Webber Kruglanski Molinario Jasko 2020

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Ideologies that justify political violence


David Webber1, Arie Kruglanski2, Erica Molinario2 and
Katarzyna Jasko3

Abstract ideologies that facilitate violence. We begin the review


by looking at a definition of political ideologies to under-
The present review identifies a variety of tactics that are often stand, at the most basic level, what an ideology must
employed by ideologies to promote and/or justify political accomplish to promote non-state forms of political vio-
violence. The review builds on a social psychological lence. The review then focuses on two psychological
framework that identifies important existential and epistemic needs—existential and epistemic—that an ideology likely
needs that motivate individuals to become ideological serves if it is to motivate individuals to take on the mantle of
extremists and discusses the mechanisms through which political violence. We end by discussing two broad variants
ideological narratives that promote political violence can serve of ideology—religion and conservatism—that should be
these needs. We end the review by discussing two broad particularly adept at addressing these psychological needs.
variants of ideology (religious and conservative) that should be
particularly apt at implementing these tactics.
Political violence against the system
Addresses Political violence perpetrated by non-state actors is a means
1
L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia of advancing a political or ideological cause, and represents
Commonwealth University, 923 W. Franklin St., Richmond, VA 23284,
United States
an attempt to coerce or intimidate a government or civilian
population to effect a desired social change. In this form,
2
Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, Biology/ political violence is a case of asymmetric conflict wherein
Psychology Building, 4094 Campus Dr., College Park, MD 20742, United
States
the protagonist has severely lesser fighting capabilities,
3
Institute of Psychology, Jagiellonian University, ul. Ingardena 6, 30-060 resources, and personnel than their opponent (cf. [1]).
Krakow, Poland Viewed from this perspective, political violence includes,
among others, insurgencies, revolutions, riots, violent pro-
Corresponding author: Webber, David (dwebber@vcu.edu)
tests, and terrorism. Terrorism, for instance, represents a
specific form of political violence where the protagonists
Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences 2020, 34:107–111 primarily attack noncombatant populations, and exploit the
This review comes from a themed issue on Emotion, motivation, psychological impact of these attacks in their efforts to
personality and social sciences *political ideologies* bring about change to the current political system.
Edited by John T Jost, Eran Halperin and Kristin Laurin
In the present discussion, we consider all forms of substate
For a complete overview see the Issue and the Editorial
political violence because of the fundamental similarities in
Available online 18th February 2020 ideologies that promote them. At a minimum, these ideol-
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2020.01.004 ogies must accomplish two tasks, related to the essential
2352-1546/ã 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. components that define a political ideology, and their
channeling into political violence. Our point of departure
is the definition of political ideology as ‘a set of beliefs about
the proper order of society and how it can be achieved’ [48].

The first half of this definition states that an ideology


Throughout history, all manners of ideologies have pro- contains a set of principles about the appropriate order of
moted and justified acts of political violence perpetrated by society. The second half identifies a means of bringing
non-state actors. Religious ideologies such as Christianity about such an order. To promote political violence, an
(e.g. the Crusaders), Islam (e.g. al Qaeda or ISIS), Judaism ideology must advocate a change in the current societal
(e.g. the Zealots of the 1st Century), Buddhism (e.g. order for the sake of its political goals. Individuals prone to
969 Movement in Myanmar), and even Odinism (e.g. embracing such an ideology are likely to score low on the
right-wing terrorism, including the 2011 Norway attacks), psychological constructs of system justification, social dom-
for instance, have been used as justification. The same is inance orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism, all of
true of non-religious ideologies on both the left and the which represent attitudes supportive of perpetuating
right of the political spectrum, for example, fascist beliefs (rather than subverting) the current system, including its
held by white nationalist extremists and the environmen- authorities, norms, and social hierarchies (e.g. [2–5].
talist views held by eco-terrorists. The purpose of the Indeed, individuals high on these dimensions disavow
present review is to understand the characteristics of political violence that targets existing social authorities.

