Cultural Style and Solutions to Conflict

Author(s): Dorothy K. Billings

Source: Journal of Peace Research , Aug., 1991, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Aug., 1991), pp. 249-262
Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/424406

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 ? Journal of Peace Research, vol. 28, no. 3, 1991, pp. 249-262

Cultural Style and Solutions to Conflict*

DOROTHY K. BILLINGS
Department of Anthropology, Wichita State University

This paper relates data from two contrasting cultures in Papua New Guinea to the div
Boulding and Galtung with regard to egalitarian and hierarchical structures in society
dissociative solutions to conflict, justice and exploitation, vitality and stagnation, and dire
violence. Analyses suggest that the evolutionary and structural theories proposed, r
Boulding and Galtung may be differentially applicable to societies organized by differen
Examples are provided from anthropological research in two societies of contrasting c
Papua New Guinea: the group-oriented Tikana of New Ireland, and the individualistic
Hanover. The style of Tikana culture is group-oriented, institutionalized, and egalitari
Lavongai culture is individualistic, non-institutionalized, and peck-ordered. In the resolu
e.g. regarding property or marriages, Tikana typically emphasize public claims and
justice for individuals. Institutionalized rules provide leadership and prevent the escal
to violence. Lavongai, by contrast, typically seek justice at any cost, and regard disp
matters. Conflicts are resolved by individuals unaided by institutionalized rules or leader
often involve violence. The same structures which yield dissociative solutions to con
Lavongai also allow peck-ordered hierarchies to form and persist, while those structures
associative solutions among the Tikana also bring about and maintain egalitarian relati

1. Equality: Justice or Stagnation? in other words of exploitation, in human affairs.

That you have more and I have less may be proble-
A major paradigm debate in peace research
matic; if I come to the conclusion that I have less
has been given summary attention because
in this you have more, it may become intolerable
journal by two leading advocates(Galtung,
of the 1987, pp. 200-201).
opposing positions. At issue are the impli-
Boulding
cations of equality and inequality. Kennethcategorizes his approach as 'evolu-
Boulding sees inequality as the tionary',
source in ofcontrast to that of Galtung,
which hecon-
energy for all life, and not as inherently calls 'structural'.
stituting what Johan Galtung callsThe relationship between peace and war,
'struc-
onIn
tural violence', or 'social injustice'. the one hand, and equality and in-
1977,
he characterized Galtung's position equality,
in theon the other hand, has been a
following terms: focus of research and a point of contrast for
students from many disciplines as the
It would almost seem as if Galtung would regard the
interdisciplinary field of peace studies has
last ultimate whimper of the universe, according to
emerged
the second law of thermodynamics, in over the last three decades. During
which all
this time,
things are at an equal temperature and equally dis- there has been an increasing
interest
tributed throughout space so that nothing in
a discussion of equality and in-
more can
conceivably happen, as the ultimate heaven,
equalityor
in the anthropological literature
perhaps one should say Nirvana . . . (Boulding,
1977, p. 79).
(e.g. Leacock, 1981; Bedford et al., 1987),
but this contrast has not been investigated
Galtung responded to Boulding's challenge primarily in relation to peace or war.
in 1987 as follows: In this article, I propose to define two
types of 'equality' and 'hierarchy' as they
I think Boulding underestimates by any measure theare made manifest in two Melanesian socie-
fundamental role of structurally induced inequality,
ties where I have carried out anthropologi-
cal research since 1965.2 I then relate the
* An earlier version of this paper was read data
at the
on these two societies to four issues
Twelfth Congress of the International Union of Anthro-
raised,
pological and Ethnological Sciences (IUAES) held in explicitly or implicitly, in the Bould-
Yugoslavia in 1988. ing-Galtung 'friendly quarrels' published in

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250 Dorothy K. Billings

this journal (Boulding, 1977; Galtung, root crops (taro, yams, sweet potatoes),
1987). These issues are the differential sago, fish, pigs, and chickens. Since World
presence or absence of (1) egalitarianism War II, they have increasingly added rice
and/or hierarchy, which I discuss in terms of and tinned foods to their diet, purchased
the concept of 'cultural style' (Billings, with monies received for labor and cash
1972); (2) associative and/or dissociative crops, mainly copra. Both peoples have had
solutions to conflicts; (3) justice or exploi- similar colonial experiences, with the Ger-
tation, vitality or stagnation; and (4) direct mans until 1914 and with the Australians
or structural violence, internally and in since 1918. Both have had their lives pro-
external relations. I conclude that the major foundly influenced by Methodist and Catho-
theories of society proposed by Galtung and lic missions. Both experienced the Ameri-
Boulding, structural and evolutionary, may can presence during World War II. Both are
be differentially applicable to interpreting now (since 1975) part of the independent
different types of societies (perhaps those country of Papua New Guinea, and of New
preferred, respectively, by the two Ireland Province.
researchers) rather than one of these theor- Both peoples live largely in coastal vil-
ies being universally more applicable than lages of 100-300 people. There is one im-
the other.3 portant structural similarity between tra-
Peace studies is making an important con- ditional Tikana and Lavongai cultures: both
tribution to anthropology by generating have about a dozen exogamous, named
relevant and important issues such as these matrilineal clans, each associated with a
on which anthropologists can undertake different bird, unevenly dispersed through
research. While anthropologists have tra- the villages. These clans function very dif-
ditionally studied single societies, it would ferently in the two societies, but, in both
be useful to have anthropological research cases, clans provide a structural basis for
into peaceful and violent contacts between land ownership and marriage.
societies with substantially different styles of
culture, and which characteristically favor 2.2. Cultural Differences of Structure and
different kinds of solutions to conflict. Such Style
research can, in turn, I believe, make rele-Tikana and Lavongai societies are shaped
vant and important contributions to peace by cultures of contrasting style. Tikana cul-
studies.4 ture is group-oriented, institutionalized, and
egalitarian, while Lavongai culture is indivi-
dualistic, non-institutionalized, and peck-
2. Tikana and Lavongai ordered. The key structural difference on
The Tikana of northern New Ireland and which these contrasting styles are based is
the Lavongai of New Hanover are neighbors the relationship between clan and residence
on adjacent islands in the Bismarck archi- ideology: the Tikana profess a preference
pelago north of Papua New Guinea.for Each
matrilocal residence, which keeps fellow
group numbers about 7,000 people. clanswomen They together in extended families
share many similar features with eachonother matrilineally owned land which is theirs
and with other Melanesian people, andtohave pass on to their children; while the
occasionally married each other in theLavongaipast. unanimously agree that patrilocal
The content, style, and structure of residence
each is their traditional rule, a prefer-
culture is, however, quite different from ence which establishes nuclear families on
that of the other; and they typically matrilineally
settle defined land which does not
disputes in contrasting ways which are con- without question to either parent nor
belong
to their children.
sistent with their respective styles of culture.
Among the Tikana, groups are formed
2.1 Similarities of Settings and Cultures and clearly organized, internally and exter-
Both the Tikana and the Lavongai are nally,slash-according to institutionalized rules
and-burn horticulturalists who subsist on and patterns which do not allow anyone to

