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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis

is in agreement. However, it is questionable that the central paragraphs of the law do not contain any
concrete and measurable targets, nor are there any timeframes that could be used to monitor success at a
later date. Only progress reports every two years are required; for concrete targets, reference is made
to the urban development plan for mobility and transport (cf. Section 16 MobG BE). At the time of
writing, however, this plan had not yet been published. However, concrete, time-bound targets
would be urgently necessary to achieve the climate goals according to the Paris Agreement and the
KSG as well as to drastically reduce the health-damaging effects of traffic.

In summary, it can be said that the Berlin Mobility Act has created a modern legal basis that abolishes
the priority of private transport in favor of the environmental alliance and establishes sensible,
albeit not very concrete, principles for Berlin's transport future in terms of sustainable urban and
transport development.

Chapter Summary

In the chapter concluded herewith, the foundation for the following chapters has been laid. First, the
need for sustainable development has been justified by the anthropogenic climate crisis. In this
context, the contribution of road traffic to greenhouse gas emissions and the (global)
urbanization trend as well as due to the
extensive The importance of sustainable urban and transport development was highlighted in
the light of the extensive health impacts of traffic. The Paris Agreement and the Federal Climate
Protection Act were also explained as political instruments for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. In
order to find a definition for sustainable development, the sustainable development goals of the
United Nations as well as their implementation on the German level, the sustainability strategy of
the Federal Government, were then examined. However, both works were too unspecific to serve
as a definitional basis for sustainable urban and transport development with references to concrete
measures. Therefore, this was done on the basis of other contributions in order to subsequently
compare the status quo in Berlin with them. It was found that Berlin's transport development has so far
only begun to take a path towards sustainability that is appropriate to the situation. Finally, it was
determined that the Berlin Mobility Act, as an attempt by Berlin's state policy to create a legal basis for
more sustainable development, is consistent in its basic pillars with the definition of a sustainable city
and transport development, but also remains unspecific. On this basis, the superblocks of Barcelona
and subsequently the (future) Berlin neighborhood blocks will now be discussed.

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3 The Superblock concept using Barcelona as a case study

In the following chapter, the Superblock concept from Barcelona is presented. First, a brief introduction
to the historical development of the city is given. Afterwards, the already existing superblocks as well as
the objectives of the Barcelona municipality will be presented. This is followed by an analysis of the
measures that have been taken and those that are planned. The description of the visible as
well as the predicted effects of these measures leads finally to a conclusion.

Barcelona is the capital of the autonomous community of Catalonia in northeastern Spain and is located
on the Mediterranean Sea. Approximately 1.6 million people live there, which corresponds to a
population density of around 16,000 inhabitants per square kilometer (see Instituto Nacional de
Estadística 2020; Ajuntament de Barcelona 2019). In the largest district, Eixample, the population
density is even as high as
35,500 . The metropolitan region of Barcelona has a population of 3.2 million people (cf.
inhabitants/km2

Àrea Metropolitana de Barcelona 2020).

3.1 History and urban development of Barcelona

Particularly noteworthy in the historical urban development of Barcelona is the urban expansion according to
plans by Ildefons Cerdà, a Catalan civil engineer born in 1815. Cerdà's Proyecto de Reforma y
Ensanche (engl. Project for Reconstruction and Expansion) plan of 1860 aimed to improve living
conditions for the city's population, which had previously suffered from the cramped conditions of the
walled medieval city. With a strictly rational approach, he planned a uniform development with blocks of
133 by 133 meters. This was based on calculations of the optimal number of house occupants in relation
to the area, street width and facade height. The sloping corners of the blocks of flats created a square at
each street intersection. This, together with the street widths of 20 to 30 meters, which were wide for the
conditions of the time, was intended to achieve better ventilation and light conditions. The plan
also took into account the technological innovations of the time, such as street lighting, telegraph,
sewerage, and the most even distribution possible of the various infrastructures, such as schools,
hospitals, and parks.

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis
taken into account. Figure 5 shows the plan of Cerdà, with the old town dark and the planned
expansion light. (cf. Pallares-Barbera et al. 2011: 124 ff; Kübler 2011: 4 ff).

Figure 5: Plan of Cerdà Proyecto de Reforma y Ensanche (Cerdà i Sunyer 1859).

