Chapter 6 Infant Social and Emotional

CHAPTER 6
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Infant Social and Emotional Development

Emerging Competence in a Relational Context
Katherine L. Rosenblum
Carolyn J. Dayton
Maria Muzik
P erhaps no aspect of developmental change is

more salient to parents than their young child’s
Changes in each of these domains across the
first years of life are dramatic. The newborn
social and emotional behavior over the first infant arrives with limited capacity for self-
years of life. The emergence of the first social regulation; emotion expressions are most likely
smile is anticipated eagerly; parents worry about reflective of biologically based signals, evolu-
the meaning of their infant’s cries. Emotion and tionarily designed to engage the other in pro-
socially relevant words dominate parents’ early viding protection and care, and the infant still
descriptions of their young child’s personality: depends on the other to respond to his or her
“He’s such a happy baby,” “He’s so shy,” or “She physical and emotional needs. In just a matter
just loves people.” of months, the infant’s emotional experience is
The fascination with development in these markedly more complex. The infant can engage
domains is by no means limited to parents. The others in interaction, express delight in face-to-
study of emotional and social experience of in- face games, convey feelings of sadness or anger
fants and young children has a long and rich through differentiated facial expression, and
tradition in the philosophical and empirical lit- strategically use his or her parents’ emotional
erature (Aristotle, 1941; James, 1884). Although expressions to determine how to respond to a
often studied as separate domains, it is clear given situation. This rapid developmental prog-
that within the child social and emotional de- ress is not limited to infancy; the toddler begins
velopments are fundamentally intertwined. For to show signs of responding empathically to oth-
example, as the young child’s ability to differ- ers, and with increasing self-awareness shows
Copyright @ 2019. The Guilford Press.
entiate emotions unfolds, there is an increasing evidence of more complex “self-conscious”