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 Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 251

rise too far above, or fall too far below, profit in exchanges or only appear to give
other people in this egalitarian society. while 'putting back money into their own
Helping, giving, and nurturing are the baskets': it is right to 'go outside' one's own
modes which integrate the Tikana, and the group and 'lose, lose, lose'. Memai say they
redundancy of interactions based on these do not worry that they have many debts
modes maintains, creates, and constitutes 'stuck to their skin', but only that the cere-
Tikana cultural style. The individual Lavon- monies should go well, that no one should
gai, by contrast, is raised in ambiguous cir- be angry, that everyone should be 'brothers
cumstances without clear allies, coping with together'. They are seen as servants, not
non-institutionalized signals to try to keep a masters, of the group.
place in the pecking order that always has The exchanges at malanggan and other
winners and losers, but is always in flux. ceremonies take place primarily across mar-
Asking for help, taking, and provoking are riage bonds, which are multiple between
the modes which integrate the Lavongai, most groups. Marriage is arranged at the
and which maintain, create, and constitute wishes of the two who will marry, but
Lavongai cultural style. people quite often find that their personal
feelings follow well-established kinship
2.3 Tikana Culture: Group-Oriented, paths. Most of these paths lead to people
Institutionalized, Egalitarian with whom they have grown up as kin and
The matrilineal extended family is the fun- neighbors, but some lead across the island
damental unit of Tikana society. While or the water or down the road to families
people say that married couples may live with whom ties were established one or
either with the family of the wife or of the several generations ago. Through repeated
husband, and they do move back and forth, marriages and subsequent involvement
after they have children they spend most of together in malanggan and other cere-
their time in the mother's home hamlet in monies, networks have been extended, and
lasting bonds created, all over northern New
her village. Children grow up with the chil-
Ireland, and across the water to Tabar.
dren of their mother's sisters and with many
people of their own clan, and they come to Kinship relations are clearly structured by
multiple obligations and personal avoidance
know well the family lands which they will
inherit. People who move away, to worktaboos,
or which extend to a large number of
to marry, are always welcome back home; categories of kin and affines. People do not
and most people, including the men who talk with or stay near their cross-cousins or
in-laws of the opposite sex; and women and
have married away to live in their wives'
their brothers and their brothers' children
hamlets, are brought back home after death
for burial in the family cemetery. avoid each other out of respect.
The dead are honored and their social Respect is evident in all relationships in
Tikana society, including those between
roles passed on at malanggan ceremonies:
adults
large gatherings featuring exchanges of pigs,and children. Children and other
persons who are in weak positions (the
shell currency, and malanggan art works,
handicapped,
which are sponsored and organized by foreigners, outsiders) are
memai (speakers, Big Men) on behalfgiven
of thefirst place, the best food, and helped
families of the dead. Young memai are to come
pub- into the group as full participants.
People
licly installed by older memai at these cere- move carefully and responsively
monies, and they gradually assume among
leader- their fellows, talking little, avoiding
ship of their families and villages. But men that might reveal conflict, follow-
questions
who are not formally installed as memai alsoknown path.
ing the
lead and speak and are referred to as Big
2.4 Lavongai
Men, and women and children own pigs and Culture: Individualistic, Non-
shell currency and function as equals in
institutionalized, Peck-Ordered
these great exchanges which unite New
The nuclear family is the fundamental unit
Ireland society. No one should try toof Lavongai
make a society, and even here individ-