However, Cerdà's plan to construct buildings on only two sides of the blocks, thus creating
considerable open spaces inside the blocks, failed. During the implementation of the plan, due to the
economic interest in real estate as investment property, much denser developments were
permitted, leaving only small courtyards in the blocks. Also, the areas originally dedicated to motorized
traffic were smaller than they are today, especially in the angled squares. Nevertheless, Cerdà's plan is
crucial to Barcelona's urban history, as it was the basis for, among other things, Barcelona's
largest district, Eixample, as well as much of Barcelona's current street network. An aerial view of
Eixample is shown in Figure 6. (cf. ibid.)

Under Franco's dictatorship (1936-1977), Barcelona initially grew without formal urban planning (cf.
Gomes de Matos 2013: 126). With the democratization of Spain starting in 1975, far-reaching
changes took place. As a result of the previously lacking opportunities for co-determination and the
special repression of the Catalan minority under the dictatorship, neighborhood movements
strengthened in the following years and participation programs increased (cf. Gomes de Matos
2013: 126 f.).

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thesis

Figure 6: Aerial view of Eixample showing typical apartment blocks with chamfered corners
according to Cerdà (Filimonov 2019).

Furthermore, the city benefited considerably from hosting the 1992 Summer Olympics. In addition to
the expansion of sports facilities, large-scale investments were made in urban development projects. In
addition to upgrading industrial areas to residential quarters (initially for use as an Olympic village), the
transportation infrastructure was also improved. In particular, a new ring road around the city, which
also connected suburban areas, improved the situation of motorized traffic (cf. Von Kutzleben 2012;
COOB'92: 17 ff.).

Today, Barcelona is an internationally recognized and highly regarded city for its innovative urban
planning and development. Thus, since the 1990s, the 'Barcelona Model' has become well known.
Although this is controversial in research, it i n programmatic urban planning is seen as a
transferable model with a role model function. The 'Barcelona model' is defined, first, by the
involvement of civilians in urban planning decision-making processes and, second, by the use of
funding from major events such as the 1992 Olympic Games or the 2004 Forum of Cultures as
strategic instruments of urban regeneration (cf. Gomes de Matos 2013: 127f after Marshall 2000: 305f
; Monclùs 2003). After initial urban planning successes and economic improvements, optimism
grew and with it identification with one's own city. To this day, Barcelona is characterized by a
diverse and active citizenry with a high degree of civic engagement and a culture of consensus (cf.
López et al 2020: 11; Fernández Sánchez 2007: 188).

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3.2 The Superblocks in Barcelona

The Superblock concept provides for various measures to eliminate motorized through traffic
in residential neighborhoods. The aim is to increase the quality of life and to promote pedestrian
and bicycle traffic. In principle, this is not a new concept. The 1958 proposal to combine nine
residential blocks in Eixample into one superblock goes back to the architect Oriol Bohigas (cf.
Ehrmann 2018a2018: 43). The first traffic calming measures came into use in Barcelona as early as the
1970s. In 1993, the first car-free superblock was established in the then run-down old town
neighborhood of El Born. Others followed in the 2000s, the most famous in the Gràcia district (see
López et al. 2020: 8; Klause 2018). This was originally an independent village called Vila de Gràcia
and, with its narrow streets popular with tourists, was well suited for traffic calming (cf. Roberts 2019).

Since 2010, Salvador Rueda, director of the Agency for Urban Ecology in Barcelona , was responsible
for the revitalization of the Superblock concept and its adaptation in the district in Eixample. Thus, for
the years 2012-2015, the Programa Superilles (Eng: Superblocks Program) was launched, which initially
provided for the establishment of four superblocks as pilot projects (see Ajuntament de Barcelona 2016:
23). This was followed by the Pla de MobilitatUrbana 2013-2018(PMU) as a framework
plan in which the Superblocks were embedded. This contained a variety of ambitious targets, some
of them longer-term, in the areas of safe, sustainable, equitable, and efficient mobility (see Ajuntament
de Barcelona 2014: 3). It envisaged the longer-term application of the superblock model to the entire
urban area. Furthermore, among other things, the number of serious and fatal accidents was to be
significantly reduced, the cycling network expanded, the bus network revised, the average public
transport frequency halved and the areas for pedestrian zones increased tenfold. A comparison of
existing to planned pedestrian zones is shown in Figure 7. The modal shift to more sustainable
transport modes is expected to result in compliance with climate targets and a reduction in air pollution.