capacity to rely on the emotional expressions of emotions such as shame, embarrassment, or
others to determine how to respond to a certain guilt. Earlier social interactive experiences are
situation. Consider the glance of a 1-year-old internalized, and the young child uses the day-
child toward his or her mother when first meet- to-day lived experience of social and emotional
ing someone new. This new “use” of the other interactions to guide responses to current inter-
to navigate a social situation (often considered actions with others.
a social advance) is entirely dependent on the Across all of these developments, what
young child’s ability to differentiate and re- emerges is a move toward increasing social–
spond to another’s affective expression (which emotional competence in the infant. With devel-
could be considered an emotional advance). opment, the young child evidences increasing
95
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96 I . D evelopment and C onte x t
capacities for emotion regulation and coping, ment. For example, as parents respond to their
more complex affective expressions and under- child’s emotional displays, their reactions (e.g.,
standing, and more sophisticated interactions perhaps frustration with a difficult-to-soothe
with important others in his or her social world. infant) shape the quality of the infant’s response
In the context of facilitative environments the to the parent (e.g., more distress as the infant
young child’s trajectory of greater competence reacts to the parent’s frustration). Both partners
is accompanied by increasing feelings of self- shape each other’s social and emotional experi-
efficacy, security, and trust. ence in a dynamic, ongoing fashion.
Our understanding of infant social–emotion- Current research in the biological domain
al development is informed by both normative has also underscored the complex interactions
developmental processes and development in between biological (genetic) disposition and
contexts of risk. A common goal of many in- environmental contexts. A gene–environment
fant mental health interventions is to support interaction model emphasizes the ways that
families and young children in maintaining, re- individuals’ biological propensities interact
turning to, or developing a trajectory of social– with environmental characteristics to shape the
emotional competence. Thus, we aim to provide course of development. For example, parental
a foundation for other chapters in this volume, caregiving can alter the social developmental
with an emphasis on normative processes of so- course of individuals who have genetic vulner-
cial–emotional development and implications ability for shy/inhibited temperamental traits
for infant mental health. (Fox et al., 2005).
With regard to the social and emotional do-
mains there are several more specific models
Theoretical Models for Social that are important considerations. Attachment
and Emotional Development theory (Bowlby, 1969/1982) has contributed
enormously to current conceptualizations of
Several theoretical models explaining develop- infant social development, and the formation
mental process in the social and emotional do- of attachment relationships is considered the
mains have been suggested. The maturational predominant organizing force of infant and
model is perhaps the most basic, and from this young child social development. Early interac-
perspective, individual development represents tions with care providers both promote surviv-
an innate unfolding of preset maturational time al and form the basis for later, more complex
points (Gesell & Armatruda, 1947). Higher-or- representations of the caregiver as available
der capacities are seen as the result of growth of and responsive. Individual differences in at-
brain and physical body functioning. The devel- tachment security are evident in the ways the
opmental progression of emotional expressions, young child can use the attachment figure as a
for example, may be seen as reflecting this type secure base, and have implications for social
of “unfolding timetable.” and emotional development in a broadening
Broader integrative models address the indi- array of contexts.
vidual in context. Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) con- Temperament models emphasize individual
ceptualization of the child’s experience in terms differences, typically viewing young children
of a widening series of contexts that mutually as varying in certain characteristics that both
influence one another, the ecosystem model, shape their experience of the environment and
emphasizes both immediate environments (e.g., their responses to it. Temperament models often
parent–child interactions) that directly impinge emphasize biologically based individual differ-
on children’s daily lived experience, as well as ences, though current research suggests a more
more distal contexts such as institutions that do complex interplay with the environmental con-
not directly interact with the child but influence text (e.g., (Fox et al., 2005; Zhang, Chen, Deng,
development indirectly (e.g., child care policies, & Lu, 2014). While some features of tempera-
cultural values). These contexts are likely to ment are less apparently related to social and
shape many of the aspects of infant social and emotional development (e.g., activity level),
emotional development. other features are inherently linked (e.g., emo-
Transactional models consider the dynamic tionality and mood).
interplay between child and context across time It is likely that the impact of a child’s emo-
(Sameroff, 1993). This perspective has clear tionality on social functioning depends on his
implications for social and emotional develop- or her skills at emotion regulation (Lemerise
6. Infant Social and Emotional Development 97
& Arsenio, 2000). Most emotion regulation ing more responsiveness and more consistent
models emphasize the young child’s abilities to characteristics.
control, modify, and manage aspects of his or
her emotional reactivity and expressivity. In-
7–9 Months
dividual differences in emotion regulation are
often considered to be related to differences in This period involves a rapid increase in the
the caregiving context (Calkins & Hill, 2007; differential response of the infant to familiar,
Kim, Stifter, Philbrook, & Teti, 2014), though primary caregivers. The infant clearly discrimi-
clearly children who vary in temperament also nates between care provided by the attachment
face different tasks in regulating their emotions figure and that provided by less familiar others.
(Lemerise & Arsenio, 2000; Thompson, 1988). Thus, this period has been termed the “onset of
For example, a child with a positive disposi- focused attachment” (Emde & Buschsbaum,
tion and a high threshold for distress has a very 1989). Infants who previously did not protest
different regulatory challenge than one who is separation may now cry when the parent leaves
more prone to intense and persistent negative the room. Stranger anxiety increases and is
emotions. prominent. Advances in memory and cogni-
tion permit more anticipation or expectation
regarding social routines and interactions. For
Transitions in Social and Emotional Development example, whereas the younger child may have
laughed upon completion of an interactive
The first years of life involve dramatic change game, during this period, infants may laugh in
across multiple domains of development. De- anticipation of the mother’s return during the
velopments in each of these domains, however, peek-a-boo game (Lieberman, 1993; Saarni,
are not evenly distributed across time. Despite 1999).
some apparent underlying continuity and grad- Relatedly, this biobehavioral period is associ-
ual unfolding, there are also periods of rapid ated with increasing complexity in the infant’s
change and reorganization, sometimes referred capacity for intersubjectivity and an emerging
to as biobehavioral “shifts” or “transitions” capacity for intentional communication with
(Davies, 2010; Emde & Buschsbaum, 1989). Al- another. Intersubjectivity refers to the infant’s
though earlier stages involved the unfolding and capacity to engage in mutual sharing of expe-
emergence of certain capacities, during these riences about objects and events with another
periods of reorganization, new capacities be- person, while intentional communication,
come integrated and dominant. We outline here which builds on this intersubjective capac-
several prominent developmental shifts within ity, reflects the infants ability to produce and
the social and emotional domains. respond to nonverbal, spontaneous, and inten-
tional actions between at least two people rela-
tive to, and often in order to direct attention to,
2–3 Months
a third entity (i.e., an object or person). In addi-
Most of the newborn infant’s behavior is action to pointing, intentional communication can
counted for by endogenous rhythms and inter- be conveyed through other means such as eye
nal states. Following the 2- to 3-month shift, and gaze, or head and body turning in the direction
corresponding to rapid neurological changes, of the target. Although the building blocks of in-
much more of the infant’s daily life is spent in tersubjectivity are evident even earlier in devel-
wakefulness, and the infant is more focused and opment (Meltzoff & Moore, 1998; Stern, 1985),
better organized (Bowlby, 1969/1982). This has “joint attention,” that is, the nonverbal directing
clear implications for social interactions and of another’s attention to a distal target, which is
engagement, and the shift is often most read- often considered a hallmark of the capacity for
ily apparent to parents in terms of their infant’s intentional communication, emerges following
emotional expressions and social responses. By this critical second biobehavioral shift (Toma-
2 months, most infants have begun to display sello, Malinda, Josep, Tanya, & Henrike, 2005).
social smiles, and about 2 weeks later, there is Research on the developmental psychopathol-
evidence of cooing vocalizations in response ogy of autism highlights deficits in social-com-
to social encounters. These advances typically munication behaviors, including reduced eye
elicit delight in parents and other caregivers. gaze, coordination of gaze, and activities that
Parents begin to experience their infant as hav- involve joint intentions and attention, as early
indicators of this disorder (Tomasello et al., (i.e., what emotions can a child experience at
2005; Zwaigenbaum et al., 2007), which is often a given age?) and are consistent with matura-
evident in children as young as 9 months of age. tional models (Bridges, 1932; Sroufe, 1996).
Consistent with this approach, a great deal of
research has focused on developing a compre-
18–21 Months
hensive taxonomy for identifying infant emo-
This period is characterized by the emergence tional expressions, when they emerge, and how
of increasing self-awareness and increases they evolve over the course of early develop-
in symbolic representation. Infants display ment. For example, Izard (2007) has identified
more independence, and social interactions a group of “first-order” emotions that emerge
are increasingly facilitated by their emerging earlier in development, including interest, joy,
symbolic capacity (e.g., language). Social ref- sadness, anger, and fear. Later in development,
erencing is prominent; the child understands more complex emotions, such as jealousy and
different affective expressions in the parent envy, come online, simultaneous with the in-
and uses them to guide responses to novel situ- creasing cognitive capacities of the young child
ations (Feinman, Roberts, Hsieh, Sawyer, & (Izard, 2011).
Swanson, 1992). In addition, toddlers increas- Functionalists, in contrast, emphasize the re-
ingly use affective expressions instrumentally, lational aspects of emotions, noting that emo-
for example, they may seem to smile or pout to tions are elicited in reaction to stimuli that are
“get their way.” Infants remember past events perceived as personally salient (Campos, Walle,
and sequences, and have formed representa- Dahl, & Main, 2011). Functionalists assert that
tions based on repeated events, which in turn emotions promote action readiness, that is,
guide later behavior in new contexts. With in- “the attempt by the person to establish, main-
creasing awareness of separateness, there are tain, change, or terminate the relation between
corresponding increases in mood swings, se- the self and the environment on those matters
cure base behavior, and sense of vulnerability that are important to the person” (Campos et al.,
(Lieberman, 1993; Mahler, Pine, & Bergman, 2011, p. 27; also see Izard & Malatesta, 1987).
1994). During this time, the toddler begins to Emotions, from this perspective, are defined in
display more self-conscious emotions, those terms of their function—that is, what they do. In
that seem to require some sense of awareness this way, emotions may regulate other psycho-
of self and other, including feelings of shame, logical and behavioral processes. For example,
guilt, embarrassment, and empathy (Lewis, feelings of fear may result in a young toddler
2000). running to his or her parent to seek comfort,
whereas feelings of comfort may allow him or
her to reengage in a play activity.
Emotional Development Although there is controversy about whether
certain discrete emotions may be present from
From the first weeks of life, emotional reactions earliest infancy as innate, universal, biologi-
help to organize the infant’s responses to the cally determined phenomena, it is generally
environment, and function as powerful com- agreed that emotional development involves in-
municative signals. Emotional processes reflect creasingly more complex interactions between
changes in physiology, cognition, and social emotional, cognitive, physiological, and social-
functioning, and in turn, impact each of these environmental systems (Bell & Wolfe, 2004;
domains. Parents direct a great deal of activity Fogel et al., 1992). We therefore begin with a
toward helping the infant to organize emotional description of research on the unfolding of emo-
reactions—either by amplifying displays of de- tion expression across the first years of life, fol-
sired emotions or through efforts to divert or lowed by an examination of the interpersonal
redirect unwanted ones. contexts of infant emotional development.
There are two primary theoretical perspec-
tives employed in the study of human emo-
Development of Emotion Expression
tion: structuralist and functionalist approaches.
Structuralists focus on the underlying processes Newborns are capable of a more limited range
that constitute emotion (e.g., what are the physi- of discrete emotional expressions but, with de-
ological components of anger?), as well as the velopment, display a broader range of emotions
developmental unfolding of emotion experience and grow more responsive to a wider variety of
eliciting conditions. For example, while general including the intensity levels of some expres-
distress is the infant’s primary response to inoc- sions. This early capacity for discrimination
ulation at 2 months, by 19 months, anger is pre- does not, however, imply “understanding” oth-
dominant (Izard, Hembree, & Huebner, 1987). ers’ expressions; understanding others’ emo-
Positive emotion expressions (e.g., smiles) typi- tions is a process that continues to unfold across
cally emerge by age 2–3 months, with laugh- the first several years of life. Corresponding to
ter often apparent by age 3–4 months. More developments in the cognitive domain, the 8-
complex affective blends unfold over the first to 9-month-old infant begins to appreciate that
year of life (Barrett, 2005; Kochanska, Gross, others’ emotional messages pertain to specific
Lin, & Nichols, 2002); for example, a study of objects or events. Social referencing describes
6-month-olds revealed indicators of jealousy, the infant’s ability to use others’ expressions to
indexed as diminished joy, heightened anger, help shape his or her own responses to the envi-
and increased negative affect when the attention ronment. This ability is well established by 12
of a preferred caregiver was directed to another months of age (Feinman et al., 1992), but it also
(Hart, Carrington, Tronick, & Carroll, 2004). increases in complexity over time. For example,
With the onset of self-awareness in the sec- 18-month-olds appear to engage in “emotional
ond year of life, many secondary or “self-con- eavesdropping,” whereby they use information
scious” emotions become evident (Lewis, 2013) from interadult emotional expressions in order
including embarrassment, shame, guilt, and to determine whether to approach an object
pride. For example, Barrett, Zahn-Waxler, and (Repaccholi & Meltzoff, 2007).
Cole (1993), observed two approaches taken by Beyond the ability to detect the emotional
2-year-olds after they believed they had broken expressions of others, infants also develop ex-
the experimenter’s “favorite doll.” One group of pectations regarding others’ affective displays
children tried to fix the situation (the “amend- during social engagement. Peek-a-boo games
ers”), and the other group sought to avoid the initiated by adult caretakers tap the infant’s
experimenter, usually by smiling with their ability to expect the adult’s smiling face fol-
faces averted (the “avoiders”). The researchers lowing a period of disengagement. Researchers
suggest the amenders were demonstrating behave studied these expectations through the use
havior consistent with feelings of guilt, while of procedures designed to interrupt “usual” in-
avoiders were presumably feeling something teractive contingencies. For example, the Still-
akin to shame. In a replication of this study, Face Procedure (Mesman, van IJzendoorn, &
Barrett (2005) found that 17-month-old children Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009; Tronick, 2003)
demonstrated feelings of guilt, embarrassment, is a structured, adult–infant interactive task
and anxiety after “breaking” the doll. that typically includes (1) a period of face-to-
Many social, cultural, and biological factors face free play, (2) a period during which the
are likely to determine the types of reactions an adult holds a still, emotionally unresponsive
individual child will have to specific emotion- expression, and (3) a reengagement period, dur-
evocative situations. For example, guilt may ing which the dyad returns to face-to-face play.
be more acceptable in many Western cultures Between ages 2 and 9 months, infants display
(Walbot & Scherer, 1995), whereas shame is heightened negative affect, and corresponding
often perceived as more aversive and disturb- physiological arousal, during the still-face, pre-
ing. Many collectivistic cultures, in contrast, sumably because they recognize that this dis-
view shame as an emotion that helps to facili- ruption in affective exchange is discrepant and
tate appropriate social bonds and compliance undesirable (Mesman et al., 2009).
(Cole, Tamang, & Shrestha, 2006; Kitayama, As emotional detection and expectation abili-
Marcus, & Matsumoto, 1995). ties develop, the capacity for empathic respond-
ing also reveals developmental changes in the
young child’s sensitivity to others’ emotional
Infant Sensitivity to Others’ Emotional Signals
displays. For instance, the process of emotional
Emotional expressions are critical social sig- “contagion” (e.g., when other infants in a day
nals; therefore, not surprisingly, infants become care center start to cry after one starts crying) is
attuned and responsive to the emotional signals generally considered an infantile “preempath-
of others at a very young age. By 2 months, ic” capacity (Saarni, 1999). Toddlers have been
infants are capable of discriminating among observed to display more advanced empathic
distinct human expressions (e.g., Oster, 1981), responding, reflecting a higher-order cognitive
capacity that permits better perspective tak- Over the past several decades, studies have
ing with others. Expressions of concern (e.g., a yielded mixed evidence regarding the stability
worried look; patting; asking, “Baby okay?”), of temperamental features over time. Evidence
or efforts to generate hypotheses about what for modest stability, at least after infancy, in-
has caused another’s distress (asking, “Baby cludes the seminal longitudinal research of
owie?”), suggest an emerging sensitivity to Thomas and Chess (1977), who investigated
the distress of others. This growing ability for several temperamental dimensions in infancy
empathy is likely to have a basis in how oth- and defined groups of “easy,” “difficult,” and
ers have responded to the infant’s own displays “slow-to-warm” children, with the “difficult”
of distress. For example, abused toddlers make group (approximately 10% of infants) show-
fewer empathic gestures but are more personal- ing high levels of negative mood, irregularity
ly upset or aggressive to distressed peers (Main in body functions, and slow adaptation to the
& George, 1985), while infants whose mothers environment. Subsequent longitudinal research
were more responsive during the first year of demonstrated that those children who presented
life show more empathic concerned attention with high levels of negative emotional behav-
and fewer personal distress reactions to others iors early in life, indexed as negative affect and
at 18 months (Spinrad & Stifter, 2006). aggression, had more behavior problems in
middle childhood (age 5 years) and adolescence
(ages 14–17). Yet although early childhood neg-
Temperament, Genes, and Emotions in Infancy
ative affect and aggression were significantly
Beyond the changes that occur across devel- intercorrelated (r = .63), only those children
opment, children differ in their emotional who displayed aggression at age 3 years were
“makeup,” and these differences are often de- more aggressive in middle childhood, and in
scribed in terms of temperamental variations. turn, had more behavior problems in adoles-
For example, highly reactive, irritable babies cence (Lerner, Hertzog, Hooker, Hassibi, &
are frequently described as “difficult,” while Tomas, 1988).
infants who are more prone to positive emo- Others have focused on behaviorally inhib-
tions and less reactive are described as “easy- ited infants, that is, the approximately 15% of
going.” While temperament includes more than infants who exhibit extreme fear and inhibi-
emotions, emotionality is considered to be an tion when exposed to novelty (e.g., Calkins &
important component. Later in this chapter, we Fox, 1992; Kagan, Reznick, Clarke, Snidman,
consider a related domain, emotion regulation, & Garcia-Coll, 1984). Studies have indicated
separately. modest stability in behavioral inhibition from
Consistent with the gene–environment inter- infancy to middle childhood (Fox, Henderson,
action models, temperament has been under- Rubin, Calkins, & Schmidt, 2001), and suggest
stood as a biologically based set of behavioral that behavioral inhibition in infancy is a signifi-
tendencies that influence how an individual cant predictor of anxiety disorders, particularly
will approach, respond to, and interact with the social anxiety in later childhood (Chronis-Tus-
larger social world (Rothbart & Bates, 1998). In cano et al., 2009; Kagan, Snidman, McManis,
defining temperament, some researchers have & Woodward, 2001; Schwartz, Snidman, &
emphasized a narrow set of dimensions (e.g., Kagan, 1999). More recent work has focused on
activity level, emotionality and socialibility; potential moderators of this early risk and has
Buss & Plomin, 1984), while others have ar- identified a child’s ability to successfully recruit
gued for a broader array, including proneness cognitive processes involved in the regulation
to distress and fear, soothability, attention span, of negative reactivity, such as the infant’s the
persistence, and positive emotionality (Rothbart capacity for attention shifting and/or inhibitory
& Derryberry, 1981; Thomas & Chess, 1977). control, as critical (White, McDermott, De-
However, there is general consensus that emo- gnan, Henderson, & Fox, 2011). For example, in
tional reactivity is a critical feature of tempera- a recent study, behavioral inhibition in toddler-
ment. Reactivity refers to the excitability or hood predicted subsequent anxiety at child age
arousability of the individual’s response system 7 only for those who did not shift attention away
(Rothbart & Derryberry, 1981), such as how from a perceived threat (White et al., 2017).
quickly the infant expresses distress in response Although assessment of temperament is often
to an unfamiliar stimulus, how intense the dis- based on behavioral observations, more recent
tress is, and how long the infant takes to recover. studies reflect advances in biological research.
Individual differences in infant temperament depression later on, but only when their care-
are now generally thought to originate in ge- givers were themselves under heightened stress
netic variations underpinning behavioral, neu- (Kaufman et al., 2004) or showed low parenting
roendocrine, and physiological regulatory pro- sensitivity (Zhang et al., 2014). Similarly, in-
cesses (see review by Propper & Moore, 2006). sensitive parenting, only when coupled with in-
The human genome comprises approximately fant DRD4 vulnerability, was found to increase
20,000 genes that code essentially all structures a child’s likelihood for greater externalizing
of the human body and also regulate function- problem behaviors in toddlerhood (King et al.,
ing across these structures. Variations within 2016; Windhorst et al., 2015) or preschool age
any given gene are referred to as “allelic varia- (Bakermans-Kranenburg & van IJzendoorn,
tions” of that gene, and often translate into vari- 2006).
ations in gene activity level, that is, differences Until recently, most studies investigating
in “gene expression.” Current research explores gene–environment interactions have focused
associations between alleles of a given gene and on specific gene variants within so-called “can-
temperamental vulnerability. didate” genes (e.g., 5-HTTLPR, DRD4), with
Recently, genes coding for the activity level functions implicated in the outcome of interest
of two receptors in the brain—the dopamine D4 (e.g., temperament, problem behaviors). How-
receptor (DRD4) and the serotonin transporter ever, subsequent studies have often failed to
receptor (5-HTTLPR)—have been examined as replicate initial positive results for particular
underlying mechanisms for some key tempera- candidate genes (Braithwaite et al., 2013), un-
mental variations, more specifically, individual derscoring the need for larger sample sizes (in
differences in approach behaviors and inhibi- the tens of thousands) to increase the validity
tion, attention, and novelty seeking (Auerbach, of such genetic studies, and increasing recogni-
Benjamin, Faroy, Geller, & Ebstein, 2001; Eb- tion of the need for collaborative multisite re-
stein et al., 1998; Kluger, Siegfried, & Ebstein, search to develop genetic registries that allow
2002). for such sample sizes. Similarly, recent work
A meta-analysis summarizing research in 14 has focused on examining the interaction effect
studies with more than 3,000 infants on the link of whole gene sets within the larger genome in
between DRD4 and “reactive temperament” interaction with environment, called genome-
did not confirm a previously identified “main wide environmental interaction (GWEI) stud-
effect” of genetic risk on temperamental vul- ies (Windhorst et al., 2016), which also require
nerability (Pappa, Mileva-Seitz, Bakermans- very large datasets. While cutting-edge, this
Kranenburg, Tiemeier, & van IJzendoorn, research is currently only beginning and more
2015), suggesting instead that others factors work needs to be done to report valid results.
may moderate the link. For example, research In summary, research on gene–environment
suggests an additive effect of gene–gene inter- interactions is consistent with a transactional
action of DRD4 and 5-HTTLPR allelic risks to- perspective and a “goodness-of-fit” model of
gether as infants with risk alleles in both genes temperament (Seifer, 2000), which argues that
display more negative emotional reactivity than the consequences of temperamental vulner-
do infants who carry only one risk allele (Auer- ability are context-dependent and dynamic.
bach, Faroy, Ebstein, Kahana, & Levine, 2001; Therefore, temperamental “difficulty” does not
Auerbach et al., 1999). reside within the individual alone but is sig-
Genetic effects are now widely accepted nificantly shaped or modified by the environ-
as being open to moderation by environmen- mental context. As suggested here, one critical
tal influences, and more current research on environmental influence that shapes whether
gene–environment interactions underscores temperamental (genetic) vulnerability may im-
the critical influence of early social experience pact developmental course involves the parent’s
on gene functioning. Environmental factors ability to sensitively respond to the child’s emo-
can either ameliorate or potentiate genetically tions as they unfold over the course of develop-
based temperamental risk (Belsky, 2005; Caspi ment.
et al., 2003; Fox et al., 2005; Kaufman et al.,
2004), and this holds important implications for
Parental Responses to Infant Emotions
intervention. For example, children who were
5-HTTLPR risk carriers and had experienced The impact of parenting on infant emotional
childhood abuse were more likely to develop development and expression has been studied
from a number of different perspectives. Mul- mother–infant dyads increased from infant age
tiple aspects of infant emotional behavior, in- 3 to 9 months, they typically spent more time
cluding expressiveness, self and otherdirected in “miscoordinated” or “asynchronous” states
emotion regulatory behaviors, and soothability, than in synchronized matching states. These
have been linked, for example, to the parents’ results, consistent with a mutual regulation
own emotional availability and expressiveness model, suggest that the process of disruption
(e.g., Garner, 1995; Kim et al., 2014), awareness and repair may be a critical part of the devel-
of emotional states (Gergely & Watson, 1996), opmental process (Beeghly & Tronick, 2011).
and parental emotional dysregulation (e.g., For example, Rosenblum, McDonough, Muzik,
depression) (Beeghly & Tronick, 2011; Field, Miller, and Sameroff (2002) observed that
1994). some mothers and infants used positive affect
From early infancy, parents perceive a wide (e.g., peek-a-boo games) to “reconnect” follow-
array of emotions in their young children, and ing the interactive disruption imposed by the
these attributions of emotion can have impor- Still-Face Procedure, and this was associated
tant implications, as evidenced by research on with indicators of more enhanced relationship
how parents’ own mental health colors the ap- security. Similarly, the repeated dysregulation
propriateness of emotions they perceive (Dix, of the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA)–
1991; Leerkes & Crockenberg, 2003). For exam- cortisol stress system early in development may
ple, mothers at risk for less secure attachment impair the long-term effectiveness of this neu-
relationships with their infants make fewer be- robiological system, ultimately undermining its
nign, and more hostile, attributions regarding capacity to regulate stress responsivity in adult
ambiguous infant facial expressions (Rosen- life (Gunnar & Quevedo, 2007; Hibel, Granger,
blum, Zeanah, McDonough, & Muzik, 2004). Blair, & Finegood, 2015).
Across parent–infant dyads, parents’ emo- The process of emotional exchange has been
tional exchanges with their infants tend to fol- proposed to play a central role in the infant’s
low meaningful patterns of interaction. Stern emerging ability to recognize and regulate his
(1985) has written extensively about his obser- or her own emotional states (Lewis & Ramsay,
vation of mother–infant emotional exchange, 2005). Gergely and Watson (1996), for example,
noting that the affective interactions have a provide a compelling account of the role of ma-
dynamic “shape” to them, and that patterns of ternal affective mirroring, suggesting that the
engagement vary across mother–infant dyads. mother’s ability to accurately perceive, mentally
Infant mental health, Stern suggests, is strongly transform, then display a “marked” exaggerated
affected by the synchrony of the interaction. response to the infant’s emotional displays is re-
More recently, the term “biobehavioral syn- lated to the infant’s own ability to internalize
chrony” was coined (Feldman, 2017; Feldman, and understand emotional experience. Distur-
Singer, & Zagoory, 2010; Geva & Feldman, bances may arise when parents display a purely
2008) to describe the coupling of coordinated mirrored form of infants’ distress, without the
behavior (gaze, touch, vocalization, and affect) accompanying “marking.” For example, parents
with coordinated physiological (autonomous whose emotion regulation style is characterized
nervous system and stress axis) and brain acti- by a tendency to overactivate emotional arousal
vation (dopamine and oxytocin-related circuits) may simply mimic their infants’ emotional ex-
responses in mother–infant dyads during social pression, without processing and transforming
contact. Biobehavioral synchrony is now under- the emotion. This “pure mirroring” may esca-
stood to be a key foundation for the develop- late the infant’s emotional state, having failed
ment of human attachment (Feldman, 2017). to provide the necessary containment and assis-
Thus, “asynchronous interaction,” observed tance in coping with the experienced emotion.
when one of the partners is not sensitively at- With development, language plays an in-
tuned and responsive to the cues of the other, creasingly important role in young children’s
has been demonstrated to negatively affect in- understanding of emotion (Garner, 2003;
fants’ early emotional development (Malatesta, Meins, Fernyhough, & Wainwright, 2003). Ver-
Culver, Tesman, & Shepard, 1989; Tronick & bal acknowledgment of mental states, which
Weinberg, 1997) and also may jeopardize in- may be considered a form of verbal mirroring,
fants’ biological adaptation to stress (Feld- is increasingly used in place of facial mirroring
man, 2006). Tronick and Cohn (1989) observed to facilitate the infant’s emotion understanding.
that while the coordination and synchrony of To illustrate, children whose mothers used more
mental-state language at 15 and 24 months, for Although both positive and negative emo-
example, making reference to child desire (e.g., tions can be regulated and used to achieve goals
“You want that rattle?”) or emotion (e.g., “That (e.g., smiling to enhance interactive repair, or
surprised you!”), performed better on struc- anger to eliminate a barrier), child emotion reg-
tured emotion understanding tasks (Taumo- ulation as a dynamic process is often most read-
epeau & Ruffman, 2006). ily observed in contexts of challenge that afford
Across early development, parents and care- negative emotions (Cole et al., 2004; Mesman
takers are essential in helping infants to ex- et al., 2009). When confronted with challenging
press and manage their developing emotions. situations, the infant or young child can use a
Through these processes of affective exchange, variety of behavioral emotion regulation strate-
disruption–repair sequences, and physical and gies to cope with heightened arousal, including
verbal mirroring, infants begin to internalize distress reactions, avoidance, and self-comfort-
emotion awareness, understanding, and early ing behaviors; the repertoire of available strate-
emotional self-regulation abilities. gies increases over time (Calkins & Hill, 2007;
Kopp, 1989). For example, in early infancy, the
capacity for gaze aversion and motor control al-
Emotion Regulation
lows the infant to shift attention away from a
Child emotion regulation is recognized as a negative event (e.g., something that is overstim-
core component of social–emotional compe- ulating) to something more positive (e.g., a toy)
tence, functional in almost all of the child’s and thereby modulate negative affect (Calkins,
transactions with the world (Calkins & Hill, 2004; Johnson, Posner, & Rothbart, 1991; Ko-
2007; National Institute of Child Health and chanska, 2001). Parents can assist in this pro-
Human Development [NICHD] Early Child cess through their efforts to divert the infant’s
Care Research Network, 2004). As children attention (Crockenberg & Leerkes, 2004; John-
move into the preschool years, they are largely son et al., 1991). By the end of the first year, in-
expected to control their emotions in the service fants are more active in their attempts to modu-
of their own, and society’s, goals (Sroufe, Ege- late distress. They are increasingly able to plan
land, Carlson, & Collins, 2005), and indicators behavior and can act intentionally to signal oth-
of emotional dysregulation are often the basis of ers to assist them in modulating their affective
clinical referral. states. During the second year of life, infants
Children who are well regulated (both in move from more passive to more active meth-
emotion and behavior) are better able to adapt ods of emotion regulation, and while caregivers
to contextual and situational changes in the continue to play an important role, toddlers are
environment in a flexible and spontaneous increasingly able to use specific strategies to
manner, as well as delay their reactions (e.g., manage different affective states.
exert control) when appropriate (Eisenberg et Challenging events may elicit more or less
al., 2001). From a developmental neuroscience effective regulation of the distress across in-
perspective, emotion, cognition, and the de- fants. For example, Lewis and Ramsay (2005)
veloping neural mechanisms of regulation are observed 4- and 6-month-old infants’ anger and
dynamically linked and work together to help sadness reactions to situations that prevented
the infant and young child process information them from achieving a desired goal. Infant dis-
and engage in emotion-regulatory action (Bell plays of sadness were related to greater stress
& Wolfe, 2004), a process that unfolds from hormone reactions (i.e., cortisol production),
infancy into the preschool years and beyond while displays of anger were not, suggesting a
(Kopp, 1989). more adaptive role of anger. Infant anger in re-