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252 Dorothy K. Billings

uals often find themselves struggling to tion to that of the established authority out-
belong. Lavongai prefer to live in the side their island, from which they have
father's hamlet, which means that clan maintained their separation; and in relation
members do not co-reside. Women do not to a faction of Lavongais who remained out-
have their sisters and mothers and others of side of, and opposed to, the 'election', as
their own clan as co-residents who help careinsiders called it, and TIA.
for the children. Because there is no resi- Lavongai kinship relations are much less
dence group to structure marriage andhighly to institutionalized than are those in
Tikana society. There are some avoidance
create a home base, many Lavongai mar-
riages are with people from relativelycustoms
far known, but people have different
ideas about them, and they are followed
away, the result of romantic encounters.
idiosyncratically.
People are buried in village, rather than in Cross-cousins of opposite
hamlet and family, cemeteries. sex are most likely to avoid each other and
There are no major ceremonies or used to be preferred marriage partners.
There is no avoidance taboo known be-
exchanges to create a structure larger than
tween brother and sister, but people do n
the locality for the Lavongai. There used to
be maras, when older men brought young expect help from others, even siblings.
boys into seclusion to prepare them for war- Children, the handicapped, foreigner
fare and for manhood, but this institutionand others in weak positions are likely to
disappeared long ago and was never univer-exploited and last in the pecking order
sal in New Hanover. The family of the deadwhere they must fend for themselves. Ch
may sponsor a wag, a night of singing and dren are fed by their parents, but often wit
dancing in remembrance of the dead, but noscolding, or perhaps after father, and som
alliances are built on such occasions. In times even mother, has eaten first. Assert-
1964, the Lavongai built a non-traditionaliveness and curiosity characterize relation-
alliance with each other against theships among the Lavongai, who are always
Austra-
lian Administration when they refused lookingtofor a better way, the main chance,
and a friend. The weak struggle to keep up,
vote for one among the available candidates
(European and local elites) to represent and the strong struggle to keep somewhere
them in the new House of Assembly, out and
in front, all demanding that each be
voted instead for President Johnson of equal to the others, but really interested in
America. Those who joined what came toonly with the strong.
equality
be called, by outsiders, 'the Johnson cult',
refused to pay taxes and went to jail for
three to six months each year during 1964,
3. Contrasting Styles of Conflict Resolution
1965, and 1966. Then, led by an American
Tikana and Lavongai typically settle dis-
Catholic priest, they formed Tutukuvul
putes in different ways which are consistent
Isukul Association (TIA), an economic
with their respective styles of culture.
advancement society which required
members to pay taxes in order to stay out of
jail. This organization has dominated New 3.1 Tikana
Hanover life since then. By 1983, TIA was Tikana give priority to peace, even over jus-
demanding independence from Papua New tice. This general pattern is evident in vari-
Guinea under a Presidential System; how- ous kinds of conflict, as illustrated below.
ever, internal solidarity among members
had begun to decline, leaving no fundamen-1. Property. The most serious dispute I
tal change in the individualistic structure ofheard began over a pig, but developed into
Lavongai culture. a more complex set of claims. Two old
Under the non-traditional forms of politi- women, Ruanas and Kuma,5 each thought a
cal and economic leadership provided by thebaby pig was her own, and when Ruanas
cult and TIA, the Lavongais have been ablecomplained that Kuma was trying to steal
to increase greatly their own power in rela-her pig by feeding it, Kuma's son hit Ruanas.

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 Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 253

Eventually, the Local Government Council- 3. Leadership. A major role the memai has
lor, from two villages away, came to hear in malanggan ceremonies is to prevent dis-
both sides of the quarrel, which developed putes from arising: over competition in
into a dispute about where the boundary was exchanges, over jealousy about who will
between their two houses. Many people pass on memaihood to a new young man,
from the village remained in the area the over who neglected to bring a pig, and the
whole day while deliberations continued. A like. If disputes occur, despite all efforts to
Big Man from the next village said, 'Talk is prevent them, memai have an institutiona-
just wind, but wind can break a tree', mean- lized way to end them, which I once
ing that it was important to get all the bad observed in use. When a shouting match
talk out and over with so that it could not followed dissension over who should bring a
cause any further trouble. carving to a particular malanggan cere-
What was characteristic about the settle- mony, the memai strode into the center of
ment of this Tikana quarrel was that the the gathering waving a particular kind of
apparent issues were considered secondary leaves and calling out their name. If there is
to the primary one, which was to end the a quarrel, he told me later, the memai will
go and 'kill' the quarrel with these leaves. In
conflict. 'You talk about whose pig it is', the
Councillor said. 'I think I will kill the pig,
this case, people immediately quit shouting
and sat down, waiting for the memai to lead
and you two will still be talking about whose
pig it is.' One of the disputants suggested the way to compromise. Toward the end of
that the pig be allowed to go to the bush, this malanggan, this memai was asked to
where it would be 'everyone's pig'; and this'step down' from his task of passing on
solution was quickly adopted. It was also memaihood to a young man, so that another
decided that the ground between the houses memai, of the young man's own clan, could
was part of the path to the beach, and that make
it the installation. The ousted memai
was given one string of shell currency, to
also belonged to everyone. Thus, the public
got both the pig and the ground. 'buy his shame', and, thereafter, he stayed
The act marking the end of the dispute
home: no power struggle disturbed the unity
was an exchange: all who had become of the group.
involved gave each other five shillings as
they shook hands. The quarrel was over,4. Conflict Leading to Violence. Violence is
and no one had won or lost. Everything rare, to my knowledge, among the Tikana. I
came out 'square'. know of three instances: a sister hit her
brother (the man who had committed incest
2. Marriage. Where there were marital con-with their half sister), a young man pushed
flicts, members of the extended families of an older woman (as described above), and a
each spouse were called to help settle them. mother hit her young daughter, whom she
Reconciliation of all parties was the resol- then sat with and comforted. No one was
ution sought: I knew of only one divorcemuch hurt in these cases. It is thought that
where there were children, and, in that case, violence threatens between Big Men at
the abandoned husband went to live next exchanges, and heavy institutionalized
door to his former wife and her new hus- guards are erected here to prevent it.
band so that he could be with her and their Control is demanded.
There
children. One couple resumed their mar- used to be violence in warfare. In
addition to memai, the Tikana were led in
riage after a separation of many months,
begun when it was discovered that he was the past by a Big Man who went first 'like a
having an affair with his half sister. The dog leading a pack of savage dogs'. Such
incestuous nature of the fault was generallymen were known as putunangaul, and
considered less important than that he had people were afraid of them, because they
left his children. This fault could be, and killed men in battle. They could buy pigs
was, remedied when he went back home tocheaply and when they led malanggan cere-
them and his wife. monies in faraway places people gave them