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Figure 7: Current pedestrian areas and Proposed pedestrian areas of the PMU 2013-2018 (Ajuntament de
Barcelona 2014: 21 f.)

2015 saw a political upheaval in Barcelona following elections. Former activist Ada Colau, who was
elected mayor at the head of a left-alternative alliance, reinforced previous ambitions regarding
the superblocks with her progressive agenda centered around issues such as urban quality of life
and affordable housing (see Klause 2018). Under her, the 2016 program "We Fill the Streets with Life.
The Implementation of the Superblock Model in Barcelona" (cat. Omplim de vida els carrers. La
implantació del model Superilles a Barcelona ) was launched. In it, these four strategic objectives were to
be achieved, among other things, through the establishment of superblocks:

1. Increase the quality of stay in the public space: Enable children's play, meetings, walking,
resting. Reclaiming the streets for the people.
2. Sustainable transport development: Healthy and climate-friendly modes of transport
are to be promoted. Pedestrian traffic takes precedence over cycling and public transport.
However, urban quality of life and civic coexistence have a higher priority than traffic. The use
of private cars is to be reduced.
3. Urban green spaces and biodiversity should be increased in quantity and quality and
sealing reduced.
4. The participation and co-responsibility of citizens is to be strengthened.

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In the meantime, a new transport plan has been adopted. The PMU 2019-2024 essentially
continues the targets of its predecessor (see Ajuntament de Barcelona 2018: 17). In doing so, it
envisages changing the modal split by 2024 as follows: Pedestrian, bicycle, and public transport
shares are to increase by 6, 75, and 13%, respectively, while the MIV share is to be reduced by 21%.
For the detailed target values, see Figure 85. Through a participatory process, the PMU 2019- 2014 is to
be further specified (see Ajuntament de Barcelona 2018: 20 ff.). According to López et al. (2020)6 ,
the plan also envisages reducing the road network length accessible to MIV u m 61 % and the number
of passenger cars by 13 %. 70% of the land used by MIV (6 million km 2) is to be reallocated and
pedestrian areas, already increased by 67%, are to be further increased by 270% from 230 ha to
852 ha. This is to be done, among other things, by applying the superblock model to the entire urban
area. This would create 503 superblocks in the long term. To date, six superblocks have been
established; by 2023, there should already be 18 (cf. López et al. 2020: 8f).

Figure 8: Modal split targets in the PMU 2019 -2024 (Ajuntament de Barcelona 2020b:
34).

In summary, the Superblock model in Barcelona has a neighborhood-based approach, but at the
same time aims for a city-wide expression. Thus, with the transformation of all neighborhoods, the
long-term goal is a radical transformation of Barcelona's public street space, from a MIV -centered
approach to one centered on quality of life. It has also become clear that the Superblock model is not a
single

5 InFigure 7, pedestrian traffic is shown in blue, bicycle traffic in green, public transport in red and private transport in orange.
The values refer to the number of trips or the traffic volume.
6 López et al. (2020) refer to data that were not publicly available at the time of writing.

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis
measure, but is a component of a larger framework plan. This plan also contains other sub-plans,
including the future characteristics of the individual modes of transport. The long-term targets set
by the city administration are extremely ambitious and bold, but do not include a target date. At the
same time, however, there are also medium-term targets with deadlines that make it possible to
evaluate progress. This already shows a difference to Berlin's state policy and administration, which
have not yet set such ambitious targets.

3.3 Measures to establish the superblocks in Barcelona

The superblock concept envisages combining several residential blocks into one larger block. In the
uniform grid street network of the Eixample district, this corresponds to three by three blocks with
dimensions of approximately 400 by 400 m with about 5,000 to 6,000 residents. In the inner area of the
blocks, motorized traffic and parking are not permitted. The aim is to provide underground
parking as far as possible. Residents, utility and emergency vehicles are allowed to enter, as well as
loading and unloading under special circumstances. A maximum speed limit of 10 km/h applies in
the block. Pedestrian traffic and stay have top priority. (cf. BCNecologia 2020; López et al 2020: 3)

The road and path network is further differentiated with regard to the various modes of transport
and functions. In addition to the superordinate road network for private and public transport, a local
road network for pedestrian and bicycle traffic will be created. In further planning phases, which go
beyond primary traffic calming, "green axes" are to be created, for example through tree
planting and raised beds, and thus serve local recreation and climate adaptation. Social usability will be
improved by providing seating and play facilities for children on vacated areas. Especially on the - due
to the beveled block corners - large intersections, squares are created that can be used for different
purposes (see Figure 10). Since the streets are mostly one-way, which is basically widespread in
Spain, there are hardly any encounters between motor vehicles. As a result, the traffic areas required
for MIV within the superblocks are very small. (cf. Ajuntament de Barcelona 2016: 15 f.)