Important reviews have addressed the contro- sponse to goal blockage is often associated with
versial topic of how best to define and measure attempts to overcome the obstacle (Lemerise &
emotion regulation (see Cole, Martin, & Den- Dodge, 2000). In contrast, sadness may reflect
nis, 2004). Many of these definitions, however, the infants’ perceived lack of control over the
share a perspective that emotion regulation pro- situation, or perception of task failure, with-
cesses include behaviors, skills, and strategies, out corresponding coping to facilitate adaptive
conscious or unconscious, effortful or automat- physiological regulation (Lewis & Ramsay,
ic, that modulate, inhibit, or enhance emotional 2002, 2005).
experiences and expressions (Calkins & Hill, The capacity for effective emotion regulation
2007). is often considered to have strong social origins,
based in the early interactions between parent cation and assessment of negative emotionality,
and infant (Calkins & Hill, 2007; Cole, Teti, & or hostile–negative dyadic interactions, is often
Zahn-Waxler, 2003; Kopp, 1989; Stern, 1985; the focus of infant mental health intervention,
Stifter, 2002; Thompson, 1988). For example, the absence of positive affect may be an even
less dyadic synchrony between mothers and more important harbinger of problems in the
their 3-month-olds in the Still-Face Procedure emotional domain (Rosenblum et al., 2006).
is associated with less effective physiological Current research also underscores the im-
regulation of the challenge task (Mesman et portance of recognizing that the challenges of
al., 2009). Among 2-year-old children, negative parenting are different for different groups of
maternal behavior is related to poor physiologi- infants. For example, parents of temperamen-
cal regulation, less adaptive emotion regulation, tally “difficult” infants face greater challenges
and noncompliant behavior (Calkins, Smith, in soothing their children, and their children
Gill, & Johnson, 1998). In contrast, maternal appear to be more sensitive to lapses in their
positive guidance is associated with 18-month- caregiving. Leerkes and Crockenberg (2003)
old toddlers’ effective use of distraction and suggest that mothers who are successful at
mother-oriented regulating behaviors during a calming their temperamentally difficult infants
frustration-inducing task (Calkins et al., 1998), may develop higher degrees of sensitivity than
and 6-month-olds show less distress when their mothers with temperamentally “easy” infants
mothers respond contingently to their efforts at or those who have difficult infants but are
self-soothing (e.g., gaze aversion) (Crockenberg unsuccessful at soothing. When parents view
& Leerkes, 2004). their temperamentally challenging infants as
Ultimately, many factors, including the so- soothable, they display higher levels of sensi-
cial environment, maturational processes, and tive caregiving (Ghera, Hane, & Malesa, 2006),
temperament, influence emotion regulation which helps parents to recognize these chal-
capacities during the first years of life. Each lenges as addressable and likely to have posi-
child’s capacity for effective emotional self- tive impacts.
regulation develops within a relational context, Taken together, these studies suggest that
and becomes a core element of the child’s self- both parents and infants play an important role
regulation and social–emotional competence. in the development of emotion regulation and
social–emotional competence. In the follow-
ing section we focus more fully on the social
Emotional Development and Infant
context within which these emotion regulation
Mental Health Implications
capacities develop and emerge.
Given the vast number of expressive inter-
changes that occur between parent and infant
during the first months of life (Magai, 1999), Social Development
the influence of parents’ emotional engagement
with their infant is likely to hold significant Infants are born into complex social networks,
consequences for infant emotional develop- and enter the world with strong propensities
ment. Thus, from an infant mental health stand- for forming social–affective bonds with others.
point, it is critical to assess the parent–infant From the first primary attachment relationship
emotional “dance” (Stern, 1985), and to observe to increasingly complex social relations with
both the process of affective synchrony and the extended family, peers, and others, the young
process of repair following disruptions (Beegh- child is immersed in a world of social related-
ly & Tronick, 2011; Rosenblum, Dayton, & Mc- ness.