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254 Dorothy K. Billings

more currency than usual for their services, from other villages had failed because
out of fear. Because the threat of attack and
one caught any fish for it. The people w
counterattack was ever present, people
came waited and waited, finally ate the f
were afraid even to go to the river forthey
a had brought themselves, and we
home.
drink, and always carried spears. They are
grateful that the white man came and The talk turned to the failure of the Co-
stopped warfare, and now they move aboutops, which people said had come about
freely. because everyone wanted to be his own
The violence of warfare among Tikana boss, and because of problems with money:
was said to be 'savage'. People who had the clerks stole money from the Co-op
lived in New Ireland and elsewhere in Papua stores. From there, the talk went to stealing
New Guinea told me, in the late 1960s, that in general, then on to a particular theft of
since New Irelanders appeared to be es- betel nuts. A local man, home on holiday
pecially gentle it was surprising that when from his teaching job elsewhere, said that
they did get into a fight with someone from they were getting nowhere talking about
somewhere else they were vicious. Perhaps stealing, just making everyone angry; and
because they were not practiced in fist- that it was anger and jealousy that were im-
fights, they quickly used all available portant, not stealing. 'We all steal', he said.
strengths. One European planter cited an Then the man whose betel nuts had been
attack with a knife on a laborer from the stolen, Toru," suddenly began running
Sepik River area. Another incident, knownaround the group in a circle, shouting, 'You
like to steal? You like to steal?' If stealing
to all and reported in the Australian press,
was an attack on a tax patrol in 1964 onwas
the all right with the rest of them, he said,
west coast of New Ireland, where weapons he would just shoot the thief himself, even if
had been concealed under the sand of the he got six months in jail. A general clamor
beach. All reports indicated that it wasfollowed
the that seemed about to turn into fist-
armed native police who were attacked,
fights everywhere. 'Put the pay straight into
while the unarmed European officers my hand!' Toru was shouting. One man
were
carefully protected. milling around the outside of the group said,
laughing in despair, 'We bugger up now, we
3.2 Lavongai aren't up to it'. 'All right, we're all cross
The Lavongai seek justice without regard now!'
to another said. 'Hey! What is this!
the consequences of the search, although Everyone is cross!' An old man was threa-
they are not surprised when they do nottening
find to beat his neighbor's two children
(his own grandchildren) for going up his
it and often laugh at their failures. Disputes
are primarily viewed as private matters coconut
be- trees and taking the nuts for them-
selves. Someone told me that they would
tween individuals, unrelated to the public
interest. Quarrels are often considered not be able to settle the quarrel now because
entertaining, and they produce camara- everyone was cross. The vacationing teacher
derie. was still trying to say that it was not stealing
if you just took a little something from your
1. Property and Labor. The Lavongai rep- brother or your cousin.
resentative for the United Farmers Associ- While all this was going on, the man who
had
ation (TIA) beat the gong to call a night stolen the betel nuts from Toru walked
meeting. People gradually came and milled through the crowd, his laplap (wrap-around
around for about an hour while he scolded skirt) draped around him like a toga, and
them for not coming to work on the TIA called out: 'Let's sing and dance now, there
is a good moon!' Toru inconspicuously went
coconut plantation. 'He tells the truth', one
man said. 'Suppose work comes up, weover go to him, shook his hand, and ended his
sit down in the house'. Someone else own quarrel. Nobody seemed to notice.
brought up the fact that the party Gradually,
they hadpeople drifted away, telling stor-
ies about other failures to settle disputes,
held the previous week for TIA members

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 Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 255

and laughing at their own well-known baby, 'You are killing your own child!'
foibles. Despite the severity of the case, the Coun-
The teacher's attempt to impose a visioncillor said that he would not have interfered
of unity was vociferously rejected and led to except that in his official position, one
the reverse. Harmony can be achieved, if atcreated by the Australian Administration,
all, only through truth and justice, not he was supposed to stop fights.
through redefining theft as brotherly love or
through exortations concerning the general
welfare, it seems, in New Hanover.
3. Leadership. There are no traditional
Lavongai Big Men who are still functioning
2. Marriage. Some marriages last a lifetime,
in that capacity; so it is difficult to judge
but many do not. In any case, as marital ties
what their role was. Positions of leadership
are based on the shifting sands of romantic
were created by the colonial government,
love they are made and broken with very
and Lavongai men who occupied them (as
little help from families or friends. It is
village leaders or head of the Cooperative
generally assumed that people will do as
Society and the like) used them to exploit
they like and that no outsider could change
their fellows, threatening them with jail if
the hearts and minds of couples in love or
they did not comply. One Paramount Luluai
spouses in conflict.
(headman over many villages) collected one
Marital disputes are frequent and violent,
hundred young virgins, and another collect-
and usually no one intervenes. An older
man broke his wife's arm because she ed rent from villagers living on their own
plots of land. In short, there is no evidence
refused to cook for him. Then he slept with
some other woman in their house while his that Big Men or anyone else tried to help
settle disputes, or to create networks of co-
wife was recuperating at her brother's
operation. On several occasions when
house. In another case, a wife saw her hus-
people were engaged in angry exchanges of
band, Sam,7 laughing and singing with accusation,
his I saw people gather around,
friends on the beach, and presumed he was
mostly to watch. On one occasion, two men
talking about his affairs with other women.
held the arms of two others (neighbors,
She got a rock and hit him on the head with
it. His friends carried Sam to the mission
friends, and relatives of each other) who
'wanted so much to fight!' and did succeed
hospital, where he was unconscious for two
in stopping them.
days. Everyone, including husband and
wife, laughed when this story was told. The
husband of one of Sam's girlfriends came
with his friends to beat up Sam, and his 4.
twoConflict Leading to Violence. Among the
Lavongai,
classificatory mothers got sticks and tied on violence seems to be more a part
their laplaps and jumped into the fight.ofThis
the system, internally, rather than a
story was retold dramatically and with much
threat to it. It is a sign of intensity and vigor,
mirth, although privately much emotionaland, while I know of no one who was killed,
pain was freely acknowledged by all bones were broken, risks were taken. Loss
concerned. of control is valued as a 'peak experience', a
In another instance of conflict between sign of commitment.
spouses, other people became involvedThe Lavongai trained their boys and men
during maras in the arts of war: how to
briefly; but, instead of settling the dispute,
they began one themselves. In this case, throw
an spears, and how to be cross. They
old mother jumped the young Councillor used to have a plant that they ate to make
who tried to break up a fight betweenthem her angry: 'We only thought of being
son and his wife, and the Councillor threw angry, we did not think of women, as we do
the old mother over his shoulder and onto
today', one man told me, with some con-
the beach. He told the couple, who were
tempt for the softness they had developed.
A man could not kill his own cross-cousin: if
physically tugging at opposite ends of their

