence
was near Lukhang, which is behind the castle, everyone knew him as
Lukhangpa. After working in government service at Shökor, he worked
as an official under the Do Governor Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa
Tendar, treasury official, cabinet secretary, steward of Lhasa, and once
again a senior secretary to the cabinet. Then while he was a tsipön,

he became prime minister; he left office after more than two years. In
1956, he went to India on a pilgrimage, and he did not return to Tibet.
In 1959, he was directed to return to the post of prime minister, but
he requested that he be permitted to step aside. On February 24, 1966,
he died in Delhi.
In whatever large or small works he undertook, he did it without
concern for his own welfare, merely being concerned for the benefit of
the government and the people. He always used to say, “Bad servants
who flatter their masters are enemies.” Accordingly, since he forswore
his own safety, he was an unequalled political hero who was able to
speak truthfully about virtue and vice.
Two days after the two prime ministers resigned, on the fourth day of
the third month (April 29, 1952), the seventh all-seeing Paṇc̣ hen Lama22
and his retinue came to Lhasa from Tsongön with a large contingent of
Chinese guards. He met with the Dalai Lama in the Sunlight Chamber
in the eastern part of the Potala Palace. The attendants of the Paṇ̣chen
Lama’s monastic estate were unsatisfied with the traditional seating
arrangement. Thus, subsequent audiences had to be held like private
meetings at Norbu Lingkha. Although that meeting had taken place
according to the provisions of the Seventeen-Point Agreement which
said that arrangements were to be made as they had been between “the
thirteenth Dalai Lama and the ninth Paṇ̣chen Ngoerhtehni when they
were in friendly and amicable relations with each other.” However,
since the Chinese were always seeking some sinister means for dividing
the Tibetans, such difficulties and conflicts were continually arising.
As this was the first time that the present Paṇ̣chen Lama was going
to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, Cabinet Minister Lama Rampa Tupten
Künkhyen and some assistants were specially sent to make offerings
to his throne.
In that same year, about fifty people went to China to present offer-
ings and observe the progress there. The party consisted of Dzasak
Neshar Tupten Tarpa who headed the delegation, Taiji Dingchawa Dorjé
Gyeltsen who was second in command, Denpa Rapgyé who was senior
abbot at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, as well as various representatives
of the government, monastic estates, and monasteries.
The following year, the Chairman of the Buddhist Association, Kün-
ling Tatsak Hotoktu Lozang Tupten Jikmé Gyeltsen, Cabinet Minister
Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé who led the group, and his assistants went
to China and Inner Mongolia to observe the progress under Communist

reforms. Monasteries, temples, factories, schools and so forth were all
visited in carefully orchestrated tours. Everything to which the group
under Dzasak Neshar’s leadership was exposed was at the discretion of
the Chinese guides. Based on this experience, he wrote reports on the
marvelous development of China, and these were disseminated widely.
Careful preparations, such as receptions, departure parties, banquets,
dance performances, and stipends were provided for the tour partici-
pants. Yet, they were unfortunately not permitted to go where they
pleased or even to a little market.
During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival of 1954, Drakyap Hotoktu Loden
Sherap and the monk and lay government officials requested the Dalai
Lama to preside over the prayers assembly. As he was of a suitable
age, he was able to go. At the same time, the Dalai Lama received his
vows of full ordination from his tutor, Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok
Namgyel Trinlé Pelzangpo, before the statue of Jowo Śākyamuni on the
fifteenth day of the first month.
Since he planned to initiate gradual reforms at a suitable time in
both religious and political affairs in Tibet, the Dalai Lama established
a new Office of Reform. A five-point proclamation was issued to Lhasa
and Zhöl and to all of the districts and estates in order to bring about
the reforms:23
This should be known by all of the clergy and laity on government,
private and religious estates at general districts and estates everywhere
throughout Tibet, including the regional leaders, the elders, and the
public. Following the advice from the Dalai Lama, monasteries which
hold the precious teachings of Buddhism in Tibet with its dual religious
and political form of government should be improved, the resources of
the government should be enhanced, and the common people should be
able to live happily without oppression or torment. The Tibetan govern-
ment must promote these efforts itself in order to improve the various
affairs of Tibet, given the Sino-Tibetan agreements. Having considered
these matters carefully, the Tibetan National Assembly has issued this
proclamation impressed with four seals. It was presented to the Dalai
Lama for his consideration.
The annual taxes which are due to the upper and lower treasuries
must be paid without delay each year according to the tax books from
ancient times. There had been a wonderful tradition practiced by the
virtuous leader and his subjects alike, where the government and the
people would voluntarily give resources to traditional prayer services and
so forth. However, in the meanwhile, these traditions have been inter-
rupted because people no longer relied upon those records, and people
had ceased paying their annual dues. This had resulted in the decline of
the traditional prayer services, and both the leader and the people have
suffered oppression or torment, such as farmers having to buy goods of
an inferior quality.24
As a result, it is proclaimed that from the Wood-Horse year (1954),
all districts will be held by the government. From those holdings, the
government will investigate and withdraw the separate and attached
districts and estates among the private holdings. Up to this point, monk
and lay government officials have been granted markets, salary estates, and
annual remittances. Combining these sources of income, the government
should be run by appointing officials in pairs of monks and lay people
and by their sharing responsibilities in turn. Consequently, each delegate
sent to reside in the districts must restore the arrangements recorded in
the offices as recounted by the upper and lower treasuries. Separately,
exceeding even these reforms will be beneficial.
Whatever traditional religious offering endowments continue to be
meaningful should be restored and improved; moreover, there should be
no decline in the types of things that customarily have come from abroad.
As much as possible, the common people must be cared for without any
severe treatment. Taking that outlook as the foundation, this general
policy should be enacted:
1. Whatever actual monk or lay officials are sent to the districts and
estates must meet an actual important person on official business in
accordance with a written order. Thus, a substitute must be approved
in their place, and while officials meet with people to settle accounts,
capable substitutes must should be installed. Otherwise, all officials
residing permanently in each area must apply the law, the ten religious
virtues and the sixteen point civil legal code. Regional border temples,
minor temples, and non-sectarian monasteries in shall be unobstructed.
Monks must always be encouraged to continually observe Buddha’s
teachings which promote harmonious and pure behavior. Lamas and
officials from the various monasteries must voluntarily promote right-
eous behavior according to their own religious system, and they must
not contradict government edicts.
The laity must not violate the sixteen point civil legal code, the source
of collective benefit in this life and the next. Legal taxes which are due
must be paid conscientiously without opposition. When district official
decide cases when people have broken the law, the punishment should
be proportional to the severity of the crime.
Suitable punishments include road-building in areas where that is
beneficial, needed, the traditional paying of fines, or the guilty party may
be given appropriate physical punishments.25 Suitable measures must be
undertaken to protect people from fear of being robbed in towns, moun-
tain passes, and other remote places, and such laws must be enforced
strictly. Murderers and thieves should be arrested without letting them
escape, and they must be punished, although they must not be killed.
There must not be any disputes by vindictive people, and there must
be no question of the just application of the law. It is fitting to design a
plan for the application of the law so that actual criminals are punished.
When suspects are being arrested, they must not be killed; the cases must
be investigated impartially.
2. Since all of the produce from the districts and estates have been taken
over by the government, the respective districts and estates must take
responsibility so that sufficient quantities of seed are provided from
granaries, cattle for plowing, iron for ploughs, sheep for manure, and
so forth.
Records must be kept without dissembling, and all efforts must be
made to increase the annual yield. Clear records must also be kept on
the proceeds, without subtracting anything. The usual amounts due to
the government, including what is due to the upper and lower treasuries,
shall be taken from that. The portion owed for the support of traditional
prayer services shall also be deducted, all without dispute and in a timely
manner. The important thing in serving the government is to create clear
accounting on income and expenditures that were derived from settling
additional beneficial government receipts and to set aside regular gov-
ernment proceeds.
It certainly must be possible from the thirtieth day of the twelfth
day to provide a sealed statement of the leftover grains stores that have
been accounted. Seed is to be sent to all the different types of branches
properties within districts and estates, and it is necessary to select special
agricultural field workers from within their own district. Without greatly
harming the government, people can sow farmland in the region, rent
lands where the annual lease is payable, or lease land by paying a fixed
half of the produce of the land; people should do whatever is most suit-
able in their respective district.
Depending on the essential welfare that has come from the equality
of the government revenue that comes from this headcount26 method in
the respective areas of the northern region and the taxation of the agri-
cultural tenants, in the future, when assessing a headcount, the headman
of each respective administrative area should take responsibility without
needing to submit a policy to the government. Thus, local headmen
and three intelligent and capable delegates who have been selected for
their honesty from among members of the public in their area will join
together in consultation.
They will take up the price of the essential offerings from the groups of
monasteries and the essential costs for monks, goods, and sentient being.
However the headcounts have been done traditionally, a final decision
should be made without misstating the quantities of taxes, goods, and
people, and the headcount should be conducted without those in charge
taking anything for themselves. Since the duplicate system of govern-
ment taxation is being newly instituted, remittances will be impartially
granted to the government proceeds without interruption, fairly and in
an unbiased fashion; people must behave carefully with intelligence and

altruism.
Nowadays, all of the districts and estates everywhere must appoint
representatives to hold power. Thus, when the old district command-
ers and estates managers meet, it will be completely impermissible for
them to establish the relative value of grasses and crops. The wealthy of
each region also must be as careful as possible since they have ruled the
government for a long time up to the present year.
3. As for sustaining the government rule of the districts and estates, the
sovereign who performs offering services enhances the wealth of the
capital. The way that occurs and the way for the public to live happily
is as follows: both the leader and his subjects must pay separate salaries
to each respective messenger of virtuous intention that accords with the
distance they travel. Upon taking an account for the Wood-Horse year
(1954), each should give consideration to how they can increase salaries.
According to such considerations, they should collect rents that are due
from the districts with a primary attitude of satisfaction. Lacking any ill
motives whatsoever, they must arrange the accounts in a clear fashion.
What else is there to say?
From the point of view of the master or servant in the districts or estates,
whether they are subjects living on government, private, or religious lands,
through practicing harmful practices, they take up commercial methods
that deserve to be identified as compelling others to buy high priced or
low quality objects or having to pay commissions. In several districts
and estates, there are bad practices of people seizing goats, sheep, wool,
butter, and other such assets without cause. In particular, when people
living on government, private, or religious lands become divided because
of internal disorder among the households in whatsoever pasturelands,
then there is a tradition in which the local rulers and the religious and
civil leaders seize what is called the one-tenth portion. Henceforth, it is
not even permissible to use the name one-tenth portion, which harms the
very root of happiness of the public. Moreover the monks and lay people,
the masters and servants living in the districts are not at all permitted
to ask to have field planted by private individuals for their own benefit.
It is fitting to bring about altruistic accomplishments through govern-
ment proceeds, but increasing [one’s own] salary, taking promotion in
rank, or perpetrating fraudulent accounting with government proceeds
are improper in that they increase the burdens on the public. Such clear
violations must always be punished.
In several regions, there is a general arrangement about rights to crops,
grasses, and water. Without documents outlining such things as water
maps and the like, ownership of water can be coerced. Thus, there have
been disruptions in the irrigation of the fields of farmers who are higher
or lower in esteem. From now on, since water is the root of happiness, it
shall be shared equitably. Beyond that, it is not at all permitted for those
who seem to own the water to disrupt its flow, whether they represent the
government, private, or religious entities. Local rulers must behave fairly

toward the subjects, publicizing these arrangements they have determined
for tax fields, religious lands, and reclaimed lands. It is suitable to encour-
age taxation among the private and religious holdings. However, it is not
permissible to overwork or force into labor corvée laborers, horses, pack
animals, field workers, and so forth without end and without considering
the roots of happiness for farmers, and it is not permissible to violate the
law in any way in regards to subservient people, such as beating, killing,
or harming them.
It is necessary for government, private, and religious entities to adhere
to standardized measures in all commercial exchanges, including the
standard volume for measuring grain. By rectifying whatsoever deceptive
commercial practices exists in their region in the past, each respective
district and estate must institute proper measures, revoke deceptive mea-
sures, and continue the honest practices. If someone has not participated
in the reaping or irrigating of the harvest in the districts or estates or at
groups of private or religious estates, they are not permitted to take the
farmers’ agricultural products. There have been various improper tradi-
tions in which some people have requested a leave of absence to be able
to participate in the harvest. Henceforth, that will not be permitted unless
it is to prevent spoilage of crops due to frost or hail. Depending on the
situation in the respective regions, new legal customs must be established
according to what will be most beneficial to people of all statuses. In
addition, both the government and the people must undertake reforms,
such as taking responsibility for virtuous tax and legal practices. The main
district leaders, estate chiefs, and regional commanders, the nobles, the
old people, and the public at large must engage in a reflective discussion,
gradually developing a plan of action or a report on their situation that
will improve the general welfare.
4. Up until now, traveling representatives from the capital are said to
have stayed at a place of the headman of the respective region, and a little
bit of meat, butter, ground bean, and bird eggs are given to them. Thus,
when they performed internal audits within the respective tax district,
there was a great deal of back and forth. Whatever happened, there was
a middleman. Henceforth, there will be no need to say traveling repre-
sentatives from the capital will meet in large or small place. Moreover,
with regard to internal audits, the work of many years was combined into
one; this could result in losses that could be harmful. Because of the great
deceptions involved in not being impartial amongst citizens, from this
point onwards, it will be halted periodically. Accounting will be made
transparent through a public gathering with duties over citizens, horses,
and pack animals. It is not at all permissible to retain old practices that
should be overturned.
New schools should be founded to disseminate writing to the children
at the government, private, and religious estates in the various regions,
like a guide for the blind, in order to instruct them in what should be
adopted and what should be abandoned. Each person must be able to

read and do math as needed. Even still, in order to prevent the ups and
downs to the public, an adequate salary and writing materials should
be provided to the teachers and students. They must apply themselves
thoroughly.
The government, private, and religious institutions must assume
the customary responsibilities to provide one-tenth of the government
proceeds in the form of whatever empty and unused places there are,
depending on what is of value to the citizens and small households. In
the past, it has not been permissible to engage in direct protest actions to
institute reforms intended to improve the country through implementing
suitable program like clearing new farmland, planting new orchards, or
planting trees. In order to prevent undue burdens on the three areas of
Gyel, Pé, and Wang27 and for the tax subjects clearly identified in gov-
ernment edicts private estates in some regions have been designated as
“bull-neck calves.”28 Recently, these have proven useless. Because of the
emptiness of these measures, there have been considerable fluctuations.
In the future, there is no need to designate those “bull-neck calves” areas.
People should discuss how being able to sustain oneself can benefit one’s
life, and both the leaders and their subjects should submit detailed reports
expressing virtuous plans.
5. These days, unlike in the past, there is a newly distinguished view that
it is necessary to have unity among the nationalities of the two brothers
China and Tibet and internal unity among Tibetans. At such a time,
the central authorities, officers, and soldiers in the respective regions
are urged to maintain unity. Hence, friendship must be maintained. In
order to bring about unity. All parties must strive without rest, and the
government must impartially look out for the lives of the public, the
root of happiness.
Gradually, the seals of the Dalai Lama, the regent, and the cabinet were
applied to this order, and there was constantly supervision of whether
or not it was beneficial to people’s lives without contradicting its basic
intention. The different rates of taxation for a government, private, or
religious estates could be provided by way of having utilizing a substitute
for corvée labor or by paying a nominal field tax; there were a few people
who employed those sorts of benefits. Whatever the rates of taxation have
been lately, each district and estates will have to assess and determine the
rates in each region. It is required that definite and clear consideration
be given to this matter.
In determining the border with a foreign nation, one should investigate
whether there is or is not a lost in authority. If there is a loss, then a peti-
tion should be submitted immediately about the details of the situation,
addressing questions like what was the traditional border, what was the
authority, and what has transpired to bring about its loss in the mean-
while. Once again, effort must be exerted to maintain and keep guard
over the subtler types of authority in the region along the traditional
border, least the end of the thread be lost. If some new situation arises,
then untiringly and with trepidation, a petition must be disseminated to
the respective parties.
When each respective district and estate leader throughout all areas
would thoughtlessly provoke the government and the public by opposing
the constitution and justifying torment and oppression to their subjects,
all of the high and low people, the clergy and the laity should explicitly
express the benefits and harms for both the leader and his subjects.
And they will be permitted to submit a petition on the status of the
government.
The general-governor, the district leaders, and the estate commanders
may not in any way bother those who express faults and submit peti-
tions out of a malicious unkindness, such as by punishing or imprisoning
those in charge. In particular, last year, people took responsibility for
finding a way to enhance the well-being of the public; they held meeting
on repaying borrowed agricultural seeds and certified that there was no
conflict with earlier documents about newly created businesses. People
from districts and estates voluntarily complied with requests given ver-
bally all over. Primarily, when doing audits in an efficient manner in the
capital, it is necessary for the people in charge to have the intention of
enhancing Buddhism, the administration, and the people. It is essential
that these things be taken seriously. This program must be implemented
in accord with what has been said above each annual cycle. However,
the proceeds of the altruistic government are to be audited, it must be
possible to negate it.
Moreover, the respective districts and estates can set up ledger books
that clearly show the income and outgo for each year, and these should be
supplied to every area. Ordinary councils of district commanders and old
leaders were sent to the respective regions all over so they could undertake
detailed and earnest audits in the area. To whatever extent resources are
diminished should be criticized. Ledgers that are settled without dissen-
sion should be certified as being “without dissension,” signed, stamped
with a seal, and submitted. The originals should be sent to the palace in
the respective district and estate. Once again, gatherings of reformers
have worked with altruism to effect urgent and definite ledger accounts.
Since it has been reported in some quarters that government proceeds
have become too large, everyone must be able to understand these things
clearly. Everyone must behave in a way that achieves the objective of
abandoning what is negative and adopting what is positive.
Issued on the twelfth day of the repeat first month of the Wood-Horse
year (1954).
From the point that this proclamation was issued, the four provisions
were practiced and urgently pursued. In addition, selfless old people
in Lhasa began to provide aid to lame, blind, and mute elderly people.
These reforms came at a good time and offered tremendous relief of
people’s difficulties. Thus, everybody had a great fondness for them.

According to the wishes of the people, there were plans for gradu-
ally enacting other positive changes, such as land reform. However,
the Chinese Communist functionaries perpetually erected all sorts of
obstructions in an effort to scuttle our reforms.
On the eighth day of the second month (April 29, 1954), the People’s
Republic of China and the Hindu (Indian) government met in Beijing
where they conferred on Indian and Tibetan trade relations and trans-
portation. They concluded the Five-Point Agreement,c whereby the
Chinese government could have trade representatives in Delhi, Calcutta,
and Kalimpong, and similarly, the Indian government could keep trade
representatives in Gyantsé, Nadong, and Tögar. As had been the case
in the past, Indians could visit Mount Kailash and Lake Manasaro-
wara, while Tibetans could visit Bodhgaya, Varanasi, and Kushinagar.
Passports of the respective countries would be given to pilgrims and
traders, and small traders who lived on the borders would be able to
come and go as they always had. The agreement was to remain in effect
for eight years, and it was agreed that six months before it expired, the
two sides would confer on the issue of its extension.
Also at that time, the representatives exchanged letters according to
which Indian border guards posted at Gyantsé and Nadong were to be
withdrawn within six months. Simultaneously, mail service, as well as
telegraph and telephone lines between Nadong and Gyantsé were to be
handed over to the Chinese government. Indian hospitals in Gyantsé
and Nadong were to be maintained by Indian trade agents. The lives
and wealth of traders on both sides were to be protected. Traveler’s rest
houses were to be constructed for travelers and pilgrims between Mount
Kailash and Lake Manasarowara. If any disputes arose concerning the
loaning of money for interest between traders from both sides, then the
issue was to be decided according to the local laws in that area.29
However, without cause and in violation of the Five-Point Agree-
ment, the Chinese Communists invaded India in Ladakh, Garhwal, and
c
The Five-Point Agreement seems to have been concluded on April 29, 1954, but
signed the following day. The five principles are as follows: (1) mutual respect for each
other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, (2) mutual non-aggression, (3) mutual non-
interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and (4) mutual benefit, and (5)
peaceful co-existence. The full document and accompanying material can be found in
Nai-min Ling, comp. Tibet: 1950–1967 (Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1968),
66–75, documents 17–19.
Tawang. As a result, both China and India closed their trade offices at
the conclusion of the duration of the treaty in 1962.
That year (1954), the Chinese Communist government invited both
the Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama to a National Assem-
bly where a new constitution would be enacted. The entirety of Tibet’s
population, monks and lay people, pleaded that the Dalai Lama not go,
seeing the terrible risk to the government and to him personally. Yet,
he assured them he would be able to return within the year. He left
Lhasa on the eleventh day of the fifth month of 1954. He traveled up
to Kongpo by car and then, because the road was under construction
and the rainfall was heavy, he went by horse and also on foot. After an
extremely tiring journey, they met up with the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s party
and they traveled on together from Xi’an. When they arrived in Beijing
on the seventh day of the seventh month, they were received by Vice
President Zhu De, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, as well as some other
officials at the railway station.
Counting the Dalai Lama and his retinue, the leader of the group
of Tibetans touring China that year, Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa
Wangchen Gelek, and his assistants, there were about one hundred
and fifty officials of the Tibetan government. While the Dalai Lama
was in Beijing, he visited with the Chairman of the Communist Party
Mao Zedong several times; he in turn visited the Dalai Lama twice.
According to the Dalai Lama, Mao had a quiet disposition and spoke
slowly. He did not give any attention to his clothes and so forth. He was
continually telling the Dalai Lama how the Chinese government wished
to help develop Tibet. On one occasion, Mao told the Dalai Lama:30
Religion is poison. It has two great defects: It undermines the race, and
secondly it retards the progress of the country. Tibet and Mongolia have
both been poisoned by it.
The Dalai Lama was completely surprised and startled by this remark.
The pretenses that people were free in their religious beliefs, that a
country’s customs were to be respected, and that all of the monasteries
and monks would be protected was destroyed in that moment.
During the nearly three months that the Dalai Lama stayed in China,
he toured villages and factories, and also went to Kumbum and Labrang
Trashikhyil monasteries for a quick visit. Although several of the vil-
lages and factories were certainly experiencing progress under the strict
authority of the Communists, the Dalai Lama could see that the people
had absolutely no freedom, just like prisoners. Also he thought that

although people’s lives seemed to be just adequate:d
They not only all dressed the same—men and women dressed in drab dun-
garees—but all spoke and behaved the same, and I believe all thought the
same. They could hardly do otherwise, because they only had one source of
information—the newspapers and radio published only the government’s
version of the news. Foreign papers and radio were prohibited.
The Dalai Lama understood this clearly. He also thought the intel-
ligentsia were dissatisfied. In addition, there were merely a few lamas
and monks offering the traditional prayers at Kumbum and Labrang
Trashikhyil monasteries. While he was there, the Dalai Lama asked
some of the older, more knowledgeable monks about their lives, they
responded, “There is happiness and prosperity under Mao Zedong and
the Communists.” However, when they spoke with tears in their eyes,
they betrayed their wretched state. Some monks and lay people from
Inner Mongolia who came to see the Dalai Lama, told him that there
were not even enough old lamas in the monasteries to assist the pilgrims.
Thus, the Dalai Lama understood the real policy of the Communists.
At the concluding ceremony for the Chinese National Assembly, high
officials of the Communist government proposed an approach to which
the Dalai Lama agreed. A Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous
Region of Tibet would be established in place of the original plan:e
of governing us directly from Peking through a military and political
committee. Instead, we seemed to have been left with some authority
over our own internal affairs, and we seemed to have a firm promise of
autonomy.
The number of delegates and the special responsibilities of the Com-
mittee were also discussed.
While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, he had to enter into a fifteen-
point agreement devised by the Chinese and Trashi Lhünpo about the
relationship between the government and the Paṇc̣ hen Lama. Although
d
Books, 1977), 124.
e
Books, 1977), 125.
it was supposedly arranged for the purpose of unifying Tibet, in fact

it divided Ü Tsang, wrongly inaugurating a small measure of political
authority for the Trashi Lhünpo lama.
The Dalai Lama and Communist Chairman Mao Zedong both
received letters from the monks and lay people of Ü Tsang, Dromo,
Pakri, Lhodrak, Powo, Kongpo, the four regions of the northern prov-
ince, the three districts of Ngari, the four rivers and six ranges of Do
Kham and the Tibetans living abroad in Darjeeling and Kalimpong, all
making the single request that the Dalai Lama immediately return to
the religious land of Tibet.31 Representatives of the people of Ü Tsang
also came to Dartsedo to receive the Dalai Lama. Tibetan monks and
lay people living in Kalimpong also performed a ceremony to assure
the speedy return of the Dalai Lama to Lhasa. Ever since that year,
the people of Kalimpong and Darjeeling have observed the tradition
of celebrating the Dalai Lama’s birthday. Monks and lay people from
Dotö (Kham) sent representatives to beseech the Dalai Lama to grant
them his great blessings by staying at their respective monasteries on
his return trip.
Although he was anxious to go to these places, according to the
wishes of the various monasteries in Kham, unfortunately, the road was
destroyed by an earthquake in Dartsedo. However, he sent his junior
tutor Trijang Rinpoché to Litang, Chatreng, Ba, Tsakhalho, Markham,
Drakyap, and so forth, he sent the Karmapa Rinpoché to Dergé, the
twenty-five areas of Dimchi, Tsopa Sogu, and so forth, and he sent
Minling Chung Rinpoché to Nyakrong, Sangen, Gojo, and so forth as
his personal representatives.
The Dalai Lama himself went to Minyak Gön Gartar, the five regions
of Horser, Drakgo, Kardzé, Beri, Dargyé Monastery, Dergé, Chamdo,
and so forth. At assemblies of the faithful in these places, the Dalai
Lama spoke extensively on matters relating to religion and worldly
affairs to all of the monks and lay people. The people in each of these
areas, whether they were monks or lay people, rich or poor, were dis-
satisfied with the Chinese because of the reforms they were planning,
for the seizure of their land, and most importantly, for the loss of their
priceless and treasured rifles. There was a feeling of terrible danger, like
porcelain cracking suddenly because of heat.
He consoled the people for the mistakes made by some civil and
military leaders of the Tibetan government in recent times and said
that at the present time, all Tibetans ought to be united. He also said
that he was strongly motivated by his hope that these areas would soon
be placed under the jurisdiction of the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet. As the Dalai Lama was traveling from
Tsel Gungtang to Lhasa on the eleventh day of the fifth month (June
30, 1955), the rainfall was extremely heavy from early morning until
he was established at Norbu Lingkha Palace. Thus, the white hats of
the Tsé police and the clothes of the Shö police were ruined. Some
thoughtful old people became very concerned thinking this was an
inauspicious sign.
In 1956, the Indian government held a special festival commemorat-
ing the two thousand five hundredth anniversary of Buddha’s passing
beyond sorrow. Pelden Döndrup Namgyel who was the prince of Sikkim
and the chairman of the Mahabodhi Society of India, came to Lhasa to
invite the Dalai Lama on behalf of the Indian government and the soci-
ety. At that time, the Dalai Lama had already left Lhasa for the Chinese
National Assembly. Thus, he followed the Dalai Lama’s party one day
to Tsel Gungtang Temple so that he could extend the invitation. This
was a tremendously important occasion for all Buddhists, and so the
Dalai Lama had a strong desire to go. Yet, because he was obliged to
consult the Chinese government, he was somewhat apprehensive.
On the sixteenth day of the fifth month of 1954, the edge of a tiny
lake in the upper regions of Nyero on the border between Bhutan and
Tibet in the Gyantsé region burst open, causing terrible flooding along
the Nyangchu River, including at Nyero, Gozhi, Gyantsé, Panam, and
the eastern part of Zhikatsé. Many thousands of houses were destroyed,
and many thousands of people and animals were injured or killed. In
particular, the Indian Trade Mission and the entirety of their garrison
in Gyantsé were utterly destroyed. The governor of the Trade Mission,
my friend Rai Sahib Rimzhi Penpa, was killed along with his wife.
At that time, it was announced that the Tibetan government offered
eighty thousand loads of grain to the victims of the area and the Chi-
nese Communist government offered eighty thousand silver coins.
However, it is well known that when the Chinese and Tibetan repre-
sentatives arrived, the Chinese not only took half of the grain given by
the government, but they reneged on their promise of the silver coins.
The Indian government helped out a great deal by giving medicine,
rice, flour, corn, and blankets. The Tibetans living in Kalimpong and
Darjeeling also solicited help from wealthy Tibetans, collecting five
hundred bags of rice, clothing, and blankets. However, the Chinese
Communist functionaries presented these as though they had come

from China and did not say that they had come from Tibetans living
in India. The Political Officer of Sikkim, Mr. Kapoor came to examine
the devastated area in Gyantsé, but became ill due to the high altitude.
He was only able to return to Gangtok without dying because oxygen
tanks were dropped by airplane.
The first mechanized units of the Red Army arrived in Lhasa by way
of Kham on the twentieth day of the tenth month of that year.
The Tibetan official who had accompanied the Dalai Lama to China
called a meeting at Tsedrung Lingkha in Lhasa to be attended by other
government officials, officials and abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries, and representatives of the people. They recounted what
had transpired in China with regard to the relationship between the
government and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. They further explained
that except for one thousand troops, the Tibetan army would be dis-
solved since they were unneeded for the time being. Finally, they said
that the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet
would be established.
Since the situation in Tibet was becoming more critical and the enemy
was becoming harsher, a committee of Tibetan army commanders
submitted a statement saying that the remainder of the Tibetan army
would continue to serve the government without salary or uniforms.32
The representatives of the Tibetan people, Bumtang Drungyik Gyeltsen
Lozang, Alo Chödzé Tsering Dorjé, and Lhapchuk Drakpa Trinlé sub-
mitted a six-point appeal to the cabinet and to both the Chinese and
the Tibetans:
1. The Chinese Communists are compelling many tens of thousands of
Tibetans to servitude in constructing the automobile road in Dartsedo
and the Tsongön regions and in the construction of the airfield in the
north.
2. Because there are such a great number of Chinese civil and military
officials in Tibet, prices on commodities have sky-rocketed and the
weak are experiencing acute hardships.
3. There is no way for the Tibetan people to accept that the Tibetan army
will be transformed into the People’s Liberation Army, Tibetan cur-
rency will be withdrawn, and Tibetan coins and paper currency will
no long be printed.
4. If the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet
were to be established, not only would it factionalize Tibet, but the
traditional offices of the cabinet, the secretariat, and the treasury would
gradually decline.
5. Reforms have been forcibly instituted in Kham and Amdo in eastern

Tibet, and the farmers had to escape into the mountains and forests,
like flies from a fire.
6. There were a variety of accounts that the Chinese, according to their
own wishes, did not abide by the agreement which they forcibly enacted
against us.
We will not continue in this self-defeating lifestyle.
Thus, it was as though the Chinese Communists had been stuck in the
eye with thorns.
During the Great Prayer Festival of 1956, many posters and pamphlets
were distributed in Lhasa. The Chinese complained to the cabinet. They
produced three leaders they suspected of being responsible and accused
them of collaborating with foreign imperials powers, the three were
imprisoned in the Tibetan police camp. Lhapchuk died while in prison,
and the Chinese forcefully demanded that the other two be investigated.
However, they were released with the support of Drepung, Sera, and
Ganden monasteries. Yet, the Tibetan government was obliged to issue
a proclamation banning the group called the People’s Association and
all other assemblies.33
Since the Chinese Communists were exerting ever increasing force in
Tibet, some people though that it would be of some benefit if appeals
could be made to the peaceful nations of the world whenever the sup-
pression became intolerable. Thus, in 1956, the Dalai Lama’s older
brother Gyalo Thondup, a member of the old Trade Mission Khenchung
Lozang Gyeltsen, and I, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden founded
the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong. We hoped
that this might be modestly beneficial to the religion and government
of our country. Many impartial people understood this, and they sup-
ported us in every way. Moreover, three kind and intelligent secretaries
were sent to assist us.34 Gradually, many representatives from the three
provinces of Tibet arrived.
The work of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare consisted of
conducting large religious services to protect Buddha’s precious reli-
gion, to ensure the Dalai Lama’s long life, and to prevent disturbances
within Tibet. In 1950, the Tibetan government had taken gold, silver,
and currency from the Treasury and deposited it in Sikkim. Now the
Chinese government was calling on the cabinet to have these treasures
returned to Lhasa. This gold and silver belongs to the succession of
Dalai Lamas, and in the absence of a stable situation in Tibet, every
strategy was employed to prevent it from being sent back.
Besides those efforts, we protested whenever the Chinese did some-

thing in Tibet that violated the Seventeen-Point Agreement which they
composed according to their own wish and then foisted on us. We
also put a lot of effort into urging the peaceful nations of the world to
support the truth in our case.
As the Chinese Communists wished, the Dalai Lama was the Chair-
man of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet,
the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama and General Zhang Jingwu were the vice
chairmen, and Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé was the senior
secretary. Among the fifty-one members of the committee, there were
fifteen from the Tibetan government, ten from the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s
committee, and ten from the Chamdo committee, eleven from the large
monasteries, religious schools, and associations or were prominent
people, and the remaining five were chosen from among the Chinese
functionaries in Lhasa. When the candidates had been examined and
the appointments approved, Marshal Chen Yi came to ceremonially
inaugurate the committee.
The Chinese indicated that the Dalai Lama must go out to receive
the deputy prime minister when he arrived. The government officials
and the people in the capital objected that this created great difficulties,
saying, “Since he was the supreme sovereign, Tibet’s lord of both the
religious and political spheres, it was unsuitable for him to go out to
receive China’s Deputy Prime Minister.” However, hoping to enhance
the relations between China and Tibet and seeing a great need to do
what he could toward the work of the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet, the Dalai Lama did go to receive Mar-
shal Chen Yi at Kyitsel Luding, as the Chinese wished. On the twelfth
day of the third month of 1956, the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet was inaugurated. While indicating their
aversion to the proceedings, all of the various government officials
participated in such things as banquets held for delegations of other
minorities who had been invited to Tibet.
If the committee operated in fact as it was supposed to in word,
then all of the Tibetan monks and lay people would have cooper-
ated without resistance. All questions before the committee, large or
small, financial, religious, cultural, agricultural, trade, communication,
transportation, or military, were to be decided in a similar way. After
a detailed study, the chairman would make the decision, according to
which a plan would be made to effect the work. However, if this was
in even slight disagreement with the wishes of the Chinese, they would
go to all lengths to get what they wanted. If these devices were unsuc-
cessful, then they would finally just change it from the Office of Civil
and Military Affairs of Tibet. Therefore, the Preparatory Committee
for the Autonomous Region of Tibet was merely a false name, without
real authority. The Dalai Lama writes:35
All the appointments were to be subject to the approval of the Chinese
government. To give membership to these newly invented regions was
an infringement in itself of the Chinese agreement not to alter the politi-
cal system in Tibet or the status of the Dalai Lama. And the choice of
members already had the seeds of failure in it. But people in desperate
situations are always ready to cling to the slightest hope, and I hoped—in
spite of my gloomy experience of Chinese political committees—that a
committee with forty-six Tibetan members and only five Chinese could
be made to work . . .
It was not long before these hopes were dead. All the worst I had
seen in Chinese political meetings was repeated. I had not made enough
allowance for one essential fact. Twenty of the members, although they
were Tibetans, were representing the Chamdo Liberation Committee and
the committee set up in the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s western district. These were
both purely Chinese creations. Their representatives owed their positions
mainly to Chinese support, and in return they had to support any Chi-
nese proposition; though the Chamdo representatives did behave more
reasonably than the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s. With this solid block of controlled
votes, in addition to those of the five Chinese members, the Committee
was powerless—a mere façade of Tibetan representation behind which
all the effective power was exercised by another body called the Chinese
Communist Party in Tibet, which had no Tibetan members. We were
allowed to discuss minor points, but we could never make any major
changes. Although I was nominally the chairman, there was nothing
much I could do. Sometimes it was almost laughable to see how pro-
ceedings were controlled and regulated, so that plans already completed
in the other committee received a pointless and empty discussion and
then were passed. But often I felt embarrassed at these meetings. I saw
that the Chinese had only made me chairman in order to give an added
appearance of Tibetan authority to their schemes.
A series of actions undertaken by the disreputable Preparatory Com-
mittee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet resulted in ever greater
dissatisfaction among the people of Tibet. In addition, as if to coincide
with the commencement of the Committee, reforms were forcibly
imposed on the Dotö (Kham) and Domé (Amdo) regions. Contempt
was shown towards the monasteries and monastic colleges, many
monks were disrobed, and the people’s weapons were confiscated.
Consequently, it gradually became known that the people had revolted
against the Chinese at the great Litang Monastery, Tehor, Drago,

Chatreng, Gulok, Dzakhok, Dergé, Denkhok, Lingtsang, and so forth.
Great numbers of men and women from these areas gradually made
their way to Ü Tsang.
The Dalai Lama performed the great initiation of the Avalokiteśvara
at Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace. He advised the large assembly of
many monks and lay people, including government officials and so
forth as follows:36
The Chinese have come to help the Tibetans. Beyond that, they have not
come to act as our leaders. If we are able to work well, then they will
leave. Chinese and Tibetan people are equal; it is not the case that the
Chinese are the leaders and the Tibetans are the servants. If the Chinese
do not behave well, we will be able to send them home. It is not good
for government officials to do such things as dress improperly. Tibetans
must behave according to Tibetan customs. While I was traveling in China
recently, several officials worked diligently and I say prayers on their
behalf. All Tibetan people, monks and lay people, strong or weak, should
help each other and be friendly. If people just look out for themselves,
there will be no way for us to be free. For example, if it is necessary to
carry a large stone, one person will not be able to carry it. If many people
join together, it will be possible.
Since he gave such courageous advice, Tibetans were very moved.
The previous year, the Indian government and the Mahabodhi
Society had invited the Dalai Lama to preside at the special festival
commemorating the two thousand five hundredth anniversary of Bud-
dha’s passing beyond sorrow. For the purposes of external relations,
the Indian government had told Beijing on several occasions that they
were inviting the Dalai Lama. However, the Chinese representatives in
Lhasa insisted that the Dalai Lama had a great number of important
duties in the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of
Tibet; being one of its officers, he had to fulfill these duties.
For Buddhists this festival marked an extremely important occasion.
There was no way that the lord or foremost person in the Buddhist
world should not be able to go. So not only did the Drepung, Sera,
and Ganden monasteries and other non-sectarian monasteries, and the
monastic and lay public beseech the Dalai Lama from the bottom of
their hearts, but also the Indian government continually discussed the
importance of the event to Beijing. As a result, it was decided that the
Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché would both go.
When they were preparing to depart, the Chinese officers in Lhasa

explained that the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama would speak to
the religious assembly, and similarly their attendants would speak to the
officials of foreign governments telling them that the Chinese had been
helpful to the Tibetans and had brought about tremendous progress.
They also had to say that they were happy, having returned to the house
of the Motherland. Beyond that, they were not permitted to discuss
the situation in eastern Tibet where there was so much turmoil. They
were not allowed to meet foreign imperialist spies or especially with
Tibetans living in India. The Chinese advised the Tibetans to exercise
a little caution on these matters, cajoling and threatening them.
Finally, the Dalai Lama’s two tutors, Prime Minister Zurkhangpa,
Dokharwa, Ngapö, and so forth accompanied the Dalai Lama along
with whatever monks and lay people were suitable. They drove from
Lhasa, and thus, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama met up with them from
Zhikatsé. At Natöla Pass, the Sikkim Governor Apa Pant and the prince
of Sikkim who was the chairman of the Mahabodhi Society of India
received them, presenting them with greeting scarves and flowers on
behalf of the president and prime minister of India. They stayed for a
night at Tsogor, where the Dalai Lama was greeted by his older brothers
Taktser Rinpoché Tupten Norbu and Gyalo Thondup, whom he had not
seen for a long time. A member of the old Trade Mission Khenchung
Lozang Gyeltsen and I were also there to meet the Dalai Lama.
The following day, the king of Sikkim, Trashi Namgyel came to
receive the party and together they traveled by car. They stayed for a
night at the temple of Gangtok Palace, where the Dalai Lama granted
Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen and I a joyful audience in his private
chambers. On the twenty-second of the second ninth month (Novem-
ber 24, 1956), the party drove from Gangtok to Shiriguri. They flew to
Delhi from there.
Vice President Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Nehru, and various
Indian officers, diplomats living in India, and various leaders of other
religions kindly received the party. The Dalai Lama and the Indian Vice
President drove directly to the Rashtrapati Bhavan, the president’s offi-
cial residence. They met with President Rajendra Prasad there. Then the
Dalai Lama went to Hyderabad House, where he was to stay while in
Delhi. The Paṇ̣chen Lama came in on the next plane and was received
in the same manner. His party stayed at the Kota House.
The next day, the Dalai Lama and his retinue said prayers and offered
flowers and special greeting scarves at the monument for Mahatma
Gandhi, the great man who had peacefully led India to independence.
The Dalai Lama visited the Indian vice president and Prime Minister
Nehru at their residences and the president, vice president, and prime
minister also came to the Dalai Lama’s residence. Not only did repre-
sentatives of Buddhist countries and many scholars attend the religious
conference, but many members of the United Nations’ UNESCO orga-
nizations. On November 29, the Dalai Lama gave a speech expressing
his own ideas, without following the instructions the Chinese had given
him in Lhasa as follows:37
Mr. Chairman, distinguished Prime Minister, fellow delegates, and
friends.
His Holiness the Paṇ̣chen Lama and I are highly honored by the
opportunity to address this symposium before it concludes its delib-
erations this afternoon. We are indeed grateful to the government of
India and the Working Committee of the Buddha Jayanti celebrations
in India for their very kind invitation to visit India during the 2,500th
Anniversary of Buddha’s Parinirvāṇ̣a and for the excellent program of
visits arranged for us.
As we are all interested in the development and spread of the Dharma,
I am sure you will be interested to know something of the evolution and
development of Buddhism in Tibet.
In the early 7th century, during the reign of the Tibetan King Songtsen
Gampo, Tönmi Sambhot ̣a and many other Tibetan students were deputed
to India to learn the literature of the Dharma. Having learned Sanskrit
grammar and literature thoroughly from Paṇ̣ḍit Lha Rikpa Sengé and
other scholars of Kashmir, these students returned to Tibet. Tönmi
Sambhot ̣a invented the Tibetan script based on the Nagari and Sharda
scripts of northern and central India respectfully. They translated many
books into Tibetan.
In the 8th century, during the reign of the Tibetan King Trisong Detsen,
many great Indian scholars, such as Acharya Śāntarabta, Padmasaṃ bhava,
Vimalamitra, and Kamalaśīla, were invited to Tibet, many Tibetan
students, such as Yeshé Wangpo and Vairocana, studied Sanskrit and
translated numerous books on Mahāyāna and Vajrayana into Tibetan.
Seven Tibetan men became bhikṣus. The cultural and spiritual relations
of India and Tibet have gone on increasing ever since.
In the 9th century, the Tibetan King Tri Ralpachen invited many schol-
ars, such as Jinamena, Surendra, Ratnabodhi, and Bodhi Danaśila, who
revived the old translations and rewrote them into a more standardized
Tibetan language. During the reign of cruel Lang Dharma, Buddhism
declined to a low ebb, surviving only in remote Tibetan villages. But many
great men, including notably Lachen Gönpa Rapsel, raised it again from
its very foundations. Many Tibetan scholars, such as Lotsāwa Rinchen
Zangpo, Gya Tsöndrü Sengé, and Tsültrim Gyelwa of Naktso, came
to India. Having completed their studies at Nālandā and Vikramaśīla

Vihāras, they invited many unrivaled Indian scholars, such as the great
swami Dīpaṃ karajñāna, Sakya Śrī of Kashmir, and Mritijñāna to Tibet.
In the course of time they translated all the teachings of the Buddha and
the works of the Indian scholars into Tibetan. Thus the sun of the Dharma
began to shine in the dark land of Tibet.
In those days it was not easy to travel from Tibet to India as it is
today. One had to measure the long, hazardous routes from Tibet to
India via Nepal on foot, step by step. One had to face the dangers of the
wild animals and oppressive summer heat to such an extent that out of
a hundred students only three or four could survive and return to their
homes. It is because of their gallant efforts and sacrifices that we received
the teachings of the Blessed One in our country, and they even spread
to adjacent countries.
It is unfortunate that after A.D. 1200 Buddhism began to decline in
India. Monasteries and vihāras were destroyed and religious books were
no longer disseminated; consequently the number of the followers also
decreased.
As a result of the incessant struggle of its people, India has achieved
independence and has since made tremendous political, economic, and
social progress. Being equally generous to all faiths, India has shown
great love and reverence to Buddhism and has even adopted the Dharma
Chakra and Aśokan pillars for its national emblem. This year, with a
view to commemorating the kindness of the Compassionate One, India
is celebrating the 2,500th Anniversary of His Mahaparinirvāṇ̣a on a scale
worthy of her great tradition. India has invited many distinguished guests
from Buddhist and non-Buddhist countries to these celebrations, and I
consider myself extremely fortunate in being able to attend them. We are
convinced that such great deeds of India will not only strengthen our faith
in the Dharma in the East, but will also go along way in the propagation
of the eternal truths in the West.
In one of the sūtras the Lord Buddha had predicted that after 2500
years of His Parinirvāṇ̣a the Dharma would flourish in “the country
of the red-faced people.” In the past, some of the Tibetan scholars had
held that this prediction was meant for Tibet, but one scholar, Sakya Sri,
has interpreted it otherwise. According to him, the prediction refers to
Europe, where the Dharma may flourish hereafter, and some signs of this
can be observed already. If the Dharma spreads all over the world, it will
undoubtedly yield good fruits for our future life; but even in our present
existence, hatred, exploitation of one by another, and the ways and deeds
of violence will disappear, and the time will come when all will live in
friendship and love in a prosperous and happy world. I am glad to have
an opportunity of expressing my humble appreciations of the efforts which
many peace-loving great countries are making day and night towards
freedom of small countries and the elimination of aggression and war.
I feel that our lives would be entirely aimless if the Dharma which was
brought to our land by great scholars at such immense cost were allowed
to decay. For my part, I shall be grateful for your help and advice in the
task of strengthening the Dharma in making it everlasting.
Friends, I thank you once again for the privilege of addressing this
distinguished Assembly, and I shall devote my prayers for the fulfillment
of the causes and success of the efforts of all who have gathered here for
this Symposium on Buddhism, as well as for the prosperity and happiness
of all beings throughout the entire universe.
The Paṇ̣chen Lama also spoke, commenting on the sūtra verse:
Buddhas cannot purify sins with water,
They cannot clear away beings’ suffering with their hand.
Their realization cannot be transferred to others.
Buddha can only liberate by showing the truth of reality.
He expressed his gratitude at being invited to the present religious
assembly.
At that time, members of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare
living in India met with the cabinet in Delhi. The committee presented
an appeal to the Dalai Lama and the ministers on the first day of the
eleventh month. It said that if every single Chinese military and civil
functionary did not leave Tibet, then the Dalai Lama should remain in
India. In the alternative, the Seventeen-Point Agreement, which had
been forced upon Tibet according to the wish of the Chinese Commu-
nists, could be revised. The forcible reforms taking place in the three
provinces of Tibet should be discontinued and the oppression in Kham
and Amdo should be halted. They advised that talks should be initiated
from India with the Beijing government and that the Dalai Lama should
remain in India until these changes were implemented.
The Dalai Lama had met with Premier Zhou Enlai who had come to
India, and they discussed the current situation in Tibet in detail. The
cabinet also told the Chinese Communist Premier that the forcible
suppression in Kham must be stopped and that the reforms must be
suspended. For whatever reason, Mao Zedong suddenly called for a
temporary six year suspension of reforms from Beijing. Moreover, he
said that in agreement with the wishes of the Tibetan people, they could
be suspended for ten or even fifteen years or it may be that they would
never be implemented if the Tibetan people did not so wish. Finally,
Mao said that the membership of the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet would be reduced. In addition, Chinese
officials seem to have made many promises to the cabinet.
Whatever may be the case, the cabinet said that all of the issues raised
by the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare had actually been for the
benefit of religion and politics of the Tibetan public. However, they told
the committee it would be absolutely improper for the Dalai Lama and
his retinue to remain in India. They went on to say that:
Tibet’s general issues had to be taken up with the Communists. In recent
times, all of us have looked out for ourselves while we could see the faults
with our own eyes. Tremendous harm has come about because Tibetans
have not been able to correct these problems immediately. From this
point, all of us must speak honestly about these problems, giving up our
own interest. In that case, we must also put forth positive proposals. Thus,
we are offering a four-point proposal for future action.
For whatever reason, talks have already begun in Delhi and appeals
had already been sent to Beijing through the Chinese Ambassador,
Dahi. Accordingly, it had been decided to engage in these discussions
in Lhasa.
Still, speaking of the many difficulties in communication, they said
their concern was to facilitate the common efforts from all quarters in
the Tibetan community and to unify these efforts. To that end, they
said that the districts officials in each region and the people themselves
must report directly to the cabinet about whatever problems there are.
They said that whatever discussions were held would be printed and
distributed through out Tibet.38
At the same time, some of us, several government officials and several
representatives of the three provinces of Tibet, held continual talks with
the cabinet in Delhi, Bodhgaya and other pilgrimage sites, Kalimpong,
and Gangtok about the welfare of the Tibetan public. Cabinet Minister
Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé and Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten
Öden met us without any apprehension, and our discussion progressed.
These talks took place in public and in private. In contrast, many other
members of the party with whom we were well acquainted avoided us,
as though a human had arrived in the Tsuta Land.f This was distress-
ing, but upon reflection, they had no alternative since they were going
back to Tibet under the power of the Communists. The Dalai Lama’s
autobiography, My Land and My People, describes his discussions with
Prime Minister Nehru and Premier Zhou Enlai in Delhi:39
f
This is a land where people have only one leg, and so they mock bipeds when
they meet them.
I had to explain this to Mr. Nehru. We met alone . . . I explained how

desperate things had become in eastern Tibet, and how we all feared that
worse troubles would spread through the rest of the country. I said I was
forced to believe that the Chinese really meant to destroy our religion
and customs for ever, and so cut off our historic ties with India. And all
Tibetans, I told him, now pinned their remaining hopes on the govern-
ment and people of India. And then I explained why I wanted to stay in
India until we could win back our freedom by peaceful means.
He was very kind and listened patiently, but he was firmly convinced
that nothing could be done for Tibet at present. He said that nobody
had ever formally recognized our country’s independence. He agreed
with me that it was useless to try to fight against the Chinese. If we tried,
they could easily bring in more forces to crush us completely. And he
advised me to go back to Tibet and work peacefully to try to carry out
the Seventeen-Point Agreement.
I said I had done all I possibly could to carry it out, but however hard
I tried, the Chinese refused to honor their side of the agreement, and
I could not see any sign of a change of heart among them. At that, he
promised to speak to Zhou Enlai, who was coming to India the following
day, and our interview ended.
I also spoke to Zhou Enlai. I went to the airport to meet him, and the
same evening I had a long talk with him. I told him that in our eastern
provinces the situation was getting worse and worse. The Chinese were
enforcing changes without any thought for local conditions or the wishes
or interests of the people. Zhou Enlai seemed sympathetic, and said the
local Chinese officials must have been making mistakes. He said he would
report what I had said to Mao Zedong, but I could not tie him down to
any definite promise of improvement.
But a few days later, Zhou Enlai invited my elder brothers Thubten
Norbu and Gyelo Thondup to dinner at the Chinese embassy, and the
conversation they had with him was rather more hopeful and specific. My
brothers had no official position in our government, and so they could
afford to speak more frankly without fear of direct repercussions in Tibet;
and when they told me of their conversation afterwards, it seemed that
they had been thoroughly outspoken in their criticisms. They told Zhou
Enlai that for centuries Tibet had respected China as an important and
friendly neighbor. Yet now the Chinese in Tibet were treating Tibetans
as if they were deadly enemies. They were making deliberate use of the
worst types of Tibetans, the misfits in Tibetan society, to stir up discord,
and they were ignoring the many patriotic Tibetans who might have been
able to improve relations between Tibetans and Chinese. They were sup-
porting the Paṇ̣chen Lama in secular matters, in order to reopen the old
rift between his predecessor and mine, and so undermine the authority
of our government. And they were keeping such vast unnecessary armies
in Tibet, especially in Lhasa, that our economy was ruined and prices
had risen to the point where Tibetans were facing starvation. It was
not the ruling class of Tibet but the mass of the people who were most
bitter against the Chinese occupation. It was they who were demanding
that the armies should withdraw and a new agreement, as between equal
partners, should be signed; but the Chinese in Lhasa would not listen to
popular opinion.
Zhou Enlai did not seem to enjoy this plain-speaking, but he remained
as polite and suave as ever. He assured my brothers that the Chinese gov-
ernment had no thought of using undesirable Tibetans, or the Paṇ̣chen
Lama, to undermine my authority or cause dissension. They did not want
to interfere in Tibet’s affairs, or to be an economic burden. He agreed
that perhaps some difficulties had been caused by lack of understand-
ing among local Chinese officials; and he promised to improve the food
supplies in Lhasa, and to begin gradual withdrawal of Chinese troops as
soon as Tibet could manage her own affairs. and he also said he would
report their complaints to Mao Zedong, and would see that the causes
of them were removed. These promises were not mere words, he said;
my brothers could stay in India if they liked, to see whether his promises
were fulfilled, and if they were not, they would be free to criticize the
Chinese government.
But at the end of the interview, he told them that he also had a request
to make. He had heard that I had been thinking of staying in India, but
he wanted them to persuade me to go back to Tibet. It could only harm
me and my people, he said, if I did not go.
Moreover, after the Dalai Lama returned to Delhi from his pilgrimage,
he met with Premier Zhou Enlai:40
I told him that I was not ready yet to say what I would do, and I repeated
all I had told him before of our grievances against the Chinese occupa-
tion. And I said we were willing to forget whatever wrongs had been
done to us in the past, but the inhuman treatment and oppression must
be stopped. He answered that Mao Zedong had made it perfectly clear
that “reforms” would only be introduced in Tibet in accordance with the
wishes of the people.
The Chinese leader, who held all the power of the Chinese Communists,
could say such beautiful sounding words as if to pass the day, without
actually working to put them into effect. More will be said about the
suffering under increasing oppression.
The Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché and their
retinues went on a pilgrimage to Buddhist sites, such as Bodhgaya,
Sarnath, Rajgir, Vulture’s Peak in Rajgir, Lumbini Gardens, Kushinagar,
Sanchi, Ajanta, and so forth, where they presented clouds of offerings.
They also visited Bhakra-Nangal and Tubgabhadra hydroelectric dams,
the heavy industry in Tatanagar and Chitranjan, and the major cities
of Bombay, Madras, Agra, and Calcutta. The Dalai Lama accepted the
invitation which the Tibetans living in Kalimpong and Darjeeling had
extended to him. However, Paṇc̣ hen Rinpoché, his retinue, and Cabinet
Minister Ngapö flew back to Tibet.
The Dalai Lama stayed at the Mingyur Ngönga Palace in Kalim-
pong for a week as the guest of Rani Chöying Wangmo.g He gave the
great initiation of the Compassionate One to many people. The initial
delegation from the Tibetan government, consisting of Yutok Trashi
Döndrup and Khendrung Letsap Ngawang Döndrup, arrived to receive
the Dalai Lama. Outwardly, the committee appeared to be inviting the
Dalai Lama back to Tibet, and even though the Chinese Communists
were publicizing their promises to postpone the reforms in Tibet for six
or even ten years and also the reduction in the size of the Preparatory
Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet, the reception com-
mittee privately encouraged him to stay in India for the time being.
They did so thinking it might have an important influence in halting
the suppression in Kham and Amdo.
Thereafter, the Dalai Lama and his retinue went to the Gangtok Palace
Temple in Sikkim’s capital. In the meanwhile, because of heavy snow-
fall, Natöla Pass and so forth made the continuation of their journey
impossible. They had to remain there for several weeks. Tibet’s retired
Prime Minister Lukhangpa (Dekharwa), who had been on a pilgrimage
in India, came to meet the Dalai Lama. He said that since there was no
peace in Tibet, if the Dalai Lama were to remain in India, this would
promote happiness and it would not stain his altruistic attitude.
Mainly because of the advice Prime Minister Nehru had given him
and particularly because of the strength of his vow to protect the Land
of Snows, Tibet, he decided to take the responsibility upon himself,
continuing even the proverbial nine times or to fight fire with fire. If
he did this, he hoped that the lot of Tibet and the Tibetans could be
improved, becoming happier and more peaceful, as Zhou Enlai had
promised many times.
Thus, on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month (February 14, 1957),
the Dalai Lama rode away from Gangtok. Government officials who
were living in Kalimpong and Darjeeling and members of the Commit-
tee for Tibetan Social Welfare accompanied him as far as Karbonang
to see him off. The Dalai Lama advised all of us that we must remain
unified and work harmoniously for the benefit of religion. He said this
with such weariness that those of us who had come to bid him farewell
g
See p. 741 on the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s stay there.
were momentarily struck with astonishment at his tremendous courage

for taking up his terrible burden in the face of the Chinese armies. We
prayed that we would quickly meet him again, waving greeting scarves
until he had disappeared from sight.
A greeting party consisting of Tibetan government officials, Chinese
civil and military officers, and Chinese soldiers carrying red flags,
received the Dalai Lama at Natöla Pass on the Indian-Tibetan border.
The acting Deputy Dzasak Neshar Tupten Tarpa, together with the
Drungtsi, representatives of the monasteries, and the Tsang Governor
Dzasak Mön Lingpa came to receive the Dalai Lama at Gyantsé. A New
Year’s reception was held at Pelkhor Monastery in Gyantsé.
Monk and lay government officials from Lhasa, representatives of
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and the general public pre-
sented the Dalai Lama with a petition urging that since Trashi Lhünpo
monastic estate had not made suitable arrangements to receive him
while he had been in India the previous year, they would be grateful if he
would stay at Zhikatsé’s Samdruptsé Dzong. On the way to the capital,
he was asked, “Could you kindly stay at Samdruptsé Dzong Estate in
Zhikatsé?” Previously, Dzasak Trashi Tongpa had been sent to Gyantsé
by the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché to invite the Dalai Lama to stay
at Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. This presented serious difficulties.
Not only had Zhikatsé’s Samdruptsé Dzong held particular importance
as the place where the great fifth Dalai Lama had initially taken the
political authority of Tibet,h but also he wanted to give the priority of
political power to his own Tibetan government. Thus, he decided to go
to Samdruptsé Dzong first. Accordingly, on the third day of the first
month of 1957, a monastic procession and joyful dancers expressing the
praises of the monks and laity from the entirety of Tsang led the Dalai
Lama from Pelkhor Monastery to Samdruptsé Dzong. The monks and
lay people of the upper Tsang castle performed a Long-Life ceremony
for the Dalai Lama, making tremendous offerings.
Since he had been invited to Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, the
Dalai Lama went there on the seventh day of the seventh month. He
gave religious teachings to an assembly there on the ninth day, and he
gave the great initiation of Avalokiteśvara to many people on the tenth
and eleventh. The next day, he journeyed to Zhalu, Ngor, and other
monasteries in the area. Once again he returned to Zhikatsé Dzong on
h
See p. 347 above.
the eighteenth, where he rested for two days. When he had first gotten
to Zhikatsé Dzong, the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate had withdrawn
the monastic procession, dancers, and so forth under the influence of
the Chinese Communists, even though they would have traditionally
been responsible for taking care of the Dalai Lama. Subsequently, except
for inviting the Dalai Lama to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, the all-seeing
Paṇ̣chen Lama did not make any effort to try to be agreeable. What
need is there to mention whether the traditional expression of respect
were extended to the Omniscient One, the Lord of both the religious
and political spheres in Tibet. Even an ordinary person ought to be
given the courtesy of being received and seen off.
In contrast, during both the earlier and later visits, the traditional
forms of respect were not shown to him, including being received and
seen off. This was disturbing to all of the people of Tibet and was a
serious basis of criticism in the life story of a superior great being.41 It
seems that this problem primarily had its source in Chinese political
machinations.
Whatever the reason, when the Chinese Communists subsequently
oppressed both the Dalai Lama’s government and the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s
monastic estate equally, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché praised the
highest true religion and the Dalai Lama without fear and without
apprehension. Upon hearing this, one had to confess and repent at
one’s previous conclusions about the Paṇ̣chen Lama and rejoice in
the excellent deeds of a superior person. I have recounted these stories
briefly and without going into unnecessary detail.
Cabinet Minister Dokharwa (Rakkhashak) Püntsok Rapgyé, an
honorable and extremely well-liked man, suddenly died while the
party was in Zhikatsé. Having left Zhikatsé on the twenty-first day of
the first month, the Dalai Lama’s party spent one night at Shangdo
Chösalung’s estate. He gave religious teachings at Shang Ganden Chö-
khorling Monastery and then after making a pilgrimage to Serdokchen,
Wen Monastery, and Öyukgö, they reached Tölung Marzhuk on the
thirtieth. At that time, acting Deputy Shenkhawa, masters and officials
from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, monk and lay govern-
ment officials, Ten Drinun and Drin Siling from the Chinese govern-
ment, and Püntsok Wangyel from the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet all came to greet the Dalai Lama. On
the first day of the second month traveled from Marzhuk to the place
where the Chinese and Tibetan reception party was waiting in Kyitsel
Luding. Thereafter, he proceeded on to Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace

on a palanquin, accompanied by white banners and an extensive escort
in the traditional manner.
Notes to Chapter Twenty-One
1. United Nations Compendium of Records.