Donough, 2006; Tronick, 2006). Social developmental milestones across the
The emotional tone of early experience pro- first 3 years are strongly rooted in cognitive
vides a framework within which the infant and neurological advances, and are embedded
develops his or her own affective repertoire in the broader social context. Table 6.1 provides
(Cole, LeDonne, & Tan, 2013). Thus, a parent’s an overview of this developmental process,
reduced capacity, for example, in the case of highlighting central tasks, the context of these
untreated depression or anxiety, to engage in advances, and the young child’s corresponding
emotionally positive interaction with the in- social-developmental milestones. The social
fant may take on an especially important role context of these advances progresses from pri-
(Beeghly & Tronick, 2011). While the identifi- marily the parent–infant relationship to include
other significant relationships, including peers, fort when distressed (Grossmann et al., 2002;
extended family, or child care relationships. Paquette, 2004). Across mothers and fathers,
The coordination of these advances initially re- however, attachment relationships serve as a
flects primarily parent-led sequences, but with foundation for the early establishment of regu-
time incorporate greater infant initiative and lation of affect and arousal. Individual differ-
back-and-forth interactions. With continued de- ences in the quality of these early relationships
velopment, these interactive encounters reflect appear to have implications for the young
the establishment of goal-corrected partner- child’s emerging emotion regulation, sense of
ships, in which the infant and adult negotiate self-efficacy, and social relatedness outside the
their exchanges with an awareness of each other parent–child context (Sroufe et al., 2005; Vol-
as separate, yet interdependent, selves. ling et al., 2014).
While attachment relationships are not the
only context for infant social development
Individual Differences in Attachment Relationships
(Crockenberg & Leerkes, 2000), attachment
theory is a predominant model for understand- Whereas, from an evolutionary perspective, in-
ing early infant–parent relationships. In the fants are biologically driven to form attachment
following section we provide an overview of relationships, individual differences in the qual-
how parent–infant attachment relationships de- ity of these relationships have been the focus
velop, moving from a discussion of universal of abundant research over the past decades.
processes to a review of individual differences Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, and Wall (1978)
in the quality of attachment relationships. We developed a laboratory-administered proce-
consider the caregiving context of attachment dure, the Strange Situation Procedure (SSP), to
security, and how early experiences serve as re- assess individual differences in the quality of
lational templates for later social relationships. attachment relationship patterns. Through the
induction of stressful challenges, the SSP pro-
vides an opportunity to observe the process of
Infant–Parent Attachment Relationships
interactive repair; challenges include exposure
Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969/1982) em- to an unknown environment, interaction with
phasizes the fact that human infants exist for an an unknown adult, and two separations from
extended period of time in a state of dependen- and reunions with the parent. These challenges
cy, wherein proximity to a caretaker is essential are intended to activate the infant’s attachment
for both physical survival and the development strategy, and the infant’s behavior during this
of psychological health (e.g., security, emotion procedure is observed, with special attention
regulation) (Simpson, 1999). The primary evo- paid to the ways the infant uses the parent to
lutionary function of this proximity is to pro- regulate his or her emotional states following
mote survival of the dependent infant, but with separation.
development, attachment relationships evolve Ainsworth described three organized pat-
to include more complex functions. The infant terns characterizing how infants (and parents)
is increasingly able to use the attachment figure negotiate this attachment-behavior-eliciting
as a secure base, deriving the security needed to task: secure, anxious–avoidant, and anxious–
allow for exploration of the environment when ambivalent attachment patterns (Ainsworth et
safe, and the protection and comfort needed al., 1978). Ainsworth’s pioneering work vali-
in times of fear or distress (Sroufe & Waters, dated patterns of attachment based on many
1977). hours of home observation during the first year
Across diverse cultural contexts, mater- of life.