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256 Dorothy K. Billings

he stood opposite him in a line, he moved 5. Associative vs. Dissociative Processes in

down to another place, to kill someone else. Peace-keeping
Boys stood next to their fathers, who helped One important conceptual contrast which
them until they killed a man: after that, they Galtung has proposed, and of which Bould-
were considered grown men, and wives ing approves (1977, p. 82), is that between
were bought for them. associative and dissociative solutions to con-
The Lavongai protest against paying flict, either manifest or latent:
taxes, which began in 1964 as the vote for According to the dissociative school the best thing
Johnson of America, has remained non- one can do when parties are in conflict, with or
violent throughout its history of organiz-without physical manifestations, is to keep them as
ational changes. I have analyzed the John- far apart as possible. This can be done in many
son cult as a satiric drama, a mocking of theways, and the major distinction is between spatial
(geographical) and social dissociation (Galtung,
Australians who had, Lavongais thought,1987, p. 91).
oppressed them and failed to help them de-
velop; and who were going to dump them,. . . [T]he second major school in peace thinking
alone, on the pretext that they should wantand peace action [is] the associative school. Accord-
ing to the associative school the best thing one can
'self-government'. The only violence (two do when parties are in conflict, latent or manifest, is
or three minor incidents) in the nearly
to keep them as close together as possible, on the
twenty-five years since this protest begantheory that the more closely interrelated the parties
has been initiated by the police, and notare, the less will they or can they fight each other.
Where the dissociative school goes in for little or no
reciprocated. The use of speeches, theater,interaction, the associative school goes in for a high
and non-cooperation with legal authority level of interaction and a strengthening of ties, even
identifies this Lavongai phenomenon as to a the point of integration where the borders be-
remarkable and sustained act of civil tween them disappear and they become one actor.
disobedience. This can be done in many ways, and the major
distinction is between similarity policies and interde-
pendence policies (pp. 94-95).

4. Egalitarianism and Hierarchy Boulding thinks that Galtung's distinction

between dissociative and associative solu-
The Tikana culture is egalitarian, according
tions to conflict situations is useful, but that
to my interpretation, because it takes action
Galtung does not quite understand the dis-
to support the weak, to distribute material
and non-material resources, and to maintain
tinction himself. Boulding notes (correctly,
I think) that Galtung prefers associative
the strong as partners in the group. Leader-
solutions to conflict, which, however, 'tend
ship is related to the context and does not
to involve', Boulding thinks, 'hierarchy,
elevate particular individuals or offices
above others. There is order, there is me- dominance, inequality, and a great many
other
diation, and there is predictability: but it is things which [Galtung] does not like'
(Boulding, 1977, p. 83). It is Boulding's
not enforced by some hierarchical structure.
view that 'Associative solutions involve
The Lavongai culture is, according to my
some kind of agreement, some merging of
interpretation, peck-ordered, because indi-
identity of the conflicting parties, perhaps
viduals strive continually to get what they
some superordinate structure or organiz-
can at the expense of others, to get or stay
ahead, but without forming groups. Strongation so that the conflict is merged, as it
individuals have occasionally been able to
were, in the larger general will' (p. 82). This
does not appeal much to Boulding, who
dominate large numbers of other people
who fear, rather than respect, their leader-'prefers dissociative solutions . . . which
involve property or boundaries, good fences
ship. There is hierarchy, but it expresses and
making good neighbors, keeping people
creates conflict, without controlling it. Indi-
viduals insist that all must be equal, andaway
see from each other, and so on' (pp. 82-
their perpetual adversarial relationships83).
as What is important for my argument
evidence of the independence and equality here is that Boulding thinks inequality and
of each person. hierarchy are nearly always necessary to

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 Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 257