2. It was a little difficult to chose which attendants would come with them.
Books, 1977), 87.
4. The Dzasak and the Khendrung returned. Thus, they made statements about
the state of the negotiations. There is a copy of these statements in Compilation of
Records.
Books, 1977), 103.
6. The “Supreme Pair” consists of Śāriputra, who was supreme among the Hear-
ers in wisdom, and Mahāmaudgalyāyana, who was supreme among them in terms of
miraculous capacities.
7. In the preface to this book, it says, “The relics of the Buddha and the Supreme Pair
were brought to Tibet.” Translator’s Note: The book was called Buddha’s Relics in Tibet
(Calcutta, Baptist Mission Press, 1951).
8. This account follows what has been recorded by Dzasak Khemepa who went
there as a Tibetan representative.
9. This is transcribed from the “Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.”
Translators Note: I have cited the English version given in H.E. Richardson, Tibet and
its History (Boulder, CO: Prajn̂ā Press, 1962), 291–293. I have added the parenthetical
material for clarification.
10. I.e., Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.
Books, 1977), 87–89.
12. The cabinet ministers initially thought that the negotiation authorization given
to Ngapö included firstly that the Chinese not advance into Tibet any further than
they already were and secondly to hold discussions with them.
13. When it says “Without friends,” the United Nations did not take charge; thus,
we needed a reliable friend. We thought that since we had agreements with many
governments, including the British, Chinese, and Nepali governments, that we would
be given support from the United Nations.
15. They were Damchö Sönam, Lozang Dawa, Karkhang Chödzé, and so forth.
16. They are Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar (Lukhangpa) Tsewang
Rapten.
17. The cabinet ministers were Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen, Zurkhang Wangchen
Gelek, Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, and Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé.
The cabinet deputies were Lama Trashi Lingpa Khyenrap Wangchuk, Shenkhawa
Gyurmé Sönam, and Tupten Rapyang.
18. The Chinese officers were Zhang Jingyu, Zhang Geha, Tan Gesan, Penming,
and Drin.
19. Prime Minister Dekhar explained this to me in detail.
Books, 1977), 93–98. Translator’s Note: I have included some material in brackets that
clarifies the passage. These sentences are distilled from the sections Shakabpa elided.
21. At that time, Zhang Jinwu unlawfully spoke. I heard that the acting Prime
Minister Lozang Trashi was so angry, that he immediately replied to him in Chinese
without waiting for the translator. Since he had previously spent several years at the
Nanjing Mission, he learned to speak Chinese a little.
22. The government considered Paṇchen Lozang Chögyen to be the First Paṇchen
Lama, and so the present one was the seventh. However, the monastic estate recognized
the present incarnation as the tenth.
23. Compendium of Records.
24. Although they did not need to make these purchases, they were compelled by
force to buy things at a high price.
25. Physical punishments are said to have been whippings with leather whips and
horse whips.
26. This was a method of taxation on livestock.
27. The three are Gyantsé, Panam, and Wangden.
28. This is an example. In the government edict of the Fire-Sheep Year (1907?),
in larger groups of households, it was suitable not to include the smaller homes in
the count. Although it was a case of shifting the tax burden from the poor to the
richer, like binding a calf in the neck of a bull, recently, these practices have come to
be extremely harmful. Translator’s Note: Although the populations were counted in
this way in order to give relief to the poorer households, it had come to be harmful
because now it is difficult to prove how many people lived in Tibet. Like so much else
in disputes surrounding Tibet, population estimates are tendentious, tied as they are the
disagreements over the territorial extent of Tibet. Commonly, Tibetans provide higher
estimates for the population of Tibet than do the Chinese. The varying opinions on
Tibet’s population are surveyed in Appendix one of A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of
Modern Tibet, Revised Edition (Armonk, N.Y.: East Gate, 1996), 249–253.
Books, 1977), 117–118.
31. An original of a letter which had been sent and the response from the Chinese
government are preserved in Compilation of Records.
33. According to Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land,
My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet
(New York: Warner Books, 1977), 135, the nature of their activities showed their great
loyalty for Buddhism and the country. However, since it turned out to be meaninglessly
suicidal, it was necessary to try to stop them.
34. The secretaries were Tupten Nyinjé, Jampa Wangdu, and Jampa Tsöndrü.
Books, 1977), 133.
36. Book of Advice.
37. I have copied this from the original in the records of the Committee of the
Buddha Jayanti celebrations. Translators Note: I have merely given the English version
in Shakabpa’s Tibet: A Political History [(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967),
329–330], thinking that it might be the original English translation from the conference.
Spellings have been changed to conform to the system employed in this book.
38. The document which was distributed containing the talks with the cabinet is
included in the Compilation of Records.
Books, 1977), 148–150.
Books, 1977), 151.
41. When the Dalai Lama went to Gyantsé, the cabinet and the Tibetan National
Assembly sent an appeal from Lhasa. While the Dalai Lama was staying in Zhikatsé,
his attendants would report to the Assembly on all matters. There is a copy of these
reports in Compilation of Records.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLT AGAINST THE CHINESE

IN KHAM, GRADUAL SUPPRESSION OF THE ENTIRETY
OF TIBET, AND NECESSITY FOR THE DALAI LAMA AND
OTHERS TO SEEK THE PROTECTION OF INDIA
As China tightened its grip on Tibet throughout the 1950s, the Com-
munists made a great show of proclaiming that reforms would be
introduced into Tibet at whatever pace the Tibetans decided. Yet, in
fact, weapons and soldiers poured into the country along with the
revolutionary bureaucrats who would implement Chinese policy.
Meanwhile, Tibetan dissatisfaction with Chinese land and agricultural
reforms, forced conscription into the Chinese army, monastic taxes, and
many other measures multiplied as the 1950s proceeded, particularly in
Amdo and Kham in eastern Tibet. Human rights violations, such as the
execution of high lamas, came to be reported more often. Statements
were issued in the name of the Paṇchen Lama urging that the reforms
must be initiated immediately.
Various Tibetan organizations were established to resist the Chinese,
and in 1958, these efforts erupted into armed opposition in Kham led by
the National Volunteer Defense Army under the command of Amdruk
Gompa Tashi (1900–1964). The Chinese insisted that Tibetan troops
be sent to put down the rebellion, but the Tibetan cabinet refused to
order Tibetans to attack Tibetans.a The Chinese attempted to attract
prominent figures, like the Karmapa, Cabinet Minister Ngapö, the
leaders of the great monasteries, and others, to intervene with the ever-
increasing resistance, but their entreaties were ineffective. In Shakabpa’s
narration, the National Volunteer Defense Army continued to make
surprising gains, but it could not resist the greater number of troops
fielded by the Chinese or their superior weapons and supply lines.
a
For a compelling and detailed account of the emergence of the Tibetan resistance
movement, see Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors: The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan
Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York:
Penguin, 2004). See also p. 442 below.
996 chapter twenty-two
When the Dalai Lama had visited India, he had invited Prime Min-
ister Nehru to come to Tibet to witness what was taking place there.
Initially the Chinese consented to have him come, but they later reneged,
perhaps out of concern that he would report the real situation in Tibet
to the rest of the world. Shakabpa suggests that the Chinese might have
threatened Nehru while dressed up as Khampas. In the end, he did not
come, and few others were able to witness events within Tibet.
During the latter part of the 1950s, the Tibetan government was
forced to strip a number of Tibetans of their citizenship, including
Tsepon Shakabpa. The organization founded by Shakabpa and the
Dalai Lama’s older brother Gyalo Thondup, the Committee for Tibetan
Social Welfare, sent representatives to many countries around the world,
hoping to galvanize international support for the Tibetan cause.b The
Chinese leaders in Tibet pressured the Tibetan government officials
to condemn and restrain the so-called “reactionary” Tibetan resisters.
Shakabpa singles out one person, Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten
Öden (1910–1983), for special praise, saying that he was a pillar of the
government and ceaselessly faithful.c He was the chief attendant of the
Dalai Lama, and served as the gatekeeper for which people and what
information reached the Dalai Lama.
In March of 1959, the Dalai Lama was invited to the Chinese mili-
tary encampment for a theatrical performance; ominously, the Chinese
insisted that his customary bodyguard not accompany him. Under Chi-
nese pressure, the date of March 10th was selected as the day the Dalai
Lama was to attend the “performance.” Everything about the method of
inviting the Dalai Lama violated customary protocol, and swiftly, all of
Lhasa was abuzz with fears that their treasured leader would be arrested
or worse. A vast crowd encircled his residence at Norbu Lingkha Pal-
ace to prevent the Chinese from seizing him. Tensions elevated as the
Chinese officers demanded the Dalai Lama come to their compound
and as the crowd became increasingly protective. Fearful that events
would devolve into violence, the cabinet unsuccessfully attempted
to disperse the crowd. Most of the Tibetan cabinet ministers except
Ngapö left Norbu Lingkha Palace to meet with the Chinese officers in
an effort to pacify the situation; Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé was already at
b
Below, p. 1008, Shakabpa asserts that delegates visited eighty countries not allied
to China. This statement seems hyperbolic, but I have not been able to verify or dis-
prove the assertion.
c
See p. 1008 below.
revolt against the chinese in kham 997
the Chinese camp, suggesting that he had by this time become entirely
complicit with the Chinese.d The Chinese commander, General Tan
Guansan (dates unknown), became furious, demanding the Tibetans
bring an end to the protests.
As the Tibetans carried their protests into the street, circumambulat-
ing the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, the Chinese became impatient and ten-
sions elevated. Tibetan troops and members of the National Volunteer
Defense Army guarded the key places in Lhasa; meanwhile, the public
continued to protect the Dalai Lama at Norbu Lingkha Palace. As the
situation became more strained, it became evident that the Dalai Lama
would have to leave the country. The inner circle of aides began mak-
ing preparations for his escape, ever mindful of the danger of spies.
As the final arrangements were made, the Chinese fired two warning
artillery shots at Norbu Lingkha. Both Cabinet Minister Ngapö and
General Tan Guansan wrote to the Dalai Lama, asking him to specify
on a map where in Norbu Lingkha he was located, ostensibly so that
he would not be harmed in the impending bombardment. They also
warned him not to attempt to escape.
On March 17, 1959, protective troops were arrayed on the path of
escape as some members of the Dalai Lama’s family and inner circle
escaped from Lhasa. The Dalai Lama changed into the clothing of a
soldier as his closest attendants, including Palha Tupten Öden, prepared
to depart. Slowly, the Dalai Lama’s tutors, cabinet members, abbots,
and others slipped out of Lhasa. The party crossed the Kyichu River in
groups, and carefully moved away from the city. As they slipped away,
the Chinese attacked Norbu Lingkha on March 19th.
As soon as it was realized that he had left the palace, the Chinese
began to pursue the escaping party in the direction of India. As Chinese
troops were in pursuit, the party escaped to the south.
d
Eventually, there would be no doubt about where Ngapö Ngawang Jikm’s senti-
ments lay. The signer of the notorious Seventeen-Point Agreement would go on to be a
major and enduring member of the Communist Party, serving in many different posts
throughout his long career. Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History
of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 240–241.
More than sixty years later, he was still receiving appointments to high profile position,
including his 2004 appointment as the president of the Association for the Protection
and Development of Tibetan Culture. See “China Tibet Information Center,” http://
big5.tibet.cn/g2b/www.tibetinfor.com/english/news/2004–6–27/News02004627100449
.htm, Accessed December 4, 2008.
Meanwhile, back in Lhasa, according to Shakabpa, the Chinese mili-

tary launched widespread violent reprisals that resulted in the deaths
of many thousands of people and the destruction of much of Norbu
Lingkha Palace. They dissolved the Tibetan Ganden Podrang govern-
ment, which had ruled Tibet in some form or another since 1642, on
March 26, 1959. The same day, the Dalai Lama founded the exile gov-
ernment at Lhüntsé Dzong, issuing a potent statement declaring the
Tibetan understanding of recent Sino-Tibetan relations and declaring
the continuity of the government.e
Fearing that the Chinese would capture the Dalai Lama, the party
moved into Indian territory, where they were met by welcoming Indian
troops on March 31st. Shakabpa was part of a delegation of Tibetans
that went to Delhi to begin making arrangements to receive the Dalai
Lama into exile. The infrastructure the Committee for Tibetan Social
Welfare had elaborated in Kalimpong, India turned out to be extremely
important at this stage. A broad array of Indians welcomed the Tibetans
with great sympathy and compassion, and Buddhist groups across Asia
expressed their disapproval of the events in Tibet.
Meanwhile, back in Lhasa, as the Chinese attacked Norbu Lingkha
Palace, many Tibetans still did not know the Dalai Lama had departed.
As they vigorously defended the palace, many people died. Many people
who did not die were arrested by the Chinese. At the same time, the
Chinese launched retaliatory assaults on other landmarks, including the
Potala Palace, Lhasa, and Sera Monastery. The Jokhang Tsuklakhang
Temple, the vital center of Tibetan Buddhism since the 8th century,
was threatened with destruction by loudspeaker:f
If the reactionaries in Lhasa now put an end to their shooting, we will not
fire upon the Tsuklakhang, which we could destroy in a few moments. If
they make a truce and capitulate, they will not be killed.
Sensing that all was lost, the Tibetan people resigned themselves to
what their future held and ceased their resistance.
e
f
See p. 1027 below.
CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO
BEGINNING OF THE REVOLT AGAINST THE CHINESE

IN KHAM, GRADUAL SUPPRESSION OF THE ENTIRETY
OF TIBET, AND NECESSITY FOR THE DALAI LAMA AND
OTHERS TO SEEK THE PROTECTION OF INDIA
Just before the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa, the Chinese announced
that the land reforms would be delayed for six, ten, or even fifteen years
all throughout Tibet and that it would even be agreeable not to institute
them at all if the Tibet people so wished. In addition, they said they
were going to reduce the membership of the Preparatory Committee
for the Autonomous Region of Tibet by half. Yet, soldiers, weapons,
and other necessary military supplies, which had been in little evidence,
were then transferred to the area in large numbers.
It is hardly necessary to mention whether the Chinese implemented
the promises which had been made for the improvement of Tibet’s
religious and political situation in talks with the cabinet and the Com-
mittee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Delhi. The Communists issued a
proclamation to the people of Lhasa and Zhöl and distributed it to all
regions saying that the Tibetans living in India, who were engaged in
reactionary behavior (log spyod) agitating between China and Tibet,
should be returned and that it was impermissible for people of any
station to have any sort of contacts with them:
It is harmful and without benefit to our government for the Tibetans liv-
ing in India to be living abroad for such a long time; it has always been
inauspicious. Moreover, since the time has passed for divisions between
foreigners and countrymen, enemies and friends, you must return to
Tibet by the fifteenth day of the fifth month of 1957.
They also said that there was no way that this order could be ignored.
The Tibetans in exile in India did not acquiesce or respond. As a result,
the Chinese Communist government filed a protest with the Indian
government on the basis of their foreign relations. The Tibetan govern-
ment was compelled to strip nine Tibetans,1 including the retired Prime
Minister Dekharwa (Lukhangpa), of their Tibetan nationality.
Traders from the Domé region of the four rivers and the six rangesa
who were living in Lhasa issued a call that year for the monks and the
lay people from the three provinces of Tibet to make whatever offer-
ings they considered suitable for the long life of the Dalai Lama and
the success of his activities. On account of the many needs, a golden
throne fashioned from pure gold supported by eight fearless lions, rich
with many priceless ornaments, a suitable table, and an extremely well-
made golden bowl were placed before the statue of Jowo Rinpoché in
Lhasa. A golden bowl which had been used by the Compassionate One
[Buddha] in ancient times was also offered. Preparations were made for
a three-day long great initiation of Kālachakra in 1957, and a Long-Life
Ceremony was held for the Dalai Lama. Such marvelous events were
like ushering in a golden age.
On the one hand, the Chinese Communist government announced
land reforms in eastern Tibet from Dartsedo to east of the Drichu River
and declared that private individuals had to surrender their weapons.
They also proclaimed that it was impermissible for people on religious
estates to make offerings of various sorts, such as the traditional offering
of grain, to monasteries. In addition, various monasteries had to remit a
monastery tax consisting of a great deal of silver to the Chinese. Many
such new measures became unbearable. Knowledgeable monks were
made to study the Chinese government. The young healthy people were
forced into the Communist army, and the younger ones were sent to
China as students. Householders and beggars were humiliated, being
forced to criticize their regional leaders. As a result, the people revolted,
being unable to bear the heinous assaults of the Chinese.
In the second month of 1956, the Chinese Communists attacked the
great Litang Monastery by land and by air. Many old lamas between
the ages of seventy and eighty were murdered, such as Lozang Khetsün,
Lungrik Khenzur, and Geshé Azhang. Many beloved regional leaders
such as Yönru Pön Sönam Wangyel and Dagöbu Lodrö Döndrup, were
also killed. At the same time, Chatreng Sampeling, Ba Chödé, Markham
Lura Monastery, Tehor Drakgo Monastery, Gulok Serta Monastery,
a
This name for Kham, the region where these rivers and mountain ranges (chu bzhi
sgang drug) are located, later became the name for a guerilla organization, which was also
called the National Volunteer Defense Army. See Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors:
The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the
Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004). The name of the organization and
the golden throne mentioned just below are described at 195–196 in that book.
Denkhok, and Lingtsang were fiercely attacked by land and from the
sky. All able-bodied young monks and lay people left their homes and
their wives and children, escaping into the mountains and forests. They
were left with no alternative but to join guerilla units and the National
Volunteer Defense Army. There were many skirmishes in the revolt in
which the Chinese supply lines were cut or small contingents of Chinese
soldiers were overcome and robbed.
After the inauguration of the Preparatory Committee for the Auton-
omous Region of Tibet the previous year, the Chinese officers in
Chamdo called an assembly to announce that, although the timing
was not known, the land reforms would definitely be instituted. More
recently, they announced that the Dalai Lama had said in the Prepara-
tory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet that the reforms
should be implemented according to the wishes of the Tibetan people
and that the proper time had not arrived. However, they were told that
Paṇchen Rinpoché had said the reforms must begin immediately.
Based on this statement, the Chinese officers hoped that many of the
poor farmers would favor the reforms and tell their Chamdo leader that
land reforms should be instituted. However, about one hundred people
said, “After the rest of the Tibetan people have had reforms, I will too.
Until then, don’t do it.” About forty people said, “Since the time has
come, reforms must be implemented immediately.” About two hun-
dred people said, “These so-called reforms will never be needed.” Thus,
although this response indicated that they should not be implemented
for the time being, it wasn’t long before the Chinese imprisoned several
Tibetan representatives from the Joda region to the west of the Drichu
River in a Chinese garrison for many days. After being questioned, they
were forced to agree to the reforms because they were helpless. So it
was announced that these representatives had called for the reforms.
Afterwards, those who had “agreed” as well as many farmers, nomads,
monks, and lay people concealed themselves on empty mountains, in
forests, or valleys carrying guns, other weapons, and a little food. Several
monasteries in the area gathered together in the camps of the National
Volunteer Defense Army. Thus, with whatever power they had and
whatever aid they could offer, they revolted against the Chinese. Some
farmers and nomads, old and young, had a few possessions or a few
horses or cattle. They gradually made their way to Ü Tsang. Similarly,
groups of old lamas from Domé (Amdo) and many farmers abandoned
their own monasteries and homes and went to Ü Tsang.
The Chinese Communists considered the area between Dartsedo

and the Drichu River to be Chinese territory; since they began the
reforms and the suppression in those areas, fighting erupted. People
asked whether the reforms would be begun in the area to the west of
the Drichu River since it was part of the Autonomous Region. They
tried to implement the reforms, but the revolt commenced. The Chi-
nese became afraid that the flickering flame of war would spread to
both the east and west of the Drichu River. Tibetans from Dartsedo
in the east to Ladakh in the west are all the people of Tibet; surely it
is like the adage, “If one hair on the crown is pulled, the entire head
moves.” It is the same for all people. Once they recognized this fact,
the Chinese Communist functionaries arrived at a devious plan. If they
could have the Tibetan government hold talks with the people from
Kham on the east and west of the Drichu River, they could turn their
heads around.b
They requested members of the Preparatory Committee for the
Autonomous Region of Tibet in Lhasa—Karmapa Rinpoché, Ngapö
Ngawang Jikmé, and Pomda Topgyel—to meet with the Khampas,
but they did not have any special authority to negotiate. They were
merely able to tell the Khampas to give up their weapons and not to
revolt against the Chinese, and upon reaching agreement, all farmers
and nomads ought to return to their respective places. Beyond that, the
delegation from Lhasa had no authority to bring the suppression by the
Chinese to an end, to prevent the reforms from being enacted by force,
or to ensure that personal religious faith and regional customs were
protected. Even though the delegation went to the Chamdo, Dimchi
Nyernga, and Dergé regions, they were forced to return without having
accomplished anything.
While the Dalai Lama was in India for the auspicious occasion of
the Buddha Jayanti, he had invited Prime Minister Nehru to come to
Tibet. At the time, the Chinese Communist had consented, and so, he
had agreed to go. When it actually came time for the prime minister to
visit, however, the Chinese were afraid that their lies would be revealed
such as that as soon as the Chinese had come to Tibet, they had illegally
suppressed Tibet without regard for the Seventeen-Point Agreement and
that in fact there was a feeling of unhappiness towards the Chinese; they
were also afraid that the extent of their military installations in Tibet
b
The implication is that they hoped to be able to divide the Tibetans by making a
separate deal with those prominent figures.
would be revealed. Thus, they said that since there was no tranquility in
Tibet at the time, they would be unable to offer assurances that Prime
Minister Nehru would be safe in Tibet.
The Dalai Lama was certain that all Tibetans from Ü, monks and lay
people, would be overjoyed to have him visit. The prime minister himself
also wished to visit. In addition, he felt certain that he would not be
harmed by any Tibetan. However, the Chinese sometimes dressed in
the guise of Khampas and then attacked villagers. Accordingly, if any
harm came to Prime Minister Nehru there was the difficulty of who
would be blamed. Thus, he was forced to delay the visit.
When Prime Minister Nehru went to Sikkim on the eighth month
of 1958, he had traveled from Natöla Pass by way of Rinchen Gang
on Tibetan territory and Dromo, Assam. So although he had been on
Tibetan territory, he was not able to come to Lhasa. Thus, the Tibetan
people were extremely disappointed. On that occasion, the Tibetan
government sent a delegation to the border at Dromo consisting of
Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa, the Chinese General Zhang Jingwu, and
so forth. During his visit to Sikkim, he recognized Sikkim’s freedom
and independence and announced that if any foreign power attacked
Sikkim, that the Indian government would offer it protection.
Since the power of the Chinese military was well fortified in Ü Tsang,
they began even harsher measures in Lhasa; they said that Tibetan cur-
rency, postage stamps, and so forth would be replaced. Many Tibetan
soldiers and local militia were killed. For many months, the public was
led astray by such stories as that Pelgön Chokdrup, a man who lived
in Gyantsé, had committed serious crimes, murder, robbery, and so
forth. Yet all he had done was slightly beat his own brother, Wangyel
Püntsok. That story was reported in various newspapers. The recount-
ing of lies like that was encouraged.
Under the influence of Chinese people who were living in Trashi
Lhünpo Monastery, golden religious articles were stolen from Norling
Shartsé Monastic College. Estates were seized and old statues made of
wood in Namling Dzong were taken by Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate.
The fields of many government attendants were seized. Many such
things happened; it was like bees that are not attracted to firelight being
compelled or like waking sleeping dogs by beating them with a stick.c
c
The images suggest the Chinese were seeking to achieve unnatural ends through
force.
In Chinese assemblies, someone would hold up a carrot which was

unable to grow because it was being eaten by three worms, and they
would say that the three worms were Drepung, Sera, and Ganden
monasteries. Alternatively, they would say that it was a sign that the
path to progress was being obstructed by the three, the government,
private individuals, and Buddhism. In addition, there were countless
unsubstantiated criticisms, such as that yellow symbolized that lamas
were robbers and the red symbolized that monks were thieves. In par-
ticular, a daily Tibetan Language newspaper in Kardzé said:2
Śākyamuni, who was the founder of the Buddhist religion, was the son
of the Indian King Śuddhodana. Thus, since he was extremely oppres-
sive and malicious towards everyone, the neighboring kingdom and the
people revolted against him and he escaped into the forest. Then, having
been made equal,d he composed the Buddhist religion. Thereby, he had
brought laziness and sadness to the hearts of many people. In this way,
he once again arrived at the special position of being a charioteer to the
masses . . .
This is an incredible indication of disrespect to Buddha who is com-
pletely pure.
On the pretext of building roads, the Chinese also completely
destroyed countless small stamped offering objects, stūpas, stones with
mantras printed on them, and other religious objects. They only used
force, without any concern whatsoever for the Seventeen-Point Agree-
ment. Many schools were established in the Lhasa region and many
young students were also forcibly sent to China against their wishes
and made to study Communism.
It was announced:
Chinese people wearing the blue uniforms and the people of Dotö and
Domé who had come to Ü Tsang seeking food and clothing in Lhasa and
Zhikatsé must go back to their respective homes. Also, if people who have
other clothing hear this and stay, the army will be sent and you will be
arrested. Then you will be driven back to your home.
After one month, the Chinese people wearing the blue uniforms, their
food, possessions, and jobs were taken away, they were forced into
trucks, and they were sent back to China. The Tibetans who had come
d
This could be a pun on mnyam par bzhag, which means meditative equipoise, a
meditative mind which has as a quality equanimity. The pun is that taken literally it
means, “to set as equal.”
from Dotö and Domé wondered if the soldiers would likewise come
for them.
If the soldiers did, they thought, fighting would break out in Lhasa;
they would not be able to bear losing the priceless supports of their
faith, the body, speech, and mind of the Buddha, that is, the Dalai
Lama, and the presence of the lamas and geshés, and the two images
of Jowo Śākyamuni, respectively.
On the eighteenth day of the second month of 1958, all of the people
of Dotö and Domé voluntarily formed an association under the leader-
ship of Amdruk Gompa Tashi with the single purpose of benefiting the
religion. Upon swearing a unanimous oath, they founded the National
Volunteer Defense Army.
They sent an appeal to the Tibetan government and the cabinet
saying:
Because of the reforms which the Chinese are forcing on the land of
our fathers and because of their oppression, we have no home to which
we can return. Therefore, if the Chinese army leaves Tibet, then we will
immediately return to our paternal lands. Until then, we ask permission
to remain in Ü Tsang.
The cabinet also continued to discuss these matters with the Chinese.
Once again, the Chinese sent soldiers to take a census at the places
where the Khampas and people from Amdo were staying. Ever since
the sixteenth day of the fourth month of 1958, Amdruk Gompa Tashi,
together with a large number of Khampa cavalry and weapons, had
been traveling in the Lhokha Drigu Region and the Northern province.
They announced that if the forceful suppression and the land reforms
in Kham and Amdo did not stop, they would fight directly against the
Chinese Communists.
Although the National Volunteer Defense Army was utterly lacking
in sufficient resources, such as manpower and particularly weapons, to
be able to directly confront power of the Chinese army, their courage
had reached its peak such that they were willing to give up their lives
in order to protect Buddhism and the Ganden Podrang government.
Thus, people from all over Tibet became thoroughly committed to
the cause. Subsequently, vast numbers of people in Ü Tsang and also
several people from the Tibetan government army stealthfully went
off to join the National Volunteer Defense Army. Except for a few
Chinese soldiers in Tsetang, there were no Chinese civil or military
officials in Dakpo, Kongpo, the four districts of Lhodrak, E, Chongyé,
Drigu, Yardrok, Tsona, and so forth. Therefore, these places became

pure lands for a while.
On the twenty-first day of the fifth month, the Tibetan government
sent Tsang Governor Dzasak Mön Lingpa Jamyang Gyeltsen and rep-
resentatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries to Tsona to
persuade the Khampas to return home at the urging of the Chinese.
However, it was unsuccessful. Following that, during the seventh
month, Amdruk Gompa Tashie led a battalion of volunteer forces and
two Chinese artillery officers who had come over to the Tibetan side,
Chang Hatong (whose Tibetan name was Lozang Trashi)3 and Gyatruk
on a mission to capture weapons and ammunition which the Tibetan
government kept in Shang Ganden Chökhorling Monastery. They also
took the monastery’s officials with them. When they left with all of the
weapons they could carry, they were attacked by Chinese soldiers who
were lying in wait. The Volunteer forces fought their enemy heroically
and without apprehension.
Then, although they had planned to go to southern Tsang, they were
unable to do so. They fought another small battle with the Chinese to
the north. A large contingent of Chinese troops with artillery, which
had stopped on their way from Drigung, were waiting for them. In the
midst of the battle, Amdruk Gompa Tashi was slightly wounded. The
volunteers split into two groups. Although they were able to gather
several people from Drigung and Meldro together in the camp in
Lhokha, Amdrup Gompa Tashi called others together in assemblies
from Rongpo Gyelrap Tang. Thereafter, staying in Shotar Lhosum, they
made contacts with the Volunteer Defense Army of the Four Rivers
and Six Ranges.
Up to this point, the Chinese Communists were approaching the
problem from two directions. First, Chinese officials asked the cabinet
whether there were any relations between the Tibetan government and
the National Volunteer Defense Army. The cabinet denied this. The
Chinese said that in that case, Tibetan troops must be sent to undercut
the volunteers. The cabinet decided that it was impossible for Tibetans
to kill Tibetans. Even if it were possible to send the Tibetan government
e
Amdruk Gompa Tashi was a commander of the Four Rivers and Six Ranges
resistance movement. The Dalai Lama eventually elevated him to the rank of general.
See Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors:The Story of the CIA-backed Tibetan Freedom
Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fate of Tibet (New York: Penguin,
2004).
army to expel the volunteers, the cabinet said it could not guarantee
that the government troops would not take their weapons and join the
National Volunteer Defense Army. In addition, if they went, the size
of the volunteer forces would just be increased.
The Chinese thought that a way must be found to restore peace with
the Dakpas and Khampas, and so once again a delegation was to be
sent with the charge of holding peace talks. Khenchung Ngözhi Tupten
Samchok and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé were sent to Drigu
and Tsona, while the retired Tsang Governor Dzasak Mönkyi Lingpa
Jamyang Gyeltsen and Khenchung Tupten Zangpo were sent to the
Dö region and the Northern province to ask the National Volunteer
Defense Army to give their weapons to the Tibetan army and to return
to their respective paternal homes.
When Khenchung Ngözhi Tupten Samchok and Tsipön Namsé
Lingpa Peljor Jikmé reached Lhokha, they heard that the National
Volunteer Defense Army had arrived in Chongyé Riwo Dechen. They
immediately stopped at Tangpoché and sent a message to the leader of
the volunteers saying that they wanted to have a meeting immediately.
Alo Dawa and about forty well-armed cavalry came to meet them. As
the delegates explained the cabinet’s message to them, the volunteers
said, “Our orders are to go to Tsetang, not to speak. The leaders are at
the main military camp at Tsona.” Accordingly, Khenchung Ngözhi
Tupten Samchok and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé immediately
went to Tsona; as they had been instructed, they discussed the neces-
sity of peace with the volunteer leaders, but they were unsuccessful.
Before long the National Volunteer Defense Army moved the main
camp to Elha Gyari.
The second Chinese strategy was as follows: They knew that some of
the Khampas in Lhokha and Dakpo had been oppressive toward the
farmers. Many Chinese soldiers adopted the clothing of Khampas. Thus,
they went to areas where there were no volunteer forces, pretending to
be guerillas, and they would steal wealth, horses, and cattle from the
farmers and rape women. Amdruk Gompa Tashi captured several of
these disguised Chinese soldiers in Gyeltön and killed them. When the
Lingtsang leader arrived in Lukhang Drukha, herding cattle, he came
upon a group of the disguised Chinese being led by some Chinese
soldiers. Recognizing them, the Tibetans killed them. Such incidents
occurred in many places. Later, however, after the common people real-
ized that these were just Chinese soldiers disguised as Khampas, people’s
confidence in the National Volunteer Defense Army increased.
During that time, leaders of the Committee for Tibetan Social Wel-
fare who were living in India dispatched representatives of the three
provinces of Tibet to eighty countries in the world who were not allied
to China. They said that not only had the Chinese Communists forcibly
invaded the free and independent country of Tibet, but also at present
they were attacking the three provinces. Thus, they called all countries
to support the truth and to continually and with great force ask the
Chinese to be responsible.
This period was an exhausting time for the senior figures in the
government, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, the cabinet, and so forth. They
had to spend their time listening to patriotic Tibetans and the Chinese
invaders. The Chinese were continually telling the cabinet:
Not only do you have relations with the reactionaries, but you have helped
them take possession of the government weapons and have violated your
obligations. Thus, you have become tools of the reactionaries. Several
hundred Chinese People’s Liberation Army soldiers have been killed and
the price of their lives will be paid in blood by the general officials of the
cabinet and especially by Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek.
When the National Assembly gathered, Chinese generals Zhang Jingwu
and Zhang Guohua explained that the cabinet could not refer to the
National Volunteer Defense Army, representatives of the people, or the
Tibetans living in India unless they called them “reactionaries.” Not
understanding what had happened, the National Volunteer Defense
Army, representatives of the people, or the Tibetans living in India
criticized those cabinet ministers saying, “They fill their stomachs with
Chinese coins, and they have sold the government.” Thus, the actual
situation was said to be the Kongpo dancers who beat a drum from
the inside and the outside.f
However, all throughout this time, Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten
Öden encouraged the National Volunteer Defense Army and the mem-
bers of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare to work courageously
without fear of the power of the Communists and to avoid hard feelings
toward their government. Not only did he solicit their support, but he
explained some of the difficulties the cabinet faced. He exhorted them
not to upset the traditional government ceremonies. Most importantly,
since the Chinese Communists could have evil designs on the Dalai
f
He is saying that patriotic Tibetans were being attacked by the Chinese in Tibet
and by the Tibetans’ critics from India.
Lama, he urged that a relentless examination should be made of people’s

inner, outer, and secret motivations, and if even the slightest qualm
arose, then before proceeding one should ask whether this person is an
adversary or trustworthy. He said they must work steadily and stealth-
fully, planning day and night on what to extend and what to hold back,
just as a chess master moves his pieces strategically.
In fact, he was instrumental in communication between the Dalai
Lama and his cabinet on the one hand and the people on the other.
He knew the difference between right and wrong, and he also tried
to correct wrongs. Since he was seen to be an obstruction to Chinese
plans, like aconite poison, he was warned many times that the Chinese
would arrest him. Many associates and patriots told him to come to
terms with the Chinese or else secretly slip away to India or Nepal.
If he didn’t do something like that, they urged, then it seemed they
would make plans to arrest him. Although many people pleaded with
him in this way, he remained faithful to his promise, as unmoving as
a picture carved in rock. Thus, he was like a pillar of the government
during this time, taking responsibility upon himself. Not only have I
heard this from many reliable witnesses, but I am convinced of these
things based on numerous letters I received.
In that same year, Chinese trucks in Takdrukha, Markyang, Yang-
pachen, Gongkar, and Drachi were attacked by the National Volunteer
Defense Army all of the time. They also tried to destroy a fortified
camp the Chinese had at a place called Tsetang Gangpuk. There were
excellent fortifications in all of the Chinese camps around Lhasa and
above it; still they continued to dig new trenches under the camps,
in the offices, and so forth. Also, the roofs, doors, and windows were
packed with sandbags. Several fortifications were newly built in Lhasa
for positioning machine guns; many cannons were directed from the
Drip Mountains, Nortö Lingkha, Kyangtang Gang, and so forth towards
the Potala Palace, Norbu Lingkha Palace, the Lhasa Tsuklakhang, and
so forth. Various military transport vehicles and armored vehicles were
coming and going without a break.
There were also clear reports that before long the Dalai Lama
would have to go to a National Assembly meeting in China. Thus, all
the Tibetan people, monks and lay people, wealthy and poor, were
extremely upset. Because of such conditions, there was an atmosphere
of breathless fear with people thinking that all out war would break
out between China and Tibet.
Even while the Dalai Lama had been contending with the perpetual
waves of bad news, such as the overpowering fear under Chinese rule
and the political and economic upheaval, he had continued to exert
great effort in his studies of the five great texts through the six periods
of the day. After he had completed his preliminary exams at Drepung,
Sera, and Ganden monasteries in 1958, the Dalai Lama took his [geshé]
exam in 1959 in the midst of more than ten thousand monks who were
conversant in scripture and reasoning. When the traditional ceremonies
were about to come to a conclusion, two junior Chinese officers who
had been sent by the Chinese officer Tan Guansan suddenly came to
meet the Dalai Lama. They said that since the theatrical show was being
presented at the Chinese military camp, they had come to invite the
Dalai Lama, and he must say when he would be able to come.
Usually, it was customary for a visitor to stop outside the Potala
Palace chambers, and their request would be conveyed through the
chamberlain. Otherwise, it could be presented through the Relations
Office, but there was no tradition of presenting such a request directly.
This event aroused displeasure throughout the Relations Office; people
were saying that it had been done to diminish the Dalai Lama in the
eyes of the public. Upon the completion of Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festi-
val, the Dalai Lama processed to Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace from
Lhasa on the twenty-fourth day of the first month.
Three days later, a request was made that a date be selected for the
Dalai Lama to visit the Chinese encampment for the theatrical show.
Thus, the first day of the second month of the Earth-Pig year (March
10, 1959) was selected. Traditionally, attendants and so forth would
accompany the Dalai Lama. On this occasion, however, Chinese officer
Tan Guansan called the Tak Lha, the commander of the Dalai Lama’s
bodyguard. He told him:
Tomorrow, when the Dalai Lama comes to the show, the customary armed
bodyguards will not be permitted beyond the stone bridge and the people
who come out to see him will not be permitted past the stone bridge
either. This should be indicated to the officials of Lhasa and Zhöl.
In addition, he said that although it was customary for the personal
attendants, who accompanied the Dalai Lama wherever he went, to
come along, they were not being invited. Although invitations had
been issued to the cabinet ministers, their attendants also were not
permitted to accompany them. Also, they would not be permitted to
carry weapons.
Since these were very unusual conditions, all of the attendants became
extremely suspicious. According to the terms set down by the Chinese,
the public leaders of Lhasa and Zhöl were to publicize that:
As the Dalai Lama had been invited to attend a dramatic performance
at the Chinese military camp the following day, it had been decided that
he would go. Thus, the people of Lhasa and Zhöl who wished to see him
could go up to stone bridge on the near side of the Chinese camp, but
they were not permitted to cross it.
The thoughtful people became especially suspicious about this arrange-
ment. They thought it was incredibly dangerous. The Chinese had
made hostages of the Jamyang Zhepa incarnation and the Sharkelden
Gyatso in Amdo and Kham by inviting them to performances in order
to prevent the people from revolting. This was passed around from one
person to the next and the night was passed in deciding what to do.
By about five o’clock on the morning of the first day of the second
month (March 10, 1959), as though they were in agreement to throw
caution to the wind, the people of Lhasa and Zhöl came to the threshold
of the Norbu Lingkha gates one by one until there were nearly thirty
thousand people there. They shouted, “Please Dalai Lama! Do not go to
the show at the Chinese camp.” When the senior government officials
came to Norbu Lingkha at their customary time of nine o’clock, they
could not stand all of the rumors that were whirling about.
The cabinet ministers who were to accompany the Dalai Lama
gradually arrived, but Cabinet Minister Ngapö was not among them.
At that time, Cabinet Minister Samdrup Podrangpa Tsewang Rikdzin,
who was the police commander, had a Chinese soldier with him as his
bodyguard. So when the cabinet minister arrived at the side of Norbu
Lingkha Palace in his jeep, he was accompanied by a Chinese man.
As soon as the crowd saw this, they began to throw stones; a large
stone hit Cabinet Minister Samdrup Podrang in the head, and he fell
unconscious. Several government officials there signaled to the crowd,
and he was taken to the Indian Embassy hospital, Dekyi Lingkha, in
his own jeep.
The people had appointed representatives, about sixty of whom went
to meet the cabinet in the Norbu Lingkha Palace. They said that there
was absolutely no way the Dalai Lama could go to the show at the
Chinese encampment without a bodyguard because of the great dan-
ger. Not only did they implore the cabinet members to keep the Dalai
Lama where he was, but they said that for the time being there was no
way they could tell what the Chinese might do. Thus, the people would
remain to protect the palace. Since Tibet was a free and independent
country, they continued, they would no longer remain under Chinese
authority. It is reported that several of the representatives even expressed
their dissatisfaction with the cabinet and threatened them.
The cabinet said the people’s concern for their religion would be
reported to the Dalai Lama, but that they must remain peaceful; in this
tumultuous time, they must not violate the peace. After they made their
report to the Dalai Lama, he and the cabinet ministers conferred and
decided that he should not go to the performance at the present time.
The cabinet ministers were to go inform the Chinese of this. These
matters were announced to the people.
In the meanwhile, Khenchung Sönam Gyeltsen, the brother of
Chamdo Pakpa Lha Hotoktu Gelek Namgyel, returned home from
the morning tea ceremony which he had attended. He changed from
his layman’s clothes into clothing customary for Chinese officers, and
carrying a gun in his hand, he rode a bicycle to the Norbu Lingkha
Palace. Everyone thought that he was well known by the Chinese, and
so, they were afraid that he was a spy or had come on a mission from
the Chinese. Thus, they seized him, and because he tried to fire his gun,
they were suddenly overcome with fury; they beat him with stones and
sticks until he was dead. Such events exacerbated the tension.
The cabinet ministers came up to the threshold of the stone wall
surrounding the Norbu Lingkha Palace and read a proclamation to
the crowd:
We have reported your concerns to the Dalai Lama and he has agreed
not to go to the show at the Chinese camp at this time. Thus, you must
not be upset. Right now we are going to tell the Chinese about the cir-
cumstances which prevent his visit. As the palace will be protected by
the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard and other units of our own government
army, you should return to your respective homes. You must remain
peaceful . . . Since there must not be a disruption in the peaceful relations
between China and Tibet, everyone must work well to maintain peace.
Opening the gate, the cabinet ministers came out in a car. Thinking
the Dalai Lama might be concealed in the car, the people wondered
whether they should let it pass. However, their agitation was pacified
when they searched it.
Cabinet Minister Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Cabinet Deputy Lama
Neshar Tupten Tarpa, and Cabinet Deputy Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam
Topgyé went to the Chinese encampment. Cabinet Minister Ngapö
Ngawang Jikmé, who was already there, sat down with the Chinese
officers and did not come to the side of the room where the other
cabinet ministers were.
Zhang Jingwu, the most senior representative of the Chinese Com-
munists living in Lhasa, and Zhang Guohua were not there as they had
gone to Beijing. Tan Guansan held all of the responsibility. Zurkhang
Wangchen Gelek, Lama Neshar Tupten Tarpa, and Shenkhawa Gyurmé
Sönam Topgyé from the cabinet assembled with about fifteen Chinese
civilian and military officers. The latter acted as though nothing was
the matter, asking after each other’s health. Tan Guansan arrived with
a countenance of intense anger. He did not ask about the cabinet
ministers health. Without even sitting down, he passed back and forth.
When finally, he suddenly sat down, he collected himself and looked
around at everyone.
Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa explained the actual situation at the
present time:
Because of the unfortunate timing, the Dalai Lama will not be able to
come to the show and so he is sad. We have been sent to explain these
matters to you.
As soon as he said this, Tan Guansan leapt from his chair in tremendous
anger. Pounding his fist on the table, he said:
You reactionaries carry the people in your reactionary mouth and now
you have caused them to revolt against China. Up until now, we have
been patient. We will not be able to be patient now.
He spoke as if he was unable to breath. Staring, he hurled all sorts of
threats. Finally, he said, “If you reactionaries cross the line behaving
in this manner, we will do what we have to do with force, wiping you
out in one moment.”
In response, Cabinet Minister Shenkhawa raised the thumbs of his
handsg and spoke in a sage manner:
We are grateful that you have shown patience. Please be patient as in the
past. We also will explain what is best to the people, thereby gradually
restoring the peace. Moreover, the people did not volunteer. Some group
of instigators have ignited the flame of their anger. Thus, at present there
is no peace. However, we will call for peace ourselves, and we will find
the best way to arrange a lasting peace. What you said about destroying
g
This is a gesture of pleading.
us through force immediately, suppose you were to be able to eliminate

the reactionaries, China’s patience so far would go to waste.
Tan Guansan said that, “There must be a limit to patience.” To this
Shenkhawa replied that, “The limit was at the point of achieving the
perfection of patience.” Several other Chinese officers responded by
criticizing, threatening, and blaming the cabinet ministers. Finally, the
Chinese officers passed a small piece of paper back and forth between
them. The cabinet ministers were frightened, wondering if they were
planning to arrest them.
Subsequently, Tan Guansan said, “At present you must explain what
is right and wrong to the crowd and make them disburse. It is your
responsibility to restore peace. We will see what happens in the next few
days.” They were certain that if any sort of peaceful arrangement were
going to be found, they would have to do what the Chinese said.
Then the cabinet ministers asked about Cabinet Minister Samdrup
Podrang without seeming to be afraid. The Chinese said that he was
in the Chinese military hospital. The cabinet ministers left to inquire
about his well-being. Then, they went to Norbu Lingkha Palace to
recount what had happened. That day a huge crowd gathered in the
Lhasa market, showing their frustration. They shouted slogans like,
“The Chinese must return to China,” “Tibet belongs to Tibetans,”
and “Tibet is free and independent.” A group of younger government
officials and representatives of the crowd gathered, declaring that the
three provinces of Tibet were free and independent, and so from that
point on, they would not obey Chinese commands. The Dalai Lama’s
bodyguard threw off the uniforms that had been given to them by
the Chinese and put on Tibetan government uniforms, showing their
personal independence.
That evening, Tan Guansan sent a letter to the Dalai Lama:4
Respected Dalai Lama,
It is very good indeed that you wanted to come to the Military Area Com-
mand. You are heartily welcome. Since you have been put into very great
difficulties due to the intrigues and provocations of the reactionaries, it
may be advisable that you do not come for the time being.
Salutations and best regards,
Tan Guansan
In order to pacify the anger of the Chinese for the time being, the Dalai
Lama replied, saying in essence that reactionary evil elements were
carrying out activities endangering him under the pretext of protecting
his safety. He said he was taking measures to calm things down. He said
he would meet him in a few days, when the situation calmed down.
Not only did they exchange two more letters later, but the cabinet also
exchanged several letters with Ngapö. The manner in which the secret
coded letters were sent seems to have been like the letters that were later
sent to the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong.
For all of these reasons, there was a terrible danger that violence
would suddenly break out between the unarmed crowd and the Chinese
troops. The Dalai Lama has written about these letters in detail.5
During that time, a group of monk and lay government officials,
the abbots and officials from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries,
and leaders of military groups joined together vowing to work for the
benefit of Buddhism even at the risk of their own lives. Representatives
of the government officials, the monasteries, and the people of Lhasa
and Zhöl held an urgent meeting in Norbu Lingkha Palace. People who
were suspected of being allied with the Chinese were ejected from the
meeting. The assembly could have remained in the palace, but they
recognized the terrible danger to the Dalai Lama. Thus, the cabinet and
the government registrar remained in Norbu Lingkha Palace, and the
crowd moved their important gathering to the newly built publishing
house. The retired Prime Minister Lozang Trashi was invited to be their
leader and several senior government officials were appointed as his
assistants. The large group was at the building where Buddhist sūtras
were printed, and there were several smaller groups.
A message was wired to the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare
in Kalimpong through Tsepön Shakabpa; it reported the tragic events
in Lhasa on the first and second day of the second month and was
to be publicized in newspapers in India.6 The people of Lhasa and
Zhöl gathered before the Potala Palace as they moved toward war;
they burned incense and posted flags. Thus, many tens of thousands
of people, women and children, old and young, marched around the
market circumambulation route displaying their anger. They continued
to shout “Tibet is free and independent. The Chinese Communists must
leave Tibet.” People were going to the Indian and Nepalese embassies
saying, “The Chinese Communists have forcefully invaded our country.
You must act as witnesses and support our aspirations.”
The general of the Tibetan army arranged forces to protect the Potala,
Godzö Dorjeling, Chakpori, Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang, and so forth. He also
had police preserve the peace in the city, and they announced a curfew
in Lhasa and Zhöl during the night. People continued to protect the
Norbu Lingkha Palace. They were reinforced by other groups of mili-

tary units. A group of younger monk and lay government officials and
monks and lay people from Lhasa and Zhöl, numbering several tens of
thousands, brought weapons and provisions and thus joined with the
National Volunteer Defense Army to protect the Dalai Lama. Although
they did not have many weapons and were not very experienced, they
had resolved to risk their lives on behalf of the religious and political
form of government.
Likewise, hundreds of cannon, which had been set up before, were
trained on the Potala, Norbu Lingkha Palace, and the Tsuklakhang.
Still new reinforcements continued to arrive. Several Tibetans who
were in complicity with the Chinese were summoned to the military
camps and secure areas. Chinese troops in the outskirts of the area
were busy day and night, with trucks and armored vehicles rumbling
through Lhasa.
Considering the critical external situation, everyone clearly under-
stood that there was no way for the Dalai Lama, who was the very
axis of Tibet’s life, to remain in Tibet, like a rabbit concealing itself
by freezing in place. However, because the Chinese had so many spies
all over the place, they had to keep this secret. It was thought that the
leaders were in great danger, but still, there was no way he could avoid
behaving like a cuckoo in the winter.h Those people who took the great-
est responsibilities had the most powerful enemies and the most severe
difficulties. The most important thing was for them to accomplish their
objective secretly.
If the Dalai Lama left Tibet, then everyone would want to go. Not
wanting to live under Chinese rule, they would want to take their
households and their families. Considering these facts, it was extremely
difficult to decide what to do. Thus, they took a vow to keep the secret
of the Dalai Lama’s departure for the general benefit of their religion
and their government, no matter what. With courage and without
faint-heartedness, they undertook whatever outer, inner, and secret
preparations were suitable, having horses, mules, saddles, and provi-
sions brought from Kündeling Monastic Estate and kept near the Tsagur
Farm. The Dalai Lama’s chamberlain and other attendants were sent to
Taklungdrak monastic estate. In addition, his personal cook was sent on
in advance. At the same time, the retired Abbot of the Tantric College
h
Like a cuckoo, he would need to migrate to a warmer climate.
of Lower Lhasa, Ngawang Lekden,i Sera Mé’s Abbot, Ngawang Drakpa,

and some attendant monks had gone ahead to determine whether there
were Chinese spies or similar forces in Lhokha.
In addition, a division of the National Volunteer Defense Army had
arrived at Nyetang Norbu Gang by way of the Zechu River. Another
group was established to guard Chakzam Bridge and the boats at the
Nyasap Pier. There was another group at Drak, Samyé, and Önpu and
another gradually reached Namgyel Gang and Sangda by way of the Jela
Pass without being detected. Still others were positioned at the mountain
range beyond Rama Gang and the boat crossing at Bentsa. The retired
Cabinet Minister Lozang Yeshé Chen secretly reached Norbu Lingkha
Palace to report on the arrangement and supplies of the National Vol-
unteer Defense Army. On the actual day of departure, in order not to
arouse suspicion, it was decided that the Dalai Lama and the cabinet
ministers would wear layman’s clothes. Guards circled around inside
and outside Norbu Lingkha’s walls. All sorts of precautions were taken.
Since they had considered the timing, it was an excellent strategy which
produced many marvels.
On the morning of the eighth day, the Chinese trucks at Kyangtang
Gang fired two cannon rounds at Norbu Lingkha Palace, but it fell in
a pond on the north side. Thus, it was believed that the Chinese attack
on the palace was the prelude to their forceful suppression. Moreover,
Cabinet Minister Ngapö sent a letter to the Dalai Lama. Along with
it, the Chinese officer Tan Guansan sent his final letter. The latter said
that since the Chinese would certainly be fighting with the reactionar-
ies, a map indicating where the Dalai Lama was within the yellow walls
of the palace should be sent to Tan Guansan. If this were done then
the cannon shots could be calculated to ensure his safety. The letter
also said that if the Dalai Lama fled in secret, there would be no place
to which he could escape. Thus, it was certain that sooner or later,
they would attack; they had to rely on the possibility that the Dalai
Lama’s party could avoid detection. Out of love for the Dalai Lama,
people were willing to lose their own lives. There was no other hope,
except for the impossibility that all of the people would just go to their
respective homes.
i
Khensur Ngawang Lekden ended up living and teaching in the west, where he
co-authored with Jeffrey Hopkins a book entitled, Meditations of a Tantric Abbot:
The Main Practices of the Mahayana Buddhist Path (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan
Works and Archives, 1988).
Although it was said that as soon as the Dalai Lama left, peace
would return for the Tibetan public, people said with one voice that
they were willing to die to protect the Dalai Lama. They didn’t display
even the slightest measure of their suffering or fear. Since there was
absolutely no way for people to abandon the Dalai Lama, these were
difficult times for them.
At about seven o’clock in the evening of the eighth day of the second
month (March 17, 1959), Trashi Pelrap Dorjé Dradül, the commander
of the Kha and Drapzhi regiments had gone ahead to protect the boat
crossing at Rama Gang, leading sixteen soldiers; they stopped anyone
from crossing in either direction. They also did reconnaissance to see
whether there were any enemy forces at Jakyak Karpo Mountain. At
nine o’clock, the Dalai Lama’s mother, family members, and attendants
left in a waiting truck with a cloth cover to conceal them. The truck
had been waiting along the side of Dekyi Lingkha, and they fled to the
Rama Gang boat crossing without delay.
After they had gone, the Dalai Lama made offerings of food and a
special scarf in the monastery and then returned to his private cham-
bers to put on layman’s clothes and a hat. At ten o’clock, the Lord
Chamberlain Gadrang Lozang Rikdzin, Kendrön Chewa Palha Tupten
Öden, and the commander of the bodyguard Taklha Püntsok Trashi
changed into ordinary clothes, and they all waited to leave. The latter
toured around the inner and outer walls and checked the doors before
they left. The Dalai Lama was given a rifle to hold so that he would
appear like the other soldiers, and they left for the boat crossing through
the southern gate without delay. Among some trees, the Dalai Lama
mounted a stallion that had been arranged by Captain Kelzang Dradül,
and they rode to Drukha. At that time, several hundred soldiers from
the National Volunteer Defense Army, including Künga Samten and
Tenpa Dargyé presented him with scarves in greeting, and they rode on
together. More horses and mules that had been arranged by Künling
Monastic Estate were waiting when they arrived.
At ten o’clock, the Dalai Lama’s two tutors, cabinet members Zur-
khang, Neshar, and Shenkhawa, and their attendants left the palace
in another truck with a covering to conceal them. Nobles also left for
Drukha in the same manner. Immediately, the commander of the Ga-
dang Regiment, Rakkhashak Sönam Topgyé, followed them leading one
hundred bodyguards. When they had departed from Norbu Lingkha
Palace, he stayed in a remote area in Lhokha for a while to avoid the
enemies. It was hoped that he could engage in talks with the Chinese
officials, and that in the meanwhile, when the crowd discovered that
the Dalai Lama was no longer at the palace that they would return to
their homes; it was hoped that in this way, they would not be killed.
However, events did not go according to plan as will be gradually
explained below.
When the Dalai Lama’s party arrived at the Rama Gang boat cross-
ing, they were on the north side of the Kyichu River. Since they were
extremely close to the Chinese camp at Nortö Lingkha and the Agri-
cultural Offices, the area was illuminated by electric lights. The horses’
hooves also made a loud noise against the small pebbles on the road.
Accordingly, there was tremendous fear that the Chinese would notice
them and give pursuit. When they had gradually made their way through
Neula Pass, Sangda, Tangtö, and so forth, they rested at Namgyel
Gang, the religious estate of Mönling Monastery. Then they arrived at
the bottom of the Jela Pass at dawn on the ninth day, having come by
way of Tsana, Ushang, and so forth. There food had been arranged by
Takdrak Monastic Estate, and so, the party quickly settled in to eat.
At the Bentsa river crossing, they were received by the retired Abbot
of the Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, Sera Mé’s Abbot, and another
regional contingent of the National Volunteer Defense Army. West of
there, they stayed a night at Kyishong Ramé Monastic College.
While they were traveling on the tenth day of the second month,
they were received by the Senior Abbot Tupten Samchok, and the Dalai
Lama sent him to tell the Khampa volunteers who were behind them
to remain peaceful. When the abbot first approached the Dalai Lama’s
party he was going to prostrate and present him with a greeting scarf,
but he could not immediately recognize him because all of the men
were wearing ordinary clothes and the horses had ordinary tack.
That night they stayed at Chedé Zhöl Dopu Chökhor Monastery and
Khenchung Tupten Samchok arrived to report on the arrangements the
volunteer forces had made for both the Dalai Lama and the cabinet min-
isters in Lhokha. The party spent the night of the eleventh in Drachipu
and the night of the twelfth at Chenyé Monastery. They had planned
to spend the night of the thirteenth at Riwo Dechen. However, Tsipön
Namsé Lingpa arrived from Tsetang and reported on the terrible events
in Lhasa, i.e., that since two o’clock in the morning on the tenth day
of the second month (March 19, 1959), the Chinese Communists had
fired their cannon at Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa. At that point,
a note arrived from Khenchung Ngözhi Tarawa Dongak Tarchin by a