nal attachments are often primary, although Infants demonstrating secure attachments
shifting work–family balances within many to their caregivers were able to openly and
(especially Western) cultures has resulted in genuinely display their emotions and use their
fathers spending increasing amounts of time parents to help regulate their distress. Once
actively parenting their children (Hofferth, comforted, these infants returned to explor-
Pleck, Stueve, Bianchi, & Sayer, 2002). Rela- atory play. Their balanced and open regulatory
tive to maternal attachments, contemporary strategy was not surprising in light of home
theory and research suggests that infant–fa- observations that suggested these infants had
ther attachments emphasize the infant’s ability mothers who were generally sensitive and ten-
to explore versus the propensity to seek com- der in their caretaking interactions. The infants
TABLE 6.1. Social Developmental Tasks, Contexts, and Milestones across the First 3 Years of Life
Developmental task Social context(s) Coordinated behaviors Select milestones Ages
Regulation Primarily the parent–infant Parent assists the infant in regulating sleep, feeding, Developing attentiveness to the social world 0–3
relationship distress, and arousal Increasing coordination of parent–infant interactions months
106
Emerging sociability Primarily the parent–infant Parent-led system of coordinated engagement with the Increased eye-to-eye contact 2–3
relationship infant Emergence of social smiles months
Face-to-face interaction with increasing mutual gaze Social vocalizations
Parent language and verbalization toward infant
Reciprocal exchange Parent–infant and close Back-and-forth exchanges between infant and others Infant increasingly responsive to social bids 3–6
family relationships months
Infant initiative Parent–infant and close Infant initiation of play with others, as well as an Evidence of intentionality and goal direction—the 6–9
family relationships increasing ability to direct activities infant shows a preference for certain activities and months
Infant embellishes on others’ initiations leads attention
Delight in games (e.g., peek-a-boo)
Onset and Parent–infant relationship Parent provides secure base Stranger anxiety, separation distress 7–18
establishment of Infant relies on parent for comfort and protection Emergence of person permanence (i.e., ability to keep months
focused attachment during times of distress or perceived threat the parent in mind even when he or she is not present)
Infant explores the environment in the presence of Secure base behavior
caregiver
Emergence of joint Broader social context, Infant displays an awareness of others’ point of view Imitative learning 9–12
attention including parents, family, Infant seeks others’ facial expressions in order to Social referencing months
peers, care providers understand new situations Expresses affect instrumentally or purposefully
Self-assertion and Broader social context, Infant has an awareness of self Mirror self-recognition 18–24
independent self- including parents, family, Infant determines and selects his or her own goals and Use of “no” and temper tantrums months
concept peers, care providers intentions apart from parents Increasing autonomy
Egocentric reasoning
Recognition, Broader social context, Child displays an emerging awareness that the Emerging recognition of the permanence and 18–36
continuity, and including parents, family, caregiver’s intentions are separate from his or her own continuity of primary relationships months
emergence of a goal- peers, care providers The coordination of sequences increasingly reflects Increasing ability to negotiate and coordinate behavior
corrected partnership exchanges between two autonomous yet interdependent in terms of the goals of the other
individuals Empathic responding
Establishing peer Siblings, peer relationships Child engages in meaningful interaction with siblings Increasing interest in other children 18–36
relationships and peers in play groups, day care environments, and Moves from solitary to parallel play months
other settings
Rough-and-tumble play with peers
107
Evidence of empathic concern regarding peer distress
Note. Data from Sander (1975); Sparrow, Balla, & Cicchetti (1984); and Sroufe (1989).
appeared to “trust and expect” the parent to Relation of Early Attachment with Later
provide care and protection, and indeed, these Social–Emotional Competence
mothers were contingently responsive and at-
Longitudinal research has followed children
tuned to the expressed needs and desires of
from infancy into early adulthood, and confirms
their infants.
that, in general, the quality of early attachment