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108 Emotion, motivation, personality and social sciences *political ideologies*

Past research has found a negative relation between these constrained by trying to simultaneously fulfill multiple
constructs and a willingness to engage in and support need states, political extremists are singularly focused on
political protest against the current system [6,7,49], and achieving one need. Thus, extremists’ behavior is
a willingness to support acts of terrorism [8]. In contrast, directed toward means that can potently fulfill a dominant
these constructs are related positively to protecting the need, regardless of whether those means might under-
current system from political violence. This includes sup- mine other concerns, as these other concerns have
porting violence [9,8] and policies that restrict civil liberties receded in importance and no longer constrain behavioral
(e.g. [10,11]) as tools to counter terrorism. Together, this options. Research spearheaded by our team has consis-
research tells us that ideologies that promote substate tently found that political extremism is motivated by the
political violence are likely to avoid content that promotes need to feel significant (aka respected and valued; [15]).
the current system as this would resonate with individuals Thus, suicide bombers were found to perpetrate high
who wish to protect rather than dismantle the status quo. casualty attacks [16] and domestic extremists were more
likely to use violence (versus nonviolence; [17]) when
As already noted, ideology must also explain how to there was stronger evidence that they were questing for
achieve the desired social order. Thus, to promote and significance. Experimental manipulations of the signifi-
justify violence, an ideology must prescribe violence as an cance need and self-reported feelings of insignificance
effective means for subverting the system. This simply were also related to the endorsement of political extrem-
acknowledges that violence is often avoided because it is ism (e.g. [18]). Likewise, activists were more willing to
viewed as an inappropriate means of goal achievement. sacrifice for a political cause if they felt engagement in the
To promote violence, an ideology must portray (or pref- movement provided them with significance [19].
erence) violence as a means through which a political goal
is likely to be achieved. Ideologies, then, can promote violence if they associate
political goals with the need to feel significant. We use
The motivational substructure of violence- regulatory focus theory [20] to organize our discussion of
justifying ideologies the various ways that this is likely to occur. Regulatory
Simply prescribing violence as an acceptable means, focus theory identifies two ways—a prevention focus and
however, is often insufficient to motivate one to under- promotion focus—in which goals are construed and pur-
take violence as their personal obligation. Indeed, the sued. We address each of these in turn.
adherents of violence-justifying ideologies who sit idly on
the sidelines far outweigh those who act on behalf of the A promotion focus involves a primary concern with
cause [12]. Engagement in political extremism requires achievement and growth. Promotion-focused individuals
both sufficient motivation and ability [13]. Some indi- are most likely to initiate goal pursuit when they perceive
viduals who support the idea of violence never proceed to that the expectancy of success is high, as is the boost to
violence because they lack the capabilities (or belief in significance that success brings. Thus, to resonate with a
their capabilities) to perpetrate a successful violent promotion focus, ideologies could emphasize the glory
attack. Ideologies are limited in their capacity to address that violence against the enemies of one’s group provides,
ability deficits. and the realistic expectation that one’s political goals are
achievable through violence [21,22]. In other words,
Others never progress to violence because they are insuf- narratives can promise some form of special status—for
ficiently motivated. Ideologies can therefore promote example, heroism, notoriety, martyrdom—to violent per-
violence by speaking to specific motives that drive politi- petrators. This includes narratives that promote specific
cal extremism. Previous work has examined what was forms of violence (i.e. gun violence) as a means of
termed the functional or motivational substructure of an attaining personal empowerment [23].
ideology, which refers to the psychological needs, goals,
and motives served by the contents of a political ideology A prevention focus involves concerns with safety and
[14]. In the remaining pages of this review, we focus on fulfilling responsibilities. One way to resonate with this
two key components of the motivational substructure of orientation is to portray violence as the remedy for the
ideologies that justify political violence. To do so, we grievance(s) that caused an individual’s motivational
build on a social psychological framework that has iden- imbalance. The motivational imbalance is often induced
tified important needs and motives that drive individuals by negative circumstances like discrimination or a state of
to extreme behavior, including political violence [13]. (relative) deprivation of one’s group. These circum-
We specifically focus on existential and epistemic needs, stances create a discrepancy between one’s desired sense
as research has linked both to political violence. of significance, and his or her actual significance [13].
These circumstances are also likely construed as security
Existential needs threats (e.g. [50]), thus resonating with prevention-
Extremism results from a motivational imbalance [13]. focused individuals. It follows that ideologies can pro-
Unlike moderate individuals whose behavior is mote violence by weaving a narrative that portrays