horse courier coming from the Kyishong Valley. It reported in detail
about the cannon bombardment on Norbu Lingkha Palace and said
that when he had escaped from the palace, he had been slightly injured
and was only able to make his way very slowly.
Everyone was terribly frightened when they heard these things.
They had planned to leave the following day for Nyel, but they were
worried that if they stayed, the Chinese might pursue them. Since they
were close to the Indian border, they pushed on. That night, as soon as
Khenchung Ngözhi arrived, he immediately brought food to the Dalai
Lama. The other members of the party, who did not have any physical
necessities, not even a cup, were provided with barley, butter, meat,
clothes, bedding, animal feed, and so forth. The result was like giving
medicine to a dying person.
Early on the morning of the fourteenth day, Künling Dzasak Özer
Gyeltsen was sent to Nakartsé and Gyantsé to obstruct any Chinese
forces that might be coming, while Khenchung Ngözhiwa and Tsipön
Namsé Lingpa were sent to Puma Jangtang. Orders were given to the
commanders of the government forces, the National Volunteer Defense
Army, and the regional armies to take command of the river crossings
at Chakzam, Kyinak, Bentsé, Dordrak, Gerpa, and Nyanggo. That night
the Dalai Lama and his retinue stayed at Yartö Dargyeling Monastery.
The Dalai Lama’s tutor Yongdzin Ling’s monastic estate took care of the
entire retinue. The party stayed at Echu Dokyang on the night of the
fifteenth, there being problems at Yartödrak. When they arrived in
Shopo on the sixteenth to spend the night, a courier arrived to say that
a Chinese division was coming.
Jayül, which is included within the petty kingdom of Desi Nedongpa,
had a castle called Yülgyel Lhüntsé Dzong, the palace of King Tendzin
Norbu and Miwang Tsokyé Dorjé.j The Dalai Lama and his party rode
to that famous site on the seventeenth day of the second month (March
26, 1959). The Chinese in Lhasa had announced that they had dissolved
the Tibetan Ganden Podrang government. As a result, the Dalai Lama
founded a new temporary government in order to fortify the confidence
of the Tibetan people. Through the great efforts of Tsedrung Ngawang
Chözang and Nedong Dzong’s Shödrung Jorgyepa, who were living at
j
King Tendzin Norbu and Miwang Tsokyé Dorjé were sovereigns from ancient
times.
Lhüntsé Dzong, all sorts of preparations were made for a ceremony,

including a throne, ceremonial offerings, a monastic procession, and
so forth. The traditional government inauguration ceremony was per-
formed in a large courtyard with the Dalai Lama’s two tutors performed
the investiture ceremony, explaining the maṇḍala and reciting extensive
prayers. Officials explained the current situation to the assembled people
and thus the temporary Ganden Podrang government was founded.
Civil and military officials announced this and the cabinet issued a
proclamation which was sent out all over Tibet:7
To all Districts and Estates,
For a thousand years, Tibet, the Land of Snow, has been known as a free
and independent nation with the dual religious and political government.
More recently, the Chinese Manchu emperors claimed that Tibet was part
of China by virtue of the preceptor-patron relationship. Since Ganden
Podrang, the government of free and independent Tibet, has continued
on, it has military forces and manufactures military supplies to protect
the country, and also has coins of gold, silver, and copper, and paper
currency which are used by all of the people. The [government also]
issued postage stamps.
Tibet had also had direct relations with foreign nations. These are
the sorts of factors which make us like other independent nations of
the world; as a result of this good evidence, Tibet is fully qualified to be
independent.
In 1950, the Chinese Communists forcefully dispatched military troops
into Tibet; since all of our weapons could not resist the enemy, the
Seventeen-Point Agreement between China and Tibet was forced on the
Tibetan government under duress and without the chance to question
the terms. It was entirely according to the wishes of the Chinese Com-
munists. Ever since then the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan government Ganden
Podrang, and the monks and lay people of Tibet have done whatever they
could to fulfill the terms of the Agreement.
However, the Chinese Communist government and their troops in
Tibet have not abided by the agreement; they have utterly destroyed
many monasteries in Kham and in particular have labeled Buddhism,
lamas, and monks as their primary hated enemy. They have identified the
Compassionate Teacher, the Blessed Buddha, as a reactionary, publishing
these incredible perverse, demeaning lies in widely circulated newspapers.
As a result, following the story about Buddha, religious practitioners and
people from all walks of life in Tibet, monks and lay people, men and
women, rich and poor, have been powerless to avoid their deep disgust.
Their malicious, illegal suppression has become ever more severe through
the years.
Buddha’s precious teachings are more dear to Tibetans than their own
lives. As the Chinese are attempting to utterly destroy the Tibetan religion
by force, the Tibetan people, monks and lay people, who are distinguished
by their characteristic religion, language, and clothing, have remained in
a state of sadness, exhaustion, suffering, and unbearable anger.
Recently, on the first day of the second month of 1959, 933 years
[after the introduction of the Kālachakra Tantra], the sovereign protector
Dalai Lama Rinpoché who is the religious and political lord of all Tibet,
the cabinet which bears the responsibilities of government, and various
leaders were invited to attend a show in the Chinese military compound.
They gave a sign of their intentions by not permitting the Dalai Lama’s
bodyguard to carry weapons. The extent of their evil designs were not
understood. However, since the situation has become increasingly oppres-
sive, the Dalai Lama resolved to go because he felt helpless to decline the
Chinese invitation.
At that point, the lamas, officials, and the monks of Drepung, Sera,
and Ganden monasteries, the monk and lay government officials, and
the monks and lay people of Lhasa and Zhöl, numbering more than ten
thousand, became frightened at the prospect of the Dalai Lama going
to see a show at the Chinese camp, something which would have been
impossible up until the Chinese Communists arrived in Tibet eight years
ago. Thus, they respectfully blocked the threshold of the Norbu Lingkha
Palace. All of the people rose up at one time, thinking that there is no
way that opposites can remain together in one vessel, like hot and cold;
Tibet and China are opposites in both religion and culture.
From that day, the entire population marched in a demonstration pro-
claiming Tibet’s independence from Chinese domination. A tremendous
outcry arose calling for a struggle for independence. The Dalai Lama gave
profound advice to the popular leaders that they should adopt any means
to decrease tensions and promote stability between the Chinese and the
Tibetans. However, thinking that nothing could be done to eliminate the
heartache of the people, the leaders did not obey the Dalai Lama. Large
numbers of the National Volunteer Defense Army, wearing their military
equipment, took up defensive positions around the perimeter of the Potala
and the Tsuklakhang. Relations between China and Tibet immediately
became more fractured. However, the Dalai Lama continued to do what
he could, hoping to restore a peaceful arrangement between China and
Tibet. The Chinese Communist officers in Lhasa planned to use force
and would not extend a hand towards an agreement; they accelerated
preparations of their army.
At four o’clock in the afternoon of the eighth day of the second month,
the Chinese army attacked the northern side of the palace where the Dalai
Lama was staying; two cannon shots fell eighty feet from the palace walls,
but they did not explode. Had they done so, it would have posed a great
danger to the Dalai Lama. It became necessary to respond to the situation
directly. All of the monks and lay people of Tibet urgently appealed to the
Dalai Lama that he must temporarily go into exile for his own safety.
Suddenly, that very night, it became necessary for the Dalai Lama, his
two tutors, the cabinet which holds responsibility for the government, and
the government registrar, to gather together a few attendants and secretly

leave Lhasa. Thereafter, they established themselves at Lhokha. Because of
the conflict at present, the monks and lay people with responsibility for
the government and the people of Tibet in general are unable to bear the
thought of the treasured Dalai Lama remaining on Tibetan soil.
The Dalai Lama will go to a suitable location in a foreign country on
account of the tremendous importance of the present and future wel-
fare of living beings everywhere, of the government, and of Buddhism,
which is the source of benefit and happiness of Tibet and Greater Tibet.
The authority of government for the three regions of Tibet—Ü, Tsang,
and Domé—continues to be held by the government Ganden Podrang
government, except for those towns, such as Lhasa, which are occupied
by Chinese forces. Because of the turmoil in Lhasa, our capital, the re-
founding of the independent Ganden Podrang government, with religious
and political authority, has been undertaken in the Yülgyel Lhüntsé
Palace. The Dalai Lama has sent a letter, impressed with his seal, to the
retired Prime Ministers Lozang Trashi and Dekharpa, reappointing them
to their former positions.
On this Thursday, the seventeenth day of the second month of 1959, a
most astrologically auspicious day, the Dalai Lama, lord of the religious
and political spheres, has kindly offered prayers for the proliferation of
Buddhism, the happiness of all beings, and in particular, for the perpetual
enjoyment of complete happiness by all of the monks and lay people of
Tibet.
All of the people here in Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace, monks and lay people,
civil and military people, have been raising the auspicious banner and
celebrating with immeasurable joy. You should also proclaim this news
of the refounding of the independent Ganden Podrang government to
all of the monks and lay people under your jurisdiction. Wearing their
special ceremonial clothes, all men and women should hoist auspicious
flags and monks should take the special one-day fasting vow. Offerings
should be made to the Three Precious Jewels. People must celebrate this
event of taking our freedom into our own hands by lighting incense and
singing, dancing, and so forth.
Hereafter, whatever reports on private and public activities are suitable
should be sent to the seat of government here in Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace,
and everyone should take their directives from here. Not only must there
be no confusion about these matters for the present and future benefit
and happiness of Tibet and Buddhism, but from this point on, people
will be able to enjoy the possession of complete religious and economic
freedom as they like in new festivals. Take these points to mind.
From the Cabinet
In Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace
Twelfth day of the second month of the Earth-Pig Year
The people of Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace demonstrated their happiness by
dancing and singing before the castle.
The cabinet gave Amdruk Gompa Tashi, who had just arrived from
Dotö, a commendation along with the rank of dzasak for the many
things he had altruistically done, such as holding Ü, the heart of Bud-
dhism and the Tibetan government, and so forth. The Dalai Lama
stayed at Dreu Monastery on the eighteenth day.
Since the Chinese were following after the Dalai Lama’s party, it was
decided that they should proceed to India, the land of the superiors,
for the time being. To that end, the fourth-ranking Palhasé Trashi
Wangchuk and Tsedrung Changkhyimpa Kelzang Tupten were sent
ahead to the Indian border to report to the Indian government on the
situation. The Dalai Lama has written about this decision:8
By then, all of us had admitted the unwelcome truth to ourselves: that
wherever we tried to stop in the mountains, the Chinese could hunt us out,
and that my presence there could only lead in the end to more fighting,
and more deaths of the brave men who would try to defend me.
There were many considerations which compelled the Dalai Lama to
finally decide to go to India.
On the twentieth day, the party spent a night at Jora, having come by
way of Logöla Pass. When they went to Tsona by way of Karpola Pass
on the twenty-first, a pale green airplane flew over from the south-east
to the north-west. Since it was believed to be a Chinese spy plane, this
was another condition which eliminated the party’s apprehension about
going to India. They stayed in Tsona that night. On the twenty-second,
they stayed in Mangmang; although the area was a little warm, it was
not a good place to stay because it lacked agreeable facilities. Since the
tent in which the Dalai Lama was staying did not keep out the rain, he
was cold and became a little ill.
Except for the people who were gathering together in India, the
members of Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, lead by Dapön Trashi Pelwa,
and a contingent of the National Volunteer Defense Army had to
return to Lhokha from that area; thus, they remained behind. The two
people who had been sent to report to the Indian government returned,
and so the order arrived from Delhi that the entire party was granted
permission from the Indian government to enter the country. With
the good news that the Indian border officials and the population in
Chudangmo were making preparations to receive the Dalai Lama, all of
the lamas and officials became extremely happy. The situation in Lhasa
and Lhokha was becoming more critical, and thus, it seemed the sup-
pression by the Chinese Communists would be complete. If that were

so, then the destruction of their religion, which is so rare and difficult
to find, would come about. There was no way to pacify their distress.
When they arrived at the Tibetan-Indian border at Chudangmo on the
twenty-third day of the second month (March 31, 1959), the Indian
border guard and an interpreter, Rinak Yarpa Sönam Topgyel, from
Mongolia, received the Dalai Lama.
Now, I will explain a little about the terrible events that took place in
Lhasa and the extent to which the Tibetans living in India worried about
that. Early in the morning on the ninth day of the second month, the
Norbu Lingkha attendants and the officials of the cabinet discovered that
the Dalai Lama and the cabinet were not there; it seemed vacant as if
one hundred birds had simultaneously flown from the nest. Thus, they
experienced immeasurable sorrow. However, as there was no problem so
great as this dangerous time, they thought that it was best for the Dalai
Lama to be able to flee to some remote place. Hoping that he had been
able to go a great distance, they tried to continue with their duties as
usual without even discussing his departure among themselves. None
of them wanted to abandon the palace and return to their own homes.
They felt that the confrontation between the Chinese and the Tibetan
people had come to a head and in the future they would certainly die,
one way or another. Without a place to further the hopes of other
people, they all decided to do what they could to defend the palace.
At two o’clock in the morning of the tenth day of the second month
(March 19, 1959), the Chinese launched a massive artillery assault on
Norbu Lingkha Palace. It was impossible to tell from which direction
the cannon were being fired. However, the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard
returned innumerable cannon volleys on the camps where the Chinese
were living in Nortö Lingkha, on Chakpori and Bongwari from the
south and on their trucks from the north. As the cannon shots rained
down on Norbu Lingkha Palace, there was no limit to the deaths of
people, large innocent horses, elaborate offerings, and so forth. The
palace and the homes of many of the cabinet members and officials
were destroyed. The eastern, western, and northern walls were shat-
tered. The tops and branches of trees were broken. The walls of the
Tsuklakhang and the monks’ quarters were destroyed and totally col-
lapsed. Soldiers in the Norbu Lingkha Palace, soldiers in the National
Volunteer Defense Army, and many people were shot with machine
guns. Although they undoubtedly entered the conflict carrying hand-

guns and rifles, they could not get close to the enemy because they had
long-range artillery. Thus, there was no place for the Tibetan troops to
avoid the conflagration.
Many heroic people on our side, such as Chamdo Yaptsang Lozang
Könchok and Böpa Dorjé, were killed in the firefight. At about three
o’clock in the afternoon, the publishing house sent messages out to
all the people that if the fighting continued it would only result in
deaths on both sides as there was no way to triumph over the enemy;
thus, it would be best if everyone just did what they could to preserve
their own life. Many people fled toward the Rama Gang boat crossing,
thinking that it was in the hands of the National Volunteer Defense
Army. However, since the Chinese had already seized the hilltop, these
people were fired on with machine guns from the rocks between the
river crossings. Several thousand heroic people, such as the retired
attendant Lozang Yeshé and Sadu Lo Gendün, died there, and many
were wounded. With bullets falling like a hard rain, a few people, such
as Khenchung Tarawa Dongak Tarchin, crossed the Kyichu branch of
the Tsangpo River without hesitation, but not knowing how to swim,
they lost their lives to the enemy of water.
Also many soldiers and civilians fled through the Jango, and were
fired upon from the weapons atop the enclosed area of Kyangtang Gang.
Thus, the numbers of dead and wounded mounted. A few people, such
as Dzasak Taring,k were able to escape from the enclosed area through
Pari Mountain. A large number of people remained with Norbu Ling-
kha Palace. Just before sunrise, Chinese troops got closer and closer to
Norbu Lingkha Palace, and thus, the people inside no longer had any
wish to fight. Therefore, Tsechak Khenchung Gyeltsen La9 and his close
friend Tsedrung Lozang Nyendrak did not want to put themselves into
the hands of the evil Chinese. They both shot themselves. Many other
brave people lost their lives battling to the end, doing whatever they
were able to do. The inner and outer walls of the palace, as well as the
inside of the palace itself, were full of the dead and wounded.
k
Dzasak Taring was a prince from Sikkim who married Rinchen Dolma Taring,
who had been married to the much older Tsarong. She wrote an affecting memoir that
provides fascinating glimpses into Tibet in the first half of the 20th century, particu-
larly among the noble classes. See Rinchen Dolma Taring, Daughter of Tibet (London:
Wisdom Publications, 1986), 102–103.
Ignoring the sight, the Chinese crept into the palace from three
directions and arrested many monks and lay people, including Prime
Ministers Lozang Trashi, Khenché Ngawang Drakpa, Khendrung
Chöpel Tupten, Tupten Tendar, Tupten Jangchup, Tsipön Shukhüpa,
Shakabpa the fourth-ranking official who was my elder brother, Khen-
chung Kelzang Ngawang. All of the remainder were held in the Norbu
Lingkha offices, under a Chinese guard.
Similarly, the Chinese also bombarded the Potala Palace, Lhasa, and
Zhöl with a rain of artillery. However, Tibetan soldiers and citizens
set fire to several places where the Chinese were located and killed
many Chinese soldiers. There was no break in the thunder of guns and
artillery throughout the night. On the morning of the eleventh day, a
rumor was spread around Lhasa that Norbu Lingkha Palace had been
victorious. Thus, townspeople issued calls of peace from the rooftops.
People burned incense and called out, “The gods are victorious.”
That night, Lhasa, the Potala, and Sera Monastery were fired upon
simultaneously with cannon. The Tsuklakhang of Ramoché and the
Tantric College were utterly destroyed. Countless numbers of people
on both sides died or were wounded. The guards of the Tsuklakhang
and the police fearlessly went within the Barkor route,l inflicting losses
on the Chinese who were at Kyitöpa, Kashöpa, and Zurkhang. Even
more incredible, they displayed their tremendous bravery by stealthfully
assaulting the Chinese camp at Luguk.
The many well-armed trucks of the Chinese were used to block the
road between Lhasa and Zhöl, the great roads going north and west,
and the many smaller roads within the city. From about five o’clock
that evening, people began to escape in the direction of Sera Monastery
and Langru. Yet the Chinese fired from atop the high buildings in that
area with machine guns. Many more people were killed or wounded.
Countless old people, women, and children who were hidden within
their houses died of fright or were accidentally killed.
At about four o’clock in the morning on the twelfth day of the second
month, the Chinese Communists began making frequent announce-
ments over a loudspeaker:
The reactionaries in Norbu Lingkha Palace have been utterly destroyed
and the remainder have already been arrested. If the reactionaries in Lhasa
l
The Barkor (bar bskor) is a circumambulation route within Lhasa. It surrounds
the Jokhang Tsuklakhang Temple.
now put an end to their shooting, we will not fire upon the Tsuklakhang,
which we could destroy in a few moments. If they make a truce and
capitulate, they will not be killed.
People were uncertain if the omniscient Dalai Lama had been able to
escape, although it seemed that the Norbu Lingkha Palace had been
destroyed. Now, this Tsuklakhang Temple, Rasa Trülnang, was the
only remaining spark of their religion. Thus, if it were destroyed, there
would be nothing left. Seeing that they would be powerless to resist for
a long time, the fighting gradually abated. Those people who were able
to act cautiously escaped.
Chinese troops went from house to house searching for and seizing
all of the weapons they found. Old people, women, and children were
left, and all of the young people were kept in groups in Trimon, Meru,
Zhidé, Sampo, and Chingur. The people were investigated to see if they
were senior monks in the government, officials in private estates, sol-
diers, or monastic officials; all of them were imprisoned. The remainder,
many thousands of ordinary men and women, were taken to Norbu
Lingkha Palace by Chinese soldiers. They were made to search for the
corpses of monks to see if the Dalai Lama had been killed accidentally.
Other than that, several thousand corpses were moved and placed in a
huge pile. Oil and gasoline were poured on the bodies and they were
burned. The smoke from the burning of human flesh and houses filled
the sky with black clouds for several days until it rained. The land was
full of terrible smells.
Many important government officials were arrested in the Potala
Palace and in Lhasa, including retired Cabinet Minister Lhaluba,
Dzasak Tsarongpa, Dzasak Mön Lingpa, General Khenchung Lodrö
Kelzang, Tsechak Khenchung, Lamen Khenchung Loden Chödrak,
Pokpön Kenchung Ngawang Tsepel, Lachak Khenchung Tupten Tenpa,
Tupten Chönyi, Lhasa steward Khenchung Lozang Tendzin, Zhöl
steward Khenchung Ngawang Tsültrim, Khenchung Lozang Nyendrak,
the Dapön of Drapzhi Samposé, fourth-ranking Dodewa, Salungpa,
Sumdoba, Rasa Gyagenpa, Lachak Mentöpa, Dumrawa, and Mipön
Gokkharwa. Many courageous representatives of the people were also
arrested and imprisoned in military districts and Taring. Several Chi-
nese officers and soldiers went to Doring House to arrest Ganden Tripa
Rinpoché; Gazhisé shot the leader, and he in turn was beaten to death
by a Chinese officer. Khenchung Tönpa Jampa Khedrup kept firing from
his house, and at the end of a long battle with the Chinese, he lost his
life. In both Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa, more than ten thousand
people died and more than fifteen thousand were wounded.10
The news of the turmoil in Lhasa reached Kalimpong on the second
day of the second month. There was unbearable fear of the danger to
the Dalai Lama if the present turmoil intensified, and so the Committee
for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong led by retired Prime Minister
Lukhangpa sent a wire to India’s Prime Minister Nehru asking him to
help protect the Dalai Lama. At the same time, retired Prime Minister
Lukhangpa and deputy of the Cabinet Yutok led a group of people
to Delhi, India’s capital, on the eleventh day of the second month; it
consisted of myself, monk and lay government officials, members and
representatives of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare, the abbot
of Tarchö Monastery, Tibetan traders living in India, and representa-
tives of the Tibetan people living in Darjeeling. In all, there were more
than three hundred people. In Delhi, we met with Vice President Dr.
Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Nehru, Interior Minister Pandit Pant,
Congress Party President Indira Gandhi, and Indian Foreign Secretary
Dutt.
We submitted an appeal to them saying that the Chinese Communists
had forcefully suppressed Tibet and asking them to intervene. It also
asked that they take responsibility for the Dalai Lama’s security and
communicate with China. The appeal continued, saying that Tibet was
free and independent and exhorting the Indian government to support
the Tibetan army and the National Volunteer Defense Army. At the
same time, we met with members of the Indian opposition party, Mr.
Vajpaiyi, Acharya Kirpalani, Ashoka Metha, Masani, and so forth, ask-
ing them to support the truth in Tibet. At that time, the front pages of
all of the Indian newspapers explained that the Chinese Communists
had attacked Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa with artillery. Since
reports arrived each day that the whereabouts of the Dalai Lama were
unknown, those of us who were in Delhi were afflicted with terrible
suffering. Some people went crazy, some fell unconscious, and some
even died.
At that time, out of his great concern for the religious and political
status of Tibet, the Vice Minister of Ladakh, Prince Bhakula, visited
important figures in the Indian government, including Prime Minister
Nehru and in particular, members of the Congress Party, urging them
to support Tibet’s cause. The Prime Minister of Bhutan, Jikmé Dorjé,
also sympathetically supported Tibet, and he acted as a friend to the
monasteries. Many thousands of Indian citizens, led by the Jan Sangh

and the Praja Socialist Parties, demonstrated in front of the Chinese
Embassy, displaying their displeasure. They shouted slogans like “The
suppression in Tibet must be stopped” and “The Chinese must leave
Tibet.” Many thousands of Indians also demonstrated in Bombay, burn-
ing a portrait of Chairman Mao as a way of defaming him. According
to what the Indian Prime Minister Nehru said, similar demonstrations
happened in many other Indian cities. This is an indication that the
spontaneously arisen friendly relations between Tibet and India could
not be undone.
Members of Buddhist religious associations and monks in Ceylon
held meetings in which they exhorted the government of Ceylon to
discontinue political and trade relations between Ceylon and China
if the Chinese did not cease their attacks on Tibet. At the same time,
Buddhist groups in Burma, Thailand, the Philippines, and Japan urged
their respective governments to insist that the Chinese suppression
be halted immediately. The Progressive Party of Vietnam promised
to send one hundred young people to assist the volunteer forces of
Tibet. Tens of thousands of young Chinese people demonstrated in
Taipei, the capital of Formosa, calling for an end to Chinese influence
in Tibet. Mongolians living in America also protested in front of the
United Nations building, handing out pamphlets of protest against the
Chinese and carrying banners that read “Long Live the Dalai Lama.”
Beyond this, sympathetic people in many countries throughout the
world came out in support of the truth in Tibet.
Several of our representatives went to the Marina Hotel in New Delhi
on April 3, 1959, to meet with Prime Minister Lukhangpa. We were
distressed to hear about the newspaper reports that the Dalai Lama
had been injured in a fall, and so we discussed what could be done to
improve matters. While this meeting was underway, Mr. Masani called
me from the Parliament House to report that:
Prime Minister Nehru has just told the Lower House of Parliament that
he received a request for asylum from the Dalai Lama on March 29th.
As permission has been granted, the Dalai Lama has already reached the
Indian border on March 31. An Indian government reception committee
is being sent to receive him and his retinue and arrangements are being
made for whatever they require. Members of Parliament proclaimed their
unanimous greetings.
Immediately, I went to tell Prime Minister Lukhangpa; at that time, he
was sitting cross legged with a book of prayers on his lap. As soon as
he heard the news, he seized the book in his hands, rose to his feet and
shouted, “Tashi Delek!” At the same time, he walked around several
times without any problem. For all of the Tibetans in Delhi, our joy at
this news cannot be expressed; we spread the news around, and all of
us left for Kalimpong and Darjeeling that night to prepare to receive
the Dalai Lama.
Notes to Chapter Twenty-Two
1. The nine were the retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa, Taktser Tupten Norbu,
Gyalo Thondup, Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, myself, Tsepon Shakabpa, Tsedrung
Tupten Nyinjé, Jampa Wangdu, Jampa Tsöndrü, and Alo Chödzé.
2. A copy of this Kardzé daily newspaper from the twelfth day of the tenth month
(November 22, 1958), is included in the Compilation of Records.
3. After being subjected to “struggle sessions” with the Chinese army several time,
the Chinese Lozang Trashi made the decision to join the National Volunteer Defense
Army. Later, he went to India along with the other members of the volunteer forces.
These days, he lives in a Tibetan refugee camp in Mussourie. The other Chinese
man escaped during the night to Nyasap Drukha; one primarily hears that he was a
Chinese spy.
4. Concerning the Question of Tibet (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1959), 37.
This book is published in Beijing. Translator’s Note: The version I have used here is
from Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International
Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House,
1960), 141.
5. See Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People:
The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York:
Warner Books, 1977), 186–188.
Books, 1977), 212–213.
9. He was the tremendously heroic person who was most responsible for maintain-
ing the secret that the Dalai Lama and his retinue were secretly fleeing. About him, I
remember that in 1948 Tsipön Lukhangpa highly praised his service, saying in front
of the assembly that he has a crooked eye but not a crooked mind.
10. I have heard about these events from many witnesses who actually saw what
happened in Lhasa.
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE
DALAI LAMA’S APPEAL TO THE

UNITED NATIONS UPON ARRIVING IN INDIA
The Indian government immediately welcomed the Dalai Lama and

those who had arrived with him on April 5, 1959. The twenty-three
year old incarnation, now free of Chinese control for the first time in
nearly a decade, issued a statement officially rejecting the Seventeen-
Point Agreement that had been forced on the Tibetans in 1951 and
denouncing the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region
of Tibet in which he had been compelled to participate. The statement
recounted some of the ways the Tibetans had felt aggrieved during the
occupation and narrated the Dalai Lama’s escape from Tibet. While
living under the control of China during the intervening years, he had
been unable to express himself freely on these points.
As efforts were underway to establish the instruments of a govern-
ment-in-exile, the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare was disbanded
so that all official efforts to provide for Tibetans in India could be orga-
nized under the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama was initially established at
Mussoorie in Uttarakhand, India, near both Tibet and western Nepal.
As increasing numbers of Tibetans followed the Dalai Lama into exile,
government officials were organized into departments responsible for
various aspects of their welfare. Massive relief efforts were implemented
to provide for the one hundred thousand Tibetans that would cross the
Himalayas in the following few years. As Shakabpa remarks, “a new
world had to be built.”a Fortunately, the Indian government showed
itself to be a sympathetic supporter of the Tibetan exiles.
India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru spoke about Tibet in
Parliament. He rebutted charges made by the Chinese that India was
holding the Dalai Lama against his will or that India was pursuing
a policy of expansionism. He also reported his conversations with
Zhou Enlai in which the Chinese Premier assured him that Tibetans
a
See p. 1042 below.
1034 chapter twenty-three
would not be compelled to adopt Communism or unwanted reforms.b

Nehru’s sympathetic assurances to the Dalai Lama during his 1956
visit to India had encouraged the Dalai Lama to believe that it would
be possible to reach an accommodation with China.c However, Nehru
was at best slow to perceive the dangers posed to Tibet by China and
at worst an appeaser, reluctant to condemn China’s aggressive posture
for fear of being compelled to take a stand against Mao. Mindful of
Indian national interests, he did not offer disinterested advice to the
Dalai Lama, but rather urged the young man to follow a path that
Nehru himself believed would help India avoid becoming entrapped
in a conflict with China over Tibet.d
Tsepon Shakabpa was appointed to lead the Bureau of His Holiness
the Dalai Lama in Delhi, a sort of embassy through which the exile
government could act on the international stage. Throughout 1959, the
Dalai Lama attempted to gain support in the international community,
including appeals directly through the United Nations. Shakabpa and
the Dalai Lama’s elder brothers, Gyalo Thondup and Taktser Jikmé
Norbu, flew to England and then to New York in order to press Tibet’s
case. A resolution was passed on October 27, 1959 calling for “respect
for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and for their
distinctive cultural and religious life.” The delegation met with the
Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld (1905–1961) before returning
to India to brief the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government.
The following year, an international conference of nations from Asia
and Africa passed a resolution supporting Tibet. The International
Commission of Jurists issued several reports condemning human rights
abuses and breaches of international law in Tibet by the Chinese.e In
b
c
Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in Exile: The Auto-
biography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990), 128–135. See
also p. 988 above.
d
Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors: The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan Freedom
Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004),
174–178 and 285–286. It is evident that one of the main reasons the Dalai Lama decided
to return to Tibet in 1956 is because Nehru urged him to do so. Tenzin Gyatso, the
Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of
the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 122–124.
e
International Commission of Jurists published two volume (see p. 897 above),
which included various official documents, statements by the Dalai Lama, the Cabinet,
and other government officials, and statements by Tibetan citizens on all aspects of
the invasion and occupation.
appeal to the united nations 1035
addition to concluding that the Chinese had committed genocide, the

panel of jurists determined that:f
Tibet was a free and independent nation, and not only was it free and
independent under nominal Chinese authority, but it was free and inde-
pendent by legal agreement.
Shakabpa records a number of public statements by the Dalai Lama
from this era that provide a snapshot of the official viewpoint of the
Tibetan government at the time.g
Meanwhile, the Indian government supported the Dalai Lama’s exiled
government in the creation of a series of refugee centers, including
the base at Dharamsala in Himachel Pradesh in northern India. The
government-in-exile was established there along with the Library of
Tibetan Works and Archives, the Tibetan Medical and Astrological
Institute, the Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, several monasteries,
and other facilities. Resettlement camps, schools, and hospitals were
established at various locations throughout India and the Himalayan
region. These efforts consumed much of the 1960s and the first half of
the 1970s. By 1976, Tsepon Shakabpa had published this account of
the political history of Tibet, but he would continue to play a signifi-
cant role in writing the story of Tibet through his personal efforts to
elaborate a life in exile.
f
See p. 1058 below.
g
CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE
DALAI LAMA’S APPEAL TO THE

UNITED NATIONS UPON ARRIVING IN INDIA
Most of the preceding history took place within Tibet, and so I have
given dates according to the Tibetan calendar, with the important events
also given in the international calendar. From this point on, dates will
be given according to the international calendar.
On April 5th, when the Dalai Lama and his retinue arrived at Tawang
Monastery in Mön, he was received by a procession of monks and lay
people. The Assistant Secretary of the Indian Foreign Ministry, Mr.
Menon, who had previously been to Lhasa as a representative of the
Indian government, presented the Dalai Lama with a telegram which
had been sent by Prime Minister Nehru. It said:1
My assistants and I extend a joyous welcome to you. We congratulate
you for being able to escape to freedom in India. We will satisfy whatever
necessities you and your retinue require to stay in India; there are no
doubts nor any questions about this.
The Dalai Lama responded with a message expressing his gratitude.
Similarly, the political officer of the Khameng district, Mr. Harmander
Singh, and his wife came to greet the Dalai Lama. They accompanied
him from Tawang to Tezpur, with the officer’s wife preparing all of the
Dalai Lama’s meals with great devotion.
Progressing gradually, they reached a small town called Bomdila on
April 9th, where they were also greeted by the advisor of the North-
East Frontier Agency, Mr. K. L. Mehta. After resting there for eight
days, he traveled by train to Tezpur on the 18th. Retired Prime Min-
ister Lukhangpa and Cabinet Deputy Yutok presented the Dalai Lama
with scarves in greeting; afterwards, they gave him a detailed account
of Tibetan matters within India. He also received a great number of
telegrams from the leaders of many nations throughout the world
and from many important people, congratulating him for being able
to escape. A host of newspapers and television reporters from India
and other foreign nations also came to Tezpur. A brief statement was
prepared, as follows:2
It has always been accepted that Tibetan people are different from the
Han people of China. There has always been a strong desire for inde-
pendence on the part of the Tibetan people. Throughout history this has
been asserted on numerous occasions. Sometimes the Chinese Govern-
ment had imposed their suzerainty on Tibet and at other times Tibet has
functioned as an independent country.
In any event, at all times, even when the suzerainty of China was
imposed, Tibet remained autonomous in control of its internal affairs.
In 1951 under pressure of the Chinese Government a 17-point
agreement was made between China and Tibet. In that agreement the
suzerainty of China was accepted as there was no alternative left to the
Tibetans. But even in the agreement it was stated that Tibet would enjoy
full autonomy. Though the control of external events were to be in the
hands of the Chinese Government, it was agreed that there would be no
interference by the Chinese Government with the Tibetan religion and
customs and her internal administration. In fact, after the occupation of
Tibet by the Chinese armies the Tibetan Government did not enjoy any
measure of autonomy even in internal matters, and the Chinese Govern-
ment exercised full powers in Tibetan affairs.
PREPARATORY COMMITTEE
In 1956 a preparatory committee was set up for Tibet with the Dalai Lama
as Chairman and the Paṇchen Lama as Vice-Chairman and General Chang
Kuo-hua (Zhang Guohua) as the representative of the Chinese Govern-
ment. In practice even this body had little power, and decisions in all
important matters were taken by the Chinese authorities. The Dalai Lama
and his Government tried their best to adhere to the 17-point agreement
but the interference of the Chinese authorities persisted.
By the end of 1955 a struggle had started in the Kham province and
this assumed serious proportions in 1956. In the consequential struggle
the Chinese armed forces destroyed a large number of monasteries.
Many lamas were killed and a large number of monks and officials
were taken and employed in the construction of roads in China and the
interference in exercise of religion freedom increased.
1959: STRAINED RELATIONS
The relation of Tibetans with China became openly strained from the
early part of February 1959. The Dalai Lama had agreed a month in
advance to attend a cultural show in the Chinese headquarters and the
date was suddenly fixed for March 10. The people of Lhasa became
apprehensive that some harm might be done to the Dalai Lama and as
a result about 10,000 people gathered around the Dalai Lama’s Summer
Palace at Norbu Lingka and physically prevented the Dalai Lama from
attending the function.
Thereafter the people themselves decided to raise a bodyguard for the

protection of the Dalai Lama. Large crowds of Tibetans went about the
streets of Lhasa demonstrating against the Chinese rule in Tibet. Two
days later thousands of Tibetan women held demonstrations protesting
against Chinese authority. In spite of this demonstration from the people
the Dalai Lama and his Government endeavored to maintain friendly
relations with the Chinese representatives as to how best to bring about
peace in Tibet and assuage the people’s anxiety.
While these negotiations were being carried out reinforcements arrived
to strengthen the Chinese garrisons in Lhasa and Tibet. On March 17, two
or three mortar shells were fired in the direction of the Norbu Lingkha
palace. Fortunately the shells fell in a nearby pond.
After this the advisers became alive to the danger to the person of the
Dalai Lama and in those difficult circumstances it became imperative
for the Dalai Lama, the members of his family and his high officials to
leave Lhasa.
The Dalai Lama would like to state categorically that he left Lhasa in
Tibet and came to India of his own free will and not under duress.
It was due to the loyalty and affectionate support of his people that
the Dalai Lama was able to find his way through a route which is quite
arduous. The route which the Dalai Lama took involved crossing the
Kyichu and Tsangpo rivers and making his way through Lhokha area,
Yarlung Valley and Psona Dzong before reaching the Indian frontier at
Kanzeymane near to Chuhangmu.
TWO EMISSARIES
On March 29, 1959, the Dalai Lama sent two emissaries to cross the
Indo-Tibetan border requesting the Government of India’s permission to
enter India and seek asylum here. The Dalai Lama is extremely grateful to
the people and Government of India for their spontaneous and generous
welcome as well as the asylum granted to him and his followers.
India and Tibet have had religious, cultural and trade links for over a
thousand years and for Tibetans it has always been the land of enlighten-
ment, having given birth to the Lord Buddha. The Dalai Lama is deeply
touched by the kind greetings extended to him on his safe arrival in
India by the Prime Minister, Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru, and his colleagues
in the Government of India. The Dalai Lama has already sent a reply to
this message of greeting.
Ever since the Dalai Lama entered at Kanzeymane near Chuhangmu
he has experienced in full measure the respect and hospitality extended
to him by the people of the Khameng frontier division of the North-East
Frontier Agency and the Dalai Lama would like to state how the Govern-
ment of India’s officers posted there had spared no effort in making his
stay and journey through this extremely well administered part of India
as comfortable as possible.
The Dalai Lama will now be proceeding to Mussoorie which he hopes

to reach in the next few days. The Dalai Lama will give thought to his
future plans and, if necessary, give expression to them as soon as he has
had a chance to rest and reflect on recent events.
His country and people have passed through an extremely difficult
period and all that the Dalai Lama wishes to say at the moment is to
express his sincere regret at the tragedy which has overtaken Tibet and
to hope fervently that these troubles will be over soon without any more
bloodshed.
As the Dalai Lama and spiritual head of all the Buddhists in Tibet, his
foremost concern is the well-being of his people and in ensuring perpetual
flourishing of his sacred religion and freedom of his country.
While expressing once again thankfulness at his safe arrival in India
the Dalai Lama would like to take this opportunity to communicate to
all his friends, well-wishers and devotees in India and abroad his sincere
gratitude for the many messages of sympathy and concern with which
they have flooded him.
The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Tezpur on a special train.
Not only did the Tibetans living in Kalimpong, Darjeeling, and Sik-
kim come to greet the Dalai Lama at the Siliguri Train Station, but
many thousands of Indians and Nepalis also came. The Dalai Lama
gave a joyful audience and granted blessings to the crowd on a platform
outside of the train station. It became as if the joy at being able to flee
to safety and the torment about the Chinese suppression in Tibet were
in contention with each other.
Mr. Apa Pant the Governor of Sikkim, Rani Chöying Wangmo the
daughter of the Queen of Sikkim, and the district officers of Jalpaiguri
and Darjeeling also met with the Dalai Lama. After almost half an hour,
the train left again. The train was received by many tens of thousands
of people at Varanasi, Lucknow, Dehra Dun, and so forth. People
offered their respects, and at the same time, they proclaimed their joy
at his escaping to safety, resounding like the thunder of a thousand
bolts of lightening.
On April 20th, they reached the Birla House residence in Happy Val-
ley at Mussoorie which had been arranged by the Indian government. It
was like Sakra’s Palace;a the Dalai Lama was happily established there.
Four days later, Prime Minister Nehru went to Mussoorie to meet with
the Dalai Lama; they discussed a variety of issues for a long time.3
a
I.e., Indra’s palace.
After we had met the Dalai Lama at Siliguri, we immediately returned

to Kalimpong, where a meeting of the Committee for Tibetan Social
Welfare was held. I said:
While the Dalai Lama was in Tibet, his older brother Gyalo Thondup,
Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, and I respectfully did whatever we could
for Tibet’s benefit, like the example of measuring the night with a donkey
instead of a rooster.b However, the Dalai Lama and the cabinet can now
take care of all of Tibet’s affairs. From this day forward, the organization
which we started will be disbanded. Thus, all of us should work under
the direction of the Dalai Lama.
We discontinued the committee.
According to instructions received from Mussoorie, all government
officials who were living in the Kalimpong area, including Prime
Minister Lukhangpa and Cabinet Deputy Yutok, went to Mussoorie
to explain their general activities in recent times to the Dalai Lama
and the cabinet. At that point, we indicated that we had disbanded
the committee and that henceforth we would work under the Dalai
Lama’s leadership.
There were a variety of unfounded rumors that Gyalo Thondup,
Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, and I had used our government’s gold
and silver that had been deposited in Gangtok, Sikkim, for our own
personal enjoyment. In fact, not only did we not enjoy the use of a grain
of gold or even an invisible speck of silver, the door and its seal were
under guard, undisturbed. Since we were able to transfer the accounts,
we expressed our gratitude directly to the Dalai Lama and the cabinet
if they would take it. It is reported that a representative subsequently
transported the treasures to Calcutta.c
All sorts of lamas and leaders gathered in Mussoorie and in accord-
ance with the proclamation issued at Yülgyel Lhüntsé, the retired Prime
Minister Lukhangpa was asked to continue bearing the responsibilities
b
Shakabpa is humbly saying they could do very little because they did not have
the familiar helpful guidance of the Dalai Lama. In that context, they merely did what
they could. But the tools they had were not good. After all, who tries to wake up with
the morning braying of a donkey?
c
The Dalai Lama himself mentions this episode in his autobiography, Freedom in
Exile (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1990, 184–185), confirming that the resource
was returned to the government. He says this treasure was sold on the open market,
raising about $8 million dollars. Unsound investment decisions wasted a significant
portion of these funds, and the remainder was used to create the organization known
as His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Charitable Trust, which was established in 1964 and
continues to operate for the benefit of the Tibetan people.
of that office. He said that he was old and had chronic health problems;
thus, although he would continue to go to important functions and
various ceremonies, he said he would rather retire. All of the cabinet
ministers were assigned various duties: Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs,
Religion, Education, Economics, and Security.
Within Tibet, the Chinese Communists killed or arrested countless
people. Thus, a vast number of terrified monks and lay people were
beginning to follow the Dalai Lama into India by way of Tawang in
Mön, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal, Ladakh, and so forth. The Indian govern-
ment immediately established a camp at Misameri to take care of the
refugees. Thus, a director and a doctor were assigned there.
The effort was led by Mrs. Sujita, the wife of Acharya Kirpalani who
was a representative of India’s Lower House of Parliament. The aid from
the Indian government, the Red Cross, and other foreign nations were
channeled through the newly established Central Relief Office. Assis-
tance was given in the form of rice, wheat flour, powdered milk, corn
flour, sugar, butter, tea, salt, medicine, clothing, and even firewood. This
was done under the guidance of the retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa,
Khendrön Palhawa, and other functionaries and translators.
Those people among the refugees who could take care of them-
selves were allowed to travel as they pleased. The remainder, monks
and so forth, went to Buxaduor and Dalhousie. Others had gone to
Simla, Chamba, and Sikkim where they were able to find temporary
work building roads. Still others, who were interested in learning a
craft, attended newly founded training centers in Dalhousie and other
mountainous places where it was not too hot. Indian and Tibetan
government officials were sent to these places along with translators.
People who became extremely ill, with tuberculosis and so forth, were
taken to hospitals run by the aid agencies. In many ways, a new world
had to be built.
At that time, I was appointed to lead the Bureau of His Holiness the
Dalai Lama in Delhi; the son of the fourth-ranking official Taring and
another functionary were made my assistants. We maintained contact
with the Indian government, other foreign embassies, and foreign relief
organizations, such as the Central Relief Office. Relief was given to
refugees working on the roads crews and gradually efforts were made
to establish camps, workshops, schools, religious camps, and nurser-
ies. Appeals were made for assistance, and whatever was received was
distributed to all who needed it.
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru reported to India’s Lower House of

Parliament in the Lok Sabha on April 27, 1959, about the vital impor-
tance of the Dalai Lama’s having come to India:4
The charges made against India [by the Chinese government] are so
fantastic that I find it difficult to deal with them. There is the charge
of our keeping the Dalai Lama under duress. The Chinese authorities
should surely know how we function in this country and what our
laws and Constitution are . . . As the Paṇchen Lama has made himself
responsible specially for some strange statements, I have stated that we
would welcome him to come to India and meet the Dalai Lama himself.
Should he choose to do so, every courtesy will be extended to him. I have
further said that the Chinese Ambassador or any other emissary of the
Chinese Government can come to India for this purpose and meet the
Dalai Lama. There is no barrier for anyone to come peacefully to India,
and whether we agree with him or not, we shall treat him with courtesy
due to a guest.
Another and an even stranger allegation has been made about “Indian
expansionists” who, it is alleged, are inheritors of the British tradition of
imperialism and expansion. It is perfectly true that British policy was one
of expansion into Tibet and that they carried this out by force of arms
early in this century. That was, in our opinion, an unjustified and cruel
adventure which has brought much harm to the Tibetans. As a result of
that, the then British Government of India established certain extrater-
ritorial rights in Tibet. When India became independent, we inherited
some of these rights . . . We withdrew our army detachments from some
places in Tibet and handed over Indian postal and telegraph installations
and rest houses [to the Tibetans] . . .
I have stated some time ago that our broad policy was governed by
three factors: (1) the preservation of the security and integrity of India;
(2) our desire to maintain friendly relations with China; and (3) our
deep sympathy for the people of Tibet . . . We for our part will follow this
policy, but we hope that China also will do likewise and that nothing
will be said or done which endangers the friendly relations of the two
countries which are so important from the wider point of view of the
peace of Asia and the world.
When Premier Zhou Enlai came here two or three years ago, he was
good enough to discuss Tibet with me at considerable length . . . He told
me that while Tibet had been a part of the Chinese State, they did not
consider Tibet as a province of China. The people were different from
the people of China proper . . . He told me further that it was absurd for
anyone to imagine that China was going to force communism on Tibet.
Communism could not be enforced in this way on a very backward coun-
try and they had no wish to do so even though they would like reforms
to come in progressively. Even these reforms they proposed to postpone
for a considerable time.
At that time, the Dalai Lama was also here and I had long talks with
him then. I told him of Premier Zhou Enlai’s friendly approach and of
his assurance that he would respect the autonomy of Tibet. I suggested
to him that he should accept these assurances in good faith and cooper-
ate in maintaining that autonomy and bringing about certain reforms
in Tibet. The Dalai Lama agreed that his country, though, according to
him, advanced spiritually, was very backward socially and economically
and reforms were needed . . .
To say that a number of “upper strata reactionaries” in Tibet were
solely responsible for this appears to an extraordinary simplification of a
complicated situation. Even according to the accounts received through
Chinese sources, the revolt in Tibet was of considerable magnitude and
the basis of it must have been a strong feeling of nationalism which affects
not only upper class people but others also . . .
When the news of these unhappy developments came to India, there
was immediately a strong and widespread reaction. The Government did
not bring about this reaction. Nor was this reaction essentially political.
It was largely one of sympathy based on sentimental and humanitarian
reasons. Also on a certain feeling of kinship with the Tibetan people
derived from long-established religious and cultural contacts . . . If that
was the reaction here, one may well imagine the reaction among the
Tibetans themselves. Probably this reaction is shared in the other Buddhist
countries of Asia. When there are such strong feelings, which are essen-
tially not political, they cannot be dealt with by political methods alone,
much less by military methods. We have no desire whatever to interfere
in Tibet; we have every desire to maintain the friendship between India
and China; but at the same time we have every sympathy for the people
of Tibet, and we are greatly distressed at their hapless plight. We hope
still that the authorities of China, in their wisdom, will not use their great
strength against the Tibetans but will win them to friendly cooperation
in accordance with the assurances they have themselves given about the
autonomy of the Tibet region. Above all, we hope that the present fight-
ing and killing will cease.
As I said above, I had a long talk with the Dalai Lama three days ago
in Mussoorie . . . He said that up to the last moment he did not wish to
leave Lhasa. It was only on the afternoon of the 17th of March when,
according to him, some shells were fired at his palace and fell in a pond
nearby, that the sudden decision was then to leave Lhasa . . .
In this way, Prime Minister Nehru explained the extent of the Chi-
nese suppression in Tibet and the helplessness of the Tibetan people.
However, he said that Tibet was nominally part of China; this was a
recognition of his inability to change the previous mistaken policy.
A large conference on the issue of Tibet was organized in Calcutta
under the leadership of Jaya Prakash Narayan; it lasted for two days
and was attended by many scholars who were famous in India. The
Dalai Lama sent a message to the conference and supporters of Tibet in

India also attended. The Tibetan representatives were Ngortartsé Abbot
Sönam Gyatso, Tretong’s son Sönam Topjor, Markham Tösam, and so
forth. The conferees agreed that the free and independent nation of Tibet
had been invaded by Communist China, that the people of India should
support Tibet’s political cause, that the Afro-Asian Committee for Tibet
should be established to promote Tibet’s quest for independence, and
that the issue of Tibet should be raised with the United Nations.
The following day, a crowd of many tens of thousands of people
assembled in Wellington Square in Calcutta. Shri J. P. Narayan, Dr.
Mazum Das, Acharya Kirpalani, Mr. C. P. Gupta, Mr. D. P. Prasang
Gosh, Mr. Khamath, and so forth spoke, criticizing China. Many tens of
thousands of Indians demonstrated, shouting slogans like “Communist
China leave Tibet” and “Tibet must be given her independence.”
On June twentieth, the Dalai Lama held a news conference in Mus-
soorie in which he said:5
Ever since I arrived in India, I have received reports every day about
the situation of terrible difficulties and sufferings of the Tibetan people
and the increasing murders of the ordinary Tibetan people. In order to
forestall the destruction of the Buddhist religion and the Tibetan people,
I can no longer remain silent. Thus, the time has come to present the
actual facts about the situation in Tibet to the world and to the developed
nations . . .
Before 1950, Tibet was a free and independent nation and enjoyed the
practical rights held by independent nations, both internally and exter-
nally. This fact was made clear even in the Seventeen-Point Agreement
imposed on Tibet by the Chinese Communists in 1951. The manner in
which it was agreed upon and the individual provisions within it showed
that it was reached between two independent nations. As a result, the
initial dispatch of Chinese troops onto Tibetan soil was an invasion.
Thereafter, the Seventeen-Point Agreement was imposed without regard
for the wishes of the Tibetan people. The Tibetans were powerless to
ignore their threatened forces of arms. If my representatives did not sign,
the Chinese would attack and they feared that Tibet would be utterly
destroyed. They had no alternative . . .
Although the Chinese had agreed to preserve my authority, they quickly
subverted my power, and the Chinese representatives who were in Tibet
exercised inappropriate control. They disliked my two Prime Ministers
Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekar (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten
for speaking bluntly and compelled me to ask them to resign. Forced
labor, extra-judicial torture and executions, seizure of monastic and
private lands, and the extra-judicial execution of several nobles are signs
of Chinese domination in Tibet.
Through these years, I have done whatever I could, advising the Tibet-
ans to cooperate and even telling the Chinese officers that they must
strive to increase the stability. However, their actions just contradicted my
wishes. Even if I stayed in Lhasa, there was nothing I could do to relieve
the danger to our country and the evil circumstances there because the
situation was such that it was hopeless to benefit the Tibetan people . . .
This is the actual situation. Since it is possible that the Beijing govern-
ment does not know the actual situation of Tibet, if they wish to check
the truth of what I am saying, a committee could be sent to our country
to investigate. If they did so, my government and I would gladly accept
this. We would accept the consideration and conclusions of whatever
investigation was undertaken by an impartial committee.
Still, to repeat myself, I have adopted many methods to bring about the
necessary reforms in Tibet and also to avert the Tibetan people’s hostility
towards the Chinese. However, they have not considered or accepted these
approaches. Since I myself was unable to do anything to improve the lot
of the Tibetan people, I had decided to remain in India temporarily at the
time when I was here for the celebration of the 2,500th Anniversary of
Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa. However, India’s Prime Minister Nehru, who has
been supportive and kind, held discussions with Premier Zhou Enlai in
which the latter made all sorts of promises. Prime Minister Nehru then
advised me that I must change my mind. Believing that the situation in
Tibet would improve, I returned to Tibet . . .
From the day that I arrived back in Tibet, I clearly understood that none
of the promises given by Chinese officials were implemented, and thus I
was overcome with sadness. Instead, matters became increasingly hopeless.
Let me clearly state that I am certain of the necessity for social, economic,
and political reforms in Tibet, but my government and I have never done
anything at all to contradict this. The actual fact is that our society is an
ancient one. We had no reason to hide this. There is a definite necessity
for reforms for the benefit of the Tibetan people. In particular, for nine
years, my government and I developed many proposals, which enjoyed
wide support, for ways to initiate reforms. Yet, the Chinese continually
obstructed these plans. For that reason, there was no way to improve the
society and economy of Tibet . . . The Chinese did not permit us to imple-
ment sincere and appropriate reforms with their obstructions.
At present, the Chinese representative in Lhasa are only nominally
initiating reforms; the Tibetan people resolutely revolted against their
violent and ferocious approach which involved forceful seizures and
contradicted our religion.
I have acted to express clearly the actual situation in Tibet to the
advanced nations in the world, and have not presented any fanciful
description. These days, even if actions not based in truth are done with
strength, truth will prevail in the end . . .
All Tibetans, whether we are lay people or monks, do not harbor any
ill-will toward the Chinese people. We only wish to live in peace and
happiness. Thus, we appeal to all the nations of the world to please live
in peace, happiness, and harmony.
If the Chinese are willing to undertake peace talks within an acceptance
of the rights and authority which existed unblemished up to 1950, prior
to the present tragic environment, then my government and I would be
happy to do so. Before it would be possible to come to a mutually agree-
able settlement, several necessary principles must be fulfilled. Although
we are seeking a suitable way towards peace and happiness, we must
definitely maintain our authority and rights. Being the representative of
the Tibetan people, I offer my gratitude to all of you.
At the conclusion of his speech, the Dalai Lama responded to many
questions from the press corps. I have not recounted them out of fear
of compiling too large a book.
Tibetans who had escaped from Tibet presented many eye witness
reports. According to these reports, the Chinese Communists had
killed more than ten thousand monks and lay people at Norbu Lingkha
Palace and in Lhasa and Zhöl. More than fifteen thousand people were
wounded. Government officials and popular leaders were imprisoned in
Chinese military garrisons, illegally killed, or pressed into forced labor.
A vast number of monks and lay people were forced into road building
crews in Kormo. Many nobles were unable to bear the wretched condi-
tions, and so, they took their own lives. In general, countless numbers
of old people, women, and children died of hunger because it was dif-
ficult to even find the nourishment of a little tea. Many accounts of
the increasing hopelessness were recounted.
In addition, although there were hints in the newspapers of a nego-
tiated peace between China and Tibet, the Chinese Communist gov-
ernment would not admit this, and so they were insincere. Thus, the
Dalai Lama, unable to bear the status quo, decided to bring an appeal
before the United Nations. To this end, he traveled from Mussoorie to
Delhi and met with President Rajendra Prasad, Prime Minister Nehru,
various other relevant officials, and ambassadors of foreign nations. On
November seventh, the Dalai Lama gave a speech at a conference held
by the Indian Council of World Affairs at Sabru House, as follows:6
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I greatly appreciate the honor you have done me by giving me this
opportunity to speak to you very briefly on one or two aspects of the
tragic problem of Tibet. Mr. President, I am personally grateful to you
for the active interest you have evinced in this matter and for the earnest
efforts made by you to arouse the conscience of the world. I am not a
statesmen or politician. I am not a student of international law. I am only
a priest wedded to the religion of peace and freedom and dedicated to

the cause of the welfare of my people who have been entrusted to my
care by Divine Providence. It is in this spirit that I propose to make a
few observations on the grave tragedy which confronts today the people
of Tibet. It is needless for me to emphasize that I have been prompted
purely by the desire to help the cause which is nearest to my heart; and if
in making these observations I have to differ from the views expressed by
some great and distinguished statesmen, I do so with the greatest regret
and in all humility.
Ladies and Gentlemen, it is our firm conviction that Tibet was a
separate and sovereign State at the time when her territorial integrity
was violated by the Armed Forces of China. Several weighty arguments
can be urged in support of this contention. In the first place, it should
be remembered that no power or authority was exercised by China over
Tibet between 1894, when the 13th Dalai Lama assumed the reins of
government, and 1950 when the Chinese marched into Tibet under the
orders of the Peking Government. This fact is clearly admitted by the
People’s Government of China in the preamble to the Agreements of
1951, which was drafted by the Peking Government and thrust upon
Tibet under threat of further military action against her people. It is
clearly acknowledged in the preamble that Tibet and the Tibetans have
been outside the pale of the authority of China for several decades. In
their note of the 16th November 1950, to the Government of India, the
Peking Government have implicitly endorsed this position. They have
stated; “When the Chinese Government actually exercised its sovereign
rights, and began to liberate the Tibetan people and drive out foreign
forces and influence to ensure that the Tibetan people will be free from
aggression, and will realize regional autonomy and religious freedom,
the Indian Government attempted to influence and obstruct the exer-
cise of its sovereign rights in Tibet by the Chinese Government.” This
statement clearly shows that the so-called sovereign rights claimed by
the Government of China had not been exercised by them prior to the
invasion of Tibet. The Chinese authorities did not, however, disclose the
source of such sovereign rights, because there is none from which such
extravagant claims could be derived. However, whatever be the nature of
the claim advanced by China, it is perfectly clear that during this period
the Government of Tibet was not subject to any control by the Chinese
Government. This de facto independence became legally valid and effec-
tive when in 1912 the 13th Dalai Lama issued a proclamation declaring
the complete independence of Tibet and denouncing the Chinese claim
to suzerainty. It is our considered opinion that this Declaration had the
same effect in international law as the Declaration made by Bulgaria
in 1908 terminating the rights of suzerainty vested in the Government
of Turkey. This Declaration, although unilateral, was accepted by the
concert of powers which had previously recognized Turkish suzerainty
under the Treaty of Berlin of 1878. Our position is, therefore, clear and
unambiguous. So far as China was concerned, during this entire period
Tibet was completely independent and not subject to any control by the
Government of China.
In the second place, according to the best advice available to me, one
of the essential ingredients of the sovereign status of a State is the right to
conclude treaties with other international persons. If this be the criterion
of a sovereign State, surely the Government of Tibet was in full possession
of external sovereignty, for during this period it entered into as many as
five international agreements. The first was the Treaty of 1856 between
Tibet and Nepal which bound the Government of Nepal to render assis-
tance to the Government of Tibet in the event of invasion of Tibet by a
foreign power. As regards China, the treaty expressly stated that, “both
States pay respect as always before to the Emperor of China”. In other
words, the High Contracting Parties acknowledged the nominal suzerainty
of China as had always been the case since the installation of the first
Dalai Lama. The second treaty was between Outer Mongolia and Tibet
and recognized the independence and sovereignty of the two contract-
ing States. Then came the Lhasa Convention of 1904 between the British
Government and the Government of Tibet. This convention expressly
speaks of “the relations of friendship and good understanding which have
existed between the British Government and the Government of Tibet”.
This was indeed a clear recognition of the sovereign status of Tibet at
the time. It should also be pointed out that under this Convention the
Government of Tibet engaged that, without the previous consent of the
British Government, no foreign power would be permitted to intervene
in Tibetan affairs and that no representatives of any foreign power would
be admitted to Tibet. This provision was applicable to China as well as to
other foreign powers. It follows, therefore, that even if Chinese suzerainty
did survive the assumption of power by the 13th Dalai Lama, it ceased to
have any effect after the conclusion of this Convention. It should also be
pointed out that the provisions of this Convention were accepted by the
Government of China under the Peking Convention of 1906.
The next important international agreement was the Simla Convention
of 1914. Article I of this Convention stipulated that the British Govern-
ment recognized the suzerainty of China whereas the Government of
China undertook to recognize the autonomy of Tibet. It was, however,
expressly made clear that the suzerainty of China did not authorize her
to interfere in the administration of Tibet or to convert Tibet into a
Chinese Province. There was a further prohibition of the Government
of China prohibiting them from sending troops into Tibet, or stationing
civil or military officials or establishing Chinese colonies in the country.
The Convention also continued the restrictions which were imposed on
the authority of the Chinese Government under the Lhasa and Peking
Conventions. However, the Convention, although initiated by the Chi-
nese representative, was not ratified by the Government of China. It is,
therefore, manifestly clear that no claim to Chinese suzerainty, much
less a claim to sovereignty, can be founded upon the provisions of this
Convention. As the Chinese Government did not ratify the Convention,
the Article recognizing the suzerainty of China was null and void and
had no effect.
There is, therefore, no international agreement under which the Gov-
ernment of Tibet acknowledges and recognizes Chinese suzerainty. The
position was made clear beyond doubt by the British Foreign Secretary in
his memorandum to the Chinese Prime Minister in 1943, where he stated
that the British Government was prepared to recognize the suzerainty of
China over Tibet only if China, on her part, recognized the autonomy
of Tibet. Since there has been no such recognition of the autonomy of
Tibet by the Chinese Government there is no valid international agree-
ment giving due recognition to Chinese suzerainty. However, the point
of paramount importance in connection with the Simla Convention is
that the representatives of the Government of Tibet were recognized by
the Government of Great Britain and China as a plenipotentiary and
accorded the same status as the representatives of the other two Govern-
ments. This is amply borne out by the preamble to the Simla Convention.
There cannot be any clearer and more unmistakable evidence of the
international status of Tibet.
This was followed by the Anglo-Tibetan Agreement relating to trade
regulations. Here, again, the representative of the Government of Tibet
occupied the same position and status as a plenipotentiary as the repre-
sentative of His Majesty the King of Great Britain. In the face of this clear
and positive evidence, it is difficult to see how it can be contended that
Tibet did not possess and enjoy international status before the Chinese
invasion of 1950.
I should like to invite your attention, ladies and gentlemen, to an
extremely important question which arises in this connection. The Gov-
ernment of India contends that the boundary between Tibet and India
was finally settled according to the McMahon Line, but this frontier was
laid down by the Simla Convention and this Convention was only valid
and binding as between Tibet and the British Government. If Tibet did
not enjoy international status at the time of the conclusion of the Conven-
tion, she had no authority to enter into such an agreement. Therefore, it
is abundantly clear that if you deny sovereign status to Tibet, you deny
the validity of the Simla Convention and, therefore, you deny the validity
of the McMahon Line. On the other hand, if the McMahon Line is valid
and binding, the Simla Convention must be valid and binding. And,
therefore, it follows as a logical corollary that Tibet did possess sover-
eign and international status at the time when she concluded the Simla
Convention. And if she did possess sovereign status in 1914, nothing
happened subsequently to impair that status in any manner.
Ladies and Gentlemen, this is then the position which Tibet occupied
according to valid and duly concluded agreements of an international
character. Can this unimpeachable testimony be discarded merely because
the powerful Government of China has advanced unfounded and base-
less claims? I believe that the conscience of the civilized world will not
permit such violations of the universally accepted principles of law and
justice. In this connection I wish to bring your notice to another point of

great importance. There is considerable confusion in the minds of people
regarding the two concepts of sovereignty and suzerainty. I am advised
that there are fundamental differences between them. Sovereignty signifies
complete and absolute control. Suzerainty, on the other hand, does not
necessarily imply the loss of the international personality of the vassal
State. Thus, for instance, Bulgaria enjoyed all rights of external sovereignty
while under Turkish suzerainty. She attended the Hague Conference in
1899 as an equal member with her suzerain, and took a decision regard-
ing the covenant which emerged from the Conference different from the
decision taken by Turkey. Similarly. Morocco and Tunisia concluded
treaties with the Republic of France, while still remaining under Turkish
suzerainty. This was also the position of Serbia.
Our contention is that Chinese Suzerainty legally came to an end when
the Declaration of Independence was made by the 13th Dalai Lama.
Even if it be accepted for the sake of argument that Chinese suzerainty
survived this Declaration, it is clear beyond doubt that the Anglo-Tibetan
Convention completely deprived the suzerainty of China of all legal effect
and consequence: and this Convention as we have already pointed out,
was accepted by China under the Peking Convention of 1906. Moreover,
Article I of the Simla Convention which purported to recognize Chinese
suzerainty did not come into operation as the Convention was not ratified
by the Chinese Government. There was, therefore, no foundation for the
Chinese claim that China was exercising her sovereign rights when her
Armed Forces violated the Tibetan territory.
But this is not the whole story. Ample evidence of the sovereign status
of Tibet is to be found in other indisputable facts and circumstances. Thus,
for instance, in 1942 the Chinese Government pressed for the opening
of communication through Tibet. As it was imperative at the time to do
everything possible to bolster up Chinese morale and Anglo-Chinese
relations, the British Government joined with the Government of China
to bring pressure on the Tibetan Government. The proposal was stoutly
resisted by the Government of Tibet, but eventually they gave in to the
advice of the British Government. They, however, made it clear that they
would only allow non-military goods to pass through Tibet from India
to China in order to preserve their neutrality in a war in which both
China and Great Britain were involved. This position was accepted by the
Governments of China and Great Britain. If Tibet could thus maintain
her neutrality, there can be no doubt that at that time she did possess
and enjoy international status.
Moreover, during this entire period the Government of Tibet had
diplomatic relations with various foreign powers. In 1901 a diplomatic
delegation from the Dalai Lama was received by the head of the Russian
State. Similarly, Tibet had treaty relations with Great Britain throughout
the period. She also had diplomatic relations with Outer Mongolia and the
neighboring States of Nepal and Bhutan. It is inconceivable that a State
which did not enjoy international status could have such direct relations
with other States. Similarly, in 1948, a Trade Delegation from Tibet visited
the countries of the United Kingdom, the United States of America and
France, and the passports issued by the Government of Tibet were duly
accepted by the Governments of these countries. The right to issue its own
passports can only be claimed by a State of international status, and this
fact alone fully endorses the position which has been accorded to Tibet
under international agreements. For these reasons it is our firm conviction
that Tibet was in full possession of external sovereignty and, therefore,
enjoyed international status at the time when her territorial integrity was
violated by the Chinese forces. The conclusion is therefore, irresistible that
the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1959 was a flagrant act of aggression in
defiance of all principles of law and the comity of nations.
Our position is that the act of aggression committed by the People’s
Government of China has not come to an end. On the contrary, the area
of aggression has been substantially enlarged, and today practically the
whole of Tibet is under the complete domination of the Chinese Forces.
Dire consequences have followed. A reign of tyranny and oppression
prevails over the whole country. Innocent men, women, and children
have been massacred en masse and are being daily massacred, to enable
the Chinese authorities to achieve their objective of total extermination
of the Tibetan race. Crimes against humanity are being daily committed.
Equally rampant are crimes against religion. Thousands of monasteries
have been razed to the ground and sacred images and articles have been
ruthlessly destroyed. Despite these atrocities, I and my Government are
prepared to accept a just and peaceful settlement, and in my statement
to the Press on 20th June last, I made a clear and emphatic appeal for
peace and justice. So far my appeal has evoked no response.
In these circumstances we have no alternative but to ask the United
Nations to take up the consideration of the Tibetan issue which is already
pending before the General Assembly. Our decision to appeal to the
United Nations has received a great deal of criticism. I wish to make it
perfectly clear that we are and have always been prepared to accept any
other reasonable remedy which might be available, but at the present
moment no other course is open to us, and I would be failing in my
duty if I did not take every possible measure to assist my people in their
bitter and grim struggle for survival. It has been argued that our appeal
to the United Nations may not produce any immediate or practical
result, but this does not and should not afford us sufficient justification
for discarding the instrument of peace which has been created by the
peace-loving nations of the world. In these circumstances, ladies and
gentlemen, I make an earnest appeal to you, one and all, to lend your
full support to our cause. I also appeal to the peoples and Governments
of all nations to come to the succor and assistance of the tortured and
oppressed people of Tibet.
Lengthy speeches of support were also given by the popular leaders
Kunjuru, Ashoka Metha, and so forth.
The Dalai Lama wrote to the Secretary-General of the United Nations,