In contrast, infants with an anxious–avoid-
ant pattern behaved as if they did not need com- relationships holds consequences for children’s
fort from their parent at all, although physiolog- later social and emotional competence, though
ical indicators revealed high levels of arousal later life events also moderate the stability of
and distress. Avoidant children played inde- these associations (Grossmann, Grossmann, &
pendently and often seemed impervious to the Waters, 2005; Sroufe et al., 2005). In general,
parent’s presence or absence. During home ob- children who build a secure attachment with
servations, mothers of avoidantly attached in- their caregiver early in life continue to hold a
fants were rejecting of infant distress; thus, the secure working model of relationships in mind
behavioral strategy shown by anxious–avoidant and show the most optimal developmental out-
infants has been understood as an effort on the comes in later years.
child’s side to maintain proximity to the parent In contrast, children with avoidant attach-
by deactivating his or her own display of emo- ment histories appear to expect rejection within
tional needs (Magai, 1999). the context of relationships, and research indi-
The third pattern, anxious–ambivalent at- cates reduced interpersonal competence later in
tachment, was characterized by a heightened life, particularly when coupled with other risk
activation strategy. These infants appeared factors. These children are more vulnerable to
desperate to have contact with their parents but becoming emotionally insulated, hostile, and
appeared unable to be soothed by the parent antisocial themselves, potentially provoking
once reunited. Thus, these infants were unable adults and peers into rejecting them (Weinfield,
to return to exploratory play (Magai, 1999). Sroufe, Egeland, & Carlson, 1999). For example,
Mothers of ambivalently attached infants were previously avoidant children are likely to exhibit
observed to be fairly inconsistent in their care, greater hostility and scapegoating of peers than
and their interactions with their infants often their secure and ambivalent resistant counter-
were not contingently based on the infants’ parts (Suess, Grossmann, & Sroufe, 1992).
cues. The infants’ heightened emotion activa- Children with ambivalent–resistant histo-
tion was therefore understood as an effort on ries have learned to behave in an overaroused
the child’s side to keep the parent responsive manner in an attempt to garner the emotional
and involved. warmth that has been offered inconsistently. In
A fourth attachment pattern, later articulated early childhood, these children are described as
by Main and Solomon (1986), was labeled dis- more hesitant in exploring novel situations, im-
organized. These children, often with histories mature, and easily frustrated; more likely to be
of maltreatment, abuse, and neglect, seemed to neglected by their peers (in contrast to the rejec-
lack a coherent, organized strategy for gaining tion that the avoidant children face); more likely
proximity to their parent when distressed, but to display separation anxiety; more socially iso-
instead displayed bizarre or uncoordinated be- lated and/or hostile; and less empathetic to other
haviors in response to the stressful paradigm. children’s displays of distress than their secure
For example, some of these infants temporarily counterparts (Horvath & Weinraub, 2005; Kes-
froze or displayed conflicted approach–avoid- tenbaum, Farber, & Sroufe, 1989; Sroufe, 1983).
ance behaviors toward their parent, as if ex- The most vulnerable group appears to be
pressing ambivalence and fear in their attempts infants with disorganized attachment patterns.
to gain proximity. Because mothers of disorga- This pattern evolves in the face of a child’s fear
nized infants have been found to display both and uncertainty regarding how the parent will
frightening and frightened behaviors (e.g., bi- react given a history of frightened or frightening
zarre vocalizations, sudden intrusive physical responses that might include seductive enmesh-
movements, reacting with fear to infant behav- ment, helplessness, hostility, or abuse (Lyons-
iors) (Lyons-Ruth & Jacobvitz, 1999), the infant Ruth, Yellin, Melnick, & Atwood, 2005). Thus,
experiences an understandable conflict regard- not surprisingly, the outcomes of these infants
ing how and whether to seek proximity and care are relatively poor; studies have documented a
from the attachment figure. host of problematic outcomes, including more
controlling behavior in early childhood, more However, there is evidence that other paternal
hostile/aggressive behavior toward peers, more behaviors, such as the ability to be emotionally
externalizing and internalizing behavior prob- supportive and challenging during play interac-
lems, and developmental lags that include lower tions, may have an important role in supporting
academic self-esteem and achievement (for re- the infant’s exploration (rather than proximity
view, see Solomon & George, 2011). seeking, as assessed in the SSP), and may there-
fore be more salient aspects of the father–infant
relationship (Grossmann et al., 2002). Coincid-
Parental Influences on Infant Social Development
ing with shifting norms and social policies in a
The caregiving context plays a critical role in number of countries reflecting greater support
the development of infant attachment security for paternal involvement (e.g., increased pater-
and early social–emotional competence. We nity leave), models specific to understanding
consider here several domains of parental in- the role of fathers and fathering have evolved,
fluence on the infant and young child’s social– including an increasing focus on biological and
emotional development, including parenting be- behavioral processes (e.g., studies related to the
havior, verbal engagement with the infant, and “paternal brain”) (Feldman, Sussman, & Zigler,
the parents’ own attachment representations. 2004; Swain, Dayton, Kim, Tolman, & Volling,
2014).
In addition to behavioral sensitivity, re-
Caregiving Behavior: Behavioral and Verbal Sensitivity
searchers have explored the importance of
Beginning with Ainsworth’s seminal home parents’ verbal attributions of mental states
studies, maternal caregiving sensitivity (e.g., to their infants, or mind-minded comments
warmth, attunement and acceptance) has been (Meins, Fernyhough, & Fradley, 2001; Meins
suggested as the primary mechanism underly- et al., 2003). Mind-mindedness refers to a par-
ing infant attachment relationships (Ainsworth ent’s tendency to treat the infant as an individ-
et al., 1978). The role of caregiving sensitiv- ual with a mind. For example, parents high in
ity, particularly in response to infant distress mind-mindedness comment on their child’s in-
(McElwain & Booth-LaForce, 2006), has since terests, desires, feelings, and beliefs during in-
been confirmed across multiple studies, al- teraction (e.g., “You want that ball, don’t you?”
though later research has generally not demon- or “Are you so sad?”). A parent low in mind-
strated effects as strong as Ainsworth’s original mindedness tends to view the child more con-
work (DeWolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997). cretely in terms of need states and behaviors, or
Other factors have also been identified that in terms of the parent’s own perspective (e.g.,
may shape the development of attachment pat- “You’re just being fussy”). Maternal mind-
terns, for example, child temperament (Man- minded comments during interaction with
gelsdorf, McHale, Diener, Goldstein, & Lehn, their 6-month-old infants are correlated with
2000), the broader child care context (Aviezer, behavioral sensitivity and interactive synchro-
Sagi-Schwartz, & Koren-Karie, 2003; Sagi, ny (Meins et al., 2001; Muzik & Rosenblum,
van IJzendoorn, Aviezer, & Donnell, 1994), 2003; Rosenblum, McDonough, Sameroff, &
or other aspects of caregiving, such as dyadic Muzik, 2008) and indeed, some evidence indi-
regulation and emotional availability (Biringen, cates that mothers’ appropriate mind-minded
2000; Harrist & Waugh, 2002). These and other comments may be a stronger predictor of at-
studies confirm that many aspects of the care- tachment security at 1 year than maternal be-
giving context contribute to infant attachment havioral sensitivity (Meins et al., 2001). In ad-
outcomes. dition, mind-minded comments in the first year