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis

Figure 9: Differentiation of streets in the superblock concept (modified representation according to Ajuntament
de Barcelona 2016: 16)

Basically, the measures are adapted to the conditions on site, so that various forms of design are
possible. Diagonal barriers, as in the superblocks of recent years, create loop roads and prevent people
from driving through the neighborhood. In the superblock in Gràcia, built in 2003, entry for residents is
guaranteed by electronic identification cards and retractable bollards. Loading and unloading is only
permitted there at certain times of day in specially designated zones, which are a maximum of 50 m
away from any business. Measures such as local distribution centers are also planned for the other
superblocks in order to bundle delivery traffic in the superblocks (see Ajuntament de Barcelona
2014: 71 ff.; Roberts 2019). However, to pursue this topic further would exceed the given scope.

Furthermore, the planning process of a superblock always has the following characteristics: Individual
superblocks are examined in advance with regard to their area characteristics. In addition to traffic,
economic activities and the quality and quantity of public spaces in the neighborhood are
analyzed. Furthermore, the implementation is always prepared and accompanied in a participatory
manner within the framework of public events. Also at the neighborhood level

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The following plans for pedestrian traffic, bicycle traffic and public transport were drafted in order to
ensure that the superblock was embedded in other plans. ( cf. Rueda et al. 2004: 7 ff.)

Figures 10 to 12 show some impressions of various superblocks.

Figure 10: Superblock Poblenou (Ehrmann 2018a)

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
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Figure 11: Superblock Sant Antoni (Ehrmann 2018b)

Figure 12: Superblock El Born (Daniel Etter in Hu 2016)

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3.4 Effects from the superblocks in Barcelona

After describing the superblock concept, including overarching plans, goals, and measures, the
following section discusses impacts, concluding with a conclusion on the impact and benefits of
superblocks.

The superblock model can have both positive and negative effects. For example, the upgrading of a
neighborhood or district is accompanied by an increase in attractiveness, which can lead to rising rents
and ultimately the displacement of socio-economically weaker population groups. The risk of
gentrification and social segregation is also discussed in the context of Barcelona's
superblocks (see Mueller et al. 2020: 11). In particular, the superblock created in 1993 in the old
city district of El Born became heavily gentrified as a result, which is also criticized by Rueda, the
urban planner responsible for the newer superblocks (cf. Roberts 2019). The only possible antidote to
these problems is to apply them as widely as possible to minimize disparities and to promote social
housing.

Difficulties also arose in connection with the implementation of the superblock in Poblenou.
Residents complained that they had been informed too quickly and inadequately. After intensive
discussions between the municipality and the residents and subsequent changes7
, the protests
ceased and most residents now approve of the changes overall. (cf. Roberts 2019)

Figure 13 Demonstration against the superblock in Poblenou (Ferran Nadeu in Klause 2018).

7 Among other things, a permanent playground and seating and picnic tables were subsequently installed.

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thesis
The increased efforts of the new city government under Mayor Ada Colau since 2015 were also met
with great controversy. Klause (2018) attests that as a result of the 2015 policy change, a conflict over
institutionalized power at the municipal level arose due to the ownership of the Superblock project
claimed by political actors. This political appropriation and personification of the Superblock project
would have various consequences. For example, there would be poor project implementation, as
the pressure to create visible results in a 4-year legislative period would counteract a long-term
im plem entation strategy with an inclusive participatory process and research on local
socioeconomic conditions. Furthermore, the appropriation of the project by the current mayor
ensures a political and social polarization , in which groups of people who criticize the left-
wing mayor for her progressive political agenda and/or her attitude towards the question of
Catalonia's independence are also critical of "her" superblocks. (cf. Krause 2018)