Dag Hammarskjöld, on September 9, 1959, as follows:7
His Excellency Secretary-General
United Nations
New York
Your Excellency,
Kindly refer to the proceedings of the General Committee of the United
Nations General Assembly held on Friday, November 24, 1950, at which
it was resolved that the consideration of El Salvador’s complaint against
“invasion of Tibet by foreign forces” should be adjourned in order to give
the parties the opportunity to arrive at a peaceful settlement. It is with
the deepest regret that I am informing you that the act of aggression has
not terminated. On contrary the area of aggression has been substantially
extended with the result that practically the whole of Tibet is under the
occupation of the Chinese forces. I and my Government have made several
appeals for peaceful and friendly settlement, but so far these appeals have
been completely ignored. Under these circumstances, and in view of the
inhuman treatment and crimes against humanity and religion to which
the people of Tibet are being subjected, I solicit immediate intervention
of the United Nations and consideration by the General Committee on
its own initiative of the Tibetan issue, which had been adjourned. In this
connection I and my Government wish to emphasize that Tibet was a
sovereign State at the time when her territorial integrity was violated by
Chinese armies in 1950. In support of the contention the Government
of Tibet urges the following:
1. No power of authority was exercised by the Government of China in
or over Tibet since the Declaration of Independence by the 13th Dalai
Lama in 1912.
2. The sovereign status of Tibet during this period finds conclusive
evidence in the fact that the Government of Tibet concluded as many
as five international agreements immediately before and during these
years.
3. The Government of Tibet takes their stand on the Anglo-Tibet Con-
vention of 1914 which recognized the sovereign status of Tibet and
accorded the same position to the Tibetan Plenipotentiary as was given
to the representatives of Great Britain and China. It is true that this
convention imposed certain restrictions on the external sovereignty of
Tibet, but these did not deprive her of her internal position. Moreover,
these restrictions ceased to have any effect on the transfer of power in
India.
4. There is no valid and subsisting international agreement under which
Tibet or any other power recognized Chinese suzerainty.
5. The sovereign status of Tibet is equally evident from the fact that during
the Second World War Tibet insisted on maintaining her neutrality
and only allowed transport of nonmilitary goods from India to China
through Tibet. This position was accepted by the Governments of

Great Britain and China.
6. The sovereign status has also been recognized by other powers. In 1946,
when the Trade Delegation from the Government of Tibet visited India,
France, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America,
the passport issued by the Tibetan Government was accepted by the
governments of these countries.
Your Excellency, I and my Government also solicit immediate intervention
of the United Nations on humanitarian grounds. Since their violation of
the territorial integrity of Tibet, the Chinese forces have committed the
following offenses against the universally accepted laws of international
conduct:
1. They have dispossessed thousands of Tibetans of their properties, and
deprived them of every source of livelihood, and thus driven them to
death and desperation.
2. Men, women, and children have been pressed into labor gangs and
made to work on military construction without payment or on nomi-
nal payment.
3. They have adopted cruel and inhuman measures for the purpose of
sterilizing men and women with a view to the total extermination of
the Tibetan race.
4. Thousands of innocent people of Tibet have been brutally massa-
cred.
5. There have been many cases of murder of leading citizens of Tibet
without any cause or justification.
6. Every attempt has been made to destroy our religion and culture. Thou-
sands of monasteries have been razed to the ground and sacred images
and articles of religion completely destroyed. Life and property are no
longer safe, and Lhasa, the capital of the State, is now a dead city.
The sufferings which my people are undergoing are beyond description,
and it is imperatively necessary that this wanton and ruthless murder of
my people should be immediately brought to an end. It is under these
circumstances that I appeal to you and the United Nations in the confident
hope that our appeal will receive the consideration it deserves.
The Dalai Lama
At the same time as he wrote this letter, the Dalai Lama wrote other
letters of appeal to request the support of representatives of other
countries. His brother Gyalo Thondup, Sadu Rinchen la, and I, Sha-
kabpa Wangchuk Deden, were dispatched with instructions from the
Dalai Lama and the cabinet and the cabinet’s seal.8 When we arrived in
England, having flown out of Delhi on September 27, 1959, the Dalai
Lama’s brother Taktser Choktrül Rinpoché Tupten Norbu joined us.
We met with representatives of groups and individuals supportive of
Tibet’s cause in England and eventually flew on to New York.
We met with Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the

United Nations, Mr. Aiken, the Foreign Minister of Ireland, Mr. Dato
Khamil, the U.N. Ambassador from Malaysia, and Mr. Urguia, the U.N.
Ambassador from El Salvador. We expressed our gratitude to them for
agreeing to present the Tibetan situation to the United Nations. Still,
they continued to offer advice on the most compelling way to proceed.
We presented letters about Tibet’s former and present status. We also
met with representatives from America, England, India, Nationalist
China, France, Pakistan, Thailand, Cambodia, New Zealand, Australia,
the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, Japan, Nepal, Greece, and so forth.
We presented them with documents about Tibet’s status and asked for
their support. Simultaneously, we also explained matters to newspaper
reporters. At that time, the American legal scholar Mr. A. Gross, as well
as Mr. D. K. Sen, Mr. H. Richardson, Mr. P. Trikamdas, and so forth
assisted us in lobbying for support among the United Nations delegates
and in preparing documents.
A discussion was held in the Preparatory Committee of the United
Nations on October twelfth to decide whether or not to consider the
issue of Tibet in the General Assembly. In the end, votes were taken, and
forty-three voted in favor, eleven opposed, and twenty-four abstained.
The Indian government did not participate. Having gained approval,
the Preparatory Committee decided to bring the issue up for discus-
sion. The question was debated through three sessions on Wednes-
day and Thursday, October 20 and 21, 1959 during the fourteenth
General Assembly. Finally, a vote was taken on the proposal written
by the representative from Ireland, Malaysia, and El Salvador on the
human rights abuses and genocide in Tibet. Forty-five nations voted
in favor, nine opposed, and twenty-six abstained. Since the proposal
was adopted, the representatives of Ireland, Malaysia, and El Salvador
immediately came over to the observers’ gallery where we were sitting,
and in turn, they shook our hands, offering us their congratulations.
We were overtaken by a mixture of angst, because we had listened to
the debate about the distress of the Tibetan people, and joy, because
the many people who supported the truth had given us this victory.
We offered them our gratitude.
The proposal agreed upon by the United Nations General Assembly
reads as follows:9
The General Assembly
Recalling the principles regarding fundamental human rights and free-
doms set out in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the Geneva Assembly on 10

December 1948,
Considering that the fundamental human rights and freedoms to which
the Tibetan people, like all others, are entitled include the right to civil
and religious liberty for all without distinction,
Mindful also of the distinctive cultural and religious heritage of the
people of Tibet and of the autonomy which they have traditionally enjoyed,
Gravely concerned at reports, including the official statements of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama, to the effect that the fundamental rights and
freedoms of the people of Tibet have been forcibly denied them,
Deploring the effect of these events in increasing international tension
and in embittering the relations between peoples at a time when earnest
and positive efforts are being made by responsible leaders to reduce ten-
sion and improve international relations,
1. Affirms its belief that respect for the Charter of the United Nations
and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essential for the
evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law;
2. Calls for respect for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan
people and for their distinctive cultural and religious life.
834th plenary meeting
21 October 1959
Whether or not this decision taken by the United Nations was imple-
mented, this was the first step toward Tibet’s freedom and independence
from Chinese oppression.
When we met with Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, he offered us advice. He said it was of great importance
that the issue of Tibet had even been included in the United Nations
proceedings and although the declaration might not be applied in the
political sphere immediately, we must steadfastly pursue human rights,
gradually taking steps toward the political issue. For example, he said,
when a bridge is being built over a large raging river, foundation rocks
must be thrown at the place where the pilings will be. If they are carried
away, one cannot given up saying, “It is not possible to build the bridge
now,” because there would never be any way to build the bridge. Acting
with steadfastness, if you continue to throw different kinds of rocks and
if you analyze different methods of building a strong foundation and
perpetually strive, then finally you will be able to build the bridge. For
forty years, Algeria appealed to the international community and after
overcoming great difficulties, it achieved freedom and independence
from France. He gave us a great deal of courageous advice. Thereafter,
we met with representatives of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees to request relief supplies.
Upon returning to India, we gave a written report and verbal account

of all that had happened to both the Dalai Lama and the Cabinet.
The Afro-Asian Convention on Tibet, led by J. P. Narayan, held a
meeting at the Vigyan Bhavan in New Delhi on April 8, 1960. Repre-
sentatives of the Upper and Lower House of India’s Parliament, many
government and private leaders, and representatives from Ceylon (Sri
Lanka), Indonesia, Japan, Burma, Malaysia, Nepal, South Vietnam,
Congo, the Philippines, Turkistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, Kenya, Egypt,
and Jordan attended. Several Tibetan representatives also attended. The
flags of the various nations were flown at the threshold of the building.
The Dalai Lama also sent a message to the Convention.
The representatives held detailed discussions about the invasion of
Tibet, the colonization of farming areas, the torture and execution of
Tibetans, and the complete destruction of the religion and the culture
by the Chinese. Finally, they resolved that an appeal be made to the
United Nations that Tibetan self-determination should be promoted,
the situation in Tibet should be publicized, the people of Asia and
Africa should work sympathetically for Tibet’s cause through mutual
cooperation, and a new Office of the Afro-Asian Convention on Tibet
should be established in New Delhi. In addition, support should be
given to the many millions of people living under colonialism, racial
divisions, and imperialism and protests should be made to the oppres-
sors. In all, nine provisions were adopted in order to execute these
principles.10 Thus, the new Office of the Afro-Asian Convention on
Tibet was opened in New Delhi.
The International Commission of Jurists, an organization composed
of about fifty thousand legal scholars from fifty countries of the world,
sent representatives to the Tibetan refugee camps in order to investigate
the dispute between Tibet and China. They discovered the following: The
Chinese Communists afflicted people, either by murdering them, beating
them, or pressing them into servitude. Similarly, many lamas and monks
were threatened with violence and made to suffer in other ways. When
a lama was to be murdered, his students would be forced to watch and
when a mother, father, or relatives were to be murdered, the children
or spouses would be forced to watch. The Commission further discov-
ered that efforts were being made to completely destroy the religion,
culture, and traditions of Tibet. Many similar crimes were uncovered.
The Jurists studied ancient and modern Tibetan history, treaties,
and ancient and modern agreements. In addition, they interviewed the
Dalai Lama and the cabinet ministers several times. They concluded
that Tibet was a free and independent nation, and not only was it free
and independent under nominal Chinese authority, but it was free and
independent by legal agreement.
Furthermore, they found that the Seventeen-Point Agreement had
been accepted under duress and that the Chinese had violated the terms
of the agreement repeatedly. Moreover, the Chinese had committed
the worst crime there is: genocide. The International Commission of
Jurists published a detailed account of their findings in The Question
of Tibet and the Rule of Law.11
At the suggestion of the Indian government, the Dalai Lama and his
retinue moved from Mussoorie to Dharamsala in Himachel Pradesh
near Punjab. Initially, the Dalai Lama lived in Swarg Ashram and the
offices were located in Montemol Hall. However, gradually the Tekchen
Chöling Palace was built, and near that a temple, and subsequently a new
monastery called Pen Delek Sheling [i.e., Namgyel] were constructed.
The primary statues were an unparalleled image of the Conqueror
Śākyamuni Buddha, a one story high image of the resplendent guru
Padmasaṃ bhava, which is of a size such that it could fit into the self-
arisen Avalokiteśvara image in Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang five times, and a
human sized thousand-armed, thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara fashioned
from silver; these were newly built. Jowo Wadi Zangpo was the primary
image of Dzongchö Monastery. These images and their residences were
prepared as bases through which all beings could gather merit.
Various offices and houses for senior and junior officials were
established at Gangchen Kyishong. The Library of Tibetan Works and
Archives was built to house the collections of Buddha’s scriptures—
which are difficult to find, if they can be found at all—and the com-
mentarial literature, as well as volumes of discourses from all of the
schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The Tibetan Medical and Astrological
Institute, the Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, and the Tibetan Institute
of Performing Arts were also established eventually. Thereby, Dharam-
sala came to be like a second Lhasa.
Under the Dalai Lama’s sincere leadership, results were attained in a
very brief time through the tireless and active efforts of the compassion-
ate foreign aid organization, all of the Tibetan government officials, and
primarily the Indian government. Permanent schools were established
at Dalhousie, Simla, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Mount Abu, Panchamari,
and so forth and Tibetan Children’s Village campuses were arranged
at Mussoorie and Dharamsala under the auspices of the Indian gov-
ernment’s Department of Education. Principals, religious teachers,
Tibetan language teachers, foster parents, and so forth were sent to each
of them as needed. More than eight thousand young boys and girls
were given an excellent opportunity to study the Tibetan, English, and
Hindi languages. In addition, those students who earned high marks
when they advanced to secondary schools were able to go to the col-
leges and universities through the kindness of the Indian government.
Similarly, the Tibetan Institute for Higher Learning in Varanasi was
established to continue the excellent tradition of studying texts in the
Sanskrit language and so forth.
Aid agencies and the Indian government provided assistance through
the state governments; Tibetan Resettlement camps were established
such as Lukzung Samdrupling at Bylakuppe in Mysore, Döguling in
Mundgod, Rapgyeling in Hunsur, Döndenling in Kollegal, Püntsokling
in Orissa, Pendeling at Mainpat in Madhya Pradesh, Norgyeling at
Bhandra in Maharashtra, Dargyeling in Tezu in Assam, Künzangling
in Changlang, Bomdila, Lama Lhada and Soneda in the Darjeeling area,
and others in Sikkim and Ladakh. Gradually, farming was developed;
machinery was used to cut down trees and till the soil. Day schools,
nurseries, retirement homes, hospitals, craft factories, small shops for
buying necessities, and farm machine repair shops were established in
each of those places. Temples and cultural centers were even founded.
The Tibetans were proud that the effect of their tireless efforts resulted
in an excellent fall harvest and fruit production. The state governments
and the local populations also praised the Tibetan’s earnest effort. Not
only was their labor considered to serve as an excellent example, but
their results continued to improve.
At the same time, four Tibetan Resettlement camps were established
in Bhutan with the assistance of the governments of Bhutan and India;
they were Küngaling at Pador, Raptenling at Jikmé, Kelzangling at
Bumtang, and another at Hasa Tramsa. The facilities, progress, and so
forth were just about the same as the resettlement camps mentioned
above. Similarly, I have heard that such camps as Trashiling in the
Pokra area and Delekling in Shorong, which were established through
the assistance of the Nepalese government, had all the amenities of
the settlements.
At Tibet House in New Delhi, items characteristic of Tibetan cul-
ture were displayed, such as images fashioned from bronze, gold, and
copper, ancient manuscripts and religious paintings, and so forth. A
store and library were established to sell crafts made in the resettlement
camps.
Similarly, both the Pelden Tantric Colleges of Upper and Lower Lhasa
were initially re-established in Dalhousie. Suitable arrangements were
made at Buxaduor for monks and nuns from each school, including
Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. However, the Tantric College
of Upper Lhasa was moved to Bomdila, and the remainder were trans-
ferred to areas in South India. Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries,
Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, the Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, and
monasteries of the Sakya, Nyingma, and Kagyü schools were provided
with homes and farmland for the provision of their necessities. Gyelwa
Karmapa established his monastery at Rumtek in Sikkim, which was
almost like a second Tsurpu. Karma Drukpa Kagyü Dargyeling Nun-
nery was established in the Kangra region. Within the best tradition of
teaching, studying, and meditation, each of these groups became orna-
ments for the eye. Beyond that, Döndrupling Resettlement camp was
established at Dehra Dun for people from Amdo, Khamtrül Rinpoché’s
followers were established at Palampur, and several other resettle-
ment camps were arranged for people from Sakya, Dergé, Nangchen,
Draopön, Katok, and Lingtsang.
Many craft factories were established in Dalhousie, Darjeeling, Simla,
Dharamsala, Rajpur, and Nepal. They produced sacred images, paint-
ings, gold, silver, and copper objects, tailoring, knives, woven blankets,
and in particular, the traditional Tibetan types of woven carpets. These
products were sold in India and exported to other foreign countries;
not only did this vastly improve people’s livelihoods, but also this
continued to improve.
With the assistance of the Pestalozzi Children’s Village, more than
one hundred young boys and girls were sent to Switzerland, England,
France, and Germany; they were provided with religious teachers, foster
parents, and Tibetan language teachers. With the assistance of Moro
Hospital, about twenty students were sent to Japan. Under the auspices
of the Austrian government, fifteen students were sent to learn various
technical skills. Moreover, about fifty students were sent to places in
Europe such as Belgium. A resettlement camp was established in Switz-
erland with about eight hundred men and women under the auspices
of the Swiss Red Cross. A Tibetan Monastery called Chökhorling was
founded at Rikong as a place for these people to worship; there were
eight monks who performed rituals and gave religious teachings. Simi-
larly, a settlement of two hundred people men and women, ordained
and lay people was established with the support of the Canadian
government. May it be so that the Tibetan people continually have a
surpassing standard of living.
With the assistance of the American millionaire, Mr. Rockefeller,

about thirty Tibetan geshés and scholars were invited to universities
and libraries in America, England, Germany, France, Italy, and Japan.
In consequence, Tibet’s religion and culture became increasingly known
in all of these various regions, in a manner which had no parallel. In
addition to this, several lamas and monks were brought to England and
America by various individuals. Religious centers have been established
so that people could teach, learn, and meditate about Buddhism. As I
understand it, this has improved the welfare of living beings.
At this time, there were men and women doing roadwork in Kulu
and Simla, India who were unable to go to the resettlement camps.
Similarly, many Tibetans in areas of India and Nepal were supporting
themselves, living wherever they could and selling crafts or working
in restaurants or shops. Other Tibetans were engaged in the tiring
work in shops which traded old and new Nepali clothing, and so forth.
Thus, they also had an adequate standard of living. People from the
three provinces of Tibet who were in India or other foreign countries
treasured and protected their customs, religion, and culture.
The National Volunteer Defense Army had tried to protect the
country without being called to do so. Tibetans from all quarters came
together to celebrate the Dalai Lama’s birthday and Tibetan Uprising
Day (March 10). In particular, the Tibetans were exerting tremendous
effort to regaining the freedom and independence of their beloved coun-
try. All of these factors were taken as manifest signs of the Tibetan peo-
ple’s praiseworthiness by the people of India and other foreign nations.
The treasured Dalai Lama continually advised that all Tibetans
must remain united and work together for the general benefit with
warm equanimity. However, whether it be due to the emergence of
the signs of the five degenerationsd of the unfortunate eon or if it be
due to the obstructing influence of some demon’s agitation, at times,
religious, regional, or racial groups of Tibetans are said to have caused
foundationless passions, hatred, conflicts, and intolerance with respect
to other Tibetans, while wearing a mask of friendliness. Thus, it serves
as a reminder of the depth of ignorance. Since these activities created
disunity within the Tibetan community and brought about continual
disputes, many problems were created for the Dalai Lama; they were
a source for conflict within the religion and an obstruction to the
d
I.e., degenerate lifespan, degenerate views, degenerate afflictions, degenerage beings,
and degenerate time.
fulfillment of political objectives. Not only were these things disappoint-

ing, but if the Tibetans who had to remain back in Tibet heard about
them, it would have left them despondent from their hearts. News of this
situation would have been a joy to an enemy and suffering to a friend.
By considering all of the Tibetan people of whatever station equally,
the Dalai Lama engendered an unprecedented sense of responsibility
among them, this being a necessary prerequisite to improvements in the
religious, economic, and political spheres. A constitution with seventy-
seven articles was composed for the future Tibet; it was in agreement
with the legal customs and traditions of the advanced democratic
nations of the time. It was announced in 1963 and implemented directly,
with representatives being elected. If someone had some understand-
ing of matters, a good character, and was practical, then they would be
able to be involved in all of the large and small issues of government,
without any restrictions based on race, financial resources, or sex. The
elections were equal, fair, and free of dispute. This was an excellent
opportunity for many plans to be accomplished.
In addition, through his tremendously important insights, the Dalai
Lama worked tirelessly in every way to restore Tibet’s freedom and
independence. In particular, his religious activities can be summarized
with the verse written by Jé Tsongkhapa:
The good qualities of your body, speech, and mind
Cannot be comprehended by the Bodhisattvas, Solitary Realizers, or the
Hearers,
No matter how much they analyze them.
What need is there to mention whether they could be understood by
Brahmā and Śiva?
Accordingly, it would be beyond the capacities of a seventy-three year
old man like myself to fathom the Dalai Lama’s religious activities. In
brief, As Khedrup Rinpoché says:
Protector, even the breath from your mouth
Becomes a cause of benefit to all living beings.
That being so, what need is there to mention the [benefit] of the activities
[you have undertaken to fulfill] the two collections.e
I beseech you to assist all beings in the three worlds.
e
The two collections are those of wisdom and merit. Fulfilling these collections is
a prerequisite to becoming a Buddha and consists of meditation and compassionate
actions respectively.
Thus, the Dalai Lama’s activities are unsurpassed in benefitting oth-

ers, like the display of a thousand lights. This was a time of abiding
in happiness.
Similarly, the Supreme of the Yellow Hat Gelukpa School senior
Tutor Trichen Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok Namgyel Trinlé, Lord
of the Entire Doctrine Junior Tutor Trijang Dorjé Chang Lozang
Yeshé Tendzin Gyatso, the Illuminator of the Khön Lineage Sakya
Daktri Rinpoché Ngawang Künga Tekchen, the Axis of the Kagyü
School Gyelwa Karmapa Rinpoché Jangchup Dorjé,f Lord of the Early
Transmission School Kyapjé Düjom Rinpoché Jikdrel Yeshé Dorjé, the
Scholar-Adept Wangchuk Dilgo Khyentsé Rinpoché Tekchok Tenpé
Gyeltsen, and so forth, like a constellation of great supreme beings
who bear the knowledge of their respective doctrines, have profoundly
established a path for bringing countless trainees to see, hear, and
understand Buddhism through hearing, thinking, and meditating and
through teaching, debating, and composing books on the stainless reli-
gious traditions according to their own systems far beyond the slight
indication here. Simultaneously, they have been resolutely praying night
and day for the special objective, the restoration of Tibet’s freedom and
independence and the restoration of Buddha’s teachings, which have
been utterly destroyed in our land. Each of them has issued a good call
to all people saying they must strive to restore the traditional religious
and political government of Tibet and support the general welfare
without ceasing, and likewise fulfill the needs of life and resources in
a manner that all can see.
This completes for now the political history of the great imperial
government, having the two aspects of religion and politics in the Land
of Snow, Tibet.
Notes to Chapter Twenty-Three
2. A detailed explanation of what the Dalai Lama said is included within the Com-
pilation of Records. Translators Note: It appears that Shakabpa may have reconstructed
this statement from notes in Tibetan sources. Here I quote the more complete version
of the English language statement which was read to reporters at the time. Taken
from Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International
f
Likely, Shakabpa meant to provide the name of the Karmapa that lived at the time,
the sixteenth Karmapa Rangjung Rigpe Dorje (1923–1981).
Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House,
1960), 145–148.
3. Raja Hutheesing, ed., A White Book, Tibet Fights for Freedom (Bombay: Orient
Longmans, 1960).
4. International Commission of Jurists, The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law
(Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1959), 173–176.
5. Compilation of Records. Translators Note: There is a copy of an article from
“The Times of India” about this news conference in Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears:
A Documentary History of Tibet’s International Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its
Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960), 359–363, although the text of
the Dalai Lama’s speech is not included.
6. Compilation of Records. Translators Note: The English text is included in
G. Tharchin, ed., Appeal to the United Nations and Other Speeches (Kalimpong, India:
N.d.), 20–28. I have corrected a few minor errors and made other small changes in
the interests of uniformity.
7. The English original is in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961. (New Delhi:
Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.), 17. This version is taken from the
Tibetan original. Translators Note: With minor modifications, I have used the official
English version as found in Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My
Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of
Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 253–5. I made some minor corrections based
on the version in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961 (New Delhi: Bureau of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.).
8. The original is included in the Compilation of Records.
Books, 1977), 263, and Tibet in the United Nations—1950–1961, p. 230. Translator’s
Note: This is UN Resolution 1353 (XIV). Other relevant United Nations resolutions
are in pp. 1131–1132 above.
10. All of the original documents from this period are included in the Compilation
of Records.
11. International Commission of Jurists, The Question of Tibet and the Rule of
Law (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1959). Translators Note: See also
International Commission of Jurists, Tibet and the Chinese People’s Republic (Geneva:
International Commission of Jurists, 1960), which included various official documents,
statements by the Dalai Lama, the Cabinet, and other government officials, and state-
ments by Tibetan citizens on all aspects of the invasion and occupation.
12. See this book, p. 1056.
13. Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters From a Father to His Daughter (New Delhi: Children’s
Book Trust, 1984), 64/8.
AFTERWORD
As a final comment, I will briefly recount [our] genuine aspirations.

If those who read this book continuously investigate well, there is no
doubt they will be able to understand the political status of Tibet clearly.
However, it is not sufficient merely for mature young people who are
patriotic and courageous to understand our political history. Instead,
they should gradually progress, step by step, towards independence
in accordance with the real state of affairs, having the courage that is
never disheartened at all.
Our own greatest disappointment came in relation to my three
appeals to the United Nations; as I gradually working toward a resolu-
tion, I felt great sadness when our requests were set aside, unlike the
treatment received in the great capitals of most of our allies. Some people
say that since there was no Chinese Communist delegate participating
in the United Nations, there was no need to engage in empty talk in the
absence of a defendant, [something that would have been as impossible]
as clapping with one hand. Others say that after the Indian government
refused to take the lead in helping us [with our United Nations appeals],
there was no force [behind the initiative]. Since the Chinese Commu-
nists have now entered the United Nations, they have a representative
there; thus, there is no point in assigning blame. It would be best if
the Indian government would take the lead in helping us. There can
be no satisfaction in taking the lead during difficult times. However, if
the essential matter of Tibet can be brought before the United Nations
every year, under the auspices of nations that have taken the lead in the
past, then knowledge of our situation will remain alive. I think this is a
great necessity. United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld
gave us advice such as that it was important to make an appeal year
after year, whether or not we had political success.12 Nonetheless, at
some point, we will no longer need to make appeals on the political
issues or for some other necessity.
From the 15th to the 19th centuries, many powerful nations have
engaged in a great contest of expansionism and colonialism. However,
now in the twentieth century, scores of nations have gained indepen-
dence. Recently, several countries have gained independence, such as
Guinea Bissau, which was under the rule of Portugal. Others have a
great aspiration of obtaining freedom soon, such as Angola.
1066 afterword
In 1959, when we made the initial appeal to the United Nations con-
cerning the matter of Tibet, there were no more than eighty nations.
These days there are about one hundred and thirty; they are not newly
formed nations in the world, like mushrooms that have sprouted sud-
denly in a field. Rather, those nations have remained under colonial
rule by imperial nations for centuries. Henceforth, independence will
only come about as a result of the legitimate facts. Many patriotic and
courageous peoples of those countries have continuously struggled to
contend with difficult circumstances. Countries with which they have
relations have constantly made appeals to the United Nations. And
[their independence] was the result of their supporters’ efforts.
Every year in the United Nations, issues of colonialism or human
rights are brought before the General Assembly. Likewise, many pow-
erful nations, such as Russia or India, constantly express criticism
opposing colonial governments or white-rule governments that prevail
in Africa or work to support peoples of limited experience. However,
while that is so, India’s next door neighbor, Tibet, an independent
country living in peace in accordance with its religion, has been made
into a new colony by the Chinese communists. It is a profound disap-
pointment that not even a hint of a word has been spoken about this
gobbling.
Without a restoration of Tibet’s independence, there is no way at all
for India to achieve a stable peace. Consequently, there will be grave
difficulties both politically and economically. While that unfolds, the
leaders of India’s government and the public at large have come to a
clear realization. Not only that, but everyone will realize that there is
no way to bring peace to all of the nations of southeast Asia and the
Middle East.
Taking these facts as a foundation, it is extremely important for us
to create good relations with and issue appeals to India, not to mention
our neighbors Nepal, Bhutan, Afghanistan, Outer Mongolia, Russia, and
so forth. Likewise, I think it is very important to create good relations
with and issue appeals to Buddhist countries—like Sri Lanka, Burma,
Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Indonesia,
Japan, and Korea—and to nations with which we have had relations
in the past, like England and the United States.a
a
The majority of the populations of Malaysia and Indonesia practice Islam, while
Buddhism is practiced by only about 19% and 1% of the populations, respectively.
afterword 1067
As for India, which is like our second homeland, we have never

wanted to create any pointless difficulties or hardships for the Indian
government. However, foreign aggression has come to our land. While
the Tibetan people at large have become slaves of the Han national-
ity and the Tibetan nationality is being utterly eradicated, there is no
choice but for us to undertake a prolonged appeal for the purpose of
reviving our independence. On top of that, it must be requested that
the exile-government of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in India should
be recognized as the republican government of all three regions of
Tibet.
Furthermore, I wish to make significant points clear to the leaders
of the government of Communist China. Since China has entered the
United Nations, international law must be accepted and put into prac-
tice. Also, according to some people, a person must be acknowledged
as a dreamer if they say, “A small country like Tibet must become
independent from a powerful country like China.” But is it not like
that. This is not to say that we are going to separate from the nation
of China. With legitimate facts, I am saying that we are a separate
nationality (mi rigs), with a distinct language, who are independent.
For example, independence has been gained even by small countries
of only two or three hundred thousand people each, such as Malta and
Fiji Islands, which became independent from Britain. These days, that
has come about in dependence upon a policy in which countries need
not remain as colonies in the world. It is not the case that the weak
need to give their independence to Britain. These days, all large and
small countries hope that the United Nations has become the place
where legal matters can be explained with respect to whether or not a
country should be subsumed in another.
If the United Nations does nothing but monitor the gobbling up of
Tibet by the Chinese Communists and issue appeals, then the place with
the grand name “United Nations” is nothing but a place where great
nations play politics. If we did not continually agitate for independence
and issue calls from within legitimate facts, then there would be no way
at all someone could say, “You must make us independent!”
However, if it is asked what sort of path to independence we must
walk and what kind of work we need to do, the officials of the govern-
ment, the national representatives, and all lay and monastic Tibetans
must come together on the single point of internal unity under the
righteous guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Without engaging
1068 afterword
in mere formalized services of respect or in flattery, people must strive

with sincerity. In addition, in the past we have struggled to overcome
difficulties in regards to our freedom and independence. These days,
in our acts and our behavior, we must proceed on a path towards
independence by following the fine example of an agricultural village
[in that we work cooperatively], whatever may befall us.
For example, in addressing a person’s hunger, there is no benefit from
a republic of food. Just as it is necessary to eat, so there is no benefit
to explaining by mouth “Independence! Independence!” Instead, one
must actually put it into practice. In the advice offered by the Dalai
Lama among the many pieces of evidence presented during ceremonies
and religious discourses, he has repeatedly said:
If we ourselves strive, nothing is hopeless. Moreover, we can be confident
that we will achieve our final ultimate objective. Consequently, everyone
must strive without relaxing. We will recline contentedly in our inde-
pendent country. Those who wait around never achieve reconciliation.
In order to gain independence, it will take hard work. Through striving
by yourself, you should obtain [independence.]
Accordingly, there is no doubt we will achieve a restoration of our
independence because of all the changes in the world today. Moreover,
we are progressing towards our ever greater aspirations which will be
achieved quickly.
In particular, in order to offer special encouragement to our maturing
young kinsmen, people with elevated qualities of innate intelligence and
learning ability have engaged in advanced study in order to become
specialists. Thereby they will be able to work for the develop our own
country in the future in terms of politics, economics, science, and mili-
tary arts. Also, those with an advanced ability to learn, without abiding
in indolent slothfulness, are indispensible in developing the prosperity
of the country in work relating to industry, farming, animal husbandry,
and so forth. Thus, such people have completed their training in those
areas. It is necessary to realize a firm motivation and vow to achieve
one’s own livelihood at the present time and to be able to serve one’s
own country in the future. Indeed, those are responsibilities that attach
to all Tibetans, young and old. Yet, even as one performs the work, one
becomes capable of doing it. Milarepa’s biography says:
When he and a traveling companion went from Mangyül Gungtang to Ü
Tsang in order to study sorcery (mthu), his mother went a long way to
afterword 1069
see him off. Along the road, they had a departing beer. His mother said
many things to “my friend.” In particular, she pulled him aside; unable
to bear the separation of a mother and a son, she took him in her hands
and held him. While sobbing, she said:
Look at the fate of a mother and son! We’ll see what comes of the
sorcery rituals performed in our land. Their sorcery is not like ours!
Darling child, they are the sorcery of arrogance, while we, a mother
and child, have the sorcery of our own troubles. Thus, generate for-
titude! If someday, it comes to pass that the signs of your sorcery in
our land are reversed, then I, an old woman, will seek to die, having
committed suicide in front of you.
Likewise, the learning of other nationalities is not like our Tibetan
nationality.
The Chinese Han people have committed acts of aggression in our
country, where they have absolutely no rights. The owners of our
country, the monastic and lay Tibetans, the men and women, the
young and old are compelled to labor wherever there is a need as if
they were animals. Consider in detail the miserable situation in which
they are being fed like a dog and worked like a donkey throughout the
day and the night! Certainly it is critical that people serve in whatever
way they can, wherever they are needed, holding their lineage in their
heart, studying, and campaigning.
Also, to those who have been able to universities or lower schools,
when you are able to work for our government as needed or work for
the future, do whatever is best. If the government has no work for you,
there is no point at all in acting with arrogance, in a rebellious fashion,
and so forth. In general, understanding just those good qualities is the
result of working hard.
On the other hand, some people have a chance to go to school or
university in reliance on the means of our government; they should be
content to learn just those good qualities and they should see the benefits
to that opportunity. Those who do not find a job can temporarily earn
their living in the private sector. People should consider the benefits for
reviving our independence if all people contribute according to their
ability. In particular, I also exhort all to strive to undertake a host of
actions, such as creating books that will permit the increased study
of all the areas of modern knowledge, such as science, in the Tibetan
language; relatedly, I exhort Tibetans, whether they live in India or
other foreign countries to respect local laws and to associate with their
neighbors as siblings.
1070 afterword
Still, in order to appeal to all of our kinsmen, I have repeatedly

admonished people that they must protect and preserve our excellent
and unique religion, culture, customs, and habits, without permitting
them to deteriorate. Even if these days we are underdeveloped com-
pared to the world at large in terms of politics, economics, power, and
science, the compassion of the series of religious kings in Tibet and
the kind translators and scholars, relying on Buddhism, have induced
both a logical understanding of the meaning of the mind and a good
mental continuum harboring our excellent habits. Nonetheless, there
are many satisfactory people in every developed part of Tibet, people
who are able to take the lead in confronting difficulties, people who are
not coarse, and people who do not lie, steal, and cheat.
What need is there to mention the traditional techniques for making
statues—such as how to make clay images with the proportions speci-
fied in the sūtras and tantras, how to caste bronze, and how to hammer
limbs—and making stūpas, how to make thankas (scroll paintings)
having the correct proportions, making articles fashioned from gold,
silver, iron, or copper, how to engrave iron, how to do bas relief on
those, how to do relief work on pitchers, how to carve woodblocks for
texts, how to fashion types of wool garments, carpets, and so forth, how
to work with dyes, how to make medicinal compounds and incense,
performing the hand signs of rituals, and performing melodies. In
brief, it is critically important to increase the study and preserve the
practice of all kinds of our distinctive customs, including drama and
the singing and dancing in opera. These days, all the countries in the
world are undergoing transformations in general. However, aside from
the country of the Chinese Communists, people are also working to
preserve and popularize the traditional practices. Moreover, I have
never said we must obstinately adhere to the traditional practices alone.
Not only must people increase the study and preserve the practice of
the virtuous Buddhist practices, such as the practices relating to our
religion, culture, and habits, but they also must abandon all the things
that are harmful. Still, I hope that we will be able to definitely adopt
all the beneficial features of politics, science, and the like that accord
with the modern revolutionary practices of the developed nations of
the world.
India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru said: 13
British people think they and their country are the very best, and French
people think that their country and their people are the best. Similarly, the
afterword 1071
Germans and the Italians also think that their countries are immeasur-
ably the best. Indians think India is the largest and the best among the
many in the world. That is just how people are. However, in fact, there
is no way to know what is even a little special about your own people.
Regarding that, one must search for and take hold of whatever is good,
and one must try to abandon whatever is faulty. Certainly, one will regard
one’s own country with special regard and will see as supreme one’s
responsibility to one’s country.
Not only that, but His Holiness the Dalai Lama offered advice at the
seventh memorial of the thirteenth [Dalai Lama]:
You might ask why we should want to have a government. While we are
attached to our own society, at the same time, private individuals can
accomplish things with effort; yet, there are some things that private indi-
viduals cannot accomplish. Primarily, the abilities of people are connected
to one another; taking the desired arrangement as a basis, the strength of
the collection is the highest form of public organization. Consequently,
this thing called a “government” is what is desired.
Thus, the most capable public organization, which is the abode of all
public and private welfare, must be the government. It is extremely impor-
tant that the public understand clearly the essence of the government. If
I were to provide a brief clear explanation about what the essence of our
Tibetan government is like at present, I would say that our government
is simply a religio-political government, but also it is a government that
is mainly for the people. In other words, our government is not a royal
government. It is not a government that is held by a lineage of nobles. Nor
is it a government that is held by a lineage of lamas. This is an indepen-
dent, democratic, popular government. The essence of our government is
like this, and that must be understood by all of you [Tibetans], monastics
and lay people, men and women.
Also, the Dalai Lama continued, saying:
What sort of people are a part of our public? They are people that love
our government, and they have affection for it; thereby they rely on it
with respect. Moreover, there is no doubt whatsoever that they will work
to support our government completely, with thorough trust from their
hearts. In considering the democratic Tibetan government, there are only
the people; in working to achieve it, there is only the general welfare of
Tibet. Thus, every single one of the six million Tibetan people, in Tibet
or in exile, consistently respects and supports our government here in
Dharamsala, in the Punjab,b India.
b
While at the time of speaking, Dharamsala was included under the administration
of the Punjab State. However, it is now within the state called Himachel Pradesh, which
came into existence under a reorganization of Indian territory in 1971.
1072 afterword
Accordingly, our organized government and the people must mutually

work to assist each other. If the two come into opposition, there will
be no way at all to achieve the objectives of the Tibetan public.
Consequently, when some people offer opinions and encouragement,
they undertake an investigation of what is suitable. If they immediately
display selfless disdain by wrinkling their noses and pursing their lips
in disapproval, they will be unable to make requests later. They seek
the destruction of our independent democracy. I think it is extremely
important to persist in investigating all petitions, now and in the future.
The great fifth Dalai Lama said:
Without seeking knowledge in detail from the past,
One could come to a decision about right and wrong, without inquiring
for long.
Thereupon, one sees some things as friends and others as enemies;
Then one falls into the ocean of regret.
Thus, one should consider this very carefully.
The supreme grandfather of India, Mahatma Gandhi said:14
Moreover, it is necessary to generate a discernment regarding all com-
mon people as brothers. There is no point to having a way of life in
which people lack positive traditional customs. People must venerate
their own supreme practices as being positive traditional customs, and
they must have the nature of humility. There is no way to refute or
criticize an independence that arises from good customs, humility, and
an absence of protecting one’s own accumulated wealth. Pure customs
and purifying mental obscurations, those are supreme paths for people
to pursue. Passionate sectarianism and complete discursiveness lead to
a dark path. They provide the common foundation from which oneself
is thrown into destruction.
And grandfather Gandhi also said:
The actual people who adhere to traditional ways of life and those who are
strictly obedient to their discipline are the ones who should undertake a
detailed study of the sentiments of citizens. In dependence upon having
respect for discipline, they prepare themselves to enter the good path of
the sacred and the profane. Not only are those who adhere to traditional
ways of life able to set aside their own interests, but they certainly must
be able even to set aside their own life.
I have come to think that those pieces of advice were spoken especially
for us in our time. One must have respect for the laws of a country in
general and the words of the Dalai Lama in particular, and one must
completely put them into practice.
afterword 1073
Absolute unity is nothing but the condition of independence. Thus,

we have not reached this level in our politics at present. That is not so
even in my own country. In the present weak condition of our economy,
the relationship between the government and the people on the one
hand and between close friends among the people have been used to
provoke political problems, as deceptive economic issues, and so forth.
Moreover, it is amazing to hear of all contentious divisions arising from
allegiance to our respective religious systems or tribalism based on our
province, region, or locality, the baseless rumors of uncooperativeness
among the old government officials, and the blind loyalty to different
cliques. Those who would destroy the internal unity of all of us and our
kinsmen have come from within and without. Since this is inevitable,
we must be cautious, like a wounded animal.
In particular, we aggressively condemn all those things disconnected
from the words of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the suspect things that
are not done under the auspices of the government, and the crooked
irreligious things. There has been all sorts of meaningless talk, such as
people are led astray by money, the tyranny of mass movements, and
the babbling of perverse explanation. Where there is a danger of such
things occurring, they are possible. The omniscient [first Dalai Lama]
Gendün Drup said:
Friends who follow after me,
Without coming to be partial,
Investigate and remain unbiased.
It is great that they can enter an honest path!
Accordingly, without being led astray like a rabbit frightened without
cause or by deceptive rumors, I have applied myself to undertake a
detailed study of the reasons. It is of the utmost importance that we
must be able to remain faithful to truth without error.
Above, I have taken the political history of the great nation of Tibet,
Land of Snows, and the actual situation that existed in the past and in
recent times as the foundation. If with these expressions, together with
my own general wish, I—an experienced old man of nearly seventy
years called Wangchuk Deden, of the Shakabpa lineage, an old noble
family, whose members have earned their livelihood through the kind-
ness of the Tibetan government Ganden Podrang from generation to
generation—summon everyone with the good altruistic attitude, then
they will become settled in correct thinking. Also, if there are errors,
illusions, or mistakes, such as lacking skill in expression that would
1074 afterword
offend the body, speech, and mind, I beseech the reader for forbear-
ance. From my own side, even though I have become a little weary from
recounting this history, I am pleased and proud, thinking I have been
fortunate to undertake such an immense and meaningful labor.
In the Tibetan royal year of 2102, on the international date of May
25, 1975, in the 949th year of the sixteenth sexagenary cycle, the rakṣasa
year in Sanskrit, the sinbu (srin bu) demon year in the terminology
of the Todrel (stod ’brel) commentary, in the female wood hare year
in accordance with the Sphere of Divination,c and on the Saga Dawa
Holiday 2519 years after our compassionate teacher [Buddha] passed
into nirvāṇa in the city of Kuśinagar,d and in the town of Darjeeling in
the territory to the West Bengal, from the Buddhist area nestled in the
Himalayan Mountains, I have completed this work at my own home,
Shakabpa House in Kalimpong, in synchrony with the marvelous time
of the gracious invited visit of the great omniscient protector and refuge,
the single deity of the land of snows [the Dalai Lama] whose friendship
is not met with by transmigrating beings and gods.
The only source of happiness in the snowland

Is the precious teaching of the Buddha;
Thanks to the successive translators and kings
Who brought, administered, and promoted it.
My intelligence, innate and learned, is low, like small particles.
Many unfavorable conditions for worldly excellences disturbs my
mind.
If there are any mistakes in my expressions and the content [of this
book]
I humbly confess them before the lamas, deities, and the learned
experts.
This history of Tibet, a marvelous political and temporal governance,
Tightly bound into a spiritual system which serves as a basis of wonder
in future too,
Which I have written here clearly without confusion, as it had occurred;
May its fruit of the Ganges flow continuously to sustain the teaching
and beings.
c
While I have not been able to identify this text, informants have speculated that
it is an astrology text of some type.
d
Shakabpa is providing all sorts of different ways of identifying the date that he
completed the text.
afterword 1075
Protector of the ocean of teachings without partiality

Tenzin Gyatso, the sole divinity of the Snowland, my Friend,
May you, the Guru of sentient beings, live long firmly;
May all your wishes be fulfilled, and may your legacy spread all around.
With a meaningful intention, passion for my country,
Through a meaningful speech, this Political History of Tibet,
Finding the meaningful goal, the flawless path,
May we gain the meaningful fruit of independence quickly!
The source of goodness for all, the shining jewel of the Buddha’s teach-
ing on top,
The four glorious forces of the excellent banner flying in the wind,
Supported by the pole of unwavering vajra courage,
May the hundred joyful governances of the victory banner be raised in
a hundred directions.
Possessed by the demon of afflictions, the mechanics of the evil-minded
hostile spirits,
Motivated by the action conforming in function, having the poisonous
breath of bad ideology,
Desiring to harm the teaching and beings with evil thought and deed,
akin to a tree rotten at the root,
May they be rendered a mere name, incapable of bearing any fruit.
The cool and nourishing dharma nectar falling from the immortal city
of gods,
Its excellent flow gently running on the harbor nurturing limitless
beings,
Surrounded by the fence of ten moral principles, enjoying the fortunate
feast of festivity;
May happiness and freedom, yearned for by the people of Snowland,
shine forth.
The golden parasol flowing above the undying victory banner ablaze with
the major and minor marks standing firm and profoundly alleviating
the sorrows of saṃ sāra,
The twin gold-eyed fish of method and wisdom dancing elegantly in the
bright colors upon the smiling thousand-petaled lotus,
The fifth-birth right-coiling conch resounding melody upon a round neck
vase filled with nectar,
The mind free of reification and characterized by the resultant purified
state—may there be auspiciousness of the thousand-spoked wheel!
As for the lettering [in this book], Khunu Tarchin La, who had a keen
interest in Tibetan culture for a long time, has loaned Drakyap Ngawang
La, who resides at Kalimpong and who is manifestly accomplished in
writing the ujen script. With great diligence, he wrote the text single-
handedly. May his good virtue always increase.
APPENDICES
A NOTE ON THE TREATIES
Most of the treaties listed below are available in many sources, includ-
ing the following:
Aitchison, C. U. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads

Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries. Calcutta: Govern-
ment of India, Central Publication Branch, 1929.
Bell, Charles. Tibet: Past and Present. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968.
Richardson, Hugh. Tibet and its History. Boulder, CO: Prajn̂ā Press, 1962.
Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D. Tibet: A Political History. New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1967.
van Walt van Praag, Michael C. The Status of Tibet: History, Rights,
and Prospects in International Law. London: Wisdom, 1987.
http://www/tibetjustice.org/materials/treaties/index.html
After each treaty, I have provided citations to some of the more easily
available sources containing them. The fine volume by Michael C. van
Walt van Praag, in which he analyzes Tibet’s status in terms of inter-
national law, is the most comprehensive one-volume source containing
treaties relating to Tibet.
APPENDIX I
INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS
821/823 A.D.
Sino-Tibetan Treaty
Translated from the inscription on the west face of the stone pillar at
Lhasa.
The great king of Tibet, the Divine Manifestation, the bTsan-po and
the great king of China, the Chinese ruler Hwang Te, Nephew and
Uncle, having consulted about the alliance of their dominions have made
a great treaty and ratified the agreement. In order that it may never be
changed, so that it may be celebrated in every age and every generation
the terms of the agreement have been inscribed on a stone pillar.
The Divine Manifestation, the bTsan-po, Khri gTsug-Ide-brtsan
himself and the Chinese Ruler, B’un B’’u, He’u Tig Hwang Te, their
majesties the Nephew and the Uncle, through the great profundity of
their minds know whatsoever is good and ill for present and future
alike. With great compassion, making no distinction between outer
and inner in sheltering all with kindness, they have agreed in their
counsel on a great purpose of lasting good—the single thought of
causing happiness for the whole population—and have renewed the
respectful courtesies of their old friendship. Having consulted to con-
solidate still further the measure of neighbourly contentment they have
made a great treaty. Both Tibet and China shall keep the country and
frontiers of which they are now in possession. The whole region to the
east of that being the country of Great Tibet, from either side of that
frontier there shall be no warfare, no hostile invasions, and no seizure
of territory. If there be any suspicious person, he shall be arrested and
an investigation made and, having been suitably provided for, he shall
be sent back. Now that the dominions are allied and a great treaty of
peace has been made in this way, since it is necessary also to continue
the communication of pleasant messages between Nephew and Uncle,
envoys setting out from either side shall follow the old established route.
According to former custom their horses shall be changed at Tsang
Kun Yog, which is between Tibet and China. Beyond sTse Zhung Cheg,
1080 appendix i
where Chinese territory is met, the Chinese shall provide all facilities;
westwards, beyond Tseng Shu Hywan, where Tibetan territory is met,
the Tibetans shall provide all facilities. According to the close and
friendly relationship between Nephew and Uncle the customary courtesy
and respect shall be practised. Between the two countries no smoke
or dust shall appear. Not even a word of sudden alarm or of enmity
shall be spoken and, from those who guard the frontier upwards, all
shall live at ease without suspicion or fear, their land being their land
and their bed their bed. Dwelling in peace they shall win the blessing
of happiness for ten thousand generations. The sound of praise shall
extend to every place reached by the sun and moon. And in order that
this agreement establishing a great era when Tibetans shall be happy
in Tibet and Chinese shall be happy in China shall never be changed,
the Three Jewels, the body of saints, the sun and moon, planets and
stars have been invoked as witnesses; its purport has been expounded
in solemn words; the oath has been sworn with the sacrifice of animals;
and the agreement has been solemnized.
If the parties do not act in accordance with this agreement or if it is
violated, whether it be Tibet or China that is first guilty of an offence
against it, whatever stratagem or deceit is used in retaliation shall not be
considered a breach of the agreement. Thus the rulers and ministers of
both Tibet and China declared and swore the oath; and the text having
been written in detail it was sealed with the seals of both great kings.
It was inscribed with the signatures of those ministers who took part
in the agreement and the text of the agreement was deposited in the
archives of each party.
Source: Hugh Richardson, “The Sino-Tibetan Treaty Inscription of

A.D. 821/23 at Lhasa,” Journal of the Royal Central Asiatic Society 2
(1978), 153–154.
1684
Peace Treaty Between Ladakh and Tibet at Tingmosgang
The Drukpa (red sect) Omniscient Lama, named Mee-pham-wang-po,

who in his former incarnations had always been the patron Lama of
the kings of Ladak, from generation to generation, was sent from Lhasa
to Tashis-gang, to arrange the conditions of a treaty of peace—for the
international treaties and agreements 1081
Ladak king could never refuse to abide by the decision of the Omni-
scient One. It was agreed as follows:
1. The boundaries fixed, in the beginning, when king Skyed-Ida-

ngeema-gon gave a kingdom to each of his three sons, shall still be
maintained.
2. Only Ladakis shall be permitted to enter into Ngarees-khor-sum
wool trade.
3. No person from Ladak, except the royal trader of the Ladak Court,
shall be permitted to enter Rudok.
4. A royal trader shall be sent by the Deywa Zhung (i.e. the Grand
Lama of Lhasa), from Lhasa to Ladak, once a year, with 200 horse-
loads of tea.
5. A “Lo-chhak” shall be sent every third year from Leh to Lhasa with
presents. As regards the quality and value of presents brought for all
ordinary Lamas, the matter is of no consequence, but to the Labrang
Chhakdzot shall be given the following articles, viz:
(a) Gold dust—the weight of 1 zho 10 times.
(b) Saffron—the weight of 1 srang (or thoorsrang) 10 times.
(c) Yarkhand cotton cloths—6 pieces.
(d) Thin cotton cloth—1 piece.
The members of the Lapchak Mission shall be provided with provisions,

free of cost, during their stay at Lhasa, and for the journey they shall
be similarly provided with 200 baggage animals, 25 riding ponies, and
10 servants. For the uninhabited portion of the journey, tents will be
supplied for the use of the Mission.
6. The country of Ngaress-khor-sum shall be given to the Omniscient

Drukpa Lama, Mee-pham-wang-po, and in lieu thereof the Deywa
Zhung wil give to the Ladak king three other districts (in Great
Tibet).
7. The revenue of the Ngarees-khor-sum shall be set aside for the
purpose of defraying the cost of sacrificial lamps, and of religious
ceremonies to be performed at Lhasa.
8. But the king of Ladak reserves to himself the village (or district?) of
Monthser (i.e. Minsar) in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be indepen-
dent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting
1082 appendix i
the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kang-ree

(i.e. Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Manasarwar and Rakas Tal.
With reference to the first clause of the treaty, it may be explained

that, roughly speaking, king Skyed-Ida-ngeema-gon gave the following
territories to his sons:
a. To the eldest son—The countries now know as Ladak and Purig

extending from Hanley on the east to the Zojila Pass on the west,
and including Rudok and the Gogpo gold district.
b. To the second son—Goo gey, Poorang and certain other small districts.
c. To the third son—Zangskar, Spiti, and certain other small districts.
Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History,
Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987),
288–289.
1792
Defeat of the Gurkhas
1817
Treaty of Titaliya
Treaty, Covenant or Agreement entered into by Captain Barre Latter,