The role that fathers play in the social devel- of life have been linked to 4-year-old children’s
opment of their young children has been given understanding of other people’s mental states,
increasing attention (Cabrera, Hofferth, & Chae, or “theory of mind” (Meins, Fernyhough, &
2011; Dayton, Walsh, Oh, & Volling, 2015; Vol- Johnson, 2006).
ling et al., 2014). In general, early research failed
to find an association between traditional (e.g.,
Parents’ Internal Working Models of Relationships:
mother-derived) assessments of fathers’ sensi-
The Role of Mental Representations
tivity and infant attachment (Braungart-Rieker,
Garwood, Powers, & Wang, 2001; Grossmann Attachment theory postulates that through-
et al., 2002; van IJzendoorn & De Wolff, 1997). out early development, daily lived experiences
of interactions with the primary caregiver are mous AAI classifications have been observed to
stored as memory templates. These internal be more sensitively attuned to a wider range of
working models, or mental representations, infant affects than have nonautonomous moth-
incorporate both the cognitive and affective ers (Haft & Slade, 1989).
elements of early caregiving experiences (Crit- The power of these representations is evident
tenden, 1990), and are thought to guide be- from the high level of intergenerational corre-
haviors and expectations within other social spondence between parental (even grandparen-
relationships, including parents’ relationships tal) representations and child security. Work by
with their children. In the following section we Dozier, Stovall, and Albus (2001) illustrates the
discuss influences of parental representations, power of these effects in the context of a natu-
both regarding parents’ representations of past ral experiment, following child placement with
relationships with their own parents and current a foster parent. After only 3 months of place-
representations of their children, on parenting ment, these researchers observed significant
behavior and infant attachment. correspondence between children’s attachment
security and the foster parents’ AAI classifica-
Parents’ Representations of Their Own Early tions, with rates comparable to those of intact
Relationship Experiences. Research on adult mother–child dyads.
attachment representations has focused primar-
ily on the individual’s current state of mind with Parents’ Representations of Their Chil-
respect to his or her early attachment relation- dren. While the AAI research confirms the in-
ships assessed via the Adult Attachment Inter- fluence of parents’ own childhood representa-
view (AAI; George, Kaplan, & Main, 1985). tions for their infants’ attachment security, these
The AAI yields four main categories (autono- representations are rather distal to the parent–
mous, dismissive, enmeshed, and unresolved) child relationship in the here and now. Attention
that correspond, respectively, to the four in- has also been directed to the more proximal role
fant attachment categories (secure, avoidant, of parents’ representations of their children, of
resistant, and disorganized). Primary among parenting, and of their relationships with their
the factors differentiating the autonomous (se- children (Mayseless, 2006), and a number of in-
cure) versus non autonomous adult attachment terviews have been developed to tap into these
patterns is the ability to psychologically access representations (Aber, Slade, Berger, Bresgi, &
and coherently articulate affectively charged Kaplan, 1985; George & Solomon, 1996; Zea-
thoughts and events without the need to mini- nah & Benoit, 1995).
mize (as in the dismissing category) or distort These more proximal representational as-
(as in the preoccupied category) the informa- sessments have been employed in low- and
tion (Main & Goldwyn, 1984). Thus, regardless high-risk samples (Benoit, Parker, & Zeanah,
of the specific content of the childhood events 1997; Rosenblum et al., 2002), pre- and postna-
being recounted (e.g., memories of abuse or tally (Benoit et al., 1997; Huth Bocks, Leven-
neglect vs. love and support in childhood), the dosky, Theran, & Bogat, 2004), and in healthy
critical factor is how openly and coherently the or at-risk pediatric populations (Schechter et al.,
adult can describe these memories in his or her 2008; Vreeswijk, Maas, & van Bakel, 2012). In
narrative report of past events. general, parents’ mental representations of their
Thus, parents’ internal working models of child and parenting, both pre- and postnatally,
relationships also function as emotion regula- are significantly related to their children’s at-
tors in the relational context (Rosenblum et al., tachment security, at rates comparable to the
2006; Zimmermann, 1999), and are likely to in- AAI (Benoit et al., 1997; Huth Bocks et al.,
fluence the degree to which parents can openly 2004). In addition, parental representations are
and genuinely identify and orient to their chil- linked to how parents engage with their infants
dren’s emotions (Cassidy, 1994). For example, (Dayton, Levendosky, Davidson, & Bogat,
mothers’ AAI attachment classifications have 2007; Slade, Belsky, Aber, & Phelps, 1999;
been related to the way they conveyed emotions Vizziello, Antonioli, Cocci, & Invernizzi, 1993;
toward their infants while singing to them; dis- Vreeswijk et al., 2012; Zeanah, Keener, Stewart,
missive mothers were found to be unable to & Anders, 1985).
modify their singing to adjust for infant distress Despite the evidence for links between par-
(Milligan, Atkinson, Trehub, Benoit, & Poul- ents’ representations, sensitivity, and infant
ton, 2003). Conversely, mothers with autono- attachment, results of meta-analyses of these
studies have identified a “transmission gap” Schechter et al., 2005; Slade, Grienenberger,
(DeWolff & van IJzendoorn, 1997), in that Bernbach, Levy, & Locker, 2005; Stacks et al.,
parenting sensitivity explains only 23% of the 2014). Relatedly, the Insightfulness Assessment
association between parental and child work- (IA; Koren-Karie, Oppenheim, & Dolev, 2002)
ing models. A number of explanations for this is a narrative-based interview designed to as-
gap have been proposed, including the need to sess parents’ insight and empathic understand-
consider other contextual factors and a broader ing of their children’s experiences. The IA asks
array of caregiving behavior. At a very proximal parents to observe video recordings of their
level, for example, parent positive affect or de- young child and respond to a series of questions
light (e.g., Rosenblum et al., 2002), or the quality that tap into insightfulness (e.g., “What do you
of verbal mirroring (Meins et al., 2001), may be think your child was thinking or feeling?”). Re-
more important transmitters of relational secu- sponses to the IA have also been related to child
rity than maternal behavioral sensitivity per se. attachment security, parenting sensitivity, and
Nonetheless, current research does sug- positive cooperation in families with toddlers
gest that parenting sensitivity is likely to play (Koren-Karie et al., 2002; Marcu, Oppenheim,
a critical, albeit less direct role, than previously & Koren-Karie, 2016).
thought. For example, one study indicated that Parental reflective functioning and insight-
mothers who were not autonomous on the AAI fulness are evident when parents acknowledge
yet had secure infants were more behaviorally and tolerate complex feelings, acknowledge in-
sensitive than nonautonomous mothers with intergenerational or other contextual influences,
secure infants (Atkinson, Goldberg, & Raval, display openness and complexity in representa-
2005). From an intervention perspective this is tions of the child, and search for mental mean-
particularly intriguing, pointing to our need to ing that underlies their own and their child’s
know more regarding factors that facilitate sen- behavior. Low reflective functioning is evident
sitive parenting in parents with insecure states when parents very rarely acknowledge feelings
of mind. or mental states, fail to acknowledge the influ-
ence of psychological processes on their own or
others behavior, or generate extremely stereo-
Mental State Awareness: The Role of Reflective
typed, action- versus emotion-oriented expla-
Functioning and Insightfulness
nations for behavior.
“Reflective functioning” is a clinically mean- Extant research has underscored the impor-
ingful concept that refers to the individual’s tance of parental reflective functioning and
ability to appropriately attribute mental states insightfulness for children’s development, par-
and beliefs to others (Fonagy & Target, 1997). ticularly in the face of early parental or child
Because this capacity includes the ability to un- adversity or hardship. For example, reflective
derstand the motivational forces that underlie functioning has been observed to be particu-
behavior, high reflective functioning helps to larly predictive of child attachment when moth-
make behavior of the infant more meaningful ers had also experienced significant childhood
and predictable. Reflective functioning has also adversity (Fonagy, Steele, Steele, Higgitt, &
been posited to be directly associated with indi- Target, 1994), and maternal insightfulness has
viduals’ ability to tolerate ambivalent or painful been shown to play a particularly important role
affect without the need to minimize, distort, or in buffering against the negative effects of vio-
split off such unwanted emotional experiences. lence exposure (Gray, Forbes, Briggs-Gowan,
Thus, the parent who has the capacity to engage & Carter, 2015).
in reflective functioning is likely to respond to