associative solutions to conflict, whereas partly because they have been willing to
Galtung thinks associative solutions thrive in follow leaders, who emerge within struc-
egalitarian situations. I argue that Tikanatures that the followers control, and who
culture may be said to be egalitarian andlead their followers in relation to other simi-
densely structured with 'associative' solu- lar groups. As Tikana were willing to follow
tions to 'latent or manifest conflict', while their own leaders, they have been willing
Lavongai culture is peck-ordered and uses also to follow the leaders of the colonial and
'dissociative solutions' to internal 'latent or neocolonial governments, who are viewed
manifest conflict'. as helpers and, in the latter case, even
insiders.
5.1 Tikana
5.2 Lavongai
At all levels of interaction and organization,
Tikana institutions and values promote As the Lavongai had no structures within
unity through giving, helping, and doing the family to help settle conflicts, so they
things together. Malanggan and other had no regular mode of association across or
cere-
monial exchanges provide ongoing channels between groups comparable to the Tikana
through which constructive and peaceful malanggan which might have created posi-
relations are initiated and maintained over tive bonds. At all levels of interaction,
wide areas and long periods of time. These Lavongai institutions and values promote
ceremonies, based on both cooperation individualism
and through non-interference and
competition, are major associative solutionsthe expectation of self-reliance. While male
initiation and seclusion in maras did draw
to conflict between groups which might
otherwise meet, as they once did, with
some men together in the old days, invi-
spears in hand. tations to join were selective: some young
The examples given illustrate Tikana men, along with the women and children,
associative solutions to direct conflict: indi- were left out, left to cope on their own,
vidual interests are finally viewed and while providing food for the initiates. While
resolved in favor of the public perspective, maras is no longer functioning, the exclud-
peace, and continued community. It must ing and rejecting behaviors which underlay
not be forgotten, however, that the remark- it are in constant use, and form the basis of
able appearance of harmony among the Tik- the dissociative solutions to conflict which
ana is constructed on the institutionalization characterize Lavongai culture.
of one radical (though common in tribal The examples given illustrate Lavongai
dissociative solutions to direct conflict:
societies) dissociative process: that which
eliminates, through social taboos, anyothers do not join in, and no sense of the
personal interaction between a large public interest intrudes on the rights of indi-
number of closely related kin and affines.viduals to fight. Conflicts between individ
These personal taboos are, however, uals remain isolated, and are decided by th
coterminous with profound social and econ- strong against the weak: with spears, in th
omic obligations: hence, the dissociation at
old days.
the personal level functions to strengthen I have argued that interpersonal conflict is
associations fundamental to survival of the actually a form of integration, rather than of
group. separation, in a society where people not in
Dissociative processes do occur occasion- conflict are often also not in contact. But
ally today in violent interchange, and in the Lavongai solutions to such conflict are dis-
past as warfare. It seems likely that Tikana sociative and isolating, leaving only the
resort to violence when they are faced with flickering associative solace of romantic
conflicts they cannot approach with their love, a bond which recurs: not, however,
relatively complex associative processes of without peril to domestic peace.
exchange, but which threaten basic associat- The apparent unity achieved in the vote
ive values. for Johnson and in TIA was great, but
Tikana have been gathered together superficial, based not on genuine associative

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258 Dorothy K. Billings

interactions among Lavongais but, rather, izers', and they must defer to the wishes of
on a willingness to use a common symbol the Big Men or Big Women for whom they
against a perceived common enemy. speak or organize, and who represent
Lavongai have never been willing to 'ordinary people'.
follow a leader, or accept an idea because Some outsiders have seen the Big Men
some 'authority' suggests it. Unlike the Tik- and the old nienj and men in general as
ana, the Lavongais have tried to handle con- exploiting the ordinary, the young, and
flict with colonial and neocolonial govern- women, but Tikana functioning under the
ments through dissociation and separation, traditional system told me only of help
achieved with little or no violence on their which they gave and received, never of com-
part. They have mastered the art of non-
mands or coercion. Those who do not help
are seen as weak and in need of being
violent non-cooperation for twenty-five
years, organizing themselves throughhelped, not punished; thus, the weak have
attracting people to their ideology on a
special strengths. Individuals may be weak
voluntary basis. in some roles and strong in others: obli-
The view that associative solutions to con- gations to give or to defer fall on everyone
flict require hierarchy is called into and shift with the context. While the relative
question, then, according to my interpret- strengths of groups and individuals wax and
ation, by the Melanesian data presented wane during malanggan ceremonial pro-
here. cesses which bring them together in the
same system, those temporarily strong hold
not great power or privilege, but high obli-
gation to disperse their resources and equa-
6. Equality: Justice or Death?
lize their holdings. Tikana of all positions
Regardless of whether associative solutions
within the group are very proud of what
to conflict are a product of egalitarian or of
they have achieved: 'No one is poor here',
hierarchical structures, is hierarchy 'social
they will tell you.
injustice', 'exploitation', or 'structural
But is this egalitarianism also a kind of
violence', as Galtung would have it (Gal-
cessation of movement or development, as
tung, 1969; Galtung & H6ivik, 1971)? Or is Boulding would suspect? A Western indi-
it a 'principle of social organization' on
vidualist intellectual might want to confirm
which life depends, as Boulding suggests
this view. Tikana society seems scarcely
(1977, p. 80)? Conversely, is egalitarianism
alive and very boring to an uncomprehend-
'social justice', as Galtung sees it (1987, pp.
ing outsider. Sustained observation over the
200-201)? Or is it the 'last ultimate whimper
years, however, gives evidence of insiders'
of a dying universe', as Boulding argues
deep commitment to the culture and of the
(1977, p. 79)?8
achievement of great works which could not
be completed by half-hearted participants in
6.1 Tikana a dying culture. What gives life to this cul-
Tikana associative solutions to conflict are ture is its openness to new people, whether
babies or foreigners, its attention to
based tbn an egalitarian order created by the
continuing efforts of individuals, within instructing
a and including them; the great
trustworthy system, following simple max- value put on each individual, made manifest
ims: help and give to maintain the group. when someone leaves or dies; and its own
The Tikana system uses situational hierar-capacity to change in details of content
while
chies to bring 'natural hierarchies', based on maintaining its egalitarian structures.
differences of biology and history, The
intoelimination or deterrence of internal
stratification and of conflict between the
egalitarian interaction systems, and to main-
tain these systems as structures which haves and have-nots requires major energies
provide order. Memai seem, at first glance,
and major structures that provide and main-
tain access to status and resources, and
to be a status above that of ordinary men,
but they are viewed as 'speakers', 'organ-
keeps people busy with traditional activities.