Agent on the part of His Excellency the Right Honourable the Earl
of Moira, K.G., Governor-General & C., & C., and by Nazir Chaina
Tenjin and Macha Teinbah and Lama Duchim Longdoo, Deputies on
the part of the Rajah of Sikkimputtee, being severely authorised and
duly appointed for the above purpose—1817.
Article 1
The Honourable East India Company cedes, transfers, and makes over
in full sovereignty to the Sikkimputtee Rajah, his heirs or successors, all
the hilly or mountainous country situated to the eastward of the Mechi
River and to the westward of the Teesta River, formerly possessed and
occupied by the Rajah of Nepaul, but ceded to the Honourable East
India Company by the Treaty of Peace signed at Segoulee.
Article 2
The Sikkimputtee Rajah engages for himself and successors to abstain
from any acts of aggression or hostility against the Gorkhas or any
other State.
Article 3
That he will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any
disputes or questions that may arise between his subjects and those of
Nepaul or any other neighbouring State, and to abide by the decision
of the British Government.
Article 4
He engages for himself and successors to join the British Troops with
the whole of his Military Force when employed within the Hills, and in
general to afford the British Troops every aid and facility in his power.
Article 5
That he will not permit any British subject, nor the subject of any
European and American State to reside within his dominions, without
the permission of the English Government.
Article 6
That he will immediately seize and deliver up any dacoits or other
notorious offenders that may take refuge within his territories.
Article 7
That he will not afford protection to any defaulters of revenue or other
delinquents when demanded by the British Government through their
accredited Agents.
Article 8
That he will afford protection to merchants and traders from the Com-
pany’s Provinces, and he engages that no duties shall be levied on the
transit of merchandise beyond the established customs at the several
golas or marts.
Article 9
The Honourable East India Company guarantees to the Sikkimputtee
Rajah and his successors the full and peaceable possession of the tract of
hilly country specified in the first Article of the present Agreement.
1084 appendix i
Article 10
This Treaty will be ratified and exchanged by the Sikkimputtee Rajah
within one month from the present date, and the counterpart, when
confirmed by His Excellency the Right Honourable the Governor Gen-
eral, shall be transmitted to the Rajah.
Done at Titaliya, this 10th day of February 1817, answering to the
9th of Phagoon 1973 Sambat, and to the 30th Maugh 1223 Bengallie.
BARRE LATTER
NAJIR CHINA TINJIN
MACHA TIMBA
LAMA DUCHIM LONGADOC
MOIRA
N.B. EDMOSTONE
ARCHD SETON
GEO DOWDESWELL
Ratified by the Governor Genera, in Council, at Fort William, this

fifteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen.
J. Adams
Acting Chief Secretary to Government.
Source: http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/documents/treaties_agreements/
nep_india_open_border.htm
1826
Treaty of Yandaboo
Treaty of Peace between the Honorable East India Company on the

one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on the other, settled Major-
General Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B., and K.C.T.S., commanding
the expedition, and Senior Commissioner in PEGU and AVA; Thomas
Campbell Robertson, Esq., Civil Commissioner In Pegu and Ava; and
Henry Ducie Chad, Esq., Captain, Commanding Britannic Majesty’s
and the Honorable Company’s Naval Force the Irrawaddy River, on
the part of the Honorable Company; and by Mengyee-Maha-Men-
Hlah-Kyan-Ten Woongyee, Lord of Laykaing, and Mengyee-Mara-
Hlah-Thuo-Hah-Thoo-Atwen-Woon, Lord of The Revenue, on the part
of the King of Ava; who have each communicated to the other their
full powers, agreed to and executed at Yandaboo in the Kingdom of
Ava, on this Twenty-fourth day of February, in the year of Our Lord
One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty-six, corresponding with
the Fourth day of the decrease of the Moon Taboung, in the year One
Thousand One Hundred and Eighty-seven Gaudma Era, 1826.
Article 1.
There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the Honorable
Company on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on the
other.
Article 2.
His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all claims upon, and will abstain
from all future interference with, the principality of Assam and its
dependencies, and also with the contiguous petty States of Cachar and
Jyntia. With regard to Munnipoor it is stipulated, that should Ghum-
bheer Sing desire to return to that country, he shall be recognized by
the King of Ava as Rajah thereof.
Article 3.
To prevent all future disputes respecting the boundary line between the
two great Nations, the British Government will retain the conquered
Provinces of Arracan, including the four divisions of Arracan, Ramree,
Cheduba, and Sandoway, and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes all
right thereto. The Unnoupectoumien or Arakan Mountains (known in
Arakan by the name of the Yeomatoung or Pokhingloung Range) will
henceforth form the boundary between the two great Nations on that
side. Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation will be settled
by Commissioners appointed by the respective governments for that
purpose, such Commissioners from both powers to be of suitable and
corresponding rank.
Article 4.
His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the British Government the con-
quered Provinces of Yeh, Tavoy, and Mergui and Tenasserim, with the
islands and dependencies thereunto appertaining, taking the Salween
River as the line of demarcation on that frontier ; any doubts regard-
ing their boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part
of Article third.
1086 appendix i
Article 5.
In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burmese Government to
maintain the relations of peace and amity between the Nations, and
as part indemnification to the British Government for the expenses of
the War, His Majesty the King of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one
crore of Rupees.
Article 6.
No person whatever, whether native or foreign, is hereafter to be
molested by either party, on account of the part which he may have
taken or have been compelled to take in the present war.
Article 7.
In order to cultivate and improve the relations of amity and peace hereby
established between the two governments, it is agreed that accredited
ministers, retaining an escort or safeguard of fifty men, from each shall
reside at the Durbar of the other, who shall be permitted to purchase,
or to build a suitable place of residence, of permanent materials; and
a Commercial Treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advantage, will be
entered into by the two high contracting powers.
Article 8.
All public and private debts contracted by either government, or by
the subjects of either government, with the others previous to the war,
to be recognized and liquidated upon the same principles of honor
and good faith as if hostilities had not taken place between the two
Nations, and no advantage shall be taken by either party of the period
that may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in consequence
of the war; and according to the universal law of Nations, it is further
stipulated, that the property of all British subjects who may die in the
dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava., shall, in the absence of legal
heirs, be placed in the hands of the British Resident or Consul in the
said dominions, who will dispose of the same according to the tenor of
the British law. In like manner the property of Burmese subjects dying
under the same circumstances, in and part of the British dominions,
shall be made over to the minister or other authority delegated by His
Burmese Majesty to the Supreme Government of India.
Article 9.
The King of Ava will abolish all exactions upon British ships or vessels
in Burman ports, that are not required from Burman ships or ves-
sels in British port nor shall ships or vessels, the property of British
subjects, whether European or Indian, entering the Rangoon River or
other Burman ports, be required to land their guns, or unship their
rudders, or to do any other act not required of Burmese ships or ves-
sels in British ports.
Article 10.
The good and faithful Ally of the British Government, His Majesty the
King of Siam, having taken a part in the present War, will, to the full-
est extent, as far as regards His Majesty and his subjects, be included
in the above Treaty.
Article 11.
This Treaty to be ratified by the Burmese authorities competent in the
like cases, and the Ratification to be accompanied by all British, whether
Europe or Native, American, and other prisoners, who will be delivered
over to the British Commissioners; the British Commissioners on their
part engaging that the said Treaty shall be ratified by the Right Hon-
orable the Governor-General in Council, and the Ratification shall be
delivered to His Majesty the King of Ava in four months, or sooner if
possible, and all the Burmese prisoners shall, in like manner be delivered
over to their own Government as soon as they arrive from Bengal.
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.
LARGEEN MEONJA,
Woonghee.
T. C. ROBERTSON,
Civil Commissioner.
SEAL OF THE LOTOO.
HY. D. CHADS,
Captain, Royal Navy.
SHWAGUM WOON,
Atawoon.
1088 appendix i
Additional Article
The British Commissioners being most anxiously desirous to manifest

the sincerity of their wish for peace, and to make the immediate execu-
tion of the fifth Article of this Treaty as little irksome or inconvenient
as possible to His Majesty the King of Ava, consent to the following
arrangements, with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified
in the Article before referred to, into instalments, viz., upon the payment
of twenty-five lacks of Rupees, or one-fourth of the sum total (the other
Articles of the Treaty being executed), the Army will retire to Rangoon.
Upon the further payment of a similar sum at that place within one
hundred days from this date, with the proviso as above, the Army will
evacuate the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava with the least
possible delay, leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to be paid
by equal annual instalments in two years, from this Twenty-fourth day
of February 1826 A.D., through the Consul or Resident in Ava or Pegu,
on the part of the Honorable the East India Company.
Archibald Campbell.
Largeen Meonja,
Woongee.
T. C. Robertson,
Civil Commissioner.
Seal of the Lotoo
Hy. D. Chads,
Captain, Royal Navy.
Shwwagum Woon,
Atawoon
Ratified by the Governor-General in Council, at Fort William in Bengal,

this Eleventh day of April, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight
Hundred and Twenty-six.
Amherst.
Combermere.
J. H. Harington.
W. B. Bayley.
Source: C. U. Aitchison, ed. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and

Sanads: Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries. Vol. XII. (Cal-
cutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1931), 213–233.
1842
Ladakhi Letter of Agreement
See p. 586 above.
1852
Agreement Between Tibet and Kashmir
Concluded between the two Garpons or provincial Governors appointed

by the Dalai Lama and the representatives of the Maharaja of Kashmir.
This is dated the third day of the month of the Water Bull Year
(apparently 1852).
The Ladakis refusing to supply the Tibetan Government trader
Ke-Sang Gyurme with the usual transport animals on account of the
decreased tea trade, the Nyer-pas of the Garpons were deputed to
enquire about this matter and to investigate the boundary dispute
between Ladak and Tibet. A meeting was accordingly arranged between
Ladak Thanadar Sahib Bastiram and Kalon Rinzin accompanied by his
servant Yeshe Wangyal and an agreement was made as follows:
In the future the Ladakis will supply the Tibetan Government traders
with the usual transport requirements without any demur. The joint
Te-jis (“Teji” is a Tibetan title which the then Garpons have held)
will request their Government to appoint only intelligent and capable
men to take the annual tribute to Tibet. The Ladakis shall provide the
Tibetan Government traders with accommodation and servants as
usual and render them any further assistance according to the old-
established custom. The Garpons will issue orders to the effect that tea
and woollen goods arriving at Nagari shall only be sent to Ladak and
not to any other place. The boundary between Ladak and Tibet will
remain the same as before. No restriction shall be laid by the people
of Rudok on the export of salt and woollen goods and the import of
barley flour and barley. Neither party shall contravene the existing rules
and the rates of Customs duties and market supplies shall be fixed by
both parties concerned. The above rules shall apply also to the Rongpas
(people inhabiting the valley countries), who export salt. The travelers
from North and West who come through Rong are given passports by
the Thanadar. They are liable to customs duties as prescribed in their
passports. Should any of them be unable to produce his passport, he
shall be made to pay fifty times the amount ordinarily recoverable
from him. No case will be heard against such recoveries made by the
1090 appendix i
Customs Officer. In deciding all important matters the rule shall take
into consideration the manners and customs of both sides and observe
the old-established rules regarding supply of transport, etc. There shall
be no restriction in grazing animals in the pasture reserved for the
animals of the Government traders, but the people shall not be allowed
to abuse this privilege by bringing animals from outside to graze on it.
Both parties shall adhere strictly to the agreement thus arrived between
Tibet and Sinpas (Kashmiris), and the two frontier officers shall act in
perfect accord and co-operation.
291–292.
1853
Tibet-Ladakh Trade Agreement
1856
Treaty Between Tibet and Nepal (1856)
1876
Chefoo Convention
Between The British Government and the Government of China (Extract).

Her Majesty’s Government having it in contemplation to send a
mission of exploration next year, by way of Peking, through Kansuh
and Koknor, or by way of Szechuan to Tibet, and thence to India, the
Tsungli Yamen, having due regard to the circumstances, will, when
the time arrives, issue the necessary passports, and will address letters
to the High Provincial Authorities and the Residents in Tibet. If the
Mission should not be sent by these routes but should be proceeding
across the Indian frontier to Tibet, the Tsungli Yamen, on receipt of
a communication to that effect from the British Minister, will write to
the Chinese Resident in Tibet, and the Resident, with due regard to
the circumstances, will send officers to take care of the Mission, and
passports for the Mission will be issued by the Tsungli Yamen, that its
passage be not obstructed.
295–296.
1886
Convention Relating to Burmah and Tibet
24 JULY 1886
Between the British Government and the Government of China

(Extract).
Inasmuch as inquiry into the circumstances, by the Chinese Govern-

ment, has shown the existence of many obstacles to the Mission to Tibet
provided for in the separate article of the Chefoo Agreement, England
consents to countermand the Mission forthwith. With regard to the
desire of the British Goverment to consider arrangements for frontier
trade between India and Tibet, it will be the duty of the Chinese Gov-
ernment, after careful inquiry into the circumstances, to adopt measures
to exhort and encourage the people with a view to the promotion and
development of trade. Should it be practicable, the Chinese Govern-
ment shall then proceed carefully to consider trade regulations but if
insuperable obstacles should be found to exist, the British Government
will not press the matter unduly.
Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 296.
1890
Convention Between Great Britain and China
Relating to Sikkim and Tibet
Signed at Calcutta, 17 March 1890

Ratified at London, 27 August 1890
Whereas Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great

Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of
1092 appendix i
China, are sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate the relations

of friendship and good understanding which now exist between their
respective Empires; and whereas recent occurrences have tended
towards a disturbance of the said relations, and it is desirable to clearly
define and permanently settle certain matters connected with the
boundary between Sikkim and Tibet, Her Britannic Majesty and His
Majesty the Emperor of China have resolved to conclude a Convention
on this subject, and have, for this purpose, named Plenipotentiaries,
that is to say:
Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, his Excellency
the Most Honourable Henry Charles Keith Petty Fitzmaurice, G.M.S.I.,
G.C.M.G., G.M.I.E., Marquess of Lansdowne, Viceroy and Governor-
General of India;
And His Majesty the Emperor of China, his Excellency Sheng Tai,
Imperial Associate Resident in Tibet, Military Deputy Lieutenant-
Governor;
Who, having met and communicated to each other their full powers,
and finding these to be in proper form, have agreed upon the following
Convention in eight Articles:—
I. The boundary of Sikkim and Tibet shall be the crest of the mountain
range separating the waters flowing into the Sikkim Teesta and its afflu-
ents from the waters flowing into the Tibetan Mochu and northwards
into other rivers of Tibet. The line commences at Mount Gipmochi on
the Bhutan frontier, and follows the above-mentioned water-parting to
the point where it meets Nepal territory.
II. It is admitted that the British Government, whose Protectorate
over the Sikkim State is hereby recognized, has direct and exclusive con-
trol over the internal administration and foreign relations of that State,
and except through and with the permission of the British Government
neither the Ruler of the State nor any of its officers shall have official
relations of any kind, formal or informal, with any other country.
III. The Government of Great Britain and Ireland and the Govern-
ment of China engage reciprocally to respect the boundary as defined
in Article 1, and to prevent acts of Aggression from their respective
sides of the frontier.
IV. The question of providing increased facilities for trade across
the Sikkim-Tibet frontier will hereafter be discussed with a view to a
mutually satisfactory arrangement by the High Contracting Powers.
V. The question of pasturage on the Sikkim side of the frontier is

reserved for further examination and future adjustment.
VI. The High Contracting Powers reserve for discussion and arrange-
ment the method in which official communications between the British
authorities in India and the authorities in Tibet shall be conducted.
VII. Two joint Commissioners shall, within six months from the
ratification of this Convention, be appointed, one by the British Gov-
ernment in India, the other by the Chinese Resident in Tibet. The said
Commissioners shall meet and discuss the questions which, by the last
three preceding Articles, have been reserved.
VIII. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications
shall be exchanged in London as soon as possible after the date of the
signature thereof.
In witness whereof the respective negotiators have signed the same,

and affixed thereunto the seals of their arms.
Done in quadruplicate at Calcutta, this 17th day of March, in the year

of our Lord 1890, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 27th day
of the second moon of the 16th year of Kuang Hsu.
Landsdowne
Signature of the Chinese Plenipotentiary
297–8.
1893
Regulations regarding Trade, Communication and Pasturage,
appended to the Convention between Great Britain and China relating
to Sikkim and Tibet of 1890
Signed at Darjeeling, India, December 5, 1893.
1. A TRADE mart shall be established at Yatung on the Tibetan side

of the frontier, and shall be open to all British subjects for purposes of
trade from the 1st day of May, 1894. The Government of India shall
be free to send officers to reside at Yatung to watch the conditions of
British trade at that mart.
1094 appendix i
2. British subjects trading at Yatung shall be at liberty to travel freely

to and fro between the frontier and Yatung, to reside at Yatung, and to
rent houses and godowns for their own accommodation, and the storage
of their goods. The Chinese Government undertake that suitable build-
ings for the above purposes shall be provided for British subjects, and
also that a special and fitting residence shall be provided for the officer
or officers appointed by the Government of India under Regulation 1
to reside at Yatung. British subjects shall be at liberty to sell their goods
to whomsoever they please, to purchase native commodities in kind
or in money, to hire transport of any kind, and in general to conduct
their business transactions in conformity with local usage, and without
any vexatious restrictions. Such British subjects shall receive efficient
protection for their persons and property. At Lang-jo and Ta-chun,
between the frontier and Yatung, where rest-houses have been built
by the Tibetan authorities, British subjects can break their journey in
consideration of a daily rent.
3. Import and export trade in the following articles—arms, ammuni-
tion, military stores, salt, liquors, and intoxicating or narcotic drugs—
may, at the option of either Government, be entirely prohibited, or
permitted only on such conditions as either Government, on their own
side, may think fit to impose.
4. Goods, other than goods of the descriptions enumerated in Regu-
lation 3, entering Tibet from British India, across the Sikkim-Tibet
frontier, or vice versa, whatever their origin, shall be exempt from duty
for a period of five years, commencing from the date of the opening of
Yatung to trade; but after the expiration of this term, if found desirable,
a Tariff may be mutually agreed upon and enforced.
Indian tea may be imported into Tibet at a rate of duty not exceed-
ing that at which Chinese tea is imported into England, but trade in
Indian tea shall not be engaged in during the five years for which other
commodities are exempt.
5. All goods on arrival at Yatung, whether from British India or from
Tibet, must be reported at the Custom station there for examination,
and the report must give full particulars of the description, quantity,
and value of the goods.
6. In the event of trade disputes arising between British and Chinese
or Tibetan subjects in Tibet, they shall be inquired into and settled in
personal conference by the Political Officer for Sikkim and the Chinese
Frontier Officer. The object of personal conference being to ascertain
facts and do justice, where there is a divergence of views, the law of

the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide.
7. Despatches from the Government of India to the Chinese Impe-
rial Resident in Tibet shall be handed over by the Political Officer for
Sikkim to the Chinese Frontier Officer, who will forward them by
special courier.
Despatches from the Chinese Imperial Resident in Tibet to the Gov-
ernment of India will be handed over by the Chinese Frontier Officer
to the Political Officer for Sikkim, who will forward them as quickly
as possible.
8. Despatches between the Chinese and Indian officials must be
treated with due respect, and couriers will be assisted in passing to and
fro by the officers of each Government.
9. After the expiration of one year from the date of the opening of
Yatung, such Tibetans as continue to graze their cattle in Sikkim will
be subject to such regulations as the British Government may from
time to time enact for the general conduct of grazing in Sikkim. Due
notice will be given of such regulations.
General Articles
1. In the event of disagreement between the Political Officer for
Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier Officer, each official shall report the
matter to his immediate superior, who in turn, if a settlement is not
arrived at between them, shall refer such matter to their respective
Governments for disposal.
2. After the lapse of five years from the date on which these Regula-
tions shall come into force, and on six months’ notice given by either
party, these Regulations shall be subject to revision by Commissioners
appointed on both sides for this purpose, who shall be empowered to
decide on and adopt such amendments and extensions as experience
shall prove to be desirable.
3. It having been stipulated that Joint Commissioners should be
appointed by the British and Chinese Governments under Article VII
of the Sikkim-Tibet Convention to meet and discuss, with a view to the
final settlement of the questions reserved under Articles IV, V, and VI
of the said Convention; and the Commissioners thus appointed having
met and discussed the questions referred to, namely, trade, communica-
tion, and pasturage, have been further appointed to sign the Agreement
in nine Regulations and three General Articles now arrived at, and to
1096 appendix i
declare that the said nine Regulations and the three General Articles
form part of the Convention itself.
In witness whereof the respective Commissioners have hereto sub-
scribed their names.
Done in quadruplicate at Darjeeling, this 5th day of December, in
the year 1893, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 28th day of
the 10th moon of the 19th year of Kuang Hsü.
(L. S.) A. W. Paul, British Commissioner.

(L. S.) Ho Chang-Jung,
James H. Hart, Chinese Commissioners.
British and Foreign State Papers, 1892–1893. Vol. LXXXV, pp. 1235–1237.
1904
Convention Between Great Britain and Tibet
Whereas doubts and difficulties have arisen as to the meaning and valid-
ity of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890, and the Trade Regula-
tions of 1893, and as to the liabilities of the Tibetan Government under
these agreements; and whereas recent occurrences have tended towards
a disturbance of the relations of friendship and good understanding
which have existed between the British Government and the Govern-
ment of Tibet; and whereas it is desirable to restore peace and amicable
relations, and to resolve and determine the doubts and difficulties as
aforesaid, the said Governments have resolved to conclude a convention
with these objects, and the following articles have been agreed upon
by Colonel F. E. Younghusband, C.I.E., in virtue of full powers vested
in him by His Britannic Majesty’s Government and on behalf of that
said Government, and Lo-Sang Gyal-Tsen, the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche,
and the representatives of the Council, of the three monasteries Se-ra,
Dre-pung, and Ga-den, and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials of the
National Assembly on behalf of the Government of Tibet.
I. The Government of Tibet engages to respect the Anglo-Chinese

Convention of 1890 and to recognise the frontier between Sikkim
and Tibet, as defined in Article I of the said Convention, and to erect
boundary pillars accordingly.
II. The Tibetan Government undertakes to open forthwith trade
marts to which all British and Tibetan subjects shall have free right of
access at Gyantse and Gartok, as well as at Yatung.
The Regulations applicable to the trade mart at Yatung, under the

Anglo-Chinese Agreement of 1893, shall, subject to such amendments as
may hereafter be agreed upon by common consent between the British
and Tibetan Governments, apply to the marts above-mentioned.
In addition to establishing trade marts at the places mentioned,
the Tibetan Government undertakes to place no restrictions on the
trade by existing routes, and to consider the question of establishing
fresh trade marts under similar conditions if development of trade
requires it.
III. The question of the amendment of the Regulations of 1893
is reserved for separate consideration, and the Tibetan Government
undertakes to appoint fully authorised delegates to negotiate with
representatives of the British Government as to the details of the
amendments required.
IV. The Tibetan Government undertakes to levy no dues of any
kind other than those provided for in the tariff to be mutually agreed
upon.
V. The Tibetan Government undertakes to keep the roads to Gyantse
and Gartok from the frontier clear or all obstruction and in a state
of repair suited to the needs of the trade, and to establish at Yatung,
Gyantse and Gartok, and at each of the other trade marts that may
hereafter be established, a Tibetan Agent who shall receive from the
British Agent appointed to watch over British trade at the marts in
question any letter which the latter may desire to send to the Tibetan or
to the Chinese authorities. The Tibetan Agent shall also be responsible
for the due delivery of such communications and for the transmission
of replies.
VI. As an indemnity to the British Government for the expense
incurred in the despatch of armed troops to Lhasa, to exact repara-
tion for breaches of treaty obligations, and for the insults offered to
and attacks upon the British Commissioner and his following and
escort, the Tibetan Government engages to pay a sum of pounds five
hundred thousand—equivalent to rupees seventy-five lakhs—to the
British Government.
The indemnity shall be payable at such place as the British Govern-
ment may from time to time, after due notice, indicate whether in Tibet
or in the British districts of Darjeeling or Jalpaiguri, in seventy-five
annual instalments of rupees one lakh each on the 1st January in each
year, beginning from the 1st January 1906.
VII. As security for the payment of the above-mentioned indemnity,
and for the fulfilment of the provisions relative to the trade marts
1098 appendix i
specified in Articles II, III, IV and V, the British Government shall

continue to occupy the Chumbi valley until the indemnity has been
paid and until the trade marts have been effectively opened for three
years, whichever date may be the later.
VIII. The Tibetan Government agrees to raze all forts and fortifica-
tions and remove all armaments which might impede the course of
free communication between the British frontier and the towns of
Gyantse and Lhasa.
IX. The Government of Tibet engages that, without the previous
consent of the British Government:
a. no portion of Tibetan territory shall be coded, sold, leased, mortgaged

or otherwise given for occupation, to any Foreign Power;
b. no such Power shall be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs;
c. no representatives or Agents of any Foreign Power shall be admitted
to Tibet;
d. no concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, mining or other
rights shall be granted to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any
Foreign Power. In the event of consent to such concessions being
granted similar or equivalent concessions shall be granted to the
British Government;
e. no Tibetan revenues, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged
or assigned to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign
Power.
X. In witness whereof the negotiators have signed the same, and affixed
thereunto the seals of their arms.
Done in quintuplicate at Lhasa, this 7th day of September in the
year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four, corresponding
with the Tibetan date the 27th day of the seventh month of the Wood
Dragon year.
F. E. Younghusband, Col.,
British Commissioner.
Seal of British Commissioner.
Seal of the Dalai Lama, affixed by the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche.
Seal of Council.
Seal of the Dre-pung Monastery.
Seal of Sera Monastery.
Seal of Ga-den Monastery.
Seal of National Assembly.
In proceeding to the signature of the Convention, dated this day, the

representatives of Great Britain and Tibet declare that the English text
shall be binding.
F. E. Younghusband, Col.,
Seal of British Commissioner.

Seal of the Dalai Lama, affixed by the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche.
Seal of Council.
Seal of the Dre-pung Monastery.
Seal of Sera Monastery.
Seal of Ga-den Monastery.
Seal of National Assembly.
Ampthill,
Viceroy and Governor-General of India.
This Convention was ratified by the Viceroy and Governor-General of

India in Council at Simla on the eleventh day of November, A.D., one
thousand nine hundred and four.
S. M. Fraser,
Secretary to the Government of India,
Foreign Department.
1904
Declaration signed by His Excellency the Viceroy and
Governor-General of India and appended to the ratified
Convention of the 7th September 1904.
His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India, having rati-

fied the Convention which was concluded at Lhasa on 7th September
1904 by Colonel Younghusband, C.I.E., British Commissioner, Tibet
Frontier Matters, on behalf of His Britannic Majesty’s Government; and
by Lo-Sang Gyal-Tsen, the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche, and the representatives
of the Council, of the three monasteries, Sera, Dre-pung and Ga-den,
and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials of the National Assembly,
on behalf of the Government of Tibet, is pleased to direct as an act
1100 appendix i
of grace that the sum of money which the Tibetan Government have
bound themselves under the terms of Article VI of the said Convention
to pay to His Majesty’s Government as an indemnity for the expenses
incurred by the latter in connection with the despatch of armed forces
to Lhasa, be reduced from Rs. 75,00,000 to Rs. 25,00,000; and to declare
that the British occupation of the Chumbi valley shall cease after the due
payment of three annual instalments of the said indemnity as fixed by
the said Article, provided, however, that the trade marts as stipulated
in Article II of the Convention shall have been effectively opened for
three years as provided in Article VI of the Convention; and that, in the
meantime, the Tibetans shall have faithfully complied with the terms
of the said Convention in all other respects.
Ampthill,
Viceroy and Governor-General of India.
This declaration was signed by the Viceroy and Governor-General of

India in Council at Simla on the eleventh day of November, A.D., one
thousand nine hundred and four.
S. M. Fraser,
Secretary to the Government of India,
Foreign Department.
Source: Charles Bell, Tibet Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1968), 284–287.
1906
Convention Between Great Britain and China Respecting Tibet
Signed at Peking, 27 April 1906

Ratified at London, 23 July 1906
Whereas His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the
British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty
the Emperor of China are sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate
the relations of friendship and good understanding which now exist
between their respective Empires;
And whereas the refusal of Tibet to recognize the validity of or to
carry into full effect the provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Conventions
of March 17, 1890 and Regulations of December 5, 1893 placed the
British Government under the necessity of taking steps to secure their

rights and interests under the said Convention and Regulations;
And whereas a Convention of ten Articles was signed at Lhasa on
September 7, 1904 on behalf of Great Britain and Tibet, and was ratified
by the Viceroy and Governor-General of India on behalf of Great Britain
on November 11, 1904, a declaration on behalf of Great Britain modify-
ing its terms under certain conditions being appended thereto;
His Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have
resolved to conclude a Convention on this subject and have for this
purpose named Plenipotentiaries, that is to say—His Majesty the King of
Great Britain and Ireland: Sir Ernest Mason Satow, Knight Grand Cross
of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George,
His said Majesty’s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to His Majesty the Emperor of China; And His Majesty the Emperor
of China: His Excellency Tong Shoa-yi, His said Majesty’s High Com-
missioner Plenipotentiary and a Vice-President of the Board of Foreign
Affairs—who having communicated to each other their respective full
powers and finding them to be in good and true form have agreed upon
and concluded the following Convention in six Articles.
Art. I. The Convention concluded on September 7, 1904 by Great Brit-

ain and Tibet, the texts of which in English and Chinese are attached
to the present Convention as an annex, is hereby confirmed, subject
to the modification stated in the declaration appended thereto, and
both of the High Contracting Parties engage to take at all times such
steps as may be necessary to secure the due fulfillment of the terms
specified therein.
II. The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex
Tibetan territory or to interfere in the administration of Tibet. The
Government of China also undertakes not to permit any other for-
eign State to interfere with the territory or internal administration
of Tibet.
III. The Concessions which are mentioned in Article IX (d) of the
Convention concluded on September 7, 1904 by Great Britain and Tibet
are denied to any State or to the subject of any State other than China,
but it has been arranged with China that at the trade marts specified
in Article II of the aforesaid Convention Great Britain shall be entitled
to lay down telegraph lines connecting with India.
IV. The provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890 and
Regulations of 1893 shall, subject to the terms of this present Conven-
tion and annex thereto, remain in full force.
1102 appendix i
V. The English and Chinese texts of the present Convention have

been carefully compared and found to correspond but in the event of
there being any difference of meaning between them the English text
shall be authoritative.
VI. This Convention shall be ratified by the Sovereigns of both coun-
tries and ratifications shall be exchanged at London within three months
after the date of signature by the Plenipotentiaries of both Powers.
In token whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed

this Convention, four copies in English and four in Chinese.
Done at Peking this twenty-seventh day of April, one thousand nine

hundred and six, being the fourth day of the fourth month of the thirty-
second year of the reign of Kuang-hsu.
(L.S.) Ernest Satow

(Signature and Seal of the Chinese Plenipotentiary)
Exchange of Notes Between Great Britain and China Respecting the

Non-Employment of Foreigners in Tibet,
Peking, April 27, 1906
Tong Shoa-yi to Sir E. Satow
Your Excellency,
With reference to the Convention relating to Tibet which was signed
to-day by your Excellency and myself on behalf of our respective Gov-
ernments, I have the honour to declare formally that the Government
of China undertakes not to employ any one not a Chinese subject and
not of Chinese nationality in any capacity whatsoever in Tibet.
I avail, & c.
Tong Shoa-yi
Sir E. Satow to Tong Shoa-yi
Your Excellency,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s note
of this day’s date, in which you declare formally, with reference to the
Convention relating to Tibet which was signed today by your Excellency
and myself on behalf of our respective Governments, that the Govern-

ment of China undertakes not to employ any one not a Chinese subject
and not of Chinese nationality in any capacity whatsoever in Tibet.
I avail, & c.
Ernest Satow
304–306.
1907
Convention Between Great Britain and Russia
Signed at St. Petersburg

on the 18th (31st) August 1907
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of
India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, animated by
the sincere desire to settle by mutual agreement different questions
concerning the interests of their States on the Continent of Asia, have
determined to conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of
misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to the
questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose their respec-
tive Plenipotentiaries, to wit:
India, the Right Honorable Sir Arthur Nicolson, His Majesty’s Ambas-
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor
of All the Russias;
His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, the Master of his Court
Alexander Iswolsky, Minister for Foreign Affairs;
Who, having communicated to each other their full powers, found
in good and due form, have agreed on the following.
Arrangement Concerning Tibet

The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the suzerain
rights of China in Tibet, and considering the fact that Great Britain,
1104 appendix i
by reason of her geographical position, has a special interest in the

maintenance of the status quo in the external relations of Tibet, have
made the following arrangement.
Article I. The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the

territorial integrity of Tibet and to abstain from all interference in the
internal administration.
Article II. In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty
of China over Tibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to enter into
negotiations with Tibet except through the intermediary of the Chinese
Government. This engagement does not exclude the direct relations
between British Commercial Agents and the Tibetan authorities pro-
vided for in Article V of the Convention between Great Britain and
Tibet of the 7th September 1904, and confirmed by the Convention
between Great Britain and China of the 27th April 1906; nor does it
modify the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in
Article I of the said Convention of 1906.
It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great Britain or of
Russia, may enter into direct relations on strictly religious matters with
the Dalai Lama and the other representatives of Buddhism in Tibet;
the Governments of Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are
concerned, not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of
the present arrangement.
Article III. The British and Russian Governments respectively engage
not to send Representatives to Lhassa.
Article IV. The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek
nor to obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any Concessions
for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or other rights in Tibet.
Article V. The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues
of Tibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned to
Great Britain or Russia or to any of their subjects.
Annex to the Arrangement Between Great Britain and Russia

Concerning Tibet
Great Britain reaffirms the declaration, signed by His Excellency the
Viceroy and Governor-General of India and appended to the ratifica-
tion of the Convention of the 7th September 1904, to the effect that
the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after
the payment of three annual installments of the indemnity of 25,00,000

rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II of that
Convention have been effectively opened for three years, and that in
the meantime the Tibetan authorities have faithfully complied in all
respects with the terms of the said Convention of 1904. It is clearly
understood that if the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British
forces has, for any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated
in the above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will
enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject.
The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged

at St. Petersburgh as soon as possible.
In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the

present Convention and affixed thereto their seals.
Done in duplicate at St. Petersburgh, the 18th (31st) of August, 1907.
Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights,
and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 307–308.
1908
Agreement Between Great Britain, China and Tibet Amending Trade
Regulations of 1893
Signed at Calcutta, 20 April 1908

Ratified at Peking, 14 October 1908
Tibet Trade Regulations

Preamble
Whereas by Article I of the Convention between Great Britain and
China on the 27th April, 1906, that is the 4th day of the 4th moon of
the 32nd year of Kwang Hsu, it was provided that both the High Con-
tracting Parties should engage to take at all times such steps as might
be necessary to secure the due fulfillment of the terms specified in the
Lhassa convention of the 7th September, 1904, between Great Britain
and Tibet, the text of which in English and Chinese was attached as an
annex to the abovenamed Convention;
1106 appendix i
And whereas it was stipulated in Article III of the said Lhassa conven-
tion that the question of the amendment of the Tibet Trade Regulations
which were signed by the British and Chinese Commissioners on the 5th
day of December, 1893, should be reserved for separate consideration,
and whereas the amendment of these Regulations is now necessary;
India, and His Majesty the Emperor of the Chinese Empire have for this
purpose named as their plenipotentiaries, that is to say—His Majesty the
King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond
the Seas, Emperor of India: Mr. E.C. Wilton, C.M.G.; His Majesty the
Emperor of the Chinese Empire: His Majesty’s Special Commissioner
Chang Yin Tang—And the High Authorities of Tibet have named
as their fully authorized representative to act under the directions of
Chang Tachen and take part in the negotiations, the Tsarong Shape,
Wang-Chuk Gyalpo.
And whereas Mr. E.C. Wilton and Chang Tachen have communi-
cated to each other since their respective full powers and have found
them to be in good and true form and have found the authorization of
the Tibetan Delegate to be also in good and true form, the following
amended Regulations have been agreed upon.
1. The Trade Regulations of 1893 shall remain in force in so far as they

are not inconsistent with these Regulations.
2. The following places shall form, and be included within, the bound-
aries of the Gyantse mart.
A. The line begins at the Chumig Dangsang (Chhu-Mig-Dangs-
Sangs) north-east of the Gyantse Fort, and thence it runs in
a curved line, passing behind the Pekor Chode (Dpal-Hkhor-
Choos-Sde), down to Chag-Dong-Gang (Phyag-Gdong-Sgang);
thence passing straight over the Nyan Chu, it reaches the Zamsa
(Zam-Srag).
B. From the Zamsa the line continues to run, in a south-eastern
direction, round to Lachi-To (Gla-Dkyii-Stod), embracing all
the farms on its way, viz., the Lahong, the Hogtso (Hog-Mtsho),
the Tong-Chung-shi (Grong-Chhung-Cshis), and the Rabgang
(Rab-Sgang), &c.
C. From Lachi-To the line runs to the Yutog (Gyu-Thog), and thence
runs straight, passing through the whole area of Gamkar-Shi
(Ragal-Mkhar-Gshis), to Chumig Dangsang.
As difficulty is experienced in obtaining suitable houses and godowns

at some of the marts, it is agreed that British subjects may also lease
lands for the building of houses and godowns at the marts, the locality
for such building sites to be marked out specially at each mart by the
Chinese and Tibetan authorities in consultation with the British Trade
Agent. The British Trade Agents and British subjects shall not build
houses and godowns except in such localities, and this arrangement
shall not be held to prejudice in any way the administration of the
Chinese and Tibetan local authorities over such localities, or the right
of British subjects to rent houses and godowns outside such localities
for their own accommodation and the storage of their goods.
British subjects desiring to lease building sites shall apply through the
British Trade Agent to the municipal office at the mart for a permit to
lease. The amount of rent, or the period or conditions of the lease, shall
then be settled in a friendly way by the lessee and the owner themselves.
In the event of a disagreement between the owner and lessee as to the
amount of rent or the period or conditions of the lease, the case will be
settled by the Chinese and Tibetan authorities, in consultation with the
British Trade Agent. After the lease is settled, the sites shall be verified
by the Chinese and Tibetan officers of the municipal office conjointly
with the British Trade Agent. No building is to be commenced by the
lessee on a site before the municipal office has issued him a permit
to build, but it is agreed that there shall be no vexatious delays in the
issue of such permit.
3. The administration of the trade marts shall remain with the Tibetan
officers, under the Chinese officers’ supervision and directions.
The Trade Agents at the marts and Frontier Officers shall be of suit-
able rank, and shall hold personal intercourse and correspondence one
with another on terms of mutual respect and friendly treatment.
Questions which cannot be decided by agreement between the Trade
Agents and the local authorities shall be referred for settlement to the
Government of India and the Tibetan High Authorities at Lhassa. The
purport of a reference by the Government of India will be commu-
nicated to the Chinese Imperial Resident at Lhassa. Questions which
cannot be decided by agreement between the Government of India and
the Tibetan High Authorities at Lhassa shall, in accordance with the
terms of Article I of the Peking Convention of 1906, be referred for
settlement to the Governments of Great Britain and China.
4. In the event of disputes arising at the marts between British subjects
and persons of Chinese and Tibetan nationalities, they shall be inquired
1108 appendix i
into and settled in personal conferences between the British Trade

Agent at the nearest mart and the Chinese and Tibetan authorities of
the Judicial Court at the mart, the object of personal conference being
to ascertain facts and to do justice. Where there is a divergence of view
the law of the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide. In any
of such mixed cases, the officer or officers of the defendant’s nationality
shall preside at the trial, the officer or officers of the plaintiff’s country
merely attending to watch the course of the trial.
All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person,
arising between British subjects, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of
the British authorities.
British subjects who may commit any crime at the marts or on the
routes to the marts shall be handed over by the local authorities to
the British Trade Agent at the mart nearest to the scene of offence, to
be tried and punished according to the laws of India, but such British
subjects shall not be subjected by the local authorities to any ill-usage
in excess of necessary restraint.
Chinese and Tibetan subjects, who may be guilty of any criminal act
towards British subjects at the marts or on the routes thereto, shall be
arrested and punished by the Chinese and Tibetan authorities accord-
ing to law.
Justice shall be equitably and impartially administered on both
sides.
Should it happen that Chinese or Tibetan subjects bring a criminal
complaint against a British subject before the British Trade Agent, the
Chinese or Tibetan authorities shall have the right to send a representa-
tive, or representatives, to watch the course of trial in the British Trade
Agent’s Court. Similarly, in cases in which a British subject has reason
to complain of a Chinese or Tibetan subject in the Judicial Court at the
mart, the British Trade Agent shall have the right to send a representa-
tive to the Judicial Court to watch the course of trial.
5. The Tibetan authorities, in obedience to the instructions of the
Peking Government, having a strong desire to reform the judicial system
of Tibet, and to bring it into accord with that of Western nations, Great
Britain agrees to relinquish her rights of extra-territoriality in Tibet,
whenever such rights are relinquished in China, and when she is satis-
fied that the state of the Tibetan laws and the arrangements for their
administration and other considerations warrant her in so doing.
6. After the withdrawal of the British troops, all the rest-houses,
eleven in number, built by Great Britain upon the routes leading from
the Indian frontier to Gyantse, shall be taken over at original cost by

China and rented to the Government of India at a fair rate. One-half
of each resthouse will be reserved for the use of the British officials
employed on the inspection and maintenance of the telegraph lines from
the marts to the Indian frontier and for the storage of their materials,
but the rest-houses shall otherwise be available for occupation by Brit-
ish, Chinese, and Tibetan officers of respectability who may proceed
to and from the marts.
Great Britain is prepared to consider the transfer to China of the
telegraph lines from the Indian frontier to Gyantse when the telegraph
lines from China reach that mart, and in the meantime Chinese and
Tibetan messages will be duly received and transmitted by the line
constructed by the Government of India.
In the meantime China shall be responsible for the due protection of
the telegraph lines from the marts to the Indian frontier, and it is agreed
that all persons damaging the lines or interfering in any way with them
or with the officials engaged in the inspection or maintenance thereof
shall at once be severely punished by the local authorities.
7. In law suits involving cases of debt on account of loans, commercial
failure, and bankruptcy, the authorities concerned shall grant a hearing
and take steps necessary to enforce payment; but, if the debtor plead
poverty and be without means, the authorities concerned shall not
be held responsible for the said debts, nor shall any public or official
property be distrained upon in order to satisfy these debts.
8. The British Trade Agents at the various trade marts now or hereaf-
ter to be established in Tibet may make arrangements for the carriage
and transmission of their posts to and from the frontier of India. The
couriers employed in conveying these posts shall receive all possible
assistance from the local authorities whose districts they traverse
and shall be accorded the same protection as the persons employed
in carrying the despatches of the Tibetan authorities. When efficient
arrangements have been made by China in Tibet for a postal service,
the question of the abolition of the Trade Agents’ couriers will be taken
into consideration by Great Britain and China. No restrictions whatever
shall be placed on the employment by British officers and traders of
Chinese and Tibetan subjects in any lawful capacity. The persons so
employed shall not be exposed to any kind of molestation or suffer any
loss of civil rights to which they may be entitled as Tibetan subjects, but
they shall not be exempted from all lawful taxation. If they be guilty
of any criminal act, they shall be dealt with by the local authorities
1110 appendix i
according to law without any attempt on the part of their employer to

screen or conceal them.
9. British officers and subjects, as well as goods, proceeding to the
trade marts, must adhere to the trade routes from the frontier of India.
They shall not, without permission, proceed beyond the marts, or to
Gartok from Yatung and Gyantse, or from Gartok to Yatung and
Gyantse, by any route through the interior of Tibet, but natives of the
Indian frontier, who have already by usage traded and resided in Tibet,
elsewhere than at the mart shall be at liberty to continue their trade, in
accordance with the existing practice, but when so trading or residing
they shall remain, as heretofore, amenable to the local jurisdiction.
10. In cases where officials or traders, en route to and from India or
Tibet, are robbed of treasure or merchandise, public or private, they
shall forthwith report to the police officers, who shall take immediate
measures to arrest the robbers and hand them to the local authorities.
The local authorities shall bring them to instant trial, and shall also
recover and restore the stolen property. But if the robbers flee to places
out of the jurisdiction and influence of Tibet, and cannot be arrested,
the police and the local authorities shall not be held responsible for
such losses.
11. For public safety, tanks or stores of kerosene oil or any other
combustible or dangerous articles in bulk must be placed far away from
inhabited places at the marts.
British or Indian merchants wishing to build such tanks or stores
may not do so until, as provided in Regulation 2, they have made
application for a suitable site.
12. British subjects shall be at liberty to deal in kind or in money, to
sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to purchase native com-
modities from whomsoever they please, to hire transport of any kind,
and to conduct in general their business transactions in conformity
with local usage and without any vexatious restrictions or oppressive
exactions whatever.
It being the duty of the police and local authorities to afford effi-
cient protection at all times to the persons and property of the British
subjects at the marts, and along the routes to the marts, China engages
to arrange effective police measures at the marts and along the routes
to the marts. On due fulfillment of these arrangements, Great Britain
undertakes to withdraw the Trade Agents’ guards at the marts and to
station no troops in Tibet, so as to remove all cause for suspicion and
disturbance among the inhabitants. The Chinese authorities will not
prevent the British Trade Agents holding personal intercourse and

correspondence with the Tibetan officers and people.
Tibetan subjects trading, travelling, or residing in India shall receive
equal advantages to those accorded by this Regulation to British sub-
jects in Tibet.
13. The present Regulations shall be in force for a period of ten years
reckoned from the date of signature by the two Plenipotentiaries as well
as by the Tibetan Delegate; but if no demand for revision be made by
either side within six months after the end of the first ten years, then
the Regulations shall remain in force for another ten years from the
end of the first ten years; and so it shall be at the end of each succes-
sive ten years.
14. The English, Chinese, and Tibetan texts of the present Regulations
have been carefully compared, and, in the event of any question arising
as to the interpretation of these Regulations, the sense as expressed in
the English text shall be held to be the correct sense.
15. The ratifications of the present Regulations under the hand of
His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland, and of His Majesty
the Emperor of the Chinese Empire, respectively, shall be exchanged at
London and Peking within six months from the date of signature.
In witness whereof the two Plenipotentiaries and the Tibetan Delegate

have signed and sealed the present Regulations.
Done in quadruplicate at Calcutta this 20th day of April, in the year

of our Lord 1908, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 20th day
of the 3rd moon of the 34th year of Kuang Hsu.
(L.S.) E.C. Wilton,

(L.S.) Chang Yin Tang,

Chinese Special Commissioner.
(L.S.) Wang Chuk Gyalpo,

Tibetan Delegate.
309–314.
1112 appendix i
1912
Agreement Between China and Tibet
1913
Treaty of Friendship and Alliance Between the Government of
Mongolia and Tibet
Mongolia and Tibet, having freed themselves from the dynasty of the
Manchus and separated from China, have formed their own indepen-
dent States, and, having in view that both States from time immemorial
have professed one and the same religion, with a view to strengthening
their historic and mutual friendship the Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Nikta Biliktu Da-Lama Rabdan, and the Assistant Minister, General
and Manlai baatyr beiseh Damdinsurun, as plenipotentiaries of the
Government of the ruler of the Mongol people, and gudjir tsanshib
kanchen-Lubsan-Agvan, donir Agvan Choinzin, director of the Bank
Ishichjamtso, and the clerk Gendun Galsan, as plenipotentiaries of the
Dalai Lama, the ruler of Tibet, have made the following agreement.
Article 1. The ruler of Tibet, Dalai Lama, approves and recognizes the
formation of an independent Mongol State, and the proclamation, in the
year of the pig and the ninth day of the eleventh month, of Chjebzun
Damba Lama of the yellow faith as ruler of the country.
Article 2. The ruler of the Mongol people, Chjebzun Damba Lama,
approves and recognizes the formation of an independent (Tibetan)
State and the proclamation of the Dalai Lama as ruler of Tibet.
Article 3. Both States will work by joint consideration for the well-
being of the Buddhist faith.
Article 4. Both States, Mongolia and Tibet, from now and for all
time will afford each other assistance against external and internal
dangers.
Article 5. Each State within its own territory will afford assistance
to the subjects of the other travelling officially or privately on affairs
of religion or State.
Article 6. Both States, Mongolia and Tibet, as formerly, will carry on
a reciprocal trade in the products of their respective countries in wares,
cattle, &c., and will also open industrial establishments.
Article 7. From now the granting of credit to anyone will be permitted

only with the knowledge and sanction of official institutions. Without
such sanction Government institutions will not consider claims.
As regards contracts made previous to the conclusion of the present
treaty, where serious loss is being incurred through the inability of the
two parties to come to terms, such debts may be recovered by (Govern-
ment) institutions, but in no case shall the debt concern “shabinars”
or “khoshuns.”
Article 8. Should it prove necessary to supplement the articles of the
present treaty, the Mongolian and Tibetan Governments must appoint
special delegates, who will conclude such agreements as the conditions
of the time shall demand.
Article 9. The present treaty shall come into force from the date of
its signature.
Plenipotentiaries from the Mongolian Government for the conclusion of

the treaty: Nikta Biliktu Da-Lama Rabdan, Minister for Foreign Affairs; and
General and Manlai baatyr beiseh Damdinsurun, Assistant Minister.
Plenipotentiaries from the Dalai Lama, the ruler of Tibet, for the con-
clusion of the treaty: Gudjir tsanshib kanchen Lubsan-Agvan, Choinzin,
the Director of the Bank of Tibet Ishichjamtsa, and the clerk, Gendun-
Galsan.
Signed (by Mongol reckoning) in the fourth day of the twelfth month of
the second year of the “Raised by the Many,” and by Tibetan reckoning
on the same day and month of the year of the “water-mouse.”
320–321.
1914
Exchange of notes between the British and
Tibetan Plenipotentiaries
To Lonchen Shatra, Tibetan Plenipotentiary
In February last you accepted the India-Tibet frontier from the Isu
Razi Pass to the Bhutan frontier, as given in the map (two sheets), of
1114 appendix i
which two copies are herewith attached, subject to the confirmation of

your Government and the following conditions:
(a) The Tibetan ownership in private estates on the British side of the
frontier will not be disturbed.
(b) If the sacred places of Tso Karpo and Tsari Sarpa fall within a day’s
march of the British side of the frontier, they will be included in
Tibetan territory and the frontier modified accordingly.
I understand that your Government have now agreed to this frontier

subject to the above two conditions. I shall be glad to learn definitely
from you that this is the case.
You wished to know whether certain dues now collected by the
Tibetan Government at Tsöna Jong and in Kongbu and Kham from
the Monpas and Lopas for articles sold may still be collected. Mr. Bell
has informed you that such details will be settled in a friendly spirit,
when you have furnished to him the further information, which you
have promised.
The final settlement of this India-Tibet frontier will help to prevent
causes of future dispute and thus cannot fail to be of great advantage
to both Governments.
Delhi
A. H. McMahon
24 March 1914
British Plenipotentiary
To Sir Henry McMahon, British Plenipotentiary to the China-Tibet

Conference.
As it was feared that there might be friction in future unless the bound-
ary between India and Tibet is clearly defined, I submitted the map,
which you sent to me in February last, to the Tibetan Government at
Lhasa for orders. I have now received orders from Lhasa, and I accord-
ingly agree to the boundary as marked in red in the two copies of the
maps signed by you subject to the conditions, mentioned in your letter,
dated the 24th March, sent to me through Mr. Bell. I have signed and
sealed the two copies of the maps (not published). I have kept one copy
here and return herewith the other.
Sent on the 29th day of the 1st Month of the Wood-Tiger year (25th
March 1914) by Lönchen Shatra, the Tibetan Plenipotentiary.
[Seal of Lönchen Shatra.]
1914
Anglo-Tibetan Declaration
We, the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and Tibet, hereby record the
following declaration to the effect that we acknowledge the annexed
convention as initialled to be binding on the Governments of Great
Britain and Tibet, and we agree that so long as the Government of China
withholds signature to the aforesaid convention she will be debarred
from the enjoyment of all privileges accruing therefrom.
In token whereof we have signed and sealed this declaration, two
copies in English and two in Tibetan.
Done at Simla this 3rd day of July, A.D. 1914, corresponding with the
Tibetan date the 10th day of the 5th month of the Wood-Tiger year.
A. Henry McMahon,
British Plenipotentiary
(Seal of the British Plenipotentiary)
(Seal of the Dalai Lama)
(Signature of the Lonchen Shatra)
(Seal of the Lonchen Shatra)
(Seal of the Drepung Monastery)
(Seal of the Sera Monastery)
(Seal of the Gaden Monastery)
(Seal of the National Assembly)
321–322.
1914
Convention Between Great Britain, China, and Tibet, Simla
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire-
land and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India,
1116 appendix i
His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, and His Holiness
the Dalai Lama of Tibet, being sincerely desirous to settle by mutual
agreement various questions concerning the interests of their several
States on the Continent of Asia, and further to regulate the relations
of their several Governments, have resolved to conclude a Convention
on this subject and have nominated for this purpose their respective
Plenipotentiaries, that is to say:
His Majesty the King Of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
India, Sir Arthur Henry McMahon, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal
Victorian Order, Knight Commander of the Most Eminent Order of
the Indian Empire, Companion of the Most Exalted Order of the Star
of India, Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign and Political
Department;
His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, Monsieur
Ivan Chen, Officer of the Order of the Chia Ho;
His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet, Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-
jor Dorje; who having communicated to each other their respective full
powers and finding them to be in good and due form have agreed upon
and concluded the following Convention in eleven Articles.
Article 1. The Conventions specified in the Schedule to the present
Convention shall, except in so far as they may have been modified by,
or may be inconsistent with or repugnant to, any of the provisions of
the present Convention, continue to be binding upon the High Con-
tracting Parties.
Article 2. The Governments of Great Britain and China recognizing
that Tibet is under the suzerainty of China, and recognizing also the
autonomy of Outer Tibet, engage to respect the territorial integrity of
the country, and to abstain from interference in the administration
of Outer Tibet (including the selection and installation of the Dalai
Lama), which shall remain in the hands of the Tibetan Government
at Lhasa.
The Government of China engages not to convert Tibet into a Chi-
nese province. The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex
Tibet or any portion of it.
Article 3. Recognizing the special interest of Great Britain, in virtue
of the geographical position of Tibet, in the existence of an effective
Tibetan Government, and in the maintenance of peace and order in
the neighbourhood of the frontiers of India and adjoining States, the
Government of China engages, except as provided in Article 4 of this
Convention, not to send troops into Outer Tibet, nor to station civil
or military officers, nor to establish Chinese colonies in the country.
Should any such troops or officials remain in Outer Tibet at the date
of the signature of this Convention, they shall be withdrawn within a
period not exceeding three months.
The Government of Great Britain engages not to station military or
civil officers in Tibet (except as provided in the Convention of Septem-
ber 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet) nor troops (except the
Agents’ escorts), nor to establish colonies in that country.
Article 4. The foregoing Article shall not be held to preclude the
continuance of the arrangement by which, in the past, a Chinese high-
official with suitable escort has been maintained at Lhasa, but it is
hereby provided that the said escort shall in no circumstances exceed
300 men.
Article 5. The Governments of China and Tibet engage that they will
not enter into any negotiations or agreements regarding Tibet with
one another, or with any other Power, excepting such negotiations and
agreements between Great Britain and Tibet as are provided for by the
Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet and
the Convention of April 27, 1906, between Great Britain and China.
Article 6. Article III of the Convention of April 27, 1906, between
Great Britain and China is hereby cancelled, and it is understood that
in Article IX(d) of the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great
Britain and Tibet the term ‘Foreign Power’ does not include China.
Not less favourable treatment shall be accorded to British commerce
than to the commerce of China or the most favoured nation.
Article 7.a. The Tibet Trade Regulations of 1893 and 1908 are hereby
cancelled.
b. The Tibetan Government engages to negotiate with the British
Government new Trade Regulations for Outer Tibet to give effect to
Articles II, IV and V of the Convention of September 7, 1904, between
Great Britain and Tibet without delay; provided always that such Regu-
lations shall in no way modify the present Convention except with the
consent of the Chinese Government.
Article 8. The British Agent who resides at Gyantse may visit Lhasa
with his escort whenever it is necessary to consult with the Tibetan
Government regarding matters arising out of the Convention of Septem-
ber 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet, which it has been found
impossible to settle at Gyantse by correspondence or otherwise.
1118 appendix i
Article 9. For the purpose of the present Convention the borders of

Tibet, and the boundary between Outer and Inner Tibet, shall be as
shown in red and blue respectively on the map attached hereto.
Nothing in the present Convention shall be held to prejudice the
existing rights of the Tibetan Government in Inner Tibet, which include
the power to select and appoint the high priests of monasteries and to
retain full control in all matters affecting religious institutions.
Article 10. The English, Chinese and Tibetan texts of the present
Convention have been carefully examined and found to correspond,
but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between them
the English text shall be authoritative.
Article 11. The present Convention will take effect from the date of
signature.
In token whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and
sealed this Convention, three copies in English, three in Chinese and
three in Tibetan.
Done at Simla this third day of July, A.D., one thousand nine hundred
and fourteen, corresponding with the Chinese date, the third day of the
seventh month of the third year of the Republic, and the Tibetan date,
the tenth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Tiger year.
Initial of the Lonchen Shatra (Shedra)

Seal of the Lonchen Shatra
A.H.M.
Seal of the British Plenipotentiary
Schedule
1. Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim

and Tibet, signed at Calcutta the 17th March 1890.
2. Convention between Great Britain and Tibet, signed at Lhasa the
7th September 1904.
3. Convention between Great Britain and China respecting Tibet,
signed at Peking the 27th April 1906.
The notes exchanged are to the following effect:

1. It is understood by the High Contracting Parties that Tibet forms
part of Chinese territory.
2. After the selection and installation of the Dalai Lama by the Tibetan
Government, the latter will notify the installation to the Chinese Gov-
ernment whose representative at Lhasa will then formally communicate
to His Holiness the titles consistent with his dignity, which have been
conferred by the Chinese Government.
3. It is also understood that the selection and appointment of all
officers in Outer Tibet will rest with the Tibetan Government.
4. Outer Tibet shall not be represented in the Chinese Parliament or
in any other similar body.
5. It is understood that the escorts attached to the British Trade
Agencies in Tibet shall not exceed seventy-five per centum of the escort
of the Chinese Representative at Lhasa.
6. The Government of China is hereby released from its engagements
under Article III of the Convention of March 17, 1890, between Great
Britain and China to prevent acts of aggression from the Tibetan side
of the Tibet-Sikkim frontier.
7. The Chinese high official referred to in Article 4 will be free to
enter Tibet as soon as the terms of Article 3 have been fulfilled to the
satisfaction of representatives of the three signatories to this Convention,
who will investigate and report without delay.
Initial of the Lonchen Shatra (Shedra)