the child’s emotional needs and reactions with
Social Development and Infant Mental
openness and acceptance, which in turn fosters
Health Implications
in the child a sense that both positive and nega-
tive emotions are tolerable and can be integrated. The infant mental health field has long appre-
The capacity for reflective functioning has ciated the centrality of the parent–child rela-
been coded from parents’ adult attachment nar- tionship, and today the number of manualized
ratives and from interviews designed to assess relationship-focused intervention models is in-
the parents’ representation of the child, and creasing; evidence for the efficacy of these in-
has been related to infant attachment security terventions is accumulating (Berlin, 2005; Cas-
(Fonagy, Steele, Moran, Steele, & Higgitt, 1991; sidy, Woodhouse, Sherman, Stupica, & Lejuez,
2011; Hoffman, Marvin, Cooper, & Powell, emotional domains. New capacities emerge
2006; Lieberman, Ghosh-Ippen, & van Horn, with regularity, and with the development of
2016; Sameroff, McDonough, & Rosenblum, newly acquired skills, the infant moves toward
2004; Swain et al., 2017; Toth, Rogosch, Manly, greater levels of social–emotional competence.
& Cicchetti, 2006). What these interventions When developmental milestones are met and
share is a focus on the assessment and treatment supported, social–emotional competence is evi-
of the infant in a social-relational context. dent in the young child’s emerging awareness
Studies indicate that attachment outcomes and understanding of his or her own and others’
are most improved when services are, among emotions; capacity for empathic involvement;
other things, delivered to a clearly defined risk ability to cope adaptively with aversive emo-
population, and when the focus is on enhancing tions and challenging circumstances; open and
parenting sensitivity (Bakermans-Kranenburg, trusting emotional communication within rela-
van IJzendoorn, & Juffer, 2003). This empha- tionships; ability to rely on others for safety and
sis on sensitivity is consistent with research that support; and ability to explore, play, and carry
suggests outcomes for children with sensitively forward a sense of effectance and trust (Saarni,
responsive parents, even if the parents themsel- 1999; Sroufe et al., 2005). When developmental
ves maintain a number of other risk factors, are milestones for competence in social–emotional
better than outcomes for those who evidence less domains are not met, or when the developmen-
sensitive parenting. For example, in a large and tal trajectory is set awry, later deficits in the
diverse sample, Belsky and Fearon (2002) obser- social–emotional domains are more likely to
ved that children with secure attachment histo- unfold. The field of infant mental health has
ries whose mothers became insensitive during long recognized that social–emotional compe-
toddlerhood had lower psychosocial functioning tence emerges from a dynamic developmental
scores at 3 years compared to children with in- interplay of complex transactions across matu-
secure attachment histories whose mothers were rational, environmental, biological, and inter-
sensitive later in development. This suggests personal contexts. Assessment and intervention
that more proximal parenting behaviors are hig- that attend to the infant within this dynamic
hly predictive of child outcomes and can even developmental context are central to returning
overcome early insecure attachment histories. to or maintaining the young child on this pow-
Interventions to enhance parenting sensi- erful track toward increasing social–emotional
tivity can have important positive effects on competence.
children’s social–emotional outcomes (Baker-
mans-Kranenburg et al., 2003), particularly for
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Chapter 6 Infant Social and Emotional

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CHAPTER 6

Infant Social and Emotional Development

P erhaps no aspect of developmental change is

entiate emotions unfolds, there is an increasing evidence of more complex “self-conscious”

(Kopp, 1989). more adaptive role of anger. Infant anger in re-

ly & Tronick, 2011; Rosenblum, Dayton, & Mc- ness.

Across diverse cultural contexts, mater- of life.

that, in general, the quality of early attachment

outcomes. dition, mind-minded comments in the first year

in reflective functioning is likely to respond to

(5-HTTLPR) polymorphisms in the determination of Braithwaite, E. C., Ramchandani, P. G., O’Connor, T.

307–331. (Ed.), Handbook of infant development (2nd ed., pp.

secure-disorganized/disoriented attachment pattern. tervention to improve mental health and parenting

Press. the still face. Child Development, 73(4), 999–1015.

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