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Ideologies that justify terrorism Webber et al. 109

political violence as serving these security needs [21] and This includes presenting violence as an appropriate
that addresses the state of deprivation [24]. means through which political change can be achieved,
and portraying these concepts (i.e. political goals and
A second way to resonate with a prevention orientation is to violence on behalf of these goals) in ways that resonate
link political violence to endangered moral values [22,25]. with the epistemic need for closure and the existential
Ideologies can increase extreme behavior on behalf of a need for significance. Armed with this understanding, it is
political ideology by portraying a political cause (and vio- possible to identify specific ideologies that might be more
lence in service of the cause) as serving important moral capable at promoting violence than others. The argu-
values. For instance, participants who moralized the Israeli- ments that follow rely on evidence pertaining to terrorism
Palestinian conflict were more polarized in their beliefs as a specific form of political violence.
regarding the acceptability of civilian life as collateral
damage and support of violent retribution [26]. Other Whereas most terrorist attacks result in zero fatalities [37]
research has related the moralization of political values casualties associated with attacks vary across instances. It is
to a greater willingness to engage in political action [27], thus possible to examine whether followers of certain
lesser respect for authorities of the status quo [28], and ideologies are more likely to use fatal violence, relative
greater support of violence when faced with actions or to, for instance, property or infrastructure crimes that do not
attitudes at odds with one’s moral values [29]. Furthermore, cause deaths. Ideologies that more capably address
moral rhetoric on social media is predictive of violence individuals’ needs should be more ‘successful’ at causing
perpetrated during a political protest [30]. Taken together, fatalities. Past research specifically suggests two candidate
this research shows that highlighting moral values associ- ideologies that are likely to be effective: ideologies on the
ated with an ideological cause might increase willingness to political right (versus left) and religious (versus secular)
use violence to act on behalf of those values. ideologies. Analyses of terrorist attacks committed
between 1998 and 2005 revealed that organizations sub-
Epistemic needs scribing to religious ideologies were the most likely to
Political extremists think in absolutist, dogmatic, and engage in lethal attacks and were responsible for a greater
certainty affording ways. For instance, individuals who number of deaths [38,39]. ‘Leftist’ groups were signifi-
reside on the poles of the political continuum have a cantly less likely to kill than religious groups, and anarchist
tendency to reject opposing ideological beliefs as inferior groups were the least likely to engage in lethal attacks. Eco-
[31], and to conceptualize political issues in clear, terrorists were responsible for zero lethal attacks during this
homogenous categories [32]. Moreover, the more impor- period, so they were excluded from analyses. Religious
tant a political issue is to an individual, the more likely ideology has also been found to increase the lethality of
that individual is to conceptualize that political issue in suicide attacks [40], whereas attacks perpetrated in US
simplistic terms [33]. Equally important, the need for regions known for propagating a ‘culture of honor’ were
cognitive closure (e.g. [34]) has been linked to the support more deadly than attacks perpetrated in other regions [41].
of violence, for instance, through research demonstrating
that the need for closure promotes ingroup glorification Why might this be the case? Conservatives are more
and support for extreme measures against one’s enemies likely to see the world in absolutist, dogmatic, and closure
[35]. Other findings have shown that the endorsement of affording ways than are liberals [42]. Conservatives are
ideological extremism increases when the need for clo- also more likely than liberals to moralize values that
sure is activated via feelings of uncertainty (e.g. [36]) or effectively promote violence. Conservatives value loy-
insignificance [18]. alty, authority, and sanctity [43]. This is important, as
research has further found that the sacralization of loyalty
It follows that ideologies foster political violence through was positively related (whereas the sacralization of other
representing their content in ways that will appeal to values was either unrelated or negatively related) to the
these individuals’ closure needs. This includes represent- justification of violence [44]. This suggests that conser-
ing political values and goals in simplistic manners, por- vative ideologies should have an easier time moralizing
traying the ideology as incontrovertible truth (and thus, political violence than liberal ideologies.
suggesting that alternate ideologies are false), presenting
violent means toward goal attainment as the only solution, Religious ideologies are similarly suited to addressing the
dichotomizing the world and its inhabitants into clearly previously outlined needs. Religious ideologies can pro-
delineated groups, or utilizing charismatic figureheads vide greater certainty than secular ideologies because
(that individuals high in need for closure tend to follow) they rest on the authority of God. In addition, through
to spread beliefs. the promise of a blessed afterlife to those who act as
prescribed by the ideology, religion offers a potent ave-
Statements about specific ideologies nue to significance that is unavailable to secular ideolo-
The previous sections highlighted tactics that can be gies. Religion can more naturally moralize political
employed by ideologies to promote political violence. values, as interpretations of Holy Scripture can