A.H.M.
Seal of the British Plenipotentiary
323–325.
1914
Anglo-Tibetan Trade Regulations
Whereas by Article 7 of the Convention concluded between the Govern-

ments of Great Britain, China and Tibet on the third day of July, A.D.,
1914, the Trade Regulations of 1893 and 1908 were cancelled and the
Tibetan Government engaged to negotiate with the British Government
1120 appendix i
new Trade Regulations for Outer Tibet to give effect to Articles II, IV
and V of the Convention of 1904;
Ireland, and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of
India, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet have for this purpose
named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: His Majesty the King
of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the
Seas, Emperor of India, Sir A.H. McMahon, G.C.V.O., K.C.I.E., C.S.I.;
His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet-Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-jor
Dorje.
And whereas Sir A. H. McMahon and Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-
jor Dorje have communicated to each other since their respective full
powers and have found them to be in good and true form, the following
Regulations have been agreed upon.
I. The area falling within a radius of three miles from the British
Trade Agency site will be considered as the area of such Trade Mart.
It is agreed that British subjects may lease lands for the building of
houses and godowns at the Marts. This arrangement shall not be held
to prejudice the right of British subjects to rent houses and godowns
outside the Marts for their own accommodation and the storage of
their goods. British subjects desiring to lease building sites shall apply
through the British Trade Agent to the Tibetan Trade Agent. In con-
sultation with the British Trade Agent the Tibetan Trade Agent will
assign such or other suitable building sites without unnecessary delay.
They shall fix the terms of the leases in conformity with the existing
laws and rates.
II. The administration of the Trade Marts shall remain with the
Tibetan Authorities, with the exception of the British Trade Agency sites
and compounds of the rest-houses, which will be under the exclusive
control of the British Trade Agents.
The Trade Agents at the Marts and Frontier Officers shall be of suit-
able rank, and shall hold personal intercourse and correspondence with
one another on terms of mutual respect and friendly treatment.
III. In the event of disputes arising at the Marts or on the routes to
the Marts between British subjects and subjects of other nationalities,
they shall be enquired into and settled in personal conference between
the British and Tibetan Trade Agents at the nearest Mart. Where there
is a divergence of view the law of the country to which the defendant
belongs shall guide.
All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person,

arising between British subjects, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of
the British Authorities.
British subjects, who may commit any crime at the Marts or on the
routes to the Marts, shall be handed over by the Local Authorities to the
British Trade Agent at the Mart nearest to the scene of the offence, to
be tried and punished according to the laws of India, but such British
subjects shall not be subjected by the Local Authorities to any ill-usage
in excess of necessary restraint.
Tibetan subjects, who may be guilty of any criminal act towards Brit-
ish subjects, shall be arrested and punished by the Tibetan Authorities
according to law.
Should it happen that a Tibetan subject or subjects bring a crimi-
nal complaint against a British subject or subjects before the British
Trade Agent, the Tibetan Authorities shall have the right to send a
representative or representatives of suitable rank to attend the trial in
the British Trade Agent’s Court. Similarly in cases in which a British
subject or subjects have reason to complain against a Tibetan subject
or subjects, the British Trade Agent shall have the right to send a rep-
resentative or representatives to the Tibetan Trade Agent’s Court to
attend the trial.
IV. The Government of India shall retain the right to maintain the
telegraph lines from the Indian frontier to the Marts. Tibetan mes-
sages will be duly received and transmitted by these lines. The Tibetan
Authorities shall be responsible for the due protection of the telegraph
lines from the Marts to the Indian frontier, and it is agreed that all
persons damaging the lines or interfering with them in any way or with
the officials engaged in the inspection or maintenance thereof shall at
once be severely punished.
V. The British Trade Agents at the various Trade Marts now or
hereafter to be established in Tibet may make arrangements for the
carriage and transport of their posts to and from the frontier of India.
The couriers employed in conveying these posts shall receive all pos-
sible assistance from the Local Authorities, whose districts they traverse,
and shall be accorded the same protection and facilities as the persons
employed in carrying the despatches of the Tibetan Government.
No restrictions whatever shall be placed on the employment by Brit-
ish officers and traders of Tibetan subjects in any lawful capacity. The
persons so employed shall not be exposed to any kind of molestation or
1122 appendix i
suffer any loss of civil rights, to which they may be entitled as Tibetan
subjects, but they shall not be exempted from lawful taxation. If they
be guilty of any criminal act, they shall be dealt with by the Local
Authorities according to law without any attempt on the part of their
employer to screen them.
VI. No rights of monopoly as regards commerce or industry shall be
granted to any official or private company, institution, or individual in
Tibet. It is of course understood that companies and individuals, who
have already received such monopolies from the Tibetan Government
previous to the conclusions of this agreement, shall retain their rights
and privileges until the expiry of the period fixed.
VII. British subjects shall be at liberty to deal in kind or in money,
to sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to hire transport of any
kind, and to conduct in general their business transactions in conformity
with local usage and without any vexation, restrictions or oppressive
exactions whatever. The Tibetan Authorities will not hinder the British
Trade Agents or other British subjects from holding personal intercourse
or correspondence with the inhabitants of the country.
It being the duty of the Police and the Local Authorities to afford
efficient protection at all times to the persons and property of the
British subjects at the Marts and along the routes to the Marts, Tibet
engages to arrange effective Police measures at the Marts and along
the routes to the Marts.
VIII. Import and export in the following Articles: arms, ammuni-
tion, military stores, liquors and intoxicating or narcotic drugs, may at
the option of either Government be entirely prohibited, or permitted
only on such conditions as either Government on their own side may
think fit to impose.
IX. The present Regulations shall be in force for a period of ten years
reckoned from the date of signature by the two Plenipotentiaries; but,
if no demand for revision be made on either side within six months
after the end of the first ten years the Regulations shall remain in force
for another ten years from the end of the first ten years; and so it shall
be at the end of each successive ten years.
X. The English and Tibetan texts of the present Regulations have been
carefully compared, but in the event of there being any difference of
meaning between them the English text shall be authoritative.
XI. The present Regulations shall come into force from the date of
signature.
Done at Simla this third day of July, A.D., one thousand nine hun-
dred and fourteen, corresponding with the Tibetan date, the tenth day
of the fifth month of the Wood-Tiger year.
Seal of the Dalai Lama
Signature of the Lonchen Shatra

A. HENRY MCMAHON, British Plenipotentiary

Seal of the Seal of the British Plenipotentiary
Seal of the Drepung Monastery

Seal of the Sera Monastery
Seal of the Ganden Monastery
Seal of the National Assembly
Negotiated and signed only by the British and Tibetan plenipotentia-

ries.
326–329.
1918
Agreement for the Restoration of Peaceful Relations
Between China and Tibet
1918
Supplementary Agreement Regarding Mutual
Withdrawal of Troops and Cessation of Hostilities
Between Chinese and Tibetans

1124 appendix i
1951
Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet
The Tibetan nationality is one of the nationalities with a long history

within the boundaries of China and, like many other nationalities, it
has done its glorious duty in the course of the creation and develop-
ment of the great Motherland. But over the last 100 years or more,
imperialist forces penetrated into China and in consequence also pen-
etrated into the Tibetan region and carried out all kinds of deceptions
and provocations.
Like previous reactionary Governments, the Kuomintang reactionary
Government continued to carry out a policy of oppression and sow-
ing dissension among the nationalities, causing division and disunity
among the Tibetan people. The local government of Tibet did not
oppose the imperialist deception and provocation and adopted an
unpatriotic attitude towards the great Motherland. Under such condi-
tions the Tibetan nationality and people were plunged into the depths
of enslavement and sufferings. In 1949 basic victory was achieved on
a nation-wide scale in the Chinese people’s war of libeation; the com-
mon domestic enemy of all nationalities—the Kuomintang reactionary
Government—was overthrown and the common foreign enemy of all
nationalities—the aggressive imperialist forces—was driven out. On
this basis the founding of the People’s Republic of China (CPR) and
of the CPG was announced.
In accordance with the Common Programme passed by the Chinese
People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the CPG declared
that all nationalities within the boundaries of the CPR are equal and that
they shall establish unity and mutual aid and oppose imperialism and
their own public enemies, so that the CPR will become a big family of
fraternity and cooperation, composed of all its nationalities. With the big
family of all nationalities of the CPR, national regional autonomy shall
be exercised in areas where national minorities are concentrated and all
national minorities shall have freedom to develop their spoken and
written languages and to preserve or reform their customs, habits and
religion, beliefs, and the CPG shall assist all national minorities to
develop their political, economic, cultural, and educational construction
work. Since then, all nationalities within the country—with the excep-
tion of those in the areas of Tibet and Taiwan—have gained liberation.
Under the unified leadership of the CPG and the direct leadership of
higher levels of people’s governments, all national minorities have
fully enjoyed the right of national equality and have exercised, or are
exercising, national regional autonomy.
In order that the influences of aggressive imperialist forces in Tibet
might be successfully eliminated, the unification of the territory and
sovereignty of the CPR accomplished, and national defence safeguarded;
in order that the Tibetan nationality and people might be freed and
return to the big family of the CPR to enjoy the same rights of national
equality as all other nationalities in the country and develop their politi-
cal, economic, cultural and educational work, the CPG, when it ordered
the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to march into Tibet, notified the
local government of Tibet to send delegates to the central authorities to
conduct talks for the conclusion of an agreement on measures for the
peaceful liberation of Tibet. At the latter part of April 1951 the delegates
with full powers of the local government of Tibet arrived in Peking. The
CPG appointed representatives with full powers to conduct talks on a
friendly basis with the delegates with full powers of the local govern-
ment of Tibet. As a result of the talks both parties agreed to establish
this agreement and ensure that it be carried into effect.
For the seventeen points of the treaty, see pp. 954–955 above.
Signed in Peking on May 23, 1951 under the full name of “Agreement of
the Central People’s Government (CPG) and the Local Government of
Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful liberation of Tibet,” popularly known
as Seventeen-Point agreement. English text can be found in Concern-
ing the Question of Tibet (Peking, 1959), pp. 14–16; The Question of
Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva, 1959), pp. 139–142; Documents of
International Affairs (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs,
1951), pp. 577–579.
1954
Sino-Indian Pact on Tibet
Signed in Peking on April 29, 1954 under the name of the Agreement
between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India on
Trade and Intercourse between Tibet Region of China and India.
1126 appendix i
The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China and

the Government of the Republic of India, being desirous of promoting
trade and cultural intercourse between Tibet Region of China and India
and of facilitating pilgrimage and travel by the peoples of China and
India, have resolved to enter into the present Agreement based on the
following principles:
1. Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sover-

eignty.
2. Mutual non-aggression,
3. Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs,
4. Equality and mutual benefit, and
5. Peaceful coexistence,
And for this purpose have appointed as their respective plenipoten-

tiaries:
The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China,
His Excellency Chang Han-fu, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Central People’s Government; the Government of the Republic of India,
His Excellency Nedyam Raghavan, Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary of India accredited to the People’s Republic of China,
who, having examined each other’s credentials and finding them in
good and due form, have agreed upon the following:
Article One
The high contracting parties mutually agree to establish trade agencies:
1. The Government of India agrees that the Government of China may

establish trade agencies at New Delhi, Calcutta and Kalimpong.
2. The Government of China agrees that the Government of India may
establish trade agencies at Yatung, Gyantse and Gartok.
The trade agencies of both parties shall be accorded the same status and
same treatment. The trade agents of both parties shall enjoy freedom
from arrest while exercising their functions, and shall enjoy in respect
of themselves, their wives and children who are dependent on them
for livelihood freedom from search.
The trade agencies of both parties shall enjoy the privileges and
immunities for couriers, mailbags and communications in code.
Article Two
The high contracting parties agree that traders of both countries known
to be customarily and specifically engaged in trade between Tibet Region
of China and India may trade at the following places:
1. The Government of China agrees to specify (a) Yatung, (b) Gyangtse

and (c) Phari as markets for trade.
The Government of India agrees that trade may be carried on in
India, including places like (a) Kalimpong, (b) Siliguri and (c) Cal-
cutta, according to customary practice.
2. The Government of China agrees to specify (a) Gartok, (b) Pulanc-
hung (Taklakot), (c) Gyanimakhargo, (d) Gyanimachakra, (e)
Ramura, (f ) Dongbra, (g) Pulingsumdo, (h) Nabra, (i) Shangtse
and (j) Tashigong as markets for trade; the Government of India
agrees that in future, when in accordance with the development
and need of trade between the Ari District of Tibet Region of China
and India, it has become necessary to specify markets for trade in
the corresponding district in India adjacent to the Ari District of
Tibet. Region of China, it will be prepared to consider on the basis
of equality and reciprocity to do so.
Article Three
The high contracting parties agree that pilgrimage by religious believ-
ers of the two countries shall be carried on in accordance with the
following provisions:
1. Pilgrims from India of Lamaist, Hindu and Buddhist faiths may visit
Kang Rimpoche (Kailas) and Mavam Tso (Manasarovar) in Tibet
Region of China in accordance with custom.
2. Pilgrims from Tibet Region of China of Lamaist and Buddhist faiths
may visit Benaras, Sarnath, Gaya and Sanchi in India in accordance
with custom.
3. Pilgrims customarily visiting Lhasa may continue to do so in accor-
dance with custom.
Article Four
Traders and pilgrims of both countries may travel by the following
passes and route: (1) Shipki La Pass, (2) Mana Pass (3) Niti Pass, (4)
Kungri Bingri Pass, (5) Darma Pass, and (6) Lipu Lekh Pass.
1128 appendix i
Also, the customary route leading to Tashigong along the Valley

of the Shangatsangpu (Indus) River may continue to be traversed in
accordance with custom.
Article Five
For traveling across the border, the high contracting parties agree that
diplomatic personnel, officials and nationals of the two countries shall
hold passports issued by their own respective countries and visaed by
the other party except as provided in Paragraphs One, Two, Three and
Four of this Article.
1. Traders of both countries known to be customarily and specifi-
cally engaged in trade between Tibet Region of China and India, their
wives and children who are dependent on them for livelihood and their
attendants will be allowed entry for purposes of trade into India or
Tibet Region of China, as the case may be, in accordance with custom
on the production of certificates duly issued by the local government
of their own country or by its duly authorized agents and examined
by the border check-posts of the other party.
2. Inhabitants of the border districts of the two countries who cross
the border to carry on petty trade or to visit friends and relatives may
proceed to the border districts of the other party as they have cus-
tomarily done heretofore and need not be restricted to the passes and
route specified in Article Four above and shall not be required to hold
passports, visas or permits.
3. Porters and mule-team drivers of the two countries who cross
the border to perform necessary transportation services need not hold
passports issued by their own country, but shall only hold certificates
good for a definite period of time (three months, half a year or one
year) duly issued by the local government of their own country or by
its duly authorized agents and produce them for registration at the
border check-posts of the other party.
4. Pilgrims of both countries need not carry documents of certifica-
tion but shall register at the border check-posts of the other party and
receive a permit for pilgrimage.
5. Notwithstanding the Provisions of the foregoing Paragraphs of
this Article, either Government may refuse entry to any particular
person.
6. Persons who enter the territory of the other party in accordance
with the foregoing Paragraphs of this Article may stay within its ter-
ritory only after complying with the procedures specified by the other
party.
Article Six
The present Agreement shall come into effect upon ratification by both
Governments and shall remain in force for eight years. Extension of
the present Agreement may be negotiated by the two parties if either
party requests for it six months prior to the expiry of the Agreement
and the request is agreed to by the other party.
Done in duplicate in Peking on the 29th day of April, 1954, in the
Chinese, Hindi and English languages, all texts being equally valid.
Chang Han-fu, Plenipotentiary of the Central People’s Government,

People’s Republic of China.
Nedyam Raghavan, Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Repub-
lic of India.
Source: Hugh Richardson, A Short History of Tibet (New York: Dutton,

1962), 278–281.
1959
Order of the State Council of Communist China
The following order is herewith proclaimed:

Most of the kaloons of the Tibetan local government and the reactionary
clique of the upper social strata colluded with imperialism, gathered
together rebellious bandits, rebelled, wrought havoc among the people,
held the Dalai Lama under duress, tore up the 17-Article Agreement
on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet and, on the night
of March 19, directed the Tibetan local army and rebels in an all-out
attack against the People’s Liberation Army garrison in Lhasa. Such
acts which betray the motherland and disrupt the unification of the
country cannot be tolerated by the law.
To safeguard the unification of the country and national unity, in
addition, to enjoining the Tibet Military Area Command of the Chinese
People’s Liberation Army to put down the rebellion thoroughly, it has
been decided that as from today the Tibetan local government is dis-
solved and its functions and powers will be exercised by the Prepara-
tory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region. During the time
1130 appendix i
when the Dalai Lama Dantzen-Jaltso, Chairman of the Preparatory

Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region, is held under duress,
Panchen Erdeni Chuji-Geltseng, Vice-Chairman of the Preparatory
Committee, shall act as Chairman. Pebala Choliehnamje, member of
the Standing Committee of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet
Autonomous Region, is hereby appointed Vice-Chairman of the Pre-
paratory Committee. Ngapo Ngawang-Jigme, member of the Standing
Committee and Secretary-General of the Preparatory Committee, is
hereby appointed Vice-Chairman and Secretary-General of the Pre-
paratory Committee.
Eighteen traitors, Surkong Wongching-Galei, Neusha Thubten-Tarpa,
Hsinka Jigmedorje (Shasu), Yuto Chahsidongchu, Tsrijong Lozong-
Yiehsi, Kachang Lozong-Rentzen, Dala Lozong-sungdin, Khemey
Sonamwongdui, Rongnamse Thubtan-Norzong, Pala Thubtenwenten,
Nonghsi Thubtan-Zongchu, Namselin Panchunjigme, Menjelin Jal-
yanggeltseng, Karihpen Tsewong Dorje, Pengchu, Weisegeltseng (Kun-
delinchasa), Gungalama, and Tsupugamapa Rihpeidorje, are hereby
dismissed from their posts as members of the Preparatory Committee
for the Tibet Autonomous Region and from all their other posts and
shall be punished respectively according to law.
Sixteen persons, Teng Shao-tung, Chan Hua-yu, Hui Yijan, Liang
Hsuan-hsien, Tsuiko Dongchutseren, Chantung Lozongnamje, Gahden
Tsripa Thubten-Kunga, Chienpaitzuli, Ngapo Tsirtenchoga, Dorje-
tsirten, Shirou Dungchu, Geltseng-pintso, Lozongi Tzucheng, Chunjue,
Pintsowongchiu, and Wang Pei-sheng, are hereby appointed members
of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region. The
Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region will lead
all the people of Tibet, ecclesiastical and secular, to unite as one and
make common efforts to assist the People’s Liberation Army in putting
down the rebellion quickly, to strengthen the national defence, protect
the interests of the people of all nationalities, maintain social order and
strive for the building of a democratic and socialist, new Tibet.
Chou En-Lai, Premier

March 28, 1959
Source: Concerning the Question of Tibet (Peking: Foreign Languages

Press, 1959), 1–3.
UN Declarations
Resolution 1353 (XIV) 1959

Resolution 1723 (XVI) 1959

The General Assembly,
Recalling its resolution 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959 on the ques-
tion of Tibet,
Gravely concerned at the continuation of events in Tibet, including the
violation of the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and the
suppression of the distinctive cultural and religious life which they have
traditionally enjoyed,
Noting with deep anxiety the severe hardships which these events have
inflicted on the Tibetan people, as evidenced by the large-scale exodus of
Tibetan refugees to the neighbouring countries,
Considering that these events violate fundamental human rights
and freedoms set out in the Charter of the United Nations and the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including the principle of
self-determination of peoples and nations, and have the deplorable
effect of increasing international tension and embittering relations
between peoples,
1. Reaffirms its conviction that respect for the principles of the Charter
of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is essential for the evolution of a peaceful world order based
on the rule of law;
2. Solemnly renews its call for the cessation of practices which deprive
the Tibetan people of their fundamental human rights and freedoms,
including their right to self-determination;
3. Expresses the hope that Member States will make all possible efforts, as
appropriate, towards achieving the purposes of the present resolution.
1132 appendix i
Resolution 2079 (XX) 1961

The General Assembly
Bearing in mind the principles relating to human rights and funda-
mental freedoms set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and
proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Reaffirming its resolutions 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959 and 1723
(XVI) of 20 December 1961 on the question of Tibet,
Gravely concerned at the continued violation of the fundamental
rights and freedoms of the people of Tibet and the continued suppres-
sion of their distinctive cultural and religious life, as evidenced by the
exodus of refugees to the neighbouring countries,
1. Deplores the continued violation of the fundamental rights and

freedoms of the people of Tibet;
2. Reaffirms that respect for the principles of the Charter of the United
Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essen-
tial for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of
law;
3. Declares its conviction that the violation of human rights and fun-
damental freedoms in Tibet and the suppression of the distinctive
cultural and religious life of its people increase international tension
and embitter relations between peoples;
4. Solemnly renews its call for the cessation of all practices which
deprive the Tibetan people of the human rights and fundamental
freedoms which they have always enjoyed;
5. Appeals to all States to use their best endeavours to achieve the
purposes of the present resolution.
Source: Tibet Justice Center, www.tibetjusticecenter.org, accessed

December 15, 2008.
APPENDIX II
DALAI LAMAS, PAṆ CHEN LAMAS,

REGENTS, GANDEN TRIPAS
Dalai Lamas
1. Gendün Drup 1391–1474
2. Gendün Gyatso 1475–1541
3. Sönam Gyatso 1543–1588
4. Yönten Gyatso 1589–1616
5. Lozang Gyatso 1617–1682
6. Tsangyang Gyatso 1683–1706
7. Kelzang Gyatso 1708–1757
8. Jampel Gyatso 1758–1804
9. Lungtok Gyatso 1806–1815
10. Tsültrim Gyatso 1816–1837
11. Khedrup Gyatso 1838–1856
12. Trinlé Gyatso 1857–1875
13. Tupten Gyatso 1876–1933
14. Tenzin Gyatso 1935–present
Paṇ chen Lamas

1. Lozang Chökyi Gyeltsen 1570–1662
2. Lozang Yeshé 1663–1737
3. Lozang Pelden Yeshé 1738–1780
4. Pelden Tenpé Nyima 1782–1853
5. Tenpé Wangchuk 1854–1882
6. Tupten Chökyi Nyima 1883–1937
7. Lozang Trinlé Lhündrup Chökyi Gyeltsen 1938–1989
8. Gendün Chökyi Nyima 1989–?
Regents:
Desi (sde srid) 1642–1757
1. Sönam Chöpel 1642–1658
2. Trinlé Gyatso 1660–1668
3. Lozang Tutop 1669–1675
4. Lozang Jinpa 1675–1679
5. Sangyé Gyatso 1679–1703
1134 appendix ii
6. Ngawang Rinchen 1703–1706

7. Taktsé Zhapdrung 1717–1720
Gyeltsap (rgyal tshab) 1757–1950

1. Demo Ngawang Jampel 1757–1777
2. Tsemönling Ngawang Tsültrim 1777–1781
3. Kündeling Yeshé Lozang 1789–1810
4. Demo Lozang Tupten 1811–1819
5. Tsemönling Ngawang Jampel Tsültrim 1819–1844
6. Radreng Ngawang Yeshé 1845–1862
7. Kündeling Chökyi Gyeltsen 1875–1886
8. Demo Trinlé Rapgyé 1886–1895
9. Radreng Tupten Jampel 1934–1941
10. Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap 1941–1950
Regents during 13th Dalai Lama’s exile

1. Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen 1904–1909
2. Tsemönling Ngawang Lozang 1910–1912
Ganden Tripas (Throne Holders of Ganden)

Throne Holder dates of life (service as T.H.)
1. Jé Tsongkhapa 1357–1419 1409–1419
2. Gyeltsap Darma Rinchen 1364–1432 1419–1431
3. Khedrup Gelek Pelzang 1385–1438 1431–1438
4. Lekpa Gyeltsen 1375–1450 1438–1450
5. Chöjé Lodrö Chökyong 1389–1463 1450–1463
6. Baso Chökyi Gyeltsen 1402–1473 ????–????
7. Khechok Lodrö Tenpa 1402–1478 ????–????
8. Mönlam Pel 1414–1491 ????–????
9. Lozang Nyima 1439–1492 ????–????
10. Chöjé Yeshé Zangpo 1415–1498 ????–????
11. Darren Lozang Drak 1429–1511 ????–????
12. Jamyang Sherap Drekpa Lodrö 1450–1530 ????–????
13. Chöjé Chökyi Shenyen 1453–1540 ????–????
14. Chöjé Rinchen Özer 1453–1540 ????–????
15. Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa 1478–1554 ????–????
16. Chöjé Chökyong Gyatso 1473–1539 ????–????
17. Chöjé Dorjé Zangpo 1491–1554 ????–????
18. Chöjé Gyeltsen Zangpo 1497–1548 ????–????
dalai lamas, paṇ chen lamas, regents, ganden tripas 1135
19. Chöjé Ngawang Chödrak ????–???? ????–????

20. Chöjé Chödrak Zangpo 1493–1559 ????–????
21. Ölga Gyang Sarwa Gelek Pelzang 1505–1567 ????–????
22. Chöjé Gedün Tenpa Dargyé 1553– 1628 ????–????
23. Chöjé Tseten Gyatso 1520–1576 ????–????
24. Chöjé Jampa Gyatso 1516–1590 ????–????
25. Chöjé Peljor Gyatso 1526–1599 ????–????
26. Chöjé Damchö Pelbar 1523–1599 ????–????
27. Chöjé Sangyé Rinchen 1540–1612 ????–????
28. Chöjé Gedün Gyeltsen 1532–1607 ????–????
29. Chöjé Shenyen Drakpa 1546–1618 ????–????
30. Chöjé Lodrö Gyatso 1546–1618 ????–????
31. Chöjé Dam Chöpel 1546–1620 ????–????
32. Chöjé Tsültrim Chöpel 1560–1623 ????–????
33. Chöjé Drakpa Gyatso 1555–1627 ????–????
34. Chöjé Ngawang Chökyi Gyeltsen 1575–???? 1627–1629
35. Chöjé Jamyang Könchok Chöpel 1573–1646 1627/6–1638
36. Kongpo Tendzin Lekshé ????–???? 1638–1644
37. Chöjé Gedün Rinchen ????–???? 1644–1648
38. Tenpa Gyeltsen ????–???? ????–????
39. Könchok Chözang ????–1673 1648–1654
40. Pelden Gyeltsen ????–???? 1654–1661
41. Lozang Gyeltsen ????–1672 1662–1668
42. Lozang Dönyö 1602–1678 1668–1674
43. Jampa Tri 1618–1684 1675–1681
44. Lodrö Gyatso 1635–1688 1682–1685
45. Jamyang Tsültrim Dargyé 1632–???? 1685–1691
46. Samli Jinpa Gyatso ????–???? 1692–1694
47. Lozang Chöpel ????–???? 1695–1701
48. Dönyö Gyatso ????–???? 1701–1706
49. Lozang Dargyé 1659–1723 1707–1713
50. Gedün Püntsok ????–???? 1714–1720
51. Pelden Drakpa ????–???? 1721–1727
52. Ngawang Tsepel ????–???? 1728–1731
53. Gyeltsen Senggé 1678–1756 1732–1738
54. Ngawang Chokden 1665–1751 1739–1745
55. Namkha Zangpo ????–???? 1746–1750
56. Lozang Drimé ????–???? 1751–1575
57. Samten Püntsok ????–???? 1575–1763
1136 appendix ii
58. Ngawang Chödrak 1707–1778 1763–1769

59. Ngawang Chödrak (Chima) 1708–???? 1769–1770
60. Lozang Tenpa 1725–???? 1770–1775
61. Ngawang Tsültrim 1721–1791 1775–1781
62. Lozang Mönlam ????–???? 1781–1788
63. Lozang Khechok ????–???? 1788
64. Lozang Tri ????–???? 1789–1795
65. Gedün Tsültrim ????–???? 1795–1801
66. Ngawang Nyendrak ????–???? 1801–1807
67. Jamyang Mönlam ????–???? 1807–????
68. Lozang Gelek ????–???? 1807–1808
69. Jangchup Chöpel ????–???? 1808–1814
70. Ngawang Chöpel ????–???? 1814–1819
71. Yeshé Tardö ????–???? ????–????
72. Jampel Tsültrim ????–???? ????–????
73. Ngawang Tsültrim Gyatso ????–???? ????–????
74. Lozang Lhündrup ????–???? 1819–1850
75. Ngawang Lungtok Yönten Gyatso ????–???? 1850–1853
76. Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk ????–???? 1853–1859
77. Tsültrim Dargyé ????–???? 1859–1861
78. Jamyang Damchö ????–???? 1861–1867
79. Lozang Jinpa ????–???? 1867–1870
80. Drakpa Döndrup ????–???? 1870–1876
81. Ngawang Norbu ????–???? 1876–1880
82. Yeshé Chöpel ????–???? 1880–1886
83. Jangchup Namkha ????–???? 1886–1890
84. Lozang Tsültrim ????–???? 1890–1896
85. Lozang Tsültrim Pelden ????–???? 1896–1901
86. Lozang Gyeltsen ????–???? 1901–1907
87. Tseling Tenpé Gyeltsen ????–???? 1908–1914
88. Khyenrap Yön Gyatso ????–???? 1914–1919
89. Nyendrak Gyatso ????–???? 1919–1920
90. Jampa Chödrak ????–???? 1921–1927
91. Lozang Gyeltsen ????–???? 1927–1933
92. Tupten Nyinjé ????–???? 1933
93. Yeshé Wangden ????–???? 1933–1939
94. Lhündrup Tsöndrü ????-1949 1940–1946
95. Tongdü 1947–1953 ????–????
96. Tupten Künga 1891–1964 1954–1964
dalai lamas, paṇ chen lamas, regents, ganden tripas 1137
97. Tupten Lungtok Tendzin Trinlé 1903–1983 1965–

98. Jampel Zhenpen 1919–1988/9?
99. Yeshé Dönden ????–1995
100. Lozang Nyima 1928– 1995–2003
101. Lungrik Namgyel 1927– 2003–
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For information on different editions, scholarly literature relating to these sources, and
other information, the reader is advised to consult the indispensable volume by Dan
Martin, in collaboration with Yael Bentor, Tibetan Histories: A Bibliography of Tibetan
Language Historical Works. London: Serindia, 1997. The identifying numbers come from
the Tibetan Buddhist Resources Center (www.tbrc.org), which was also exceedingly
valuable in creating this bibliography. Lobsang Shastri and Jampa Samten Shastri have
published a series of books under the title, Catalogue of the Library of Tibetan Works
and Archives, that has helped me to solve some problems of authorship.
Aku Gerap Gyatso, List of Rare Tibetan Sources, bod kyi dpe rgyun dkon pa’i dpe tho.
Amé Jangchup Dreköl, a mes byang chub ’dre bkol. The Rhinoceros Book, Biography
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Ba Yeshé Wangpo, sba ye shes dbang po. sba bzhed zhabs btags ma, W00KG09830.
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rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dpag bsam rin po che’i snye ma, W2625.
Chechok Düpa, che mchog ’dus pa. Clearing Away the Darkness of Torment, gdung
ba’i mun sel.
Chögo Sönam Pel, chos sgo bsod nams dpal. The Biography of Deshek Pakmo Drupa,
bde gshegs phag mo gru pa’i rnam thar.
Chögyel Lhundrup, chos rgyal lhun grub. Biography of Shākya Gelong Namkha Dorjé,
Mirror Clarifying Marvels, shākya’i dge slong rdo rje nam mkha’ rdo rje’i rnam par
thar pa ngo mtshar gsal ba’i me long, W16486.
Chökyi Jungné Tsuklak Chökyi Nangwa, Situ, Chos kyi ’byung gnas, si tu, gtsug lag
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Choné Lozang Gyatso, co ne blo bzang rgya mtsho. Magical Key of Good Explanations,
Catalog of the Canon of Buddha’s Word of Lhasa, lha sa’i bka’ ’gyur dkar chag legs
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brgya dang brgyad pa, W30117.
Chöying Dorjé, chos dbyings rdo rje. Abbreviated Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Lodrö
Chöpel, Luminous Stainless Lapiz Lazuli, rdo rje ’dzin pa blo gros chos ’phel gyi rnam
par thar pa mdo tsam du brjod pa dri med baiḍur.ya’i ’od snang, W21231.
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dbang ye shes dpal bzang po’i rnam thar dpag bsam ljon shing, W212332.
Dalai Lama, second, Gendün Gyatso, dge ’dun rgya mtsho. Autobiography, Completing
the End, mjug ma grub pa.
Dalai Lama, fifth, Ngawang Lozang Gyatso, ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. Auto-
biography, Good Silk Cloth, 3 vols., rang rnam du kū la’i gos bzang, W175.
1140 bibliography of tibetan resources
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ba bsod nams rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dngos grub rgya mtsho’i shing rta, W27927.
——. Biography of the Conqueror Yönten Gyatso Pelzang, Garland of Jewels, rgyal ba
yon tan rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W178.
——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Lozang Gyatso Drakpa Gyeltsen (Tsarchen Dorjé
Chang Losel Gyatso), Sunlight that Unveils the Instructions, rdo rje ’chang blo gsal
rgya mtsho grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa slob bshad bstan
pa’i nyi ’od, W186.
——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Peljor Lhundrup, Chariot of Faith for the Fortunate,
rdo rje ’dzin pa dpal ’byor lhun grub kyi rnam thar skal bzang dad pa’i shing rta,
W182.
——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Tsarchen Losel Gyatso Drakpa Gyeltsen, Explanation
of the Teacher, the Light of Buddhism, rdo rje ’dzin pa tshar chen blo gsal rgya mtsho
grags pa rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar slob bshad bstan pa’i nyi ’od, W186.
——. Biography of Jangpa Rikdzin Wangpo, Arrangement of Marvels, byang pa rig ’dzin
dbang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar bkod pa, W183.
——. Biography of Jé Könchok Chöpel, Ornament for the Ear of Scholars, rje dkon mchog
chos ’phel gyi rnam thar mkhas pa’i rna rgyan, W181.
——. Biography of Rikdak Gönpo Sönam Chokden, Garland of Waves of Faith, rig bdag
mgon po bsod nams mchog ldan gyi rnam thar dad pa’i rlabs phreng, W180.
——. Biography of Rikdzin Ngagi Wangpo, Record of Wonders, rig ’dzin chen po ngag
gi dbang po’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar bkod pa, W183.
——. Biography of Zurchen Chöying Rangdröl, Chariot of the Supreme Vehicle’s Teach-
ing, theg mchog bstan pa’i shing rta, W184.
——. Catalog of the Three Supports of Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, White Crystal Mirror,
lha ldan gtsug lag khang gi rten gsum dkar chag shel dkar me long.
——. Complete Festival of Youth, A Dynastic History, rgyal rabs rdzogs ldan gzhon nu’i
dga’ ston, W241.
——. Handprint Proclamation on the Triple Steps of the Potala Palace, rtse pho brang
po tā la’i gsum skas ’go’i rtsi tshig phyag rjes ma.
——. History of the Zhalu Serkhang and Compendium of Notices, zhwa lu gser khang
gi lo rgyus dang bca’ yig gcig ’thus.
——. Letters to Leaders and Patrons in China, Tibet, Hor, and Mongolia, rgya bod hor
sog gi dpon rigs dang sbyin bdag khag la bka’i shog, W27476?
——. Letters to Monasteries in China, Tibet, Hor, and Mongolia, rgya bod hor sog gi dgon
khag la bca’ yig.
Dalai Lama, eighth, Jampel Gyatso, ’jam dpal rgya mtsho. Biography of Yongdzin Yeshé
Gyeltsen, Sun that Opens the Lotus of Buddhism, yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan gyi
rnam thar thub bstan padmo ’byed pa’i nyin byed, W1243.
Dalai Lama, thirteenth, Tubten Gyatso, thub bstan rgya mtsho. Catalog of the Restoration
of Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, Lake of Milk in which One Hundred Thousand Appear-
ances of Faith Dawn, lha ldan gtsug lag khang nyams gso’i dkar chag dad snang ’bum
phrag ’char ba’i ’o mtsho’i rdzing bu, W3086.
——. Dalai Lama’s Orders to Lö Dotel, lo’o rdo thal bka’ yig.
Dalai Lama, fourteenth, Tenzin Gyatso, bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho. Compilation of Records,
including “Memories from the time of the thirteenth Dalai Lama” and “Lectures to the
people of China and Tibet,” gsum bcu’i dus dran khag dang gzhan yang rgya bod mi
mang la gsung bshad stsal khag phyogs bsdus.
——. My Land and My People, ngos kyi yul dang ngos kyi mi mang.
——. Opening the Eye of New Awareness, legs bshad blo gsal mig ’byed.
Dergé Tendzin Puntsok, sde dge bstan ’dzin phun tshogs. Stainless Crystal Sphere; Garland
of Stainless Crystal, med shel gong; dri med shel phreng, W7516.
Desi Sangyé Gyatso, sde srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho. Answers and Questions Clearing
Away Misconceptions within the “White Lapiz Lazuli,” Revealing the Face of Meaning,
bibliography of tibetan resources 1141
bstan bcos baiḍurya dkar po las dri lan ’khrul snang g.ya’ sel don gyi bzhin ras ston
byed, W8226.
——. Biography of the Victorious Tsangyang Gyatso, Thoroughly Clear, Golden Ears of
Corn, rgyal dbang tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho’i rnam thar rab gsal gser gyi snye ma,
W8222.
——. Blue Lapiz Lazuli, Commentary on the Four Tantras, and the Addendum, rgyud
bzhi’i gsal byed bai Dur sngon po, W2DB4602.
——. Boat for Crossing the Ocean to the Island of Liberation, Catalog of the Ornament for
the World, the Golden Reliquary, gser gdung ’dzam gling rgyan gcig gi dkar chag thar
gling rgya mtshor bgrod pa’i gru rdzing, W30092.
——. Clear Crystal Mirror Showing what to Adopt and What to Discard, blang dor gsal
bar ston pa’i dwangs shel me long, W8234.
——. Golden Lapiz Lazuli, Religious History of the Yellow Hat [Gandenpa], [dga’ ldan]
zhwa ser chos ’byung baiḍur ser po’i phreng ba, W8224.
——. Great Enlightenment Setting Forth Ceremonial Offerings, Orb of the Sun, tshogs mchod
bca’ bsgrigs byang chen nyi ma’i dkyil ’khor, W8235.
——. Introduction of Excellent Noble Customs from the Past, Annals that are Pleasing to
the Eye, Mind, and Ear, Iron Hook that Summons, gna’ bo’i lugs bzang ya rabs srol gtod
pa’i deb ther mig yid rna ba’i dga’ ston ’gugs pa’i lcags kyo.
——. Maṇḍala of the Sun, nyi ma’i dkyil ’khor, W8235.
——. Report on the Transference From the Fifth to the Sixth [Dalai Lama], Elixir for the
Ear, lnga pa sdom brtson rgyal po’i tshul ’chang ba drug par ’phos pa’i gtam rna ba’i
bcud len, W1CZ2050.
——. Supplement to fifth Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, Good Silk Cloth, 2 vols., du kū la’i
gos bzang gis ’phros, W175.
Dokhar Zhabdrung Tsering Wangyel, mdo mkhar zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal.
Autobiography, Music of a Reliable Voice, mdo mkhar zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal
gyi rand rnam zol med ngag gi rol mo.
——. Biography of Miwang, Speech Pleasing throughout the World, mi dbang rtogs brjod
’jig rten kun tu dga’ ba’i gtam, W2DB25427.
Doring Kalön Tendzin Peljor, rdo ring bka’ blon bstan ’dzin dpal ’byor. Autobiography,
Recounting the Genology of the Gazhi Leaders, Music of Non-Deceptive Speech, rdo ring
bka’ blon bstan ’dzin dpal ’byor gyi rang rnam sde dpon dga’ bzhi ba’i mi rabs kyi byung
ba brjod pa zol med gtam gyi rol mo, W28259.
Dorjé Dzinpa Peljor Lhündrup, rdo rje ’dzin pa dpal ’byor lhun grub. Biography of Drogön
Pakpa Lodrö Gyeltsen, Garland of Precious, ’gro mgon ’phags pa blo gros rgyal mtshan
gyi rnam thar rin po che’i ’phreng ba.
——. Catalog Explaining the Sacred Sites of Pabongkha, pha bong kha’i gnas bshad dkar chag.
Dorjé Gyeltsen, Tsang Jampa, gtsang byams pa rdo rje rgyal mtshan. Ornament of the
Principled Geneology of the Sakya Lineage, sa skya’i gdung rabs yar rabs kha rgyan,
W18647.
Drakgo Rabjampa, brag sgo rab ’byams pa. Commentary on the Ornament of Jewels of
Great Compassion, Sending a Sign of the Unusual Attitude, How the Good and the Bad
are Mixed, thugs rje chen po nor bu rgyan ’grel la bsres lhad yod tshul lhag bsam brda
btang.
Drakgön Könchok Tenpa Rapgyé, brag dgon dkon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas. Ocean Annals,
Religious History of Domé, mdo smad chos ’byung deb ther rgya mtsho, W28064.
Drakpa Gyeltsen, Jetsün, rje btsun grags pa rgyal mtshan. Fulfilling All Desires, Valuable
Treasury of the Sakya Geneology, sa skya’ gdung rabs rin chen bang mdzod dgos ’dod
kun ’byung.
Drakpa Mönlam or Neu Paṇdị ta, Garland of Flowers of Previous Speech, A Religious History
of Nel, sngon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba nel pa chos ’byung. W28877.
Drakpé Tsenjen, Sera Mé Abbot, ser smad mkhan po grags pa’i mtshan can. History of
Ganden Shartsé Norbuling, Ornament for the Essential Thought of Mañjuśrī, dga’ ldan
shar rtse nor bu’i gling gi lo rgyus ’jam dpal snying po’i dgongs rgyan, W14457?
Drigung Denrap Sozhipa Könchok Tendzin, ’bri gung gdan rabs so bzhi pa dkon mchog
bstan ’dzin. White Crystal Mirror, Explanation of the Sacred Sites of Gangkar Tesé
Mountain and Lake Manasarowar, gang dkar te se dang mtsho ma dros (ma pham)
pa’i gnas bshad shel dkar me long.
Drigung Rikdzin Chögyi Drakpa, ’bri gung rig ’dzin chos kyi grags pa. Autobiography,
Festival of Integrity, rang rnam gsong po’i dga’ ston.
Drogön Chögyel Pakpa, ’gro mgon chos rgyal ’phags pa. Illumination of Objects of
Awareness, shes bya rab gsal.
Druptop Ngödrup, grub thob dngos grub. The Hundred Thousand Precepts of Maṇi,
ma ṇi bka’ ’bum.
Dudjom Jikdrel Yeshé Dorje, bdud ’joms ’jigs bral ye shes rdo rje. Religious History of
the Early Transmission of Tantrayāna, the Drumbeat of Victory through the Power
of the Gods, rnying ma’i chos ’byung lha dbang g.yul las rgyal ba’i rnga bo che’i sgra
dbyangs, W20827.
Dzasak Kunzang Tsepa Sönam Wangdü, dza sag kun bzang rtse pa bsod nams dbang
’dud. True Report on the Recognition of the Supreme Conqueror, the fourteenth Dalai
Lama Tenzin Gyatso, Elixir for the Ear, rgyal mchog sku ’phreng bcu bzhi pa bstan
’dzin rgya mtsho ngos ’dzin gdan zhu mdzad pa’i skor bden gtam rna ba’i bcud len.
Gelong Lozang Jinpa, dge slong blo bzang sbyin pa. Biography of Paṇchen Lozang
Tenpé Nyima, Ornament Beautifying the World, paṇ chen blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi
ma ’dzam gling mdzes rgyan, W6206.
Gelong Tendzin Chögyel, compiler, dge slong bstan ’dzin chos rgyal. Complete Biog-
raphies of the Sixteen Arhats, Drumbeat of Charity, ’phags pa’i gnas brtan bcu drug
gi rtogs brjod rdzogs ldan sbyin pa’i dbyar rnga.
Gendün Chöpel, Drenwang, dran dbang dge ’dun chos ’phel. White Annals, Dynastic
History of the Political System of Greater Tibet, bod chen po’i srid lugs dang ’brel ba’i
rgyal rabs deb ther dkar po, W20825.
Gendün Rinchen, dge ‘dun rin chen. Biography of Kunga Lekpa, Essence of the Ocean,
Meaningful to Behold, kun dga’ legs pa’i rnam thar rgya mtsho’i snying po mthong
ba don ldan, W1CZ2735.
Gendün Tenpé Gyatso, Yongdzin Lhopa, yongs ’dzin lho pa blo bzang bstan pa’i dbang
phyug. Biography of Paṇchen Lozang Tenpé Wangchuk, Sun that Causes the Lotus
Garden of Faith to Bloom, paṇ chen blo bzang bstan pa’i dbang phyug gi rnam thar
dad ldan pad tshal bzhad pa’i nyin ’byed, W2841.
Genyen Chöpel Darchang, dge bsnyen chos dpal dar byang. Biography of Chak Lotsāwa
Chöjé Pelzangpo, Stainless Words of the Lama, chag lo tsā ba chos rje dpal bzang po’i
rnam thar bla ma’i gsung dri ma med pa, W29250.
Genyen Gönpo Kyap, dge bsnyen mgon po skyabs. Earring Enjoyed by All Clear-Minded
People, Religious History of China, rgya nag chos ’byung blo gsal kun tu dga’ ba’i rna
rgyan, W00CHZ0103344.
Genyen Namkha Zangpo, Yardrokpa, yar ’brok pa dge bsnyen nam mkha’ bzang po.
Biography of Bodong Choklé Namgyel, bo dong phyogs las rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar,
W18588.
Geshé Chödrak, dge bshes chos grags. Spelling Dictionary, brda dag tshig mdzod.
Gö Lotsāwa Zhönupel, ’gos lo tsā ba gzhon nu dpal. Blue Annals, deb ther sngon po,
W19817.
Gungtang Tenpé Drönmé, gung thang bstan pa’i sgron me. Impartial Biography of
Gomang Abbot Chödar, Festival for Scholars, sgo mang mkhan rin po che blo bzang
chos dar ba’i rtogs brjod gzur gnas mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, W7069.
Gyurmé Dechen, Tsünpa, btsun pa ’gyur med bde chen. Mirror of Jewels Illuminating
All Marvels, A Biography of Chakzampa Tangtong Gyelpo, lcags zam pa thang stong
rgyal po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar kun gsal nor bu’i me long, W23029.
Gyurmé Tendzon Wangpo, Lhatsün, lha btsun ’gyur med bstan ’dzin dbang po. Guide
to the Holy Places of Sikkim, Treasury of Marvels, ’bras ljongs gnas yig ngo mtshar
gter mdzod, W25274.
Gyurmé Namgyel, ’gyur med rnam rgyal. Lineage Succession of the Chiefs of Lhatok,
the Good Explanation Annals, the Key that Opens in Manifold Ways the Religious
and Political Form of Government, lha thog dpon gyi gdung rabs deb ther legs bshad
chos srid sgo brgya byed pa’i lde’u mig, W23161.
Jadrel Lhawang Gyatso, bya bral lha dbang rgya mtsho. Biography of Paṇchen Sönam
Drakpa, Play of Wonderful Marvels, paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa’i dpal rnam dpyod
mchog gi sde’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar rmad du byung ba dad pa’i rol rtsed,
W17594.
Jadrel Sangyé Püntsok, bya dral sangs rgyas phun tshogs. Biography of Ngorpa Kunzang,
Godd Explanations, Ocean Gathering Streams, ngor pa kun bzang gi rnam thar legs
bshad chu bo ’dus pa’i rgya mtsho.
Jamo Gelong, ’ja’ mo dge slong. A General Religious History of Buddhism, bstan pa
spyi’i chos ’byung, W18621.
Jampa Tupwang, Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Ngözhi, sku bcar bla sman mkhan po dngos
gzhi byams pa thub dbang. Orders of Quintessential Instructions, Preparation of
Precious Pills and Preparations of Twenty-Children, rig chen ril bu’i sbyor tshad man
ngag bka rgya ma.
Jampel Tsültrim, Gyümé Lama Udzé, rgyud smad bla ma dbu mdzad ’jam dpal tshul
khrims and Deyang Rapjampa Kelzang Tsültrim, bde yangs rab ’byams pa skal bzang
tshul khrims. Biography of Lungtok Gyatso, Allure of Faith, lung rtogs rgya mtsho’i
rnam thar dad pa’i yid ’phrog, See Jikmé Gyatso.
Jamyang Gyeltsen, Bhutan Lama, ’brug gi bla ma ’jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan. The
Biography of Lord Ngawang Yönten Tayé, Sun that Spreads One Hundred Rays of
Wisdom Increasing the Lotus of Belief for the Fortunate, rje ngag dbang yon tan
mtha’ yas kyi rnam thar skal bzang mos pa’i padmo rgyas byed ye shes ’od stong
’phro ba’i nyi ma.
Jamyang Gyepé Shenyen, ’jam dbyangs dgyes pa’i bshes gnyen. Royal History of the
Great Hor, Pleasing to the Learned, Annals of the Golden Marvels, chen po hor gyi
rgyal rabs dpyod ldan mgu byed ngo mtshar gser gyi deb ther.
Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo, ’jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse dbang po. Autobiography,
Stream of Nectar of the Great Secret, gsang chen bdud rtsi’i chu rgyun.
——. Guide to the Holy Places at the Monasteries of Central Tibet, dbus ’gyur ches sde
khag gi gnas yig, W21709.
Jamyang Zhepé Dorjé, Kunkhyen, kun mkhyen ’jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje. Elu-
cidation of the Teaching, Chronological Tables of Occurrences in Tibet, Variegated
Golden Rays of Sun, bstan pa’i gsal byed bod du rim byung gi lo tshigs re mig gser
gyi nyi ma ’od zer bkra ba, W8368.
Jangchup Gyeltsen, byang chub rgyal mtshan. The Rhinoceros Book, Descent of the Lang
Divine Lineage. lha rigs rlangs kyi gdung rabs pu ti bse ru, W30165.
——. Questions and Answers about Descent of the Lang Divine Lineage, rlangs gdung
rabs kyi dri ba dri lan.
Jangpa Rikden Chenpo, byang pa rigs ldan chen po. Drops of Nectar, the Lesser Analysis,
smad dpyad bdud rtsi’i zeg ma.
Jetsün Ratṇa, rje btsun ratṇa. Dynastic History, Dim Light Illuminating the Mirror,
rgyal rabs me long gsal byed nyung ngu rnam gsal.
Jikmé Gyatso, Demo, de mo ’jigs med rgya mtsho. Biography of Lungtok Gyatso, Allure
of Faith, lung rtogs rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i zhal snga nas kyi rnam par thar pa
mdor mtshon pa dad pa’i yid ’phrog, W28956. See also Jampel Tsültrim and Deyang
Rapjampa Kelzang Tsültrim.
Jokri Ngawang Tendzin Trinlé, ’jog ri ngag dbang bstan ’dzin ’phrin las. Catalog of
the Great Gungtang Tsuklakhang and Kumbum, gung thang gtsug lag khang dang
sku ’bum chen po’i dkar chag.
Kachen Yeshé Gyeltsen, dka’ chen ye shes rgyal mtshan. Supreme Ornament Beautify-
ing the Conqueror’s Teachings, the Biographies of the Lineage of Lamas Teaching the
Stages of the Path, lam gyi rim pa’i bla ma brgyud pa’i rnam par thar pa rgyal bstan
mdzes pa’i rgyan mchog, W986.
Kadrung Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering, bka’ drung nor rgyas nang pa dbang ’dud
tshe ring, compiler, Record of Ten Thousand Years, khri lo tham deb; Important Points
for Government Officials, Annals of the Sequence of Leaders, Record of Ten Thousand
Years, A Guide for the Blind, gzhung zhabs rnams la nye bar mkho ba bla dpon rim
byon gyi lo rgyus [khri lo] tham deb long ba’i dmigs bu, W23160.
Karma Ngedon Tengyé, ka.rma nges don bstan rgyas. [Biography of Gampopa Sönam
Rinchen], the Incomparable Dakpo Lhajé, mnyam med dwags po lha rje’i rnam thar,
W24063.
Karma Tsewang Kunkhyap, ka.rma tshe dbang kun khyab. Garland of Moon Crystals,
Jewel of the Scholars, Biography of the Precious Lineage of the Karma Kamtsang,
ka.rma kam tshang gi brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam par thar pa rab ’byams nor bu
zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba, W24686.
Katok Rikdzin Tsewang Norbu, ka thog tshe dbang nor bu. Mirror of the Mind Briefly
Clarifying the Descent of the Kings of Tibet, bod kyi lha btsan po’i gdung rabs tshig
nyung don gsal yid kyi me long.
Khalaratsé Tendzin, How Zorawar Singh Attacked Tibet, dzo ra wa sing gi bod la dmag
rgyab tshul.
Kharnak Lotsāwa Peljor Gyatso, mkhar nag lo tsā ba dpal ’byor rgya mtsho. Religious
History of Ganden, dga’ ldan chos ’byung, W18611.
Khedrup Gelek Pelzang, mkhas grub dge legs dpal bzang. Biography of the Great Jetsun
Lama Tsongkhapa, rje btsun bla ma tsong kha pa chen po’i ngo mtshar rmad du
byung ba’i rnam par thar pa dad pa’i ’jug ngogs.
Khetsun Sangpo, mkhas btsun bzang po. Biographical Dictionary of Tibet and Tibetan
Buddhism twelve volumes.
Khewang Könchok Lhündrup, mkhas dbang dkon mchog lhun grub. Great Boat for
the Ocean of Buddhism, A Religious History, bstan pa’i rgya mtshor ’jug pa’i gu chen,
W10345.
Könchok Damchö Yarpel, dkon mchog dam chos yar ’phel. Biography of Throne Holder
Gungtang Könchok Tenpé Drönmé, khri gung thang dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron
me’i rnam thar, W16473.
Könchok Gyeltsen, Nyamé, mnyam med dkon mchog rgyal mtshan. Biography of the
Supreme Lama Sönam Gyeltsen, bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan gyi rnam
thar.
Könchok Gyeltsen, Pönyig, compiler, dpon yig dkon mchog rgyal mtshan. Biography
of Bodong Choklé Namgyel, bo dong phyogs las rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar, W18602.
Könchok Jikmé Wangpo, dkon mchog ’jigs med dbang po. Biography of Kunkhyen
Jamyang Zhepa, River Crossing of the Marvelous Fortunate Aeon, kun mkhyen ’jam
dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje’i rnam thar ngo mtshar skal bzang ’jug ngogs, W2050.
——. Biography of Paṇchen Lama Pelden Yeshé, Light of the Sun, paṇ chen dpal ldan
ye shes kyi rnam thar nyi ma’i ’od zer, W2055.
——. Treasury of the Wish-Fulfilling Jewel, Catalog of the Canon of Choné edition of
the Canonical Commentarial Literature, co ne’i bstan ’gyur dkar chag yid bzhin nor
bu’i gter mdzod, W2056.
Könchok Tendzin, Drigung, ‘bri gung dkon mchog bstan ‘dzin. Explanation of the
Sacred Sites of Kailash Mountain and Lake Manasarowar, White Crystal Mirror,
gangs ti si dang mtsho ma pham gyi gnas bshad shel dkar me long.
Kongtrul Yönten Gyatso, kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho. Autobiography of Jamgön
Lodrö Tayé, Colored Jewels, ’jam mgon blo gros mtha’ yas kyi rang rnam nor bu sna
tshogs mdogs can, W20879.
——. Gentian Flowers, zing thig.
——. Life Stories of Padma Gargi Wangchuk Trinlé Drodül Tse, Current of a Mirage,
padma gar gyi dbang phyug phrin las ’gro ’dul rtsal gyi rtogs pa brjod pa dum bu
smrig rgyun, W24388.
Kunga Gyeltsen, kun dga’ rgyal mtshan. Biography of Jetsün Damchö Pekar, Fragrance
of Kindness, rje btsun dam chos pad dkar gyi rnam par thar pa thugs rje chen po’i
dri bsungs, W29906.
——. Biography of Paṇchen Gendün Drupa, Twelve Marvelous Deeds, paṇ chen dge ’dun
grub pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar mdzad pa bcu gnyis pa, W15965.
Kunga Lodrö, kun dga’ blo gros. Treasury of Precious Marvels of the Sakya Lineage, sa
skya’i gdung rabs ngo mtshar bang mdzod, W27309.
Kunzang Peljor, kun bzang dpal ’byor. Although Scorched, Tibet was not Burned, bsregs
kyang mi ’tshigs pa’i bod.
Lodrö Gyelpo, blo gros rgyal po. Oral Instructions of the Ancestor’s Medical Science,
gso dpyad mes po’i zhal lung.
Losel Gyatso, blo gsal rgya mtsho. Biography of Dakchen Lodrö Gyeltsen, Necklace of
Enticing Lotuses, bdag chen blo gros rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar yid ’phrog utpa la’i
do shal, W8622.
Lozang Chödrak, Yartö Darma Men Rampa, yar stod dar ma sman ram pa blo
bzang chos grags. Orders of Quintessential Instructions, man ngag bka’ rgya ma,
W00EGS1017462.
——. Golden Ornament of Good Explanations, Commentary on the Lineage of Quintes-
sential Instructions, man ngag rgyud kyi dka’ ’grel legs bshad gser rgyan, W13853.
Lozang Norbu, Sera Jé Slozur, ser byes slob zur blo bzang nor bu. Explanation of the
Sacred Sites of Yerpa, yer pa’i gnas bshad.
Lozang Trinlé, Darhen Khendrül, dar han mkhan sprul blo bzang ’phrin las. Biography
of [Lama Tsongkhapa] the Omniscient Jé Rinpoché, A Beautiful Ornament of the
Subduers, A Garland of Marvelous Jewels, rje thams cad mkhyen pa’i rnam thar thub
bstan mdzes rgyan ngo mtshar nor bu’i ’phreng ba.
——. Biography of the Victorious Lord Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music, rgyal
dbang mkhas grub rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar lha’i rol mo.
——. Biography of the Victorious Lord Tsültrim Gyatso, Garland of Jewel Wonders,
rgyal dbang tshul khrims rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar nor bu’i ’phreng ba,
W5330.
Lozang Trinlé, Rikdzin, rig ’dzin blo bzang ’phrin las. Autobiography of Rikdzin Lozang
Trinlé (Lelung Jedrung), Festival of the Fortunate, rig ’dzin blo bzang ’phrin las (sle lung
rje drung) kyi rang rnam skal bzang dga’ ston.
——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Chechok Düpa Tsal (Terdak Lingpé Nyené Lozang Gyatso),
Clearing Away the Darkness of Torment, An Historical Supplement, rdo rje ’dzin pa che
mchog ’dus pa rtal (gter bdag gling pa’i nyes gnas blo gsal rgya mtsho) gyi rnam thar las
’phros pa byung brjod pa gdung ba’i mun sel.
Lozang Tukjé, Sera Mé Lazur, ser smad bla zur blo bzang thugs rje. Biography of Tseling
Nomihen Ngawang Tsültrim, Opening the Door of Faith, tshe gling no mi han ngag
dbang tshul khrims kyi rnam thar dad pa’i sgo ’byed, W14098.
Lozang Yeshé Tendzin Gyatso, blo bzang ye shes bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho. Essential Nectar,
the Outline of the Stages of the Path, lam rim zin bris gdam ngag bdud rtsi’i snying po.
Longdol Ngawang Lozang, klong rdol ngag dbang blo bzang. Presentation of the Donors
of Buddhism, bstan pa’i sbyin bdag rnams kyi rnam bzhag, W78.
Mindröl Nomihen Jampel Chökyi Tendzin Trinlé, smin grol no min han ’jam dpal chos
kyi bstan ’dzin ’phrin las. Extensive Geography of the World, ’dzam gling rgyas bshad,
WooKG03991.
Mipam Gelek Namgyel, ’ju mi pham dge legs rnam rgyal. Important Points on Chronol-
ogy, bstan rtsis nyer mkho.
Namkha Gyeltsen, Jé Barawa, rje ’ba’ ra ba nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan. Autobiography of
Jeba Rawa Namkha Gyeltsen, rje ’ba’ ra ba nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan gyi rang rnam.
Ngawang Chöjor, Denjé, ldan rje ngag dbang chos ’byor. Accounts Drawn from Poetry
Written on the Occasion of the All-Seeing Tenpé Wangchuk’s trip to Central Tibet, kun
gzigs bstan pa’i dbang phyug dbus phebs gnang skabs snyan ngag lam las drangs pa’i
byung ba brjod pa.
Ngawang Dorjé Lhündrup Dargyé, Lhatsün, lha btsun ngag dbang rdo rje lhun grub
dar rgyas. Biography of the Omniscient Ngawang Chödrak Gyatso (Rinchen Tsangyang
Gyatso), Elegant Saying Without Activity, Tantric Melody of the Divine Tambura, thams
cad mkhyen pa ngag dbang chos grags rgya mtsho’i (rin chen tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho)
rnam thar mdzad med gtam snyan lha’i tambu ra’i rgyud kyi sgra dbyangs, W30154.
Ngawang Lozang, Gomang Tsenzhap, sgo mang mtshan zhabs ngag dbang blo bzang.
Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror, ’phrin las rgya mtsho rnam thar dwangs
shel me long. See also Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim.
Ngawang Namgyel, ngag dbang rnam rgyal. Biography of Taklung Thangpa Rinpoché, stag
lung thang pa rin po che’i rnam thar, W21026.
Ngawang Pelzang, Katok Khenpo, kah thog mkhan po ngag dbang dpal bzang. Autobi-
ography of Katok Khenpo Ngawang Pelzang, Illusory Dance, ’od gsal rin chen snying po
pad+ma las ’brel rtsal gyi rtogs brjod ngo mtshar sgyu ma’i rol gar, W30148.
Ngawang Yönten Tayé, ngag dbang yon tan mtha’ yas. Narrative Clarifying the Virtuous
Actions of the Dharma King Sherap Wangchuk, Pearl Necklace, chos rgyal chen po shes
rab dbang phyug gi dge ba’i cho ga rab tu gsal ba’i gtam mu tig do shal, W29910.
——. Supplement to “Autobiography of Pema Karpo, Drama of Great Compassion,” Aban-
donment of Great Illusion, kun mkhyen padma dkar po’i rang rnam thugs rje chen po’i
zlos gar de’i ’phros sgyu ma chen po’i dor, W8725.
Ngödön Serkhang Secretary, dngos don ser khang nang pa’i phyag drung. Verses Clearly
Explaining the Situation During the British-Tibetan War of the Wood-Dragon Year
(1904), shing ’brug dbyin bod dmag ’khrug skabs kyi gnas lugs gsal bar brjod pa tshig
bcad ma.
Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering, Cabinet Secretary, compiler, bka’ drung nor rgyas nang
pa dbang ’dud tshe ring. Various Guides for Government Officials, Legal Foundations,
Commercial Issues, a Compendium of Documents, shod drung las tshan ’gro khungs khag
dang khrims ’degs stong srang zho ’beb sogs yig cha phyogs bsdus.
Nyangtö, nyang stod. The Treasury of the Precious History of Nenying Monastery, gnas
rnying gi gdan rabs rin po che’i gter mdzod.
Nyima Özer, Ngadak Nyangrel, nyi ma ’od zer, mnga’ bdag nyang ral. Copper Continent
Chronicles, bka’ thang zangs gling ma. W7956.
Paṇchen Lama, first, Lozang Chökyi Gyeltsen, paṇ chen blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan.
Autobiography, Garland of Jewels which Clearly Indicates Codes of Conduct, spyod tshul
gsal bar ston pa nor bu’i phreng ba, W9752.
Paṇchen Lama, second, Lozang Yeshé, paṇ chen blo bzang ye shes. Autobiography, Garland
of White Light, rang rnam ’od dkar can gyi ’phreng, W2008.
Paṇchen Lama, third, Pelden Yeshé, paṇ chen dpal ldan ye shes. Biography of Purchok
Ngawang Jampa, Sun that Makes the Hundred-Petaled Lotus of Faith Bloom, phur lcog
ngag dbang byams pa’i rnam thar dad pa’i ’dab brgya bzhad pa’i nyin byed, W2009.
Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa, paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa. Beautiful Ornament of Thought,
a Religious History of the Kadampa School, bka’ gdams chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes
rgyan, W19815.
——. Biography of Jamyang Trashi Pelden, ’jam dbyangs bkra shis dpal ldan gyi rnam
thar.
——. Magical Key to the Royal Lineage, the New Red Annals, deb gsar ma’i deb gsar
ma’am rgyal rabs ’phrul gyi lde mig, W21657.
Paṇchen Yeshé Tsemo, paṇ chen ye shes rtse mo. Biography of Gendün Drup, Jewel
Garland dge ’dun grub kyi rnam thar nor bu’i phreng ba, W8620.
Pawo Tsuklak Trengwa, dpa’ bo gtsug lag ’phreng ba. Festival of the Learned, Religious
History chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, W28792.
Pelden Chökyi Zangpo, dpal ldan chos kyi bzang po. Appreciating the Precious,
Dynastic History of Northern Yeru, g.yas ru byang pa’i rgyal rabs rin po che bstar
ba, W1CZ1882.
Pelden Gyatso, dpal ldan rgya mtsho. Extensive Biography of Bhutan’s Ngawang Nam-
gyel, Song of the Cloud of Dharma, ’brug chen ngag dbang rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar
rgyas pa chos kyi sprin chen po’i dbyangs, W30164.
Pelden Sharkawa, dpal ldan shar ka ba. Garland of Ornaments, Lineage Chronicles,
gdung rabs rgyan gyi ’phreng ba.
Peltrül Ogyen Jikmé Chökyi Wangpo, dpal sprul o rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po.
Sun Illuminating Chronology, bstan rtsis nyin ’byed snang ba, W24850?.
Pema Karpo, Drukpa Kunkhyen, ’brug pa kun mkhyen. padma dkar po. Autobiography
of Pema Karpo, Drama of Great Compassion, kun mkhyen padma dkar po’i rang rnam
thugs rje chen po’i zlos gar, W10471.
——. Biography of Pelden Lama Dampa Ngawang Chokyi Gyelpo, ne Hundred Marvelous
Lights, dpal ldan bla ma dam pa ngag dbang chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam par thar pa ngo
mtshar ’od brgya pa, W10467.
——. Biography of Tsangpa Gyaré, Garland of Waves of Marvelous Faith, gtsang pa rgya
ras pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar dad pa’i rlabs ’phreng.
——. Dance of the Great Illusion, rgyu ma chen po’i zlos gar.
——. Dawning of the Day in which the Lotus of Buddhism Increases, A Religious History,
chos ’byung bstan pa’i padma rgyas pa’i nyin byed, W10437.
Pöntsang Tsarongpa Tsewang Namgyel, dpon tshang tsha rong pa tshe dbang rnam rgyal.
Swift Path for Beings in the Fortunate Eon, Religious History of Medical Science, gso rig
chos ’byung skal bzang ’gro ba’i myur lam, Cf. W13863.
Purchok Ngawang Jampa, phur lcog ngag dbang byams pa, Garland of White Lotuses,
a Catalog of the Four Great Monasteries and the Tantric Colleges of Upper and Lower
Lhasa, gdan sa chen po bzhi dang rgyud grwa stod smad gnyis kyi dkar chag pad dkar
’phreng ba.
——. Voice of Brahmā, Catalog of the Commentarial Canon of Narthang, rnar thang bstan
’gyur dkar chag tshangs pa’i dbyangs.
Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, phur lcog yongs ’dzin sprul sku thub
bstan byams pa tshul khrims bstan ’dzin. Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal
Mirror, ’phrin las rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam thar dwangs shel me long, W2971.
See also Gomang Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang.
______. Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, rgyal
mchog thub bstan rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rin po che’i phreng ba, W3087.
Rinchen Namgyel, Gelong Dratsepa, dge slong sgra tshad pa rin chen rnam rgyal. Biog-
raphy of the Omniscient Butön Rinpoché, Corn Flowers, thams cad mkhyen pa bu ston
rin chen grub kyi rnam thar snyim pa’i me tog, P154.
Rinchen Namgyel, Lhatsün, lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal. Having the Objective of Seeing
Marvels, the Biography of Druptop Tsangnyön, grub thob gtsang smyon gyi rnam thar
ngo mtshar mthong ba don ldan.
Rinchen Tenpé Seljé, rin chen bstan pa‘i gsal byed. Biographies that Illuminate the
Karma [Kagyü], An Aid for Faith, ka.rma gsal byed kyi rnam thar dad pa’i gsal ’debs,
W21227.
——. Brief Biography of the Mahasiddha Könchok Gyeltsen, Stream of Marvelous Nectar,
grub thob chen po dkon mchog rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar mdor bsdus ngo mtshar
bdud rtsi’i chu rgyun, W21228,
Rinpung Ngawang Jikten Wangchuk Drakpa, rin spungs ngag dbang ’jig rten dbang phyug
grags pa. Biography of Sakya Paṇḍita Künga Gyeltsen, Auspicious Good Fortune, sa skya
paṇḍita kun dga’ rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar skal bzang legs lam.
Sakya Jetsün Sönam Gyeltsen, The Luminous Mirror, A Dynastic History, rgyal rabs gsal
ba’i me long, W00CHZ0103341.
Sangyé Lingpa, sangs rgyas gling pa. Golden Garland Chronicle, bka’ thang gser gyi phreng
ba. W18924.
Selnang, gsal snang. Saying of Ba, sba bzhed, W20000.
Shakabpa, Tsepon Wangchuk Deden, dbang phyug bde ldan zhwa sgab pa, rtsi dpon.
Brief History of Ancient Monasteries and Temples in Tibet. ed. by T. Tsepal Taikhang.
Varanasi, India: Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa Memorial Foundation, 2002. Bod kyi gna’
dus kyi dgon pa dang lha khang khag gi lo rgyus mdor bsdus.
——. Catalog and Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa. Kalimpong, India: Shakabpa
House, 1982. Lha ldan rwa sa ’phrul snang gtsug lag khang gi dkar chag.
——. with Yonten Gyatso, Nectar of the Immortal Gods Inducing Recollection in the
Brethren Living at Home in the Three Province of Tibet and Living in Exile, bod ljongs
chol kha gsum gyi gzhis byes spun zla rnams la gzhen skul ’chi med lha’i bdud rtsi.
——. One Hundred Thousand Moons Reflected in the Luminous Pond or the Playful Lake
in which Young Intelligent Bees take Joy, the History of the Political Situation of the
Great Nation of Tibet, the Land of Snows, Possessed of a Religious and Political Form
of Government, bod yul gangs can gyiljongs chos srid gnyis ldan rgyal khab chen po’i
sngon rabs srid don gyi gnas lugs lo rgyus gsal bar ston pa zla ba ’bum phrag ’char
ba’i rdzing bu’am blo gsar bung ba dga’ ba’i rol mtsho, W28263.
Shedra Döndrup Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, bka’ blon bshad sgra don grub rdo rje,
compiler, Diary by a resident in Lhasa in Central Tibet while traveling to Dartsedo by
way of Gyamda, Chamdo, Markham Ba, and Litang, to Kumbum by way of Nagchu
and Tso Lamo, and to Rutok by way of Zhikatsé Jangtradun, and Gartok, lha ldan
rgyal khab dbus su bzhag pas rgya mda’ dang chab mdo rmar khams ’ba’ li brgyud
dar rtse mdo bar dang nag chu mtsho lo ma brgyud sku ’bum bar gzhis rtse byang
pra bdun sgar thog brgyud ru thog bar gyi lam tho.
Sherap Gyatso, Geshé, dge bshes shes rab rgya mtsho. Biography of the eleventh Tatsak
Jedrung Tubten Kelzang Tenpé Drönmé, Treasury of Jewels that Grants Wishes, rta
tshag rje drung sku ’phreng bcu gcig pa thub bstan bskal bzang bstan pa’i sgron me
dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar ba bsam ’phel nor bu’i bang mdzod, W00KG01650.
Sidhi Aśvaghoṣa, Melody Issued from the Auspicious Religious Horn, How the Supreme
Religion Arose in the Land of the Great Hor, chen po hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos
byung tshul bkra shis chos dung bshad pa’i sgra dbyangs.
Sönam Gyeltsen, Lama Dampa, bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan. Marvelous
Appearances, Religious History of “Path and Fruit, lam ’bras chos ’byung ngo mtshar
snang ba.
Songtsen Gampo, srong btsan sgam po. Revealed by Atisha. Last Will of King Songtsen
Gampo, bka’ chems ka khol ma. W20856.
Sumpa Khenpo Yeshé Peljor, sum pa mkhan po ye shes dpal ’byor. Excellent Wish-
Granting Tree, History of Buddhism in India, China, Tibet, and Mongolia, ’phags
yul rgya nag chen po bod dang sog yul du dam pa’i chos ’byung tshul dpag bsam ljon
bzang, W29969.
——. History of the Blue Lake, the New Song of Brahmā, mtsho sngon gyi lo rgyus
tshangs glu gsar snyan, W29970.
——. Unknown if authored by Sumpa Khenpo. Festival of Appearing Marvels, Heap
of Jewels, Religious History, chos ’byung rin chen spungs pa ngo mtshar snang ba’i
dga’ ston.
Taikhang, T. Tsepal. Compiler. Rare Tibetan historical and literary texts from the library
of Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa. New Delhi: Taikhang, 1974.
Tai Situ Chökyi Jungné, chos kyi ’byung gnas. Autobiography that Reveals, Stainless Crys-
tal Mirror, bstan pa’i nyin byed kyi rang rnam dri bral shel gyi me long, W27878.
Taklung Zhapdrung Ngawang Namgyel, stag lung zhabs drung ngag dbang rnam
rgyal. Ocean of Marvels, A Religious History, chos ’byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho,
W17276.
——. The Southern Preface to the Discoursing on the Sphere of the Great Cloud of Reli-
gion, chos kyi sprin chen po’i dbyangs kyi gleng gzhi lho.
Taktsang Lotsāwa Sherap Rinchen, stag tshang lo tsā ba shes rab rin chen. Contacting
Medicines, Selected Practices, sman gyi lag len gces bsdus le’u bcu pa reg pas nad sel,
W705.
——. Fascination of Scholars, A General Presentation Medical Science, sman dpyad spyi’i
rnam bzhag mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog, W704.
——. Festival of Learning Chinese and Tibetan Writing, rgya bod kyi yig tshan mkhas
pa dga’ byed, W1CZ1997.
——. Knowing All Sciences, rig gnas kun shes, W707.
Tāranātha, ta ra na tha. Religious History of India, Establishing all Desires, rgya gar
chos ’byung dgos ’dod kun ’byung, W00CHZ0103343.
——. attributed. Portal for the Scholars, Good Explanations on the Reports of Marvels
of Upper, Lower, and Middle parts of the Nyang Valley (Religious History of Nyang),
myang yul stod smad bar gsum gyi ngo mtshar gtam gyi legs bshad mkhas pa’i ’jug
ngogs (myang chos ’byung), W1CZ689.
TAR Committee to Make Commentary and Annotations on the ’Political History of
Tibet and published under the title, ’Shakabpa’s “Political History” and the Real His-
tory of Tibet (Chinese edition, 1996: Xiageba di “Xizang zheng zhi shi” yu Xizang
li shi di ben lai mian mu/ Xizang Zizhiqu “Xizang zheng zhi shi” ping zhu xiao zu
bian xie. Beijing Shi: Min zu chu ban she. Tibetan edition, 1996: Bod rang skyong
ljongs “Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs” Blta bsdur mchan ’god tshogs chung, Zhwa
sgab pa’i bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs dang bod kyi lo rgyus dngos. Lhasa: Mi rigs dpe
skrun khang).
Tatsak Tenpé Gönpo, rta tshag bstan pa’i mgon po. Biography of Longdöl Lama Ngawang
Lozang, Chariot Inducing Precious Devotion, Ornament of a Prince’s Activities, ngag
dbang blo bzang dpal bzang po’i rnam thar mos gus rin chen ’dren pa’i shing rta rgyal
sras spyod pa’i rgyan, W20533.
Tendzin Chögyel, bstan ‘dzin chos rgyal. Biography of Tendzin Döndrup, Lake Where the
Serpents Play, bstan ‘dzin don grub kyi rnam thar klu dbang rol mtsho, W29907.
——. Religious History of the South, Continuation of the Precious Teachings, the Garland of
All Prayers for the Smooth Protector, lho’i chos ’byung bstan pa rin po che’i ’phro mthud
’jam mgon smon mtha’i ’phreng ba.
Tendzin Sherap, Nakshö Lama, nag shod bla ma bstan ’dzin shes rab. Biography of the
Conqueror Jampel Gyatso, Ornament for the Entire World, rgyal ba ’jam dbyangs rgya
mtsho’i ’dzam gling mtha’ gru yangs pa’i rgyan. See also Tupten Jikmé.
Tenpé Gönpo, bstan pa’i mgon po. Biography of Longdöl Ngawang Lozang Pelzang, Orna-
ment of a Prince’s Activities, klong brdol ngag dbang blo bzang dpal bzang po’i rnam
thar rgyal sras spyod rgyan, W30147.
Tibetan Government-In-Exile in Dharamsala, India, dha ram sa la’i bod gzhung las
khungs. Status of Tibetan Refugees 1959–1969, spyi lo 1959–1969 bar bod mi skyabs
bcol ba’i gnas stangs.
Trashi Khansar, Cabinet Minister, zhabs pad bkra shis khang gsar. Extractions from Notes
made by Cabinet Minister Trashi Khansar during the Ladakh-Tibet War, la bod g.yul
’khrug skabs zhabs pad bkra shis khang gsar ba’i ga’u le nas zur ’don byas pa.
Trimonpa Norbu Wangyal Chok, Cabinet Secretary, bka’ blon khri smon pa nor by dbang
rgyal mchog. Compilation concerning the Tri-partite Negotiations at Simla in the Wood-
Tiger Year (1914) Between China, Tibet, and Britain the and Significant Related Document
Relating to the Public and Wealth fo Tibet, shing rtag lo sim lar rgya bod dbyin gsum
chings don bka’ mol gnang skabs dag skyel khag phyogs bsgrigs gnang ba gangs ljongs
skye rgu’i snying nor dang de dang ’brel ba’i gal che’i yig cha khag.
Trinlé, Dungkar Lozang. Dungkar Tibetological Great Dictionary. Beijing: China Tibe-
tological Publishing House, 2002.
Tsangnyön Heruka Rüpé Gyenchen, gtsang smyon he ru ka rus pa’i rgyan can. Biography
of Mila Zhepé Dorje [Milarepa], A Guide for Omniscience, mi la ras pa’i rnam par thar
pa dang thams cad mkhyen pa’i lam ston, W1GS56158.
——. compiler. Hundred Thousand Songs of Milarepa, mi la ras pa’i mgur ’bum,
W1GS56161.
Tselpa Künga Dorjé, tshal pa kun dga’ rdo rje, Red Annals, deb ther dmar po or hu lan
deb ther, W16476.
Tsering Gönpo, tshe ring mgon po. History of the Secret Mantra Castle, bde chen gsang
sngags mkhar gyi lo rgyus, W18624.
Tsewang Norbu, tshe dbang nor bu. Concise Geneology of Tibetan Divinities, bod kyi lha
btsan po’i gdung rabs.
Tsongkhapa, Lozang Drakpa, blo bzang grags pa tsong kha pa. Garland of Worship Ser-
vices, mchod ’phreng.
——. Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path, lam rim chen mo, W00KG09355.
——. Great Exposition of Secret Mantra/Stages of the Path to a Conqueror and Pervasive
Master, a Great Vajradhāra, Revealing All Secret Topics, rgyal ba khyab bdag rdo rje
’chang chen po’i lam gyi rim pa gsang ba kun gyi gnad rnam par phye ba, W492.
Tsültrim Rinchen, Zhuchen, zhus chen tshul khrims rin chen. Catalog of the Dergé Canon
of the Commentarial Literature, sde dge’i bstan ’gyur dkar chag.
Tupten Jikmé, Demo, de mo thub bstan ’jigs med. Biography of the Conqueror Jampel
Gyatso, Ornament for the Entire World, rgyal ba ’jam dbyangs rgya mtsho’i ’dzam gling
mtha’ gru yangs pa’i rgyan. See also Tendzin Sherap.
Tubten Norzang, Chödön Kazur, chos don bka’ zur thub bstan nor bzang mchog. Book
of Lectures on How the Religious and Political Form of Government Emerged During
the Time of the Victorious Lord, the thirteenth Dalai Lama, rgyal dbang sku ’phreng
bcu gsum pa chen po’i rjes su bod kyi rgyal rabs dang ’brel ba’i srid lugs ji ltar byung
tshul gsung bshad gnang deb.
Tuken Lozang Chökyi Nyima, thu’u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma. Biography
of Changkya Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé Drönmé, Beautiful Ornament of the Virtuous
Religion, ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me’i rnam par thar pa dge ldan bstan pa’i mdzes
rgyan, W7436.
——. Crystal Mirror of the Good Explanations Showing the Sources and Assertions of
All Systems of Tenets, grub mtha’ thams cad kyi khungs dang ’dod tshul ston pa legs
bshad shel gyi me long, W2124.
Tupten Chöpel Zangpo, thub bstan chos ’phel bzang po. A Flute that Speaks of Mar-
vels, the Catalog of One Hundred Thousand, ’bum gyi dkar chag ngo mtsha gtam
gyi gling bu.
Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, mthu stobs rnam rgyal dang ye shes sgrol ma.
Dynastic History of Sikkim, ’bras ljongs rgyal rabs, W29205.
Waginḍ, How to Identify the Four Main and the Eight Lesser Divisions of the Kagyü
School, bka’ brgyud che bzhi chung brgyad kyi ngos ’dzin byed tshul.
Wangchuk Drupa, Kongpo Gelong Chömawa, kong po dge slong chos smra ba dbang
phyug grub pa. Biography of Gowo Rapjampa Sönam Sengé, Garlang of Precious
Marvels, go bo rab ’byams pa bsod nams seng ge’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rin po che’i
’phreng ba, W11051.
Yangchen Drupé Dorjé, dbyangs can grub pa’i rdo rje. Biography of Jé Dharmabhadra,
Beautiful Ornament that Reveals the Yellow Hat School, rje btsun bla ma thams cad
mkhyen pa dharma bha dra dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa zhwa ser bstan pa’i
mdzes rgyan, W30156.
——. Autobiography of Ngulchuwa Yangjen Drupé Dorjé or Jetsün Lozang Chöpel, Sun-
light Revealing the Geden, dngul chu ba dbyangs can grub pa’i rdo rje’am rje btsun
blo bzang chos ’phel gyi rang rnam dge ldan bstan pa’i nyi ’od, W15960?.
Yangpa Chöjé, g.yang pa chos rje. Biography of the Conqueror Gendün Gyatso, Tree of
Faith, rgyal ba dge ’dun rgya mtsho rnam thar dad pa’i ljon shing.
Yarjé Ogyen Lingpa, yar rje o rgyan gling pa. Crystal Cave Chronicles, bka’ thang shel
brag ma. W17664.
——. revealed by. Lotus Chronicle, pad ma bka’ thang. W17320.
——. revealed by. Five Chronicles, bka’ thang sde lnga. W17319.
Yeshé Gyeltsen, Yongdzin, yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan. Biography of Drupwang
Lozang Namgyel, Ornament Beautifying Buddhism, Grub dbang blo bzang rnam rgyal
gyi rnam thar thub bstan mdzes rgyan, W1017.
Yeshé Sengé, ye shes seng ge. Biography of Ra Lotsāwa Pervasive Sound of the Drum,
rwa lo tsā ba’i rnam thar kun khyab snyan pa’i rnga sgra, W2CZ6606.
Yeshé Tupten Gyatso, Ganden Tepo Kyeming, dga’ ldan the po skye ming ye shes thub
bstan rgya mtsho. Biographies fo the Series of Ganden Throne Holders, Garland of
Amazing Jewels, dga’ ldan gser khri rin po cher dbang bsgyur ba’i skyes mchog dam pa
khri chen rim byon rnams kyi rnam thar rmad byung nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W11574,
possibly attributed to Drakpa Khedrup.
Yeshé Tsemo, Paṇchen, paṇ chen ye shes rtse mo. Biography of the Omniscient Gendün
Drupa, Wonderful Marvels, Garland of Jewels, rje thams cad mkhyen pa dge ’dun grub
pa dpal bzang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rmad byung nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W8620.
Zurkhar Nyamnyi Dorjé, zur mkhar mnyam byi rdo rje. Ten Million Relics, bye ba ring bsrel.
For a variety of cited sources, I have been unable to identify the author or any other
information. Regrettably, this list includes several compendia of government docu-
ments, cabinet records, treaties, private records, and other sources. I have listed them
as they were cited by Shakabpa.
——. Biography of Chok Jangchup Pelden History of Nechung and the Oracle, lcog byang
chub dpal ldan pa’i rnam thar gnas chung dang chos skyong gi lo rgyus.
——. Biography of Jowo Jé Pelden Atīśa, Volume of Kadam Scriptures, jo bo rje dpal
ldan a ti sha’i rnam thar bka’ gdams glegs bam.
——. Biography of Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyel, Luminescence of the Transcendent Truth
Body, lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar blo ’das chos sku’i rang mdangs.
——. Biography of Lhodrak Marpa Lotsāwa, lho brag mar pa lo tsā’i rnam thar.
——. Biography of Lochen Dharma Śrī, lo chen dharma shri’i rnam thar.
——. Biography of Minling Rikdzin Terdak Lingpa Padma Gargi Wangchuk, smin gling
rig ’dzin gter bdag gling pa padma gar yi dbang phyug gi rnam thar.
——. Biography of Ngulchuwa Khedrup Ngawang Dorjé, dngul chu ba mkhas grub ngag
dbang rdo rje’i rnam thar.
——. Biography of Rechung Dorjé Drakpa, ras chung rdo rje grags pa’i rnam thar. Pos-
sibly by Lodrö Tayé, W24140.
——. Biography of the Seventieth Ganden Throne Holder Ngawang Chöpel, dga’ ldan
khri thog bdun cu pa ngag dnag chos ’phel gyi rnam thar.
——. Biography of Trulku Tenpé Seljé, String of Pearls, sprul sku rin chen bstan pa’i
gsal byed kyi rnam thar mu tig ’phreng ba, W21229.
——. Biography of Tuksé Chennga Rinchen of Bara, from the Golden Garland of the
Kagyü, bka’ brgyud gser ’phreng las ’ba’ ra’i thugs sras spyan snga rin chen ldan gyi
rnam thar, W19231.
——. Book of Advice, bka’ slob phyag deb.
——. Cabinet Records of 1808, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, sa ’brug bka’ shag mgron deb
kun gsal me long.
——. Cabinet Records of 1809, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, sa sprul bka’ shag mgron deb
kun gsal me long.
——. Cabinet Records of 1822, Completely Joyous Speech, chu rta bka’ shag mgron deb
kun tu dga’ ba’i gtam.
——. Cabinet Records of 1843, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, chu yos bka’ shag mgron deb
kun gsal me long.
——. Cabinet Records of 1844, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, shing ’brug bka’ shag mgron
deb kun gsal me long.
——. Clear Crystal Mirror, Clearly Setting Forth the Dynastic History of Celestial Sikkim,
mkha’ spyod ’bras mo ljongs kyi rgyal rabs gsal ba bkod pa dwangs shel me long.
——. Compendia of Treaties reached by Imperial Tibet and Its Neighbor and Other
Agreements, bod rgyal khab chen pos nye ’brel rgyal khab khag la chings yig dang
gros chod bzhag pa’i ngo bshus phyogs bsdus.
——. Compendium of Important Documents Correspondence from the Tibetan govern-