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 Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 259

6.2 Lavongai 7. Violence and Conflict Resolution

A superficial analysis of the availability of Is direct violence an attempt to resolve
formal status categories shows that both the 'structural violence', a result of structures of
Tikana and the Lavongai have them oppression, a part of the system, as Galtung
(memai, vaitas), but only among the Tikana
would argue? Or is it, as Boulding proposes,
does this status continue to function. If one a 'threshold phenomenon'? one of a type
looks only to these hints of structure, with-which 'represent[s] "breaks" in the system
out analyzing function, one could say that rather than uniformities. Violence . . .
Lavongai culture today is egalitarian, whileoccurs when the "strain" on a system is too
that of the Tikana bears the formal stamp ofgreat for its "strength"' (1977, pp. 83-84).9
hierarchy. Among the Tikana, internal violence
would appear to me to be a 'threshold'
A functional analysis quickly shows that
hierarchies are found among the Lavongai,
phenomenon mainly because it is associated
however, as pecking orders form whereverwith people losing their tempers rather than
with any particular structural situation.
two are gathered together: and those with
Among the Lavongai, internal violence
strength, often brute physical strength, use it
to dominate those weaker than they are.
which does not involve serious injury seems
to be part of the structure of normal inter-
Internally, no structure provides restraint of
'natural hierarchies', which results in struc-
course in daily life, a continuing struggle
against the 'structural violence' of daily
tural violence in a system that looks, superfi-
cially, like no system. Men called 'Big' holdhierarchies. "0
personal, not situational power, and use it It is more difficult to distinguish these two
whenever and wherever they can for their groups in relation to external violence, due
own survival, rarely to intervene on behalf of mainly to a paucity of data. But there are
others. Many ask to be appreciated, but few some stories about warfare which give hints
appreciate others, except in much-sought- of a difference in times past: most signifi-
after, but fleeting, romantic liaisons. cantly, violence is seen by the Lavongai as a
Lavongai culture, unlike Tikana, provides good way of life for all men (although they
peaks of experience which make it seem are relieved that it is over), somehow strong
and honorable in contrast to their present
vital, but the frenetic activity of its bearers is
generally non-constructive. The labyrinth ofone; whereas the Tikana manifest contempt
fluctuating hierarchies within which Lavon- for violence, and are very glad the white
gais spend their daily lives is oppressive to man came to put an end to it.
them, a major source of their professed mis- Despite these differences in values, it was
ery; and non-productive in terms of promot-New Ireland which produced a violent pro-
ing or allowing any structure to develop test against a tax patrol (which was never
which might coordinate them as a group,repeated), in clear contrast to the non-viol-
which they claim is one of their goals. They ent protest against paying taxes, and against
are not committed to their culture, or to the domination of central government,
each other. which the Lavongais have carried on since
In the vote for Johnson and the subse- 1964.
quent organization of TIA, half the popu- The argument presented here suggests
lation of New Hanover did associate them-
that analyses of violence require close atten-
selves with each other, but against the other
tion to a definition of levels and to a specifi-
half and against the outside government.cation of units. A non-violent society in con-
flict with outsiders may produce violence,
While their aim was to assert their equality
with the men, both Australian and local, of conversely, the occurrence of violence
and,
within a society does not necessarily predict
the government, the effect of their protest
has been the formation of an even more the occurrence of violence when two such
societies come into conflict (cf. Knauft,
clearly defined hierarchy between them-
selves and people in positions of 1987).
insti-
tutional power. My case studies seem to support the view

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260 Dorothy K. Billings

that the less-ordered society may be less but may, instead, associate members of one
likely than an ordered one to mount a viol- whole group, composed of a range of sta-
ent attack on a society far beyond it in tech- tuses, and dissociate it provisionally from
nology and power. In general, as societies another such group. Among the Tikana,
have become more complex over the last these groups alternate in leading major
10,000 years, violent interactions have events, but none attains a permanent pos-
become similarly more complex. It may be ition of superiority over the others. Thus,
that it was the perceived strength, both they have achieved a structured egalitaria-
moral and organizational, of their own nism which is consistent with, and consti-
system that allowed some Tikana on the tuted to some extent by, associative solu-
west coast of New Ireland to think that they tions to latent and manifest conflict.
could take on agents of the colonial power. Conversely, those who live without clear
It seems certain that, had the Lavongai been masters may feel 'oppressed', as the Lavon-
the equal of the Australian colonial govern- gai do, if only because each hopes for help
ment in technological or economic, politi- but must cope with his or her own survival
cal, or social power, violent rather than alone. The 'egalitarian' ethos of the Lavon-
satiric interchanges would have constituted gai reflects laissez-faire ideology, not struc-
the story of their protest. ture, which is allowed to drift toward the
natural hierarchies of human differences
and endemic conflict, for which dissociative
8. Conclusion solutions provide the only relief.
Anthropologists and peace researchers
Analyses of these Melanesian cases draw
have not consistently seen egalitarianism as
attention to the diversity of meanings used
a state which results from efforts to achieve
regarding the terms 'egalitarian' and 'hier-
it, structurally, as it is seen here among the
archical', which may be the basis for debate
rather than any disagreement about Tikana.
sub- Perhaps, as the Lavongai have
found, self-reliant individualism and egali-
stantive issues or empirical data. Egalitaria-
nism of ideology, which the Lavongai tarianism
pro- are not easily maintained and sus-
fess, is different from egalitarianism of together. Eternal vigilance of a co-
tained
practice, structure, and result, which theoperating group is the price, it seems, not
Tikana manifest. Similarly, hierarchical only of liberty, but of equality and peace as
structures of dominance and submission well."
cannot be inferred from the presence of
formal statuses arranged in an order which
NOTES
appears to imply such structures: hence, the
existence of such statuses cannot be taken to 1. Equality and inequality have been discussed in anth-
ropology primarily in relation to gender, class, and
constitute or represent the existence ofcaste: e.g. Bedford et al. (1987), Berreman & Zar-
dominance or exploitation; nor, conversely,etsky (1981), Beteille (1969), Gledhill et al. (1988),
does the absence of formal statuses imply Leacock (1981) and Schlegel (1972). The investi-
the absence of dominance or exploitation. gation of war primarily in relation to ecological
(Ferguson, 1984, Vayda, 1960, 1961, 1976), socio-
For some scholars, dominance along a biological (Chagnon & Irons, 1979), and other
hierarchy denotes, by definition, oppres- materialist factors, which began with Vayda's
sion; but it may not be experienced as such,work on the Maori of New Zealand (1960), led a
subjectively, by those who live in the general theoretical interest in anthropology which
has finally produced rebuttal from those primarily
hierarchy. It may not, even under analysis,interested in values, knowledge and other ideation-
amount to structural violence by and against al, social and psychological factors, both generally
the unwilling and the unwitting. In some in anthropology and also in relation to war and, in
cases, as in that of the Tikana presented
particular, to peace (Foster & Rubenstein, 1986;
here, this may be because 'hierarchies' do Howell & Willis, 1989; Robarchek, 1989). Foster &
Rubenstein (1986) explicitly seek to organize anth-
not necessarily dissociate those of 'high'ropologists into research which is useful to policy-
status (e.g. parents, memai) from those ofmakers. Their volume grew out of a symposia held
'low' status (e.g. children, ordinary people);at the Eleventh Congress of the International Union