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110 Emotion, motivation, personality and social sciences *political ideologies*

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This article examines when people are likely to engage in protest for
In closing, the present review suggests that through causes that defend the existing system or challenge the existing system.
understanding the various psychological needs that are System justification beliefs correlated positively with collective action
enacted for the purpose of supporting the current system (i.e. fighting for
pertinent to those engaging in extreme forms of political one’s country; defense of traditional values espoused by a current
violence it is possible to understand how ideologies can presidential administration). System justification beliefs, however, were
appeal to these needs through their motivational sub- negatively correlated with collective action that challenged the current
system (i.e. supporting the rights of indigenous peoples and racial
structure. This enables an understanding of how any minorities), although this relationship occurred through group-based
ideology can frame its contents in ways that promote anger, system dissatisfaction, and perceptions of group-based injustice.
violence, but also demonstrates how some ideologies may 8. Henry PJ, Sidanius J, Levin S, Pratto F: Social dominance
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Often, subgroups within the same movement will sub-
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In other papers we proposed that these relationships
crucially depend on social context [13,47], but research 13. Kruglanski AW, Jasko K, Chernikova M, Dugas M, Webber D: To
 the fringe and back: violent extremism and the psychology of
should investigate the role of other additional factors. deviance. Am Psychol 2017, 72:217-230.
This article outlines a social psychological framework of extremism,
generally, and violent extremism, specifically. This paper introduces
Conflict of interest statement the concept of violent extremism as a function of a motivational imbal-
Nothing declared. ance (specifically, pertaining to the need to feel significant). It discusses
how the imbalance can be triggered, how (through ideological narratives
and social networks) behavior can be directed toward violent means, and
how the framework can be used to also understand how extremist
CRediT authorship contribution statement individuals can be drawn back to positions of moderation.
David Webber: Conceptualization, Writing - original
14. Jost JT, Federico CM, Napier JL: Political ideology: its structure,
draft. Arie Kruglanski: Writing - original draft. Erica functions, and elective affinities. Annu Rev Psychol 2009,
Molinario: Writing - original draft. Katarzyna Jasko: 60:307-337.
Writing - original draft. 15. Kruglanski AW, Gelfand MJ, Bélanger JJ, Sheveland A,
Hetiarachchi M, Gunaratna R: The psychology of radicalization
and deradicalization: how significance quest impacts violent
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