Another negative aspect is the shifting effect of private vehicles to surrounding streets and
intersections. This can lead to a differentiation between residents who benefit from superblocks and
those who suffer as a result. It is also possible that through traffic in neighboring neighborhoods
will increase. This can only be countered by expanding traffic-calming measures. In principle, it can be
assumed that when certain routes are closed, traffic flows along the lowest resistance routes will
be diverted to alternative routes. It is foreseeable that these alternative routes will result in an
increased load on the traffic facilities and the people living there. However, in the process of
reorienting transportation toward sustainable development, this is a temporary condition that will lead
in the medium term to those who are able to do so switching to alternative modes of
transportation, t h u s improving the traffic situation, including for those who rely on cars. A
prerequisite for this, however, is the promotion of alternative means of transportation. Unwanted
congestion of the private car could also be prevented by further measures that reduce the
attractiveness of the private car. For example, the introduction of a city toll and the reduction
and management of parking space could be considered (cf. Mueller et al 2020: 11). In addition, Mueller
et al. (2020: 3) argue that due to the superblocks, there would be less turning in and out on main roads
and thus the traffic flow there could be increased.

However, these assumptions of modal shift are based on models and forecasts that can be
questioned in several respects. On the one hand, traffic models are only snapshots and do
not depict trends over time. However, this would be necessary for a long-term transportation
planning strategy such as the Superblock implementation. On the other hand

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forecasts are always subject to the subjectivity of the persons carrying them out. Von Winning (1982:
157) states about traffic forecasts: "Even if they can be based on reasonable premises, they become
instruments of behavior control and thus also of planning; they have a political character". In the case of
a longer-term transformation of the transport infrastructure, it should therefore be questioned whether
a transport model based on current assumptions can meet the changing needs over the
implementation and adaptation period or whether it is more likely to stand in the way of a
sustainable transformation of the transport system. Von Winning further postulates that traffic
flows are highly flexible in the medium and long term (cf. Von Winning 1982: 149) and road networks
should not allow more traffic than is compatible with appropriate social usefulness (cf. ibid.: 159). To
this can be added, from today's perspective of sustainable urban and transport development, that
the traffic volumes of MIV should be limited to a sustainability-compatible level.

Duchêne (2019) used quantitative research methods to study public life in the Poblenou and
Sant Antoni superblocks. He concludes that the implementation of the superblocks has
significantly improved public life. In addition, the change from traffic to recreational areas - especially
through the creation of seating and the like - greatly favors the quality of stay. Thus, the
implementation of the Superblocks in Poblenou and Sant Antoni had a significant positive effect on
public life (cf. Duchêne 2019: 104 ff.).

It is also not quantifiable that the presence of high-quality public spaces increases the sense of
attachment to a place and the feeling of safety. This has a positive effect on the formation of
identity, a sense of community, and emotional and social well-being. This is because public spaces
help facilitate social interaction en and thus contribute to social cohesion. (cf. Mueller et al .
2020: 10 after Rollero 2013; Holland et al. 2007).

In a 2020 study, Mueller et al. calculate the health impacts that would result from implementing 503
superblocks in Barcelona. These calculations showed an expected extensive health benefit.
The largest impact comes from the reduction of NO2 pollution, whose annual average would be
lowered by 24% from 47 µg/m3
to 36 µg/m3
and thus below the WHO limit of 40 µg/m3 (
cf. López et al.
2020: 8 f.). In second place would be the effects of noise reduction, followed by reduced heat .
effects8

Furthermore, the additional green spaces as well as the increased use of the

8 Theheat effect through the phenomenon of Urban Heat Isla nd (UHI) occurs in cities due to the high degree of sealing.
Barcelona is particularly predisposed here due to its warmer climate compared to Berlin.

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis
physical activity through walking and cycling. Added together, this would result in the prevention of 667
premature deaths per year in Barcelona. This would mean an economic effect of 1.7 billion euros and
an increase in average life expectancy of 198 days. For the Eixample district, it was also calculated that
the life expectancy of residents would increase by an additional 37 days due to more green spaces
and by 44 days (walking), 97 days (public transport) and 125 days (cycling) due to a change in the
primary mode of transport. The authors therefore argue for an application of the superblock
concept to the entire city, whereby the connections of the surrounding area by bicycle and public
transport would also have to be improved in order to reduce commuting by private car. (cf. Mueller
et al . 2020: 9 ff.).