ment to the Manchu Amban Residing in Lhasa, Forty-One Article Indictment of the
Crimes of the Chinese Official Zhao Erfeng, the Nineteen Article Indictment of the
Two Ambans Lian and Wen, and so forth, Great Ocean Of Good Explanations, bod
gzhung nas lha sdod man ju’i am ban la yig ’grul gnang khag dang rgya dpon sgra’o
rdo thal nas khams phyogs khrims ’gal byas pa’i nag khra don tshan zhe gcig pa am
ban lan dbun gnyis kyi nag khra don tshan bcu dgu pa sogs gal che’i yig cha phyogs
sdebs legs bshad rdzing chen.
——. Compendium of Documents Consisting Mainly of Copies of Significant Material
Relating to Letters Written by the Tibetan Government to Sichuan’s Tsungtu about
Nyakrong Territory in the Fire-Monkey Year (1896), Relating to Nyakrong Territory,
Tseling Gyeltok, and Demo Gyeltok, Relating to my grandfather Tsipa Shakabpa Tenzin
Norgye’s assessments of the grain harvest in Ü, Tsang, and Kham in the Fire-Tiger
Year of the fifteenth Sexagenary Cycle (1926), and so forth. me spre lo gzhung gnas
nas nyan rong sa sde’i skor zi khron tsung thur phyag bris gnang khag dang gzhan
yang nyag rong sa sde skor tshe gling rgyal thog gnyis pa dang de mo rgyal thog gsum
pa dbu nyes byung rtsa’i skor rab byung bco lnga pa’i me stag lor mes po rtsis pa
zhwa sgab pa bstan ’dzin nor rgyas mchog nas dbus gtsang khams gsum nang ston
’bab thob byung skor ’bru bogs ’bru sogs la ’bring tshad bskor ba’i bsdoms mtho’i ngo
bshus kyis gtsos pa’i yig cha phyogs bsdus.
——. Compilation of Accusations of Manchu Amban Lian and General Zhong Tongling,
man ju’i am ban lan dang dmag spyi cung thung ling gi nag khra phyogs sdebs.
——. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of
Buddhism, chab shog phyogs bsdus rgyal bstan pad tshal bzhad pa’i nyi ’od.
——. Compilation of Private Records, sger gyi yig cha phyogs bsdus.
——. Compilation of Records, yig cha phyogs bsdus.
——. Compilation of Treaty Records, chings yig ngo bshus phyogs bsdus.
——. Collection of Praises in the Nartang Edition of the Commentarial Canon, snar
thang par ma’i bstan ’gyur bstod tshogs.
——. Collection of Simla Records, sim la’i chings skabs kyi gleng brjod yig cha phyogs
sdebs.
——. Documents Known to the Learned Bön, mkhas dbang bon grong pa’i chab shog.
——. Future of the Great Dual Religious and Political Form of Government of Tibet,
Constitution of Tibet, Guide to Benefit and Happiness, bod ljongs chos srid gnyis ldan
rgyal khab chen po’i ma ’ongs bod kyi rtsa khrims phan bde’i lam ston.
——. Excellent Condensation of the Essence of Pelden Gyatso’s “Biography of Bhutan’s
Ngawang Namgyel, Song of the Cloud of Dharma,” Drop of Nectar, ’brug chen ngag
dbang rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar chos kyi sprin po’i snying po legs par bsdus pa bdud
rtsi’i thig pa.
——. Extracts from Several Companion Volume of the Cabinet from the 14th and 15th
Sexagenary Cycles, rab byung bcu bzhi pa dang bco lnga pa’i nang gi bka’ shag mgron
deb ’ga’ shas nas zur ’don byas pa.
——. Great Catalog of the Glorious Samyé Monastery, dpal bsam yas kyi dkar chags chen mo.
——. Histories of Ancient Tibet found in Dunhuang that were collected by libraries in London,
Paris, Rome, and Tokyo, lon ḍon spa’i ri si rōm krog kyo sogs kyi dpe mdzod khang khag
nas phyogs bsdus byas pa tong hāng nas brnyes pa’i bod snga rabs kyi lo rgus.
——. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng, sgra’o ar khungs gi khrims ’gal don tshan
zhe gcig pa zhes pa’i yig cha.
——. Minister’s Orders, bka’i thang yig.
——. Praising Monks Who Practice Religion, chos byed kyi dge ’dung zengs bstod pa.
——. Preliminary Report of the 1914 Simla Conference, sing stag lor sim la’i chings yig
skabs ngon ’gro’i bka’ mol.
——. Records of the Birthplace of Radreng Rinpoché, Kyarpo Ngödrup Ding, rwa sgreng
rgyal tshab rin po che ’khrungs gzhis skyar po dngos grub sding gi yig cha.
——. Religious History of Lho, the Garland of Prayers to Mañjuśrī, lho’i chos ’byung ’jam
mgon smon mtha’i ’phreng ba.
——. Renowned Extensive Biography of Jowo Atīśa, jo wo’i rnam thar rgyas pa yongs
grags ma.
——. Royal Orders, rgyal po bka’i thang yig.
——. Six Ornaments Which Beautify the Jambu Continent and the Biographies of the two
Supreme beings [Nāgārjuna and Asanga], ’dzam gling mdzes pa’i rgyan drug mchog gnyis
kyi rnam thar. Possibly by Lozang Tsültrim, W7462.
——. Stone Pillar Inscriptions from in front of the Potala Palace, from near the hair of the
Jowo image in the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, and similarly, stone pillar inscriptions from
Samyé, the end of the Chongyé Bridge, the Drigung Zha Temple, Karchung Gyeldé,
Tsurpu, and so forth, and the stone inscription in the yellow house near the Zhöl Stone
Pillar, rtse pho brang po tā la’i mdun zhol gyi rdo ring lha ldan gtsug lag khang jo bo’i
dbu skra’i ’gram gyi rdo ring de bzhin bsam yas ’phyongs rgyas zam sne ’bri gung zhwa
lha khang skar chung rgyal sde mtshur phu sogs kyi rdo ring khag dang zhol rdo ring
nye ’gram khang ser nang gi rdo yig bcas pa’i zhal bshus khag.
——. Sun that Increases the Subduer’s Lotus Garden, thub stan pad tshal rgyas pa’i nyin
’byed.
——. Treasury Report on Firearms Manufactured at Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production,
gra bzhi glog ’phrul las khungs kyi me mda’i bcug la sbug dam rten deb.
——. Treasury of Riches, Precious Treatise of Khutön, khu ston gyi bstan bcos rin chen
bang mdzod.
——. various tales about how King Gesar of Ling Dradül subdued enemies from the
four directions, gling rje ge sar nor bu’i dgra ’dul kyis mtha’ bzhi’i dgra bo brtul ba’i
sgrung yig mi ’dra ba khag.
Some Buddhist Canonical Sources are cited
Heap of Jewels Sūtra, Mahāratnakūṭadharmaparyāyaśatasāhasrikagranthasūtra, dkon

mchog brtsegs pa chen po’i chos kyi rnam grangs le’u stong phrag brgya pa’i mdo. P760,
Vol. 22–24. See Marcelle Lalou, “La version tibétaine du Ratnakūt ̣a. Contribution à
la bibliographie du Kanjur,” in Journal Asiatique (1927), no, 4, 233–259.
Heart Sūtra or Heart of the Prefection of Wisdom Sūtra, Prajñāhṛ d aya Sūtra/
Bhagavatīprajñāpāramitāhṛdaya Sūtra, shes rab snying po/bcom ldan ’das ma shes
rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i snying po’i mdo. P160, Vol. 6. Sanskrit: in E. Conze.
Thirty Years of Buddhist Studies. (Oxford: Cassirer, 1967), 148–53. English translation:
E. Conze. Buddhist Texts Through the Ages. rpt. (New York: Harper, 1964), 152–3;
also in Geshe Rabten’s Echoes of Voidness. Stephen Batchelor, ed. and trans. (London:
Wisdom, 1983), 18–19. Translation with explanation and Sanskrit text, E. Conze.
Buddhist Wisdom Books. (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958), 77–107.
Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra in One Hundred Thousand Stanzas, Śatasāhas rikā-
prajñāpāramitā Sūtra, shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa stong phrag brgya pa. P730,
vol. 12–18. See: E. Conze. The Large Sūtra on Perfect Wisdom. Berkeley: University
of California, 1975.
Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish, mdo mdzangs blun. See Frye, Stanley. The Sūtra of the
Wise and the Foolish (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1981).
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GENERAL INDEX
Given the amount of material contained in this book, these indices could have easily
been much more extensive. I have edited the general index and the place name index
by excluding all references to minor or rarely mentioned people and places. It is hoped
that these indices will serve the purposes of most readers. Since some specialist readers
might wish to use this book to research even minor points, I will post searchable versions
of the expanded indices on my own website (http://www.ecu.edu/religionprogram/
maher/) and on the website of the Tibetan and Himalayan Library at the University
of Virginia (http://www.thlib.org/). Those indices will include the standard Wylie
spellings for Tibetan words.
Acharya Kirpalani, 1029, 1042–5 calendar, xlii, 220, 551, 763, 1158
Ajo Pelzang, 444, 479 Capuchin missionaries, 419, 450–3
Akya, 637, 703, 717 Changkhyimpa Ngawang Pelzang,
Alexander III, Czar, 653 Cabinet Minister Lama and Prime
Alexandra, Czarina, 688 Minister, 667–70, 674, 678, 683, 692,
Alexis, Prince, 688 702–6, 719–21, 744, 749, 781, 804,
Alliance on the Side of Happiness, 845, 850 822, 904
Alten Khan, 42, 290, 298–305, 358, 755, Changkya, 2nd, Ngawang Chöden
759 (1642–1714), 389
Amdruk Gompa Tashi, 995, 1005–7, Changkya 3rd, Rölpé Dorjé,
1024 (1717–1786), 428–9, 454, 457–64,
Artso monks, 180, 185 478–81, 497
Ashoka Metha, 1029, 1052 Changkya 4th, Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé
Atīśa, 4, 7, 18, 75, 134, 174, 182–98, 350, Drönmé, (1787–1846), 483, 490–507,
555, 802, 1148, 1161 523, 554, 570
Attlee, Prime Minister, 877, 910 Charlemagne, King, 44, 147
Avalokiteśvara, xxxv, 3, 7, 9, 48, 54–5, Chennga Drakpa Jungné, 240, 250
69–74, 86, 122, 133, 161, 166, 235, Chennga Rinpoché Chökyi Drakpa, 209,
301–2, 311, 319, 350–1, 389, 426–8, 251, 274
446, 456, 461–2, 497, 546, 562, 569, Chennga Tsenga, 272–4
582, 630, 634, 689, 707, 736, 749–50, Chenngawa Tsültrimbar, 18, 75
759, 762, 849, 884, 919, 921, 980, 989, Chiang Kaishek, 815–6, 896, 900, 906
1058 Chinese Communists, xl, xliii, xlv, 13,
29, 46, 57, 60–5, 79, 90, 94, 245, 268,
Bahadur Shah Sahib, 510, 523, 534 688, 709, 794, 846, 854–5, 894–6, 907,
Bātur Taiji, 337, 375, 389 912–3, 919–20, 931–8, 941, 947–52,
Bell, Sir Charles, 716, 724, 741, 748, 971–8, 984–90, 999–29, 1042–7, 1057
767–8, 785, 805, 841, 910 Chinese National Assembly, 772, 896–7,
Bentsa Lhopa, 528, 555 906, 973, 975
Betselwa, Dapön, 512, 519 Chingwang Lozang Tendzin, 424, 438
Bhim Sahib, 517, 521–3, 526, 536 Chödar, Gomang Abbot, 530, 546, 555
Bhumpa Dzasak, 777, 811, 843 Chongyé Rinchen Gyelchok, 273–5, 308
Bhumpasé, Cabinet Speaker, 595–6 Chöpel Tupten, Khendrung, 899, 914,
black beer, 251, 263, 271, 408 952, 1027
Bogle, George, 484, 493–4, 554–6, 683, Chungyung, Prince Dāchen, 698, 700–2
1159 Cixi, Empress Dowager, 661, 685,
Bomdawu Topgyel, 846, 852 695–700, 710
Bönshöpa, Cabinet Minister, 881–2, 888 Claude White, 654–5, 664, 670, 681
1166 general index
coinage, 63–4, 90, 104, 225, 328, 415, Dalai Lama, 10th, Tsültrim Gyatso
473–5, 497, 508–18, 524–5, 532–3, (1816–1837), 558, 568–73, 577, 588
703, 802 Dalai Lama, 11th, Khedrup Gyatso
Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare, (1838–1856), 575, 581–2, 588–9,
xiv, 944, 977, 984–8, 996–9, 1008, 616–7, 730
1015, 1029, 1033, 1041 Dalai Lama, 12th, Trinlé Gyatso
Cultural Revolution, xxxii, xlv, 57 (1857–1875), 578, 615, 621, 627, 646,
currency, paper, 2, 59–65, 104, 413, 468, 680
485–7, 633, 703, 763, 780, 794, 802–4, Dalai Lama, 13th, Tupten Gyatso
821, 843, 877, 904–11, 922, 976–7, (1876–1933), xi, xviii, 11, 52, 61, 64,
1003, 1021 89, 94, 97–8, 103, 376, 554, 562, 575,
Curzon, Viceroy Lord George Nathaniel, 588, 617, 625–46, 652–4, 666–711,
651, 663, 682–3 715, 719–52, 759, 762–80, 786–7, 834,
Cutting, Charles Suydam, 819, 843, 891, 836, 849, 893–4, 954, 963
910 Dalai Lama, 14, Tenzin Gyatso (b. 1935),
xiii, xxxvi, li, 20, 62, 90, 94, 102, 124,
Daiching Bātur, 432–47, 452, 478 167, 301, 357, 489, 627, 715, 726, 741,
Dakchen, 252–3, 285 780, 875–6, 879–892, 896, 906–8,
Daknyi Chenpo Zangpo Pel, 225, 231–2, 914–6, 919–922, 927–934, 938–964,
252 969, 972–1064, 1067–1074
Dakpo Kagyü, 18, 263, 283 Dampa Hotoktu, Jetsün, 685–8, 762, 830
Dalai Bātur Gyurmé Namgyel, 454, Darhen Lozang Trinlé, 601, 606, 618
463–73, 478, 496 Dayen Noyön, 299, 304, 348
Dalai Lama, 1st, Gendün Drup Dazang Dradül, 722, 739, 743, 762, 822
(1391–1474), 1, 20, 70, 77, 289, 293–4, Debukpa, Tsipön, 516, 523, 526
1049, 1073, 1133 Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap
Dalai Lama, 2nd, Gendün Gyatso Wangchuk, Regent, 611–4, 643
(1475–1541), 269, 282, 292–5, 302, Dekyi Lingpa, 471, 727
856, 873 Demo Jikmé Gyatso, Regent, 555, 561–2,
Dalai Lama, 3rd, Sönam Gyatso 568, 573
(1543–1588), 56, 73, 241, 295–306, Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé,
310, 317–8, 335, 376, 411 Regent, 624, 635–40
Dalai Lama, 4th, Yönten Gyatso Demo Trülku Namkha Jamyang, 393,
(1589–1616), 101, 305–19, 335 394, 408
Dalai Lama, 5th, Lobsang Gyatso Demo Trülku Ngawang Jampel Delek
(1617–1682), 40, 42, 48, 63, 72–3, 77, Gyatso, 483, 489–91, 494, 497640
86–91, 95, 116, 228, 285, 295–7, 311, Denma Dzöpa, 735, 766
321–74, 381, 383–9, 400–5, 411–4, Denpa Tsojé, 311, 314
420, 424, 437, 448, 456, 469, 475, Desideri, Ippolito, 375, 419, 429
500–2, 608, 638, 695–7, 725, 755, 760, Dharmapāla, 17, 140, 180, 201, 224,
768, 778, 830, 837, 850, 989, 1160 229–31
Dalai Lama, 6th, Tsangyang Gyatso Dokhar Rakshak Sönam Wangyel, 496,
(1683–1706) 381–409, 414, 429 522
Dalai Lama, 7th, Kelzang Gyatso Dokhar Zhapdrung Tsering Wangyel,
(1708–1757), 52, 95, 381, 404–6, 448, 460–8, 479, 556
409–11, 417, 423–7, 431–79, 489, Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé, Cabinet
494, 508, 557, 634, 638, 717, 837, Minister, 963, 985
959 Dokharwa Tsering Wangyel, Cabinet
Dalai Lama, 8th, Jampel Gyatso Minister, 455, 464, 471, 480, 510
(1758–1804), 483, 487–491, 494–6, Dokharwa, Commander Dapön, 743, 748
502–13, 518–525, 528–532, 537–8, Dolan, Lieutenant Brooke, 891–2
545–9, 552, 557 Dolpor Dongpa, 513, 526, 555
Dalai Lama, 9th, Lungtok Gyatso Dönyö Dorjé, 273, 277–8, 294, 298, 313,
(1806–1815), 75, 558–67, 573–4 323, 338, 340
general index 1167
Doring Tendzin Peljor, Cabinet Geluk School, 100, 266–9, 285, 293–7,
Minister, 192, 428, 471, 508, 513–6, 310, 313, 323–6, 329, 331, 335, 338,
521–8, 533–41, 552–4 340, 350, 369, 375, 410, 422, 446, 456,
Dorjé Drakden, 405, 646 498, 836, 861, 1063
Dorjé Pel, 234, 251 Gendün Chöpel, 5, 15, 77, 97–105,
Dorjé Senggé, 717, 800 138–40, 364, 1142, 1156, 1234
Dorjé Tseten, 272, 277 Gendün Gyeltsen, Ganden Tri, 292, 307,
Dorzhiev, (Ngawang Lozang), 641, 652, 308
655, 660, 663, 682, 688, 696, 726, 743, Genghis Khan, 42, 152, 167, 199–209,
769 216, 220, 239–45, 249, 266, 291,
Drakgön Könchok Tenpa Rapgyé, 194–5 304–5, 310, 424, 755, 759, 769–70
Drakpa Gyeltsen, 240–2 Gesar of Ling, xiii, xxxix, 10, 39, 55,
Drakpa Gyeltsen, King, 266–70, 275, 141–3, 175, 192–6, 539–40
289, 293 Geshé Sherap Gyatso, 876, 894
Drakpa Jungné, 246, 250, 271–6 Getak Trülku, 937–8
Drakpa Tayé, 459–61, 490 Goden Khan, 102, 199–202, 209–12,
Drenkha Pelgyi Yönten, 146, 161 217, 230, 234
Drigum Tsenpo, King, 5, 31, 47, 116, Golden Reliquary, tomb of fifth Dalai
205, 275 Lama, 76, 98–9, 141, 171, 396–7, 401,
Drigung Kagyü School, 11, 19, 45, 75, 437
98, 209, 232–4, 240–2, 249–51, 285, Golden Urn Lottery, 504, 557–8, 562,
296, 336, 340, 358, 371, 375, 481, 568–9, 575, 581, 588, 599, 628–9, 724,
1142, 1234 829
Drin Köntel, 690, 718 Gong Jingzong, 876, 885, 888, 889, 891,
Drogön Chakna, 201, 229 893
Drogön Chögyel Pakpa Lodrö Gyeltsen, Gonsuke Hayashi, Japanese
44, 63, 72, 116, 173, 190–4, 227, 231, Ambassador, 701, 710
239, 249, 268 Gould, Basil, 722–3, 775–6, 860, 885–6,
Dromtön Gyelwé Jungné, 12, 18, 75, 910, 914
174, 181, 187–9 Great Prayer Festival, 20, 52, 56, 63, 91,
Drongdrak Makgar, 823, 835–6 106, 247, 268–9, 277, 290, 294–7, 317,
Drongmé Awar (see Desi Sangyé 341, 396, 437, 458–9, 468, 477, 550,
Gyatso) 559, 564–8, 595, 599, 603, 606, 609,
Drukchen Ngawang Chökyi Gyelpo, 633–41, 703, 720–1, 726, 730, 778,
277–8 836–7, 872, 894, 899, 957–9, 964, 977,
Drukchen Ngawang Namgyel, 89, 284 1010
Drukpa Kagyü School, 297, 336, 340, Guangxu, Emperor, 661, 689, 695–700,
369, 371, 414, 510 710
Gung Gyurmé Tseden, 432, 463, 466–8,
earthquake, 238, 336, 410 471, 480
East India Company, 576, 592, 617 Gung Lumpawa, 432, 440–1, 446–8
Eisenhower, General Dwight D., 877, Gung Tsewang Norbu, 424, 435
910 Gurkhas, 522, 593–601, 615–7, 632,
641–2, 650, 664, 671–2, 679, 708, 720,
Fusi Trungtang, 535, 541, 545, 556 730, 744, 769–71, 806–9, 813, 852, 892
Gushri Khan, 42, 95, 106, 202, 218, 285,
Gadong Oracle, 83, 307, 490, 949 289, 321–67, 375–81, 410–4, 424, 429,
Ganden Tsewang Pelsang, 103, 369, 370, 437–8
378 Gyalo Thondup, xiv, xliii, 944, 977, 981,
Gandhi, Mahatma, xxxix, 786, 818, 877, 996, 1031–4, 1041, 1054
898, 905, 982, 1072 Gyelkhar Tsepa, 41, 364
Gazhi Tendzin Peljor, Cabinet Minister, Gyelsé Trülku, 418, 426
441–2, 455, 470–1, 478, 504, 508, 528, Gyelsé Tsodrak Namgyel, 649, 655
534–5, 541, 552–6, 566, 570 Gyeltsen Püntsok, Khenchung, 707, 727
1168 general index
Gyeltsen Zangpo, 227, 251 Jit Bahadur, Nepali Ambassador

Gyelwa Zangpo, Pönchen, 238, 255–62, Captain, 679–81, 720
286 Jordan, British Ambassador Sir John,
701, 744
Hamilton, Alexander, 484, 493 Jowo Mikyö Dorjé, statue, 52, 110, 118,
Hammarskjöld, United Nations 120, 123, 129, 268, 475, 528, 793, 1005
General-Secretary Dag, xiii, 938, 941, Jowo Śākyamuni, statue, 7, 18, 49, 51,
1034, 1053–6, 1065 110, 119–3, 129, 166, 177, 212, 268,
Harrer, Heinrich, 876, 895 271, 307, 309, 312–3, 338, 409, 438,
Hārūn al-Rashid, 10, 146, 147 465, 475, 481, 528, 544, 547, 551, 589,
Hastings, Warren, 484, 493 607, 739, 793, 883, 891, 905, 964,
Helha Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu, 503, 548 1000, 1005
Henderson, Loy, 913, 923 Jung Bahadur, 593–4, 601–2, 617
Heruka, xxxvi, 540, 1149
Hong Taiji, 299, 330, 389–91, 414–18, Kadampa School, 18, 20, 75, 99, 174,
423–4, 429, 444 181, 358, 705, 882, 1146
Hoover, President Herbert, 786, 819 Kaji Ogyen Dorjé, 671, 724, 741
Hor Zhönnu Zangpo, 246, 254–61 Kangxi, Emperor, 367, 378, 386, 406,
Horkhang Dzasak, 705, 740 411, 412, 424, 436, 769–71, 837
Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé Dronmé, 483, Karma Tenkyong Wangpo, 284, 333,
503, 508 346
Huang Musong, 851–2, 887–9 Karmapa, 1st, Dusum Khyenpa,
(1110–1193), 19, 43, 191
Inter-Asian Conference, 877, 897 Karmapa, 2nd, Pakṣ, (1204–1283), 44,
International Commission of Jurists, 76, 218
897, 1034, 1057–8, 1064, 1158 Karmapa, 3rd, Rangjung Dorjé,
(1284–1338), 68, 218, 238, 264–5
Jaisang, 355, 361, 369, 418–22, 440 Karmapa, 4th, Rölpé Dorjé, (1340–1383),
Jamchen Chöjé Śākya Yeshé, 93, 268–9 265
Jampa Chözang, Khenchung, 707–8, Karmapa, 5th, Dezhin Shekpa, (1384–1415),
719–20 267–8
Jampa Namgyel, 705, 740 Karmapa, 7th, Chödrak Gyatso,
Jampa Tendar, Cabinet Minister Do (1454–1506), 277, 294
Governor Lama, 95, 736, 738, 749, Karmapa, 8th, Mikyö Dorjé, (1507–1554),
762, 794, 962 74, 279
Jampa Tendzin, Cabinet Deputy Karmapa, 9th, Wangchuk Dorjé,
Commander-in-Chief Lama, 671, (1556–1601/3), 282
676–8 Karmapa, 10th, Chöying Dorjé,
Jampa Tupwang, 710, 763 (1604–1674), 70, 247, 274, 283–5, 292,
Jamyang Chöjé, 295, 489 317, 323, 327, 339, 349–50, 375–8
Jamyang Gyeltsen, Tsedrön, 721, 730 Karmapa, 12th, Jangchub Dorjé,
Jamyang Zhepa, xx, 75, 158, 208, 240, (1703–1732), 453, 1063
317, 381, 394–9, 406, 427–9, 499, 691, Karmapa, 16th, Rangjung Rigpe Dorje,
908, 1011 (1923–1981), 974, 995, 1002, 1060,
Jangchup Gyeltsen, Tai Situ, 88, 239, 1063
249–65, 285 Kawaguchi, Ekai, 641, 652–5, 682, 709,
Jangchup Ö, 18, 174, 182–9, 516, 555 1158
Janglo Jenpa, Dapön, 421, 441–5, 504, Kemepa Sönam Wangdu, Dzasak, 952,
512, 516, 528, 534 958
Jangpa Rikden, 41, 67, 364 Kengshi Palace, 137, 153
Jara Taiji, 432–48, 480 Keu Tsang Trülku Rinpoché, 859, 879,
Jedrung Trülku, 395, 426, 448 880
Jetsün Dampa, 487, 503–4, 548–9 Khangchené Sönam Gyelpo, 382, 416,
Jinamitra, 148, 180 423–6, 432–6, 447
general index 1169
Khangser Trülku, 859, 879 Lhamo Döndrup, 599, 856, 880–1,

Khedrup Gelek Pelzang, 20, 270–1 932–4
Khelkha Helha Jetsün Dampa, 587, Lhato Tori Nyentsen, 110, 117–8
614–5 Lhatsün, 187–8, 261, 330
Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel, 707, 811 Lian Amban, 729–31
Könchok Dalai Khan, 364, 378, 389 Lianyu, Manchu Amban, 733, 745, 747
Könchok Gyelpo, 18, 200, 210 Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok
Könchok Jikmé Wangpo, 99, 166–72, Namgyel Trinlé Pelzangpo, 834, 964
377, 394–7, 406, 427–9, 479–80, 499, Lingmé Zhapdrung Könchok Chöpel,
553–4 331–2, 371
Kublai Khan, 11, 44, 199–202, 217–30, Lo Titai, 714, 728–9, 732
239–49, 290, 321, 347–8 Lochen Dharma Śri, 403, 421
Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Ngözhi Jampa Lodrö Gyelpo, 67, 105, 1145
Tupwang, 67, 105, 1143 Longdöl Lama, 372, 497
Kündün Rinpoché Chösang Trinlé, 307, Long-Life Ceremony, 833, 1000
376 Lozang Chödrak, 105, 492, 1145
Kündün Zhing, 71, 247, 281–2 Lozang Chögyen, 105, 308, 317–8, 351,
Künga Gyeltsen, Jetsün, 200, 210 363, 376–7
Künga Lekpa, 231, 271–5 Lozang Dargyé, 365, 392, 426, 440, 627
Künga Rinchen, 238, 627–8 Lozang Gyeltsen, 596, 981, 1041
Künga Zangpo, 201, 218, 223–8 Lozang Gyeltsen, Khenchung, xiv, 977,
Künzang Pak, 270, 287 981
Künzang Tsepa, 298, 305 Lozang Khan, 359, 389–423, 428–9, 435,
Kurap, 275, 284, 308, 345 439, 448
Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang, xlv, xlvi, 71, Lozang Tendzin, 617, 686
73, 95, 225, 340, 427 Lozang Trashi, Prime Minister, 902, 945,
Kyishö Depa, 308, 341, 351, 364, 376, 951, 957, 960–2, 1006, 1015, 1023,
391 1027, 1045
Kyitöpa, 592–3, 600, 618, 851 Lozang Trinlé, Cabinet Minister Lama,
672, 677, 704, 727
Lachen Gongpa Rapsel, 17, 178, 186, 457 Lozang Tsewang, Khenchung, 859, 880,
Lama Jampel, 252, 553 929
Lama Katokpa, 461, 474 Lozang Tutop, Desi, 41, 365, 366
Lama Künpangpa, 260, 262 Lozang Yarpel, 853, 904
Lama Nyamepa, 252–6, 260 Luchun, 719, 720, 816, 830
Lamo Tsangpa Oracle, 285, 305, 391, Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten, Prime
396, 397, 404, 415–6, 465 Minister, (1898–1966), 945, 951,
Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen, Ganden Tri 960–2, 988, 991, 1029–31, 1037,
Rinpoche, 678, 692 1041–2
Lang Darma, King, 11, 17, 32, 112–3, Lumpa Bargung, 439
162–4, 173–8, 190, 217, 582, 982 Lumpa, Tsipön, 418, 435–6, 440–8,
Langdün Gung Künga Wangchuk, 480
Prime Minister, 847–9, 872 Lungshar Dorjé Tsegyel, Tsipa, 765, 806,
Lekpa Pel, Pönchen, 238, 255 811, 821–2, 845, 849–50
Lelung Jedrung Lozang Trinlé, 395, 408,
422, 427–8, 447–8 Ma Bufang, 824, 875, 880
Lepar Lozang Trinlé, Khendrung, 663–5 Ma Hotien, 862, 870
Lhalu, Cabinet Minister Lhengyé, 647–8, Ma Titel, 717, 750
667, 680, MacDonald, Brigadier General James
Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, Do Governor and R. L., 671, 675–6, 723, 742, 751, 1159
Cabinet Minister, 899–902, 915–7, Mahābodhi Society, xliii, 741
923, 935–6, 991, 1028 Mahākāla, 277, 308, 502, 506, 537
Lhalung Pelgyi Dorjé, 113, 163–4, 178, Mahārāja Gulab Singh (1792–1857),
190 576, 585
1170 general index
Maitreya, 17, 69, 76–7, 91, 105, 153, 167, Nationalist government, 809, 815, 824,
177, 269, 359, 458, 466 851, 854, 860, 863, 885, 893–4, 906–9,
Makgyapa, the King of Magadha, 109, 115 913, 920
Manchu Dynasty, 199, 700, 755, 759–60 Nechung Oracle, 83, 91, 103, 360, 384,
Mangsong Mangtsen, Tibetan King, 125, 490, 569, 607, 615, 628, 635–8, 646,
126 667–9, 683, 709, 829, 833, 836, 880,
Mañjuśrī, xxxv, 48, 55, 133, 195–7, 288, 949, 1151
357, 389, 456, 475, 493, 497, 685, 693, Nedongpa, 238, 249–1, 269, 280, 296
699, 1141, 1152 Nehru, Prime Minister Jawaharlal, xxxix,
Mao Zedong (1893–1976), xiii, 124, 846, 14, 780, 877, 898, 903–8, 911, 915–6,
915, 920–1, 958, 972–4, 984–7 922–31, 938, 981–8, 1002–3, 1029–33,
Marpa Lotsāwa Chökyi Lodrö, 18, 190 1037–47, 1070
Mar Śākyamuṇi, 163, 173, 178, 197 Neshar Tupten Tarpa, Dzasak, 781, 963
McMahon, Foreign Minister Sir Henry, Neu Shak Khyenrap Püntsok, Khenché,
756, 767, 770–4, 781, 1050 721, 728
Menon, Foreign Secretary Kumara Ngadak Yumten, 177, 287
Menon (1898–1982), 905–7, 911, 916, Ngagi Wangchuk, King, 272–3, 276, 296
922–4, 928–9, 932–8 Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, Cabinet
Milarepa, 19, 74, 98, 101–2, 180, 190, Minister, xiii, 915, 923, 936, 944,
311, 516, 699, 1159, 1234 950–8, 978, 988, 991, 996–7, 1002,
Ming Dynasty, 43, 243–5, 249, 324, 755, 1011–17
760 Ngapöpa, 432–48, 480
Minto, Indian Viceroy Lord, 683, 714, Ngawang Chödrak Gyatso, 26, 403
724, 735 Ngawang Döndrup, xlv, 572
Mipam Wangpo, 369, 453 Ngawang Drakpa, 273, 873, 1017, 1027
Mipam, Gyeltsap, 803, 807 Ngawang Gyatso, 453, 899
Miwang Kuzhap, (see Polhané) Ngawang Jampel, 577, 587, 703, 706
Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang, 28, 764, Ngawang Lozang, (see Dorzhiev)
812 Ngawang Lozang Tupten Gyatso Jikdrel
Mong Consort Tricham, 119–22 Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé
Mu Amban, 486, 520–1 Dé, Jetsün, 629, 698
Muné Tsenpo, 10, 41, 78, 88, 144–5, 161 Ngawang Namgyel, 106, 273, 278–8,
Murup Tsenpo, 10, 94, 144 317–8, 333, 350–2, 361, 377
Muslims, 582, 630, 706–8, 720, 750, 883 Ngawang Pelsang, 105, 437
Ngawang Rinchen, Regent (1703–1706),
Nāgārjuna, xlvi, 20, 67, 72 397, 403–8
Nakchu, 397–9, 410, 440, 548 Ngawang Samten, 386–8, 427
Naktso Lotsāwa, 185–9, 197 Ngawang Yeshé Gyatso, 409–10, 420–1
Namkha Gyelpo, Depa, Gandenpa, 270, Ngödrup Rapten Gung Paṇḍita, Cabinet
276–7 Minister, 464, 468–70, 490, 496
Namri Songtsen, 9, 117 Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, 637, 687, 696,
Namsé Lingpa, Dapön, 672–4, 863–4, 752, 778
867–8 Ngözhi, Khenchung, 1007, 1020
Nangchen Wangdzön, 246, 254–5, Nicholas II, Czar of Russia, 653, 682,
260–1 688, 694, 726, 838
Nangkarsé, 570, 581 Norbu Zangpo, 272, 276, 287
Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, 811, Nupchen Sangyé Yeshé, 17, 163
821–2, 850 Nyang Tingdzin Zangpo, 146, 162
Nangtsé Khuwön, 277, 294 Nyatri Tsenpo, 9, 15–6, 31, 109, 115–6,
Narayan, Shri J. P., 1045, 1057 153, 164–6, 217
Nāropa, 18, 180 Nyatri Tsenpo, Lord, 9, 47
National Volunteer Defense Army, Nye, British High Commissioner Sir
995–7, 1000–1, 1005–9, 1016–26, Archibald Nye, 915, 922
1029–31, 1061 Nyené Chenpo, 201, 226–8
general index 1171
Nyingma School, 76, 194, 247, 282–5, Peljor Dorjé, 668, 768, 821
323, 332, 337, 372–4, 421–3 Peljor Gyelpo, 75, 272
Pellhün Lhünpo, Cabinet Minister, 583,
O’Conner, Captain William, 664, 671–7, 584–6, 594–6
684 Pelzhiwa, Dapön Dromo Governor, 742,
Ogyen Wangchuk, 666, 671, 680, 693 748
Ön Gyelsé Dönyö Chökyi Gyatso, 308, Pema Gyelpo, 369, 378
446 Pema Karpo, Drukpa Künkhyen, 71, 98,
Orongpa, 410, 416–7 105, 275–88, 297, 317–8, 1234
Ösung, 75, 177, 179 Pema Tsering, 421, 640
Özer Sengé, 238, 254 Peter Aufschneider, 7, 895
Peter, Prince, 7, 98, 1160, 1234
Padmasaṃbhava, 16, 56, 92, 111, 132–3, Pin Tungling, 766, 792, 793
140–4, 282, 315, 333, 347, 371, 421, Pokpön Kyitöpa, 593, 617
500, 516, 636, 749, 982, 1058 Polhané Taiji Sönam Topgyé, 382, 403,
Pajo Lhakhangpa Tendzin Namgyel, 410–7, 422–5, 439–63, 478–80, 496
Dapön, 504, 535 Pön Khorlo Ché, 312, 316
Pakmo Drupa, 11, 19, 41, 95, 238–76, preceptor–patron relationship, xli, 42,
287, 347, 364, 391 103, 201–5, 222, 230–1, 239, 249,
Pakpa Rinpoché, Lodrö Gyeltsen, 11, 275–9, 300, 321, 377, 386, 396–401,
44, 199–202, 212–33, 245, 290, 321, 411, 436, 462, 473, 492, 498, 512–19,
346–8 565, 588, 603–5, 697, 702, 729–37,
Paṇchen Lama, 1st, Lozang Chökyi 755, 759–60, 770, 816, 820, 830, 837,
Gyelsten (1570–1662), 73, 292, 308–9, 851, 910, 919–20, 925–7, 1021
314–6, 331–4, 342–9, 354–8, 392, 992 Preparatory Committee for the
Paṇchen Lama, 2nd, Lozang Yeshé Autonomous Region of Tibet,
(1663–1737), 371, 386–91, 399, 414–8, 973–1002
435, 443, 453, 465 Prithvinarayan Shah, 485, 509
Paṇchen Lama, 3rd, Lozang Pelden Pudé Gungyel, 16, 116–7
Yeshé (1738–1780), 464–5, 484, 497, Pünkhang Trashi Dorjé, Taiji, 705, 721
503, 509 Püntsok Namgyel, 89, 283–4, 309,
Paṇchen Lama, 4th, Tenpé Nyima 315–7, 323, 327–9, 333, 362, 615
(1781–1854), 548, 561, 566, 569, 577, Püntsok, Khenché, Khyenrap, 637, 727,
581–2, 587–90 731
Paṇchen Lama, 5th, Tenpé Wangchuk Pulungpa Tsewang Dorjé, Cabinet
(1854–1882), 621, 627–33, 665, 684 Minister, 606–9, 780
Paṇchen Lama, 6th, Chökyi Nyima Purchok Ngawang Jampa, (1682–1762),
(1883–1937), 77, 706, 715, 732–3, 743, 103, 146, 400, 428, 458, 463, 479–80
777, 785–6, 803–9, 815, 832, 846–7, Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa
860–71, 876, 880, 921 Gyatso, (1825–1901), 614–9, 627, 630,
Paṇchen Lama, 7th, Kelzang Tseden 634, 654–5
(1938–1989), 715, 907, 945–7, 952–4, Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa
963, 972–3, 978–90, 995, 1001, 1038 Tsültrim, (1902?–?), 751, 780, 829,
Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa, 99, 115, 181, 833–4, 844, 849, 859, 879
296 Puyi, Emperor, 698–700, 710
Pāṇḍava brothers, 5–7, 102
Paṇḍita Smṛtijñānakīrti, 16, 181 Qianlong, Emperor, 457, 464, 473, 480,
Pangtang Kamé, 128, 146 496–501, 522–4, 555–6
Pelden Döndrup, ii, 514, 575, 581,
606–14 Radhakrishnan, Dr. Vice President, 981,
Pelden Lhamo, xxxviii, xlii, 89, 93, 163, 1029
370–1, 448, 515, 528–32, 553, 592, Radreng, 5th, Jampel Yeshé Tenpé
599, 632, 669, 846, 856, 919, 932, 934 Gyeltsen (1912/1919–1947), 845–9,
Pelden Trashi, 548, 561 855–9, 872–90, 898–903
1172 general index
Radreng Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Sarat Chandra Das (1849–1917), 623,