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of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences
(IUAES) held in Canada in 1983, which produced a
Commission on the Study of Peace as an ongoing
activity of the Union to encourage research in this
area (Sponsel, 1990). The single attempt by an eth-
nologist to cover the topic of war in tribal societies
(Turney-High, 1949), a work which has been gener-
ally ignored in anthropology, argued for the import-
ance of social and political organization rather than
technology in military success. Also generally
ignored is the work of Matthew Melko (1973), who,
like Howell & Willis (1989), focused his attention on
peaceful societies rather than on war. Melko ranged
widely and heroically in this pioneering work, pub-
lished by the Canadian Peace Research Institute,
over masses of material from societies too complex
for traditional anthropological consideration, and
generally in the comparative historian mode. His
analysis parallels that of anthropologist Otterbein
(1970) in looking mainly at political, rather than
psychological or micro-social or economic, categor-
ies. The most densely populated foundation for con-
temporary peace studies research in anthropology in
the English-speaking world has grown from the
early work of Hoebel (Llewellyn & Hoebel, 1941) in
the anthropology of law, and from the work of
British structural-functionalists in legal and political
systems. The publication of African Political
Systems (Fortes & Evans-Pritchard, 1940) both
manifested and produced studies which docu-
mented the importance of ritual, of consensus, and
of cross-cutting ties in maintaining peaceful societies
where no authority directed or monopolized the
legitimate use of force (Radcliffe-Brown, 1952). US
political anthropologists, following Hoebel, have
always had a more process-oriented view of society,
and have brought into their analyses factors of psy-
chology, value, and world-view, as well as social and
political structure (Swartz et al., 1966). Hoebel's use
of the case study method in investigating conflict
resolution among the Cheyenne, and his distillation
of postulates which underlie their world-view (Hoe-
bel, 1960; Llewellyn & Hoebel, 1941) is a model for
much of what I am attempting here. I think I must
also cite the work of Benedict (1934), which empha-
sizes the integration of cultural patterns, and in
particiular the pervasive harmony of the Zuni cul-
tural pattern. Critics of her view see these people of
the Pueblos as conforming under coercive pressure,
rather than in response to logico-aesthetic forces
supporting pattern consistency, and draw attention
to danger areas in the 'pattern' approach (Barnouw,
1985; Benedict, 1934).
2. I have undertaken studies in two adjacent islands,
New Ireland and New Hanover, in Papua New Gui-
nea during six periods of field research: 1965, 1966-
67, 1972, 1974, 1983 and 1988. I have reported my
findings in Billings (1969, 1970, 1972, 1983, 1987)
and Billings & Peterson (1967).
3. Because Boulding and Galtung have generously
argued clearly, directly and publicly with each other
in the articles cited, I am taking the liberty of using
their few words to represent their many. I have
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Cultural Style and Conflict Solutions 261
without doubt vastly oversimplified the positions of
these two giants in peace research.
4. Many anthropologists have, of course, already
made such contributions (see note 1).
5. These are not their real names.
6. This is not his real name.
7. This is not his real name.
8. Boulding and Galtung discuss this issue in terms of
many concepts, one of which is 'entropy'. Their
views are much more complex than this vignette
would tend to imply. I am trying to sort out general
principles, which they themselves assert only with
many qualifications which would, no doubt, modify
their application of these principles to any particular
situation. Nevertheless, they agree that they dis-
agree in the direction described here.
9. This is not the only place in Boulding's work where
he seems to suggest that while there are phenomena
which operate within systems, one need not think of
all the systems as interconnected; and, indeed, 'ran-
domness . . . is a very essential element' in his
approach (Boulding, 1977, p. 78). Little 'tarts' of
progress grow, he thinks, hither and yon without
ties to each other or to the unchanging context in
which they are situated. It seems to me that what is
really at issue here, theoretically, is the choice of
qualitative and quantitative analyses, and the levels
of analyses to which each method is relevant. For a
broader view of his conception, see Boulding (1978,
1984). For a more inclusive view of system, see
Galtung (1968, 1971). Hoebel (1971) succinctly
states the debate in anthropology regarding system
boundaries in relation to the phenomenon of feud.
10. Neither society has produced any murderers, so far
as I know, within the society. Lavongais, however,
do threaten to kill each other with 'poison', i.e.
ritual mechanisms, and they are afraid of each
other, and fear attack: not just magical, but physical
as well.
11. 'Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty' - Wendell
Phillips, speaking at Harvard University in 1852,
cited in Harper Book of American Quotations (New
York: Harper and Row), p. 338.
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DOROTHY K. BILLINGS, b. 1933, PhD in Social Anthropology (University of Sydney, 197

Assistant Professor, Wichita State University (1968- ); research in Oceania focuses on religious an
political movements, culture and personality, and art.

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