No calculations are available for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions. However, it can be
assumed that the climate-damaging effect of transport will decrease through a forced change in
the use of transport. The general rule here is:

"Mitigation options in urban areas [...] are likely to be most effective when policy
instruments are bundled. Infrastructure and urban form are closely linked and
determine land use patterns, transportation choices, housing patterns, and
behaviors. Effective mitigation strategies involve packages of mutually reinforcing
measures" (IPCC 2014c: 25).

Barcelona's 2009 environmental report notes that in the Gràcia and La Ribera superblocks,
pedestrian traffic has increased by over 10%, bicycle traffic by over 15%, and economic
activities have also increased (see Ajuntament de Barcelona 2009: 55). However, the validity of
these figures in terms of a modal shift effect should be viewed with caution, as they are presumably
based on traffic counts on the ground . Consequently, no valid statement can be made as to
whether routes previously handled by MIV have been replaced or whether more bicycle and
pedestrian traffic has been attracted only because of the increased attractiveness. In order for
superblocks to have their intended effects in terms of reducing MIT, they must be integrated into
other urban planning strategies (cf. López et al 2020: 13). No mention is made in the literature of the
problem of eliminating parking spaces through the rededication of traffic areas. The strategy in
Barcelona to offer underground parking and to expand parking space management can
presumably not provide sufficient replacement or reduce the demand sufficiently. In particular,
the widespread construction of underground garages should be questioned from an economic,
ecological and traffic planning perspective.

A broad application of the concept would transform the city back more towards Cerdà's original vision
with more open spaces and quality of life for all residents (cf. Ajuntament de Barcelona 2016: 12).

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3.5 Conclusion about the Superblocks in Barcelona

Individual superblocks have a primarily local effect . They increase the quality of life within the block
and decrease it outside. However, they are not expected to have a broader impact. In order for
superblocks to have their intended effects in reducing private transport, they must be applied on a
large scale and integrated into other coordinated urban and transport planning strategies. Mobility
is restricted when people get rid of their cars, but no new opportunities are created by public
transport and cycling. An isolated consideration of the Superblock concept without including the
surrounding infrastructure does not seem to make sense. The area-wide application of the
Superblock concept represents a radical transformation of the urban space and the urban infrastructure.
This would have many positive effects, such as less health impairments due to traffic (especially due to
the reduction of air pollutants and noise ), more green spaces, and diverse uses of the street
space, for example as a meeting place. Making bicycle and pedestrian traffic more attractive in
conjunction with a reduction in private motor vehicles would contribute to modal shift and thus
to climate protection. On the other hand, there are risks such as the reinforcement of gentrification and
social segregation in the case of uneven application, as well as the polarizing effect in the
case of a lack of citizen participation. The aforementioned urban transformation is accompanied
by a menta le transformation that moves away from the car -oriented planning of the past to planning
that prioritizes people's needs and combating and adapting to climate change. These
transformation processes, like any change in the familiar, are accompanied by resistance. However,
these resistances shrink as people become accustomed to the new. Ultimately, t he superblock concept
lends itself to testing and adapting new strategies because it delivers tangible results in a timely manner.
Its neighborhood dimension can also promote social cohesion in a bottom-up approach. With the
emergence of new superblocks, it has become clear that a flexible approach and the wah rding of social
balance are of fundamental importance to urban renewal and the success of the superblock concept.

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4 Neighborhood blocks in Pankow

Before the following chapter presents the Kiezblock efforts in Berlin-Pankow, which are based on the
Superblock concept, a brief introduction to the topic of traffic calming is given. This serves to
classify the Superblocks as a traffic calming strategy.

4.1 Necessity of traffic calming

In the post-war period, the destruction of the war made it possible to implement urban and traffic
planning oriented toward the automobile in the cities as well. With the onset of mass motorization
in the 1950s, the passenger car became the dominant means of transport.9 From the 1960s
onward, Hans Bernhard Reichow's model of the car-oriented city, which he entitled in 1959, came
under increasing criticism because of the high health and social burdens it placed on people.
As a result, it was replaced as an urban planning model by the so-called city-friendly traffic. In
transport planning, however, this change took place much more slowly. This is because, apart from
inner cities, both motorization and car traffic continue to increase to this day. "The "car-friendly city" is
undead - long since buried as a guiding principle, but alive and kicking as a social reality." (Bernhardt
2017: 538)