Tsültrim Gyeltsen (1816–1863), 630–1, 652, 840
577–9, 589, 593–5, 599–610, 617–8 Sarjungpa, Cabinet Minister, 571, 589,
Rajendra Prasad, President, 929–31, 981, 611, 721
1047 Sarojini Naidu, xxxix, 877, 898
Rampa Tupten Künkhyen, Cabinet scripts, 13–5, 99, 118–20, 224, 357, 376,
Minister Lama, 850, 855, 900, 922, 476–7, 706, 818, 842, 857, 982, 1075
950, 963, 991 Sechen Gyelpo, 200, 207, 217, 222–30
Rampawa, Cabinet Deputy, 644, 727, Sechen Hong Taiji, 299, 304, 312
740 Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung, 683, 709
Rana Bahadur Shah, 510, 534, 547 Seventeen Point Agreement, 917, 934,
Rani Chöying Wangmo, xlvi, 988, 1040 944, 953–63, 978, 984, 1002–4, 1021,
Rapjampa Sönam Drakpa, 314–6 1033, 1038, 1045, 1058
Rapten Künzang Pak, 76, 270 Shakabpa Losel Döndrup, xiii, 903
Rapten Sharpa, 416, 443, 456 Shakabpa Tashi Puntsok, xiii, 445, 704
Relpachen, King, 10, 51, 65, 70, 78, 88, Shakabpa Tenzin Norgye, Tsipa, 13, 711,
106, 111–3, 143–61, 172, 186, 191, 744, 879
197, 982 Shakabpa, Tsepon Wangchuk Deden,
Richardson, Hugh, 586, 852, 886–8, 896, (author of this book), xi–xxxiv,
924, 1055 xliv–xlvi, 46, 104, 445, 563, 716, 722,
Rikdzin Dorjé, 764, 804, 824–8 739, 751, 786, 846, 872, 875, 877–9,
Rikdzin Ngagi Wangpo, 284–8, 333 900, 904–912, 915–35, 938–44, 950,
Rinchen Zangpo, 16, 173, 180–1, 187, 977, 996–998, 1015, 1027, 1031,
982 1034–5, 1054, 1073–4
Rinpungpa, 41, 243, 249, 271–81, 287, Shatri Tsenpo, 116, 275
364 Shedra Döndrup Dorjé, Cabinet
Rockhill, W. W., 629, 694, 701, 710, 840 Minister, 559, 563, 569–71, 607
Roosevelt, President Franklin D., 876, Shedra Hor Kunga Peljor, Cabinet
891–2 Minister, 534–6, 540–1
Shedra Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet Minister,
Sachen Künga Nyingpo, 18, 63, 207–8 xxxviii, 667, 767, 804
Saga Dawa celebration, 72, 438, 548, 740 Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo, Cabinet
Śākya Gyeltsen, 265, 276 Minister, (1795–1864), 579, 583,
Sakya Jetsün Sönam Gyeltsen, 147, 191 586–610, 616
Sakya Paṇḍita Künga Gyeltsen, 17–8, Shedra Tsering Wangchuk, Cabinet
43, 191, 199–201, 216, 233, 240, 279, Minister, 611–4, 618–9
347, 690 Shedrawa Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet
Śākya Zangpo, Pönchen, 63, 232 Minister, 652, 658, 667–71, 678, 683,
Sakyong Trashi Rapten, 299, 302 692, 706, 709, 719, 721, 727–8, 734,
Salungpa, 808, 843, 1028 751, 767–8, 773–7, 804, 821–2
Samdrup Lingpa, 417, 441 Shen Zonglian, 893, 896, 906
Samdrup Podrangpa, Cabinet Minister Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé,
Taiji, 586, 596, 600 619, 1013
Samposé Tendzin Döndrup, 952, 958, Shenkhawa, Deputy, 990, 1012
1028 Sherap Drakpa, 591, 592
Samyé Oracle, 360, 490 Sherap Wangchuk, Desi of Bhutan, 474, 491
Sangyé Gyatso, Desi, Regent Shunzhi, Emperor 324, 353, 356, 377,
(1679–1703), 38, 49, 63–8, 73–5, 456, 695, 697, 837
98–106, 141, 158, 170–1, 286, 318, Sikhs, 583–5, 589–91, 602, 725, 770
329, 351, 366–70, 374–92, 396–404, Sikyong Trülku, 642–3, 650, 655, 709
413–4, 427–8, 475, 525, 778 Sikyong Wang Dalai Bātur, 464–71, 480
Sangyé Gyeltsen, 271, 275 Simla Conference, xxxviii, 157–8, 377,
Śāntaraksita, 132, 982 545, 682, 716, 750–1, 756, 767–776,
Śāntideva, xli, 458, 529 781, 846, 851, 916, 926, 1049–50
general index 1173
Situ Rinpoché Tenpé Nyinjé, 98, 105, Tendzin Peljor, 192, 428, 508, 513–6,
425, 430, 1234 526, 541–3
smallpox, 284, 333, 368, 386, 390, 443–4, Tendzin Wangpo, 387, 396
492–3, 497, 503, 568 Tendzin Wangyel, 389, 391
Sönam Chöpel, Regent, 52, 103, 285, 348 Tendzin, Khyenrap, 882, 900
Sönam Gyeltsen, 106, 168–171, 197, 210, Tenling Dza Lama, 527, 528, 531
231, 238, 254–5, 327 Tenpa Dargyé, 75, 1018
Sönam Gyeltsen, Khenchung, 639, 705, Tenpé Gyeltsen, 600, 777
1012 Tensung Wangpo, 282, 283, 309
Sönam Topgyel, 52, 63, 741, 873 Tenzin Norgye, 609, 615
Songtsen Gampo, xxxv, 3, 9, 12–5, 40, Tertön Rinpoché, 384, 402
48–53, 69–70, 86–7, 93–4, 110–1, Thubten Tsepal Taikhang, Khenchung,
117–29, 135, 153, 159–61, 167, 186, xvi–xvii, xxiii, xlviii, 104
263, 350–1, 363, 475, 982, 1148 Tibetan National Assembly, 587–9, 594,
stone pillar, 10, 51, 54, 88, 98, 103, 121, 599, 607, 614–5, 628, 632, 639–40,
130–40, 148, 153–63, 170–2, 436, 604, 644–5, 664–9, 678–81, 691–2, 708,
618, 696 711, 719–20, 739–44, 759, 776–9,
Sun Yatsen, 715, 733, 851 808–10, 834, 849, 859–72, 877–83,
Surya, 415–9, 435 887–94, 898, 901, 913, 919–21, 930–5,
suzerainty, 682–3, 756, 771–3, 815, 926, 949–50, 964, 993
940, 1038, 1048–53, 1104, 1116 Togan Tada, 675, 700, 709, 752, 766,
819, 843, 1161
Tā Lama, 80–5, 104, 549 Tolstoy, Captain Ilia, 891–2
Tabön Lodrö Gyeltsen, 246, 262 Tongzhi, Emperor, 608, 628, 699
Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop Tönmi Sambhoṭa, 14, 110, 118, 120, 166,
Tenpé, Regent (1874–1952), 807, 834, 539, 982
875–93, 898–901, 949, 1019 Trashi Döndrup, 823, 836
Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé, 592, Trashi Khangsar, Cabinet Minister,
593 590–6, 600–6
Taklung Kagyü School, 19, 56, 77, 296, Trashi Öbar, 489, 494
328–31, 337, 342, 346, 350, 358, 371, Trashi Püntsok, 338, 504, 534
426, 455 Trashi Topgyel, 281–2, 288
Taktsang Lotsāwa Sherap Rinchen, 4, Trashi Tsepa, 410, 417, 435, 436
67–8, 73, 105, 115, 228, 234, 239–42 Trechungpa, Chöjé, 291, 310, 311
Taktsé, Desi, 393, 411, 418–26, 435–7 Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso, xii, 790,
Taktser Jikmé Norbu Choktrül 798–9, 826, 853
Rinpoché Tupten Norbu, xiv, 943, Tridé Songtsen, 112, 117, 144–6, 154
949, 981, 1034, 1054 Tridé Tsukten, 9, 130
Tan Guansan, 997, 1010–7 Tridé Tsuktsen, 111, 127–30, 136, 146,
Tanawa, 751, 780, 790 150, 154, 161
Tangtong Gyelpo, 193, 271–3 Trijang Dorjé Chang Lozang Yeshé
Tatsak Tenpé Gönpo, Regent (1760–1810), Tendzin Gyatso, Junior Tutor, 618,
484, 499, 508, 522, 526, 538, 548–7, 619, 834, 974, 1063
565 Trimon, Cabinet Minister Norbu
Tatsak Kündeling Jedrung Chökyi Wangyal, xi, xxxviii, 704, 710, 736–40,
Gyeltsen, Regent, 580, 615, 627–9, 632 749, 762, 767–8, 777, 849, 850, 855,
taxation, 80, 101, 104, 137, 183, 186, 856, 858
280, 366, 376, 412, 458–9, 475, 488, Trin Taitu, 541, 556
505, 517, 548–9, 610, 761, 770, 802–5, Trinlé Gyatso, Regent, 363, 400
838, 894, 964, 968, 969, 992, 1000 Trinlé Namgyel, 616, 647–9, 655
Teichman, Eric, 95, 107, 750–1, 783, Trisong Detsen, King, xxxv, 9, 12, 16–7,
795–9, 842 27, 40–1, 54, 67, 69, 78, 88, 94, 111–2,
Tendzin Dalai Khan, 364, 378, 389–90 129–46, 169, 171, 172, 186, 803, 982
Tendzin Gyatso, 883, 949 Trisong Deutsen, King, 9, 12
1174 general index
Tritsuk Detsen, 112, 147, 153–5 Vairochana, 67, 133

Tropu Lotsāwa Jampa Pel, 17, 191, 196 Vajrabhairava, 454, 632, 678, 803, 836
Tsador Ngawang Tsültrim, 483, 496 Vajrapāni, 48, 55, 133
Tsang Rapsel, 17, 163, 173, 178–9, Vasubandhu, xxxviii, 181, 344
197 Vimalamitra, 146, 982
Tsarong Dazang Dradül, Dzasak, 64, Viṣṇu, 49, 281, 313, 539, 750
777, 820–1, 902, 1028
Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo, Cabinet Wang Gyurmé Namgyel, 463, 473
Minister, 663, 684, 692, 710, 740, 762, Wang Qimei, 937–8, 950, 958
804 Wangdzön, 260–2
Tsawa Tritrül, 744, 752, 766 Wencheng Gongzhu, Princess, 50, 69,
Tsedrön Döndrup Püntsok, 516, 521 78, 118–9
Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten World War I, 764, 775
Öden, 985, 996, 1008 World War II, 895, 896, 1053
Tsemön Ling Nomihen Ngawang Wu Kontai, 722, 751, 791
Jampel Tsültrim Gyatso, Regent, 568, Wu Zhongxin, 884–6, 889
577, 587, 727
Tsenpo Nomihen, 446, 447, 448, 499, Xuantong, Emperor, 698–704, 710, 733,
554 830, 920
Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang, 641, 663,
696 Yasujiro Yajima, 765, 820
Tsering Döndrup, 374, 418–22 Yasumasa Fukushima, General, 694
Tsering Trashi, 398–99 701
Tseten Dorjé, 67, 71, 247, 281 Yazangpa, 254–6, 262
Tseten Wangchuk, 673, 804, 822 Yeshé Gyeltsen, 515, 521
Tsewang Rapten, 365, 389, 414–6, 423, Yeshé Tsültrim, 589, 907
429 Yeshé Wanggyel, 590, 591
Tsogowa, Cabinet Minister, 611, 619 Yeshé Ö, 18, 173–86, 197, 806
Tsokchen Trülku, 640, 748 Yifan Zhen, Amban, 756, 767–72
Tsokyé Dorjé, 273–6, 278, 287, 335, Yo Gewajung, 17, 163, 173, 178–9, 197
1020 Younghusband, Col. Francis, iii, 654–8,
Tsongkhapa, Lozang Drakpa, 20, 52, 663–5, 671–84, 708–10, 723–5, 750,
56, 63, 73–7, 93, 105, 197, 266–70, 1163
286–93, 303, 338, 350, 358–9, 377, Youtai, Manchu Amban, 679, 683
390–3, 418, 456–8, 464–6, 525, 617, Yuan Dynasty, 199–200, 324
637, 690, 820, 1062 Yuan Shihkai, 699, 733, 744, 748, 759
Tsültrim Gyatso, 305, 331, 569, 573 Yuan, Ambassador, 928, 933, 952
Tsukpu Namgyel, 642–3, 654–5 Yugang, Amban, 640, 769
Tsungtu, 636–7, 669, 692, 717, 824 Yungpa Tsewang, 273, 277
Tuken Lozang Chökyi Dorjé, 198, 461, Yutok Trashi Döndrup, Cabinet Minister,
479 511, 525–34, 540, 542, 555, 629
Tupten Gyelpo, Tsechak Khenchung, Yutok, Cabinet Deputy, 652, 668, 670,
xiii, 915–21, 931–4, 938, 951 676–8, 823, 899, 1029, 1037, 1041
Tupten Künpel, 787, 821–3, 834–6, 846
Tupten Pema, Hor Governor, Zhamar, 1st, Tokden Drakpa Sengé,
Khenchung, 863–8 (1283–1349), 235, 308–15
Tupten Tendar, Khendrung, 952, 958 Zhamar Chökyi Drakpa Gyatso, 4th,
Tutop Namgyel, 615, 643–4, 709 (1453–1524), 71, 273, 277
Twenty-Nine Article Imperial Ordinance, Zhamar Garwang Chökyi Wangchuk,
310, 487, 557 6th, (1584–1630), 291, 308, 310–1,
315, 336
Ugotai Khan, 199, 211 Zhamar, 10th, Chödrup Gyatso,
United Nations, 914, 939, 942–3, 951, (1741/2–1792), 310, 453, 485–6, 502,
991, 1052–6, 1064–7, 1161–2 508–25, 531–41, 546, 555
general index 1175
Zhamar Rapjam, 336–7 Zhou Enlai, Prime Minister, 780, 946,

Zhang Guohua, 953, 955, 958, 1008, 953–6, 972, 984–8, 1033, 1043–6
1013, 1038 Zhukhang Rapjampa Gelek Lhündrup,
Zhang Jingwu, 953–8, 978, 1003, 1008, 308, 312
1013 Zhölkhang Tseten Wangchuk, Tsechak,
Zhang Yintang, Manchu Amban, 692, Cabinet Minister, 639, 667–70,
693, 703, 708 678–83, 692, 706, 719–21, 727, 775,
Zhang Zhung Consort Litikmen, 119–20 804, 811, 822, 843
Zhangyu Drakpa, 56, 190 Zorawar Singh (1786–1841), 576, 583,
Zhao Erfeng, 661, 689–90, 702–3, 713–6, 587, 616
734, 750–1, 768–9, 1152 Zurchen Chöying Rangdröl, 73, 363, 371
Zhappé Menkhap Töpa, Governor, 814, Zurkhang, Ü Dapön, 583–4, 631, 647–8
824 Zurkhangpa Wangchen Gelek, Cabinet
Zhingshakpa Tseten Dorjé, 279–82 Minister, 826–7, 863–4, 871, 900, 952,
Zhönnu Zangpo, 258–61 972, 1003, 1008–13
INDEX OF LOCATIONS
Afghanistan, 5, 102, 236, 684, 1066 Chakla Pass, 435, 594, 606–8, 636–7,
Africa, 1034, 1057, 1066 684, 882
Amdo, 172, 429, 554, 952 Chakpori Mountain, 54–5, 895, 1015,
Arik, 275, 409 1025
Assam, 8, 732, 814, 890, 925, 1003, 1059 Chakzam, 723, 1017, 1020
Australia, 938, 1055 Chakzam Monastery, 722, 748
Chakzamkha, 790–4
Ba, xlix, 9, 74–6, 100, 119–20, 126, Chamdo, 9, 28, 75–9, 303, 340–41, 486,
132, 156–57, 197, 353, 359, 366, 391, 528–33, 551, 567–8, 594, 607, 617,
409, 500, 504, 551, 566, 570, 594, 637, 691, 716–9, 734–5, 751, 766, 780,
606–9, 680, 689, 717–8, 735, 766, 769, 789–95, 802, 826–8, 853, 861, 867,
789–95, 828, 853–4, 906, 923, 935, 871, 923, 930–7, 941, 950–2, 958,
958, 974 974–9, 1001–2
Ba Monastery, 689, 691, 718 Chamdo Monastery, 793, 938
Baghdad, 10, 147 Changkhyim, 410, 420
Belgium, 939, 1060 Chatreng Sampel Ling Monastery,
Bengal, 18, 182, 360, 493, 494, 840 606–9, 680, 689–90, 718, 923, 974,
Bentsang Monastic College, 494, 640, 980, 1000
748 Chefoo, 625, 644, 654, 655, 1090, 1091
Beri, 540, 594, 606, 608, 799, 823, 824, Chingur, 739, 1028
871, 974 Chingwar Taktsé, 47, 117, 327, 330–1,
Bhutan, xliii, xlvi, 5, 8, 59–60, 82, 171, 375
266, 283, 284, 297, 310, 316–24, Chökhor Gyel Monastery, 295, 296, 315,
332–3, 350–2, 360–1, 363–64, 377–8, 408, 615, 627, 641, 855–7, 880
385, 412–14, 438, 452–5, 474–9, Chökhor Yangtsé Monastery, 747–9
490–94, 503, 509, 563, 569–73, 621, Chongyé, 98, 123, 272, 281–3, 296, 317,
638, 642–8, 654, 666, 679, 681, 693, 327, 331–2, 339, 345, 349, 375, 395,
725, 743, 766, 773–4, 838, 883, 888, 584, 1005
953, 958, 1029, 1042, 1051, 1059, 1066 Chumik, 11, 270
Bihar, 109, 115, 122, 133, 170, 198 Chushur, 606, 673, 722, 747, 811, 843,
Birla House, 905, 1040 898
Blue Castle, 304–5, 318, 358, 367 Chuzang, 55, 408, 438
Bomdila, 1037, 1059–60 Cooch Behar, 492–4
Bongwari Mountain, 55, 548
Boudanāth Stūpa, 441, 478, 510, 539 Dākhurel, 685–7
Bulgaria, 1048, 1051 Dakpo, 8, 19, 59, 78, 88, 275, 327–33,
Bumtang, 170, 350, 360, 363, 410, 414, 340, 348, 360, 401, 441, 471, 531, 553,
416, 417, 668 562, 599, 621, 627–9, 666, 672, 728,
Burma, 9, 13, 25, 43, 121, 645, 791–3, 736, 740, 764, 859, 1005
890, 938, 1030, 1055–7, 1066 Dalhousie, 1042, 1058, 1060
Dam, 46, 56, 69, 297, 334, 342–3, 359,
Calcutta, 64, 493, 649–51, 683, 692, 707, 397–400, 406, 410, 413–18, 497, 555,
715–9, 724–6, 733, 741, 748, 752, 763, 762, 959
768, 775, 780, 859, 922, 933–5, 971, Dampa Rangdröl Monastery, 636–7
987, 1041–5 Damtö Uma Trashi Tang, 454, 882
Cambodia, 9, 1055, 1066 Dangla Pass, 426, 705, 881
Canada, xxxi, 938 Dargyé Monastery, 823–4, 871, 974
1178 index of locations
Darjeeling, 643–52, 667–71, 724–41, Dram, 527–8, 532–4

765–7, 805, 810–12, 821, 953, 974–5, Dranak Zhöl, 604–5
987–8, 1029–31, 1040, 1058–60, 1074 Drapzhi, 55, 64, 417, 454, 738–9, 745,
Dartsedo, 152, 340, 348, 353, 366, 749, 764, 780, 804, 813, 821, 823,
389–91, 409, 504, 533, 567, 581, 602, 825, 828, 835, 843, 900, 902, 904, 912,
618, 717–8, 728, 751, 768–70, 789–99, 1018, 1028, 1153
824, 861, 871, 885, 889, 935, 952, 959, Drazhöl, 736–42
974–6, 1000–2 Drepung Monastery, xix, 55–61, 76,
Dehra Dun, 895, 1040, 1060 80–83, 89–92, 103, 248, 276–77,
Dekyi Lingkha, 852, 1011, 1018 283–302, 307–18, 323, 327–48, 354,
Delhi, xxxix, xl, xliii, 74, 202, 236–7, 387, 392–99, 404–6, 411–7, 426,
616, 774, 780, 896–7, 904–5, 911–5, 436–9, 445–9, 455–61, 489–96,
922–4, 929, 935, 939–40, 952, 963, 518, 528–31, 562–3, 564–70, 581–2,
971, 981–7, 998–9, 1024, 1029–4, 588–618, 629–645, 665–81, 691,
1042, 1047, 1054–9, 1157–60 705–6, 728–43, 749–50, 760–7, 778,
Denkhok, 74, 825, 863–4, 923, 935–6, 806–15, 832–7, 850–3, 868–9, 881–8,
980, 1001 894, 912–3, 921, 957, 976–80, 989–90,
Dergé, 28, 73, 77–8, 82, 89, 194, 341, 1004, 1006, 1010, 1015, 1022,
411, 425, 450, 454–6, 477, 504, 563, 1060
570–1, 582, 594, 606–8, 617, 633, 637, Drepung Monastery Gomang
702–6, 717–8, 735, 790–806, 824–6, Monastery, 394, 422, 492, 599, 641,
854, 871, 912, 935, 974, 980, 1002, 652, 663, 686, 743, 769, 807
1060 Drepung Monastery Loseling College,
Dergé Monastery, 719, 791 606, 611–2, 638, 804, 836, 919
Deyangshar, 610, 886 Drichu River, 9, 98, 299, 336, 353, 411,
Dharamsala, 1035, 1058–60, 1071 425, 705, 795, 824–6, 855, 871, 930,
Dimchi, 828, 974 1000–2
Dimchi Nyernga, 531, 571, 608, 935, Drigu, 1006–7
1002 Drigung, 20, 209, 232, 242, 250, 262–5,
Dingri, 514, 528, 550–2, 665, 671, 766, 455, 856, 1006
814 Drokyap, 606–8
Do Kham, 4, 11, 20, 31, 179, 340–1, 666, Drölma Temple, 56, 280
799–802, 816–7, 974 Dromo, 642–9, 663, 669–82, 722–3, 731,
Dö region, 859, 1007 743, 751, 812, 885, 929, 943, 950–58,
Dögutang, 630, 883, 888 974, 1003
Döjö Pelkhyil, 77, 86, 476 Dromo Chumbi, 642–8
Dokdé, 804, 821 Dromo Rinchen Gang, 671, 742
Dokham, 134, 197, 270, 365, 376–8, 417, Dromtö, 426, 478, 881
462, 522, 531 Drongmé, 338, 366–74, 400, 419
Dokra, ii, 581, 582–4 Drongpa, 28, 441
Dolda, 284, 403 Drongtsé, 232, 279, 297, 442, 455, 464,
Domé, 197, 241, 554, 608, 692, 698, 471, 494
703–4, 729, 735–7, 761, 789, 794, Droshö, 369, 424, 441, 583, 895
816, 824, 828, 854, 859, 864, 923, 979, Drungchin, 890, 952
1000–5, 1023 Düné, 672–5
Dotö, 708, 717, 759, 803, 851, 893, 974, Dunhuang, xlii, 122–8
979 Dungkar Monastery, 951, 958
Dotö Kham, 606, 690–1 Dzachu, 790, 792, 801
Dotra Estate, 650–5 Dzalepla Pass, 643–8, 671, 724, 742, 748
Dotsuk Gying Monastery, 650–1 Dzingchi Monastery, 295, 348
Dra, 636, 717 Dzingkhamé, 706, 856
Drachi, 261, 879, 1009 Dzonga, 512–21, 594–6
Drakyap, 303, 504, 589–90, 602, 607, Dzongkyi, 512–5
735, 766, 790, 974 Dzora, 82, 702, 766
index of locations 1179
Dzumli, 476–7, 480, 536, 563 Gugé, 370, 570

Dzüngar, 335–8, 374, 414–29, 435–41, Gulok, 9, 46, 75, 193–5, 409, 563, 608,
456, 464, 469–70, 492 703, 980
Gungtang, 19, 56, 103, 190, 234, 255,
E, 28, 78, 1005 296, 555, 561–2, 1143
Egypt, 44, 911, 1057 Guru, 672–4
El Salvador, 951, 1053–5 Gyalrong, 538–41
Enyel, 273, 278 Gyangkhar Castle, 232, 442
Europe, 775, 983, 1060 Gyantsé, 61, 72–8, 95, 242, 270, 297,
336, 348, 393, 440–48, 589, 631, 665,
Formosa (Taiwan), 522, 930, 1030 671–84, 722–3, 734–7, 745, 764–7,
France, xxxix, 158, 206, 598, 701, 775, 777, 808–12, 858–9, 895, 903, 912,
877, 911, 938, 1051–61 958, 971–6, 989, 1003, 1020
Gyari, 287, 295, 308, 388
Ga, 825, 935 Gyel, 297, 328
Gampa Dzong, 657–8, 663–76, 708 Gyeljetsel Monastery, 602–3, 610
Ganden Monastery, 21, 52, 57, 79–83, Gyelrong, 178, 353, 477, 594, 602
91, 103, 285–7, 304–7, 313–7, 339, Gyeltang, 178, 251, 353, 365–7, 378, 389,
350, 376–8, 387, 393, 406–17, 421–6, 450, 594, 602–6, 923, 935
436, 445–9, 455–58, 465–70, 489–96, Gyelteng Kotri, 723, 742
518, 528–31, 562–70, 581–2, 590–618, Gyetap Ramoché, 268, 760, 837
629–646, 665–91, 704–6, 721, 726–8,
736–50, 760–2, 767, 778, 800–16, 832, Helha, 42, 302, 504, 573
837, 853, 868–9, 881–8, 894, 912–3, Hong Kong, 877, 905–8, 911, 915,
921, 976–80, 989, 990, 998, 1004–6, 922–3, 940, 952
1010, 1015, 1020–3, 1028, 1060 Hor, 40, 88, 92, 103, 143, 166, 167, 172,
Ganden Podrang, 38, 64, 79, 164, 238, 192, 205–30, 235, 239–6, 254–67,
274, 285, 295, 302–17, 327–8, 331–52, 270–5, 285–7, 299–300, 304, 314,
361, 370–7, 405–6, 412–3, 472, 564, 327–31, 335, 340–41, 364, 369, 375,
572, 763, 1005 388, 411, 441, 457, 477, 490, 535–6
Ganden Shartsé College, 603–9 Horkhok, 582, 618, 791, 794, 824, 854, 871
Ganden Yiga Chödzin Monastery, 93, Horser, 594, 735, 770, 974
190 Hrehor, 606, 611–2, 906, 980
Ganges River, 8, 98, 140, 168, 185, 197, Hungary, 206–7
493, 724
Gangtok, 648–51, 663, 775, 976, 981–8, Indian Foreign Ministry, 924, 930, 931,
1041 1037
Gansu, 9, 98, 125, 149, 217 Indonesia, 939, 1055, 1057, 1066
Gardok, 590–1 Inner Mongolia, 769, 964, 973
Garlok, 163, 182–84, 185, 236 Italy, xxxix, 206, 450, 877, 911, 938,
Gartar, 450, 454, 581, 606 1054, 1061
Gartok, 681, 704, 903
Germany, 206, 701, 710, 764, 775, Jakhyung Monastery, 691, 703
1060–1 Jakla, 353, 563–70
Gobi Desert, 10, 149 Jakpori, 409, 420–2
Gojo, 341, 504, 589, 735, 790, 794, 974 Jampa Ling Monastery, 450, 498, 690–1,
Gökarla Pass, 189, 409, 858 703–4
Gola Pass, 618, 678, 706 Jang, 129, 279, 287, 298, 365
Göla Pass, 684, 856 Jangrik, 728, 736
Gongkar, 69, 257–61, 273, 302, 310–1, Jangtang, 161, 299
345–9, 395–400, 606, 618, 627, 898, Jangyül, 74, 127
1009 Japan, 625, 653, 689, 701, 765, 766, 777,
Gönlung Monastery, 308, 335, 438 819, 838, 870, 871, 890, 1030, 1055,
Greece, 7, 1055 1057, 1060, 1061, 1066
Jatsön Spring, 55, 679, 680 Kündeling Monastery, 55, 548, 565,
Jayül, 793, 1020 630–2, 1016
Jela Pass, 1017–9 Kumbum, 303, 354–8, 404–6, 411, 417,
Joda, 871, 937, 1001 423–5, 436–8, 456, 475, 497–99, 531,
Jokhang Tsuklakhang, 7, 11, 30, 47–56, 689–4, 702–8, 879–81, 887–8, 949,
69, 89, 103, 110, 119–23, 129, 134, 972–3
146, 153, 159–62, 168–70, 177, 190–4, Kuśinagar, 732, 971, 987, 1074
212, 223, 268, 294–6, 307, 334–8, 358, Kyangtang, 373, 419, 679
373, 409, 440, 450–8, 474, 525–30, Kyemtong, 78, 763
561, 569, 605, 629–30, 635, 714, 721, Kyichu River, 8, 50, 56, 146, 161, 163,
730, 736–9, 749, 807, 834–7, 850, 883, 328, 420–1, 435, 455, 522, 612, 630,
997–8, 1009, 1015–6, 1022–8, 1058, 720
1143, 1153 Kyidrong, 510–17, 521, 528, 533–6, 541,
Jomo Kharek, 8, 196, 261, 281 598, 680
Jyegündo, 824, 861–71, 935 Kyirong, 441, 468, 478, 593–6
Kyishö, 271–7, 294–8, 312–9, 327–51,
Kailash Mountain, xxxvi, 3, 4, 8, 98, 481, 364, 376, 388–96
539, 1144 Kyitsel Luding, 388, 569, 749, 978
Kalimpong, xiii–v, xxvi, 96, 104, 378, Kyormo Lung, 295–6, 318, 398
647–9, 671–2, 724, 731, 736–41, Kyormolung, 56, 277
752, 766, 904–5, 912, 917, 922, 929,
933–41, 950–3, 971, 974–7, 985–8, Labrang Gyeltsen Tönpo, 293–7, 362–3
998, 1015, 1029–31, 1040–1, 1058, Labrang Trashikhyil Monastery, 972–3
1064, 1074–5, 1126–7, 1148, 1161 Ladakh, ii, xliii, 9, 13, 40, 59, 171–2,
Kardzé, 789–90, 871, 935, 974, 1004, 324, 348, 369–70, 474, 480, 563, 570,
1031 581–91, 616, 624, 636–42, 770, 953,
Kashmir, 5, 9, 17, 99, 118, 141, 180, 196, 971, 1002, 1029, 1042, 1059–60
369, 373, 583–5, 624, 642, 720, 852, Lamda, 790, 937
883, 982–3 Lamo, 335, 390–7, 404, 415–16, 465–7,
Kathmandu, 390, 508–10, 517, 520, 490, 562
532–5, 594–7, 650 Langdru, 383, 690
Katok, 606, 1060 Lendru, 692, 959
Kazhi, 251, 273 Lhalu, 404–5, 417, 504
Kelzang Palace, 92, 505, 958, 1010 Lhamo Latso Lake, 627, 855–7
Kham, iii, 594, 609, 613, 671–2, 689–91, Lhasöl, 599, 629
697, 702, 710, 719, 728–9, 734–6, 744, Lhatok, 608, 856
751, 760–1, 765–9, 774–5, 814–7, 853, Lhatsé, 262, 424, 441–4, 531, 596
868, 888, 893, 897–9, 906–9, 923–5, Lho, 85, 789–90, 814
931–2, 941, 949–52, 957–9, 974–7, Lhodruk, 13, 60, 71, 178
984–8, 995, 1002–5, 1011, 1021, 1038 Lhodzong, 766, 937
Khangsar, 53, 239, 334–40, 362, 410, Lhoka, 672, 736, 766, 1006–7, 1017–24,
448, 458, 466–9, 477, 496, 526, 563, 1039
606–8 Lhokha, 273, 333, 584, 607, 615, 631,
Khelkha, 570, 587, 636, 685–7, 705 793
Kongpo, 5–8, 32, 85, 115–16, 193–94, Ling Pentsün, 630, 706, 750
209, 232, 242, 266, 274, 280, 287, Lingtsang, 194–5, 353, 582, 606–8, 935,
327–8, 345–9, 369, 401, 409, 441–5, 980, 1001, 1007, 1060
512, 531, 567, 599, 611–2, 666, 671–2, Litang, 76, 302–3, 335–41, 353, 359, 382,
708, 728, 737–40, 859, 972–4, 1005 391, 408–10, 449–50, 475, 504, 551,
Kongpo Gyamda, 718–20, 727, 764, 769, 566–8, 594, 606–9, 680, 691, 717–8,
789–90 735, 794–5, 854, 906, 923, 935, 974,
Korea, 939, 1066 980, 1000
Kormo, 29, 563, 1047 Liyül, 69–70, 78, 163
Korsum, 4, 11, 440, 570 Lower Dakpo, 627–9
Lower Dromo, 646, 723, 742–3 Nedong, 7, 12, 251–66, 273–9, 296,
Luding, 344, 512 305–8, 330, 347, 366, 895
Lungtur, 646–51 Nepal, xxxix, xliii, 5, 8, 15, 17, 18–19,
47, 59–64, 69–70, 82, 90, 117, 121–22,
Machen Pomra, 8, 299 127, 132, 141, 146, 153, 161, 168,
Machu River, 9, 11, 225, 299, 303–4, 692 185–8, 196, 209, 229, 303, 324, 332,
Malaysia, 890, 1055–7, 1066 349, 362, 373, 390, 409, 441, 450–52,
Manchuria, 206–7, 222–5 464, 473, 478–9, 503, 508–41, 567–73,
Mangyül Gungtang, 184, 1068 579, 593–5, 601, 624, 630, 641, 650,
Markham, 9, 11, 82, 193, 303, 504, 653, 672, 679–81, 706, 725, 732, 806,
551–2, 570, 587–90, 602, 607, 702, 811, 837–8, 883, 888, 896, 923, 928,
735, 766, 790–4, 852, 936, 941, 974 938–40, 953, 958, 983, 1009, 1042,
Markyang, 512, 1009 1049–51, 1055–66
Meldro, 308, 471, 708, 1006 Neu, 272–8, 294–5, 345, 349
Meru, 458, 1028 New York, 155, 573, 655, 710, 753, 781,
Meru Monastic College, 52, 93, 589 843, 910–3, 941, 1034, 1053–60
Mili, 505, 609, 923 Ngamring, 424, 441–3, 533
Mindroling Monastery, 403, 421, 879 Ngari, 4, 11, 17, 38, 40, 52, 102, 177,
Mön, 209, 363, 385, 566, 591, 592, 602, 180–1, 187, 197, 207, 214, 241, 247–9,
1037, 1042 262–3, 268, 273, 283, 369–70, 416,
Mongolia, xlii, 5, 13–4, 42–4, 116, 423–4, 440–1, 463–5, 466–8, 471,
193–94, 205–17, 229–30, 240, 249, 478–80, 583, 589, 974
264–66, 275, 285, 298, 300–306, 312, Ngari Korsum, 583, 761
316–8, 328–32, 347–56, 363, 370–8, Ngor, 631, 989
383–87, 389–91, 401–12, 423–4, 438, Norbu Lingkha Palace, 522, 589–90,
469, 471–3, 498, 502–5, 564–9, 630, 599–600, 607, 633, 636, 667, 678–9,
633, 641, 652–3, 673, 685–89, 701, 707, 727, 732, 736, 777, 803–10, 818,
707–27, 733, 764, 770, 780, 808–9, 828, 837, 883–5, 893, 932, 949, 962,
814, 825, 838, 972, 1025 975, 980, 991, 997, 1009–29, 1047
Morocco, 147, 1051 Nyakdra, 606–9
Mount Everest, 8, 98, 1234 Nyakkhok, 607, 618, 637, 826
Mount Kailash, 8, 95–8, 233, 242, 263, Nyakrong, 28, 606–8, 618, 631, 636–7,
370, 585, 971, 1234 654, 680, 703, 717, 794, 824, 854, 974
Mussourie, 897, 1031 Nyanang, 485, 510–36, 593–602, 807, 958
Nyang, 50, 393
Nadong, 671, 681, 723, 812, 903, 971 Nyangchu River, 442, 975
Nak, 636, 717 Nyangdren Pabongkha, 118–9
Nakartsé, 278, 330–1, 348, 387–8, 677, Nyangtö, 270, 274, 281, 298, 328, 345
1020 Nyasap La Pass, 444–5
Nakchu, 730, 859–62, 881–2 Nyasho, 526, 527, 672
Nakchu River, 397–9, 426, 454, 533, 566, Nyemo, 78, 601–3, 610–4, 807
571, 684, 705–6, 815, 825, 881–2 Nyenchen Tanglha, 8, 95
Naktsang, 29, 416–18, 425–6, 444, 479, Nyero, 722, 975
533, 566, 913 Nyetang, 56, 189–90, 388, 471, 490, 497,
Namgyel Monastery, 366, 383, 420, 590, 569
881–5 Nyiö Chamber, 436, 448, 505, 646
Namtso Chukmo Lake, 8, 60, 344, 416,
435 Ölga, 345, 349, 395, 490, 599–600
Nangchen, 824–7, 936, 1060 Outer Mongolia, 710, 762, 815, 830,
Nanjing, 158, 267, 794, 824, 832, 851–3, 1049, 1051, 1066
860–3, 870, 896–900, 905–7, 962, 992 Öyuk, 193, 227–8, 309, 344, 512
Nartang, 74–7, 97, 223, 293–7, 442,
455–8, 463, 479, 1152, 1234 Pabongkha, 55, 611, 837
Natöla Pass, 643, 648, 951, 1003 Padro, 316, 414, 644
Pakistan, 9, 13, 624, 1055, 1057 Ramoché, 54, 69, 120, 129, 335–6, 373,
Pakri, 8, 61, 352, 360–1, 364, 378, 414, 417, 722, 749, 1027
456, 615, 644–5, 663, 671–2, 676, Rasa Trülnang Tsuklakhang, 263, 634,
722–5, 731, 743, 764, 792, 812, 953, 707, 760, 1028
958, 974 Ratsak, 56, 633
Panam, 193, 228, 274, 281, 298, 343, Red Palace, 15, 28, 48, 123, 350, 351,
348–9, 376, 444, 531, 589, 734–7, 975 363, 376
Pangtang Palace, 132–3 Richen Gang, 648, 708
Pashö, 594, 937 Rinpung, 28, 95, 270–81, 294–95, 298,
Patabuk, 724, 735 313, 342–3, 347–49, 444
Pelkhor Monastery, 72, 270, 309, 355, Riwo Dechen, 858, 1019
989 Riwo Tsenga, 121, 691–3
Pelmo Peltang, 140, 234 Riwoché, 77, 594, 607, 766, 780, 789–93,
Pendé Lekshe Ling, 91–3 825, 826–8, 936–7
Penpo, 100, 274, 307, 856, 898 Riwo Tsenga, 691–3, 765, 820
Penyül, 76, 122, 179, 189, 197, 328, 331, Rome, 143, 207, 367, 912, 1155
398–9, 435, 445–6 Rongpa, 527, 536
Persia, 95, 141–2, 206, 236, 684 Rongpatsa, 795–8, 823
Petup, 369–70 Rongshar, 485, 510–3, 517, 521, 528,
Philippines, 1030, 1055–7 533, 536, 593–6
Pokhok, 853, 906 Russia, 206, 492, 575, 621–5, 642, 652–5,
Potala Palace, xl, 28, 48–9, 54–55, 61–3, 660–1, 673, 682–9, 701, 725, 777, 786,
73–6, 80–4, 90–93, 110, 130–31, 136, 815, 838, 1066, 1103, 1104, 1159,
277, 321, 351, 368, 373, 377, 382–409, 1161
417–22, 426, 431, 435–6, 443–9, 451, Rutok, 441, 583, 591
459, 469, 476–7, 483–4, 489–91,
496–98, 501, 504–6, 512, 523–31, Saga, 369, 424, 441, 512, 895
541, 555, 562, 569–72, 581, 590, Sakya, 11–2, 18–20, 42–3, 48, 63, 70–2,
600, 604–18, 630–3, 644–6, 678–83, 76–7, 85, 88, 98, 104–6, 168–71,
707–10, 714, 721, 727–30, 736–40, 190–3, 197–205, 209–64, 270, 279–81,
750, 762, 807, 810, 813, 823, 834–37, 286, 297, 302, 336–40, 346, 349–51,
850–1, 856, 879–87, 901, 911, 919, 372–6, 391, 414, 424, 429, 444–5, 453,
934, 942, 963, 998, 1009–10, 1015–6, 514–20, 528–31, 570, 582, 595–6, 631,
1022, 1027–8, 1140, 1153, 1156, 1160 770, 912, 1060, 1141–5
Powo, 504, 563, 570, 572–3, 728, 734–7, Samding Monastery, 677, 722
806, 814, 923, 974 Samdruptsé, 71, 270, 276–84, 314–7,
Püntsok Ling Monastery, 25, 455 347–8, 989
Püntsok Rapten Peljor, 410, 418, 422, Samyé Monastery, 11, 40, 47, 67–9,
440 132–45, 161–2, 169, 179–89, 361, 471,
Puhreng, 369, 583 494–6, 641, 760, 858, 872, 1017
Pungtang, 414, 474 Sanakma, 247, 277, 294, 313
Punjab, 9, 1058, 1071 Sanga, 441–3, 468, 476–7, 583
Sangda, 56, 1017–9
Qinghai, 875–6 Sangen, 504, 570, 587–9, 602, 790–4, 974
Sangpu Neutok Monastery, 82, 190, 470
Radreng, 678, 706, 837, 901 Sangzhung, 706, 882
Radreng Monastery, 18, 77, 190, 209, Sarnath, 732, 987
240, 299, 307, 331, 336, 358, 455, Satam, 570, 935
577, 593, 605, 618, 685, 856, 882, 886, Sera Jé Monastery, 641, 766, 807, 859,
900–3 899
Ralung Gadrong, 310–1, 317 Sera Mé Monastery, 276–7, 392–3,
Ralung Monastery, 283, 743 473, 480, 496, 523–4, 554, 587, 599,
Rama Gang, 1017–26 638–41, 744, 807
Sera Tekchen Ling Monastery, 50–61, St. Petersburg, 652, 684–8

81–3, 91–3, 104, 248, 268–9, 283–95, Swayambū Stūpa, 186, 510
307, 312–7, 323, 328–46, 358, 387, Switzerland, xxxi, xxxix, xliv, 7, 877,
397–426, 436–9, 445–9, 455–8, 480, 911, 1060
489–96, 518–31, 554, 564–70, 577,
581–2, 587–613, 629–46, 652, 665–6, Tāchi Desert, 10, 149
672, 677–81, 691, 705–6, 728, 733–43, Tadül, 119, 263, 635
749–52, 760–2, 767, 778, 809–15, 820, Taklung, 582, 677, 706
832–7, 853, 859, 868–9, 877, 881–8, Taklung Sangchö Monastery, 677, 684,
894, 898–902, 912, 921, 976–80, 747
989–90, 1004–6, 1010, 1015–22, 1027, Taktsé, 285, 880–1, 898
1060, 1098, 1099, 1115, 1123 Tanak, 181, 193, 261, 297, 531
Sertsa, 780, 936 Tangpoché, 189, 255–6
Shakabpa Estate, 445 Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, 52, 458,
Shakabpa House, 938, 941, 950 492, 750, 833, 883, 906, 1017–9, 1060
Shambhala, 51, 347 Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, 52, 473,
Shang, 14, 18, 119, 227–8, 261, 274, 280, 496, 524, 610, 618, 627–8, 750, 833,
297, 478, 493, 512, 554 883, 1060
Shang Ganden Chökhor Ling Tawang Monastery, 972, 1037, 1042
Monastery, 990, 1006 Tazik, 40–1, 78, 102, 142
Shangchok, 441, 531 Tehor, 340, 359, 477, 563
Shanghai, 905–6, 913 Tel Monastery, 27, 75, 250–1, 266, 271,
Shangshung, 16, 179, 184, 570 310, 437, 858
Shanxi, 10, 98, 121, 143, 693 Teng Monastery, 690, 718
Shelkar, 194, 364, 424, 441–4, 455, 460, Tengyé Ling Monastic College, 495, 632,
512–4, 520–1, 528–33, 594, 893 638–41, 728, 739, 744–52, 778
Shelling, 824–6 Thailand, 9, 127, 139, 939, 1030, 1055,
Shö, 890, 900, 911, 975 1066
Shok, 636, 717 Tibetan Medical and Astrological
Shopa, 607, 766 School, 52, 67, 84, 86, 637, 778, 839,
Shözimchung Chamber, 600, 612 912 1058
Siam, 127, 139, 169–70, 1162 (See also Tingkyé, 531, 650, 655
Thailand) Tögar, 9, 583, 958, 971
Sichuan, 27, 139, 149, 167, 206, 240, Tögertsé, 28, 563
512, 543, 550–1, 623, 636–7, 669, Tokyo, 709–1, 765–6, 1155
697, 707, 718, 730–4, 751, 760, 794–5, Tölbu, 283, 317
824–8, 842, 855, 861, 959 Tölung, 398–400, 428, 606
Sikkim, xliii, xlvi, 13, 74–5, 157, 167, Tömé, 11, 77
241, 286, 324, 362–4, 378, 456, 479, Tongkhor, 564, 606–8
509, 517–8, 536, 554, 563, 570, 600, Torgö, 570–3, 633, 653, 686
615–7, 624, 630, 642–58, 663–81, 697, Tradruk, 760, 858, 872
709, 723–5, 741–2, 748, 775–6, 781–5, Tradruk Trashi Jamnyom Temple, 69,
805, 831, 852, 859–60, 871, 885–6, 119
905, 910–4, 935, 953, 975–81, 988, Trasam, 641, 837
1003, 1040–2, 1060, 1158 Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, 82, 247,
Simla, xi, 682, 716, 749–51, 767–81, 789, 282–5, 293–7, 308–9, 323–31, 342–7,
805, 821, 851–2, 896, 916, 1042, 1051, 363, 369, 386–93, 414–21, 435–6,
1058–61, 1152 442–5, 464, 484, 489–501, 507–9,
Situ, 75, 88, 98–9, 103–5, 193, 232, 239, 514–20, 529–47, 570, 582, 587–9,
252–63, 285–7, 425–30, 1234 595–6, 630–1, 665, 674–7, 683, 705,
Sizhi Püntsok Chamber, 630, 680 734, 743, 777, 803–8, 814, 860–71,
Sokla Kyawo, 11, 241 886, 897, 907, 912, 945, 952, 962–3,
Solong, 533, 543 973–6, 989–90, 1003, 1060
Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, 587, Walung, 509, 650, 680

631, 646, 672, 715, 733, 990, 1003 Wangden Pelbar, 53, 491
Trashi Zilnön Monastery, 323, 327 Washington, 908, 914
Tromzik Khang, 53, 410, 469 Wen Monastery, 73, 990
Trongsa, 414, 671–2, 681
Tropu, 17, 309 Xinjiang, 913, 920
Tsakhalho, 795, 974
Tsangpo River, 92–3, 189, 228, 309, 400, Yangdül, 119, 263, 635
445, 609, 748, 793, 895, 959, 1026, Yangpajen Monastery, 27, 71, 277,
1039 397–8, 444, 497, 517, 547
Tsangrong, 163, 274–9, 298 Yardrok, 11, 59, 336, 444, 677, 1006
Tsari Mountain, 409, 538 Yardrok Samding Monastery, 631, 722,
Tsaritra, 263, 858 743–7
Tsechokling Monastery, 595–6 Yardrok Yutso Lake, 8, 631, 677
Tsel, 234, 349, 376, 387, 402 Yargyap, 271–3, 315
Tsel Gungtang Temple, 56, 975 Yarkhyen, 78, 197, 206, 236, 416, 563
Tselpa, 11, 241, 249, 255, 262, 287 Yarlung, 9, 115–6, 253–5, 261, 273–7,
Tsemön Ling Monastery, 496, 524, 570, 286, 296, 308, 333, 584, 912
588, 739 Yartö, 72, 77, 333, 1020
Tsetang, 78, 228, 263, 268–74, 366, 439, Yazang Monastery, 11, 255–60
895, 1005–7, 1019 Yellow Palace, 354–6, 502
Tsona, 78, 363–4, 385–7, 762, 958, Yerpa, 134, 189, 837
1006–7, 1024 Yerpa Temple, 70, 120
Tsongön Lake, 58–62, 179, 207, 240, Yeru, 11, 304
298, 302–7, 312, 323, 335–40, 358–65, Yunnan, 127, 697, 733, 760, 791–5, 820,
375, 383–9, 397, 410–8, 423–4, 429, 842, 935
437–8, 526, 563, 571–2 Yutok (g.yu thog) Bridge, 54, 545, 552
Tumé, 299, 327
Turkey, 206, 1048, 1051 Zangri, 584, 599
Zap Pulung, 297, 309
Ulan Bator, 762, 815, 830 Zhalu, 297, 989
United Kingdom, ii, xxxix, 28, 376, Zhang Zhung (zhang zhung), 11, 15–7,
598, 625–7, 641–54, 663, 672–5, 684, 119–21, 126, 167
701, 715, 733, 764–75, 783, 789, 799, Zheho, 491, 497–9
804–12, 820, 838, 845, 850, 877, 890, Zhidé, 458, 739–40, 1028
896–7, 903–11, 923–7, 938, 957, Zhikatsé (gzhi), 62, 77–9, 247, 279, 283,
1050–5, 1060–7 289, 293, 324–7, 332–6, 344–9, 361,
United Nations, the, iii, 891, 917, 376, 394, 418, 442–4, 450, 471, 486,
938–57, 982, 1030–34, 1045–57 492–3, 513, 521, 526, 531–6, 550–4,
United States of America, xxxix, 46, 701, 587, 644, 649, 665, 671, 677, 683,
751, 819, 838, 890–1, 896, 904–14, 734–7, 766, 778, 808, 814, 912, 975,
922–7, 938, 1030, 1052–66 981, 989–93, 1004
Upper Ngari, 8, 11, 369, 570 Zhöl (zhol), 43, 48, 53–5, 79, 85, 103,
Upper Tsang, 41, 88–9, 262, 274, 280–4, 130–1, 349, 395, 405–8, 418–19,
318, 327, 344, 441–3, 517, 522, 529, 436–40, 448–51, 470, 512, 549–52,
537, 547 562, 604, 612, 618, 630, 639–40,
Ushang, 837, 1019 707–10, 721, 727, 740, 748–50, 778–9,
804–7, 834–5, 859, 883, 900, 957, 964,
Varanasi, 92, 360, 494, 537, 971, 1040, 999, 1011–5, 1027–8
1059 Ziling (zi ling), 27, 240, 358, 424, 543,
Vikramalaśīla Monastery, 47, 182–8, 564, 690–2, 703, 780, 786, 815, 824–8,
197, 983 844, 860–1, 871, 882, 919–23, 935,
Vulture’s Peak, 732, 987 942, 949, 960–2

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One Hundred Thousand Moons

One Hundred Thousand Moons

Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa

Translated and annotated by Derek F. Maher

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Shakabpa, W. D., 1908–

Original publication in Tibetan: Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, BOD

Copyright to the English translation: Derek F. Maher, Tsoltim N.

Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints BRILL, Hotei Publishing,

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by

printed in the netherlands

List of maps and illustrations

1. Southern Tibet ............................................................................ 244

1. Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa

23rd May 1985

ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS;

having been more isolated, more homogenous, and more monolithic in

armed invaders enjoyed success initially, the Tibetans made strategic

over the government. However, within six months, he died. Radreng

ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS;

The Protector Regent Tsemönling Hotoktu Nomihen and the cabinet

War Between Tibet and Ladakh4

back and forth, he was recognized by a Yasor8 called Mikmar. He threw

Śrī Khalsaji Apsarani Śrī Mahārājah; Lhasa representative Cabinet Minister

functionaries were rewarded. Yasor Mikmar, who had killed Zorawar

day he was involved in a dance ceremony at Tsemönling Monastery.

he was about to be arrested, he fled into India, seeking the protection of

regarding each other as friends. However, in the meanwhile, various sorts

by the Gurkha-Tibetan conflict were especially grave, it was universally

As was traditional, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu conducted the search

of each of the young incarnations. The public likewise offered countless

secretaries was convened when he would apply his seals. Accordingly,

he arrived, he was received by the monastic council of Ganden and

out expressing support or criticism. Immediately thereafter, several

Ü Dapön Trimonpa Chimé Dorjé, Ü Dapön Dokharwa Tsewang

and dapöns was appointed to inquire into the atrocities committed

In 1868, the Cabinet Deputy Darhen Pelden Döndrup was appointed

of time he stayed at the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, where he was

As for the decline of Pelden Döndrup, my grandfather said:

to Drepung or to his house in Lhasa; thus, he immediately fled in the

was appointed as the tutor to the incarnation of Khelkha Jetsün Dampa

Notes to Chapter Twelve

16. Compilation of Private Records.

THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE

According to Shakabpa, the thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876–1933) was

As part of this policy, they had reached an agreement with Qing

THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE

studying Buddhism. He arrived at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery in 1879.

of Drepung Tantric College, was destroyed by fire on the evening of

In 1894, cabinet ministers had mainly been laymen in recent times,

Manchu amban, he responded that as the Chinese officials were new

Khelkha (Helha) Uchu Muchen Wang was granted a seal and a

Accordingly, he immediately went to get the shoes. When the shoes

result, he had hoped to regain political responsibility. The regent’s

could not be reopened in the Manchu court. There would be no way

they had no purpose. The British had asked permission to construct

and China by way of Tibet. Immediately, a meeting was held between

Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate to

a letter to India’s Viceroy Lord George Nathaniel Curzon. His petition

Notes to Chapter Thirteen