Bernhardt thus describes how, on the one hand, infrastructures built under the premise of a car-
oriented city continue to influence our everyday lives and, on the other hand, how today's
actors' understanding of planning is also significantly shaped by the car-oriented city. Since the 1980s,
the determining planning models have been people-oriented traffic and the city of short distances. In the
course of this change, traffic calming also emerged as a strategy to reduce the undesirable effects
of motorized traffic. The first constructional measures for traffic calming were already implemented in
the 1960s and 70s. The expansion of such measures to larger inner-city areas for the reduction of
motorized traffic took place from the end of the 1980s. The term "traffic calming" is used to describe
measures for the
"Displacement of non-neighborhood traffic and slowing of remaining motorized traffic to increase traffic
safety and improve the residential environment" (PIARC 020) is understood. (cf. Pez 2000: 2; 21)

9At this point, the different developments in the GDR and the FRG should be pointed out. In the GDR, for example, the car-
oriented city was fundamentally rejected as a U.S. concept. However, although less extensive, "core elements of an
automobile-oriented urban redevelopment" were also realized in the GDR. (Bernhardt 2017: 534 ff.)

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
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In addition to the designation of traffic-calmed areas with traffic sign 325.1, which, however, is only
possible under special circumstances10 (cf. to § 42 signs 325.1 and 325.2 VwV-StVO), various measures can
be assigned to traffic calming. For example, in Berlin Schöneberg, Crellestrasse,
Czeminskistrasse and Hohenfriedbergstrasse are freed from through traffic by means of through-
flow barriers and thus resemble a neighborhood block.

According to Pez (2000), traffic calming measures are promising if they aim at a significant reduction
of traffic volume beyond speed reductions and parking time restrictions. On implementation and effects,
he concludes:

"There are no negative effects on the economy, but there are considerable
opportunities in terms of urban development and transport policy. On the other
hand, an open discussion, especially with business representatives, is hampered by
their particularistic goals and attitudes that have been handed down over a long
period of time and that reproduce and reinforce themselves. The main problem of
traffic calming in city centers is therefore not at the impact level, but at the
implementation level." (cf. Pez 2000: 21)

After this brief localization of traffic calming in the context of traffic planning models, we now present
the Kiezblock initiative in Pankow.

4.2 Presentation of the Kiezblocks Pankow

With the Kiezblocks, an initiative was launched in 2020 in the Berlin district of Pankow, which is
based on the Superblock model from Barcelona. The initiators include the association Changing Cities ,
the network Bicycle-Friendly Pankow and the Alliance 90/The Greens Pankow . In January 2020, they
organized a workshop in which residents of Pankow were asked to work in small groups to
develop proposals on how individual neighborhoods could be traffic-calmed. The background to
the efforts is that many neighborhoods in Pankow are affected by heavy shortcut traffic or through
traffic. When drivers try to avoid traffic jams and red lights, they cause noise and particulate matter
in the neighborhoods, endanger schoolchildren and impair the quality of life. This is to be
remedied by preventing through traffic. Eighteen neighborhood block proposals were developed
(see Figure 14), consisting of various measures such as diagonal and entry barriers and one-way streets.
The

10"The streets or areas may only be frequented by a very low volume of traffic and they must have a predominant
recreational function" and "their special design must give the impression that the recreational function predominates and
that vehicle traffic is of secondary importance" (to § 42 sign 325.1 and 325.2 VwV-StVO).

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor
thesis
The completed documentation was handed over to the district office and the district councilor
Vollrad Kuhn in February 2020. It is intended as a prelude to further work by the district office. (cf.
Changing Cities et al. 2020 ; Lieb 2020)

For the sake of completeness, it should be mentioned that superblock efforts also exist in other
Berlin districts. In Friedrichshain -Kreuzberg, two diagonal barriers have already been installed.
Further measures, for example in the much discussed Bergmannkiez, are to follow.

Figure 14: Map of neighborhood block proposals in Pankow: "For residential neighborhoods without
motor vehicle through-traffic. Investigated neighborhood blocks in Pankow" (Changing Cities et al. 2020:
6).

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Felix Weskamm Bachelor

Current status of the urban development office on the Kiezblock issue11 thesis

On the part of the urban development office, an evaluation of the Kiezbl ock proposals was first carried
out. On the basis of this, a decision should then be made as to which neighborhoods should be
shortlisted for potential implementation in order to be investigated further. The political will to
implement the Kiezblock project in the Pankow administration seems to exist, especially since
the district councilor Vollrad Kuhn belongs to the Pankow faction of Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, which are
also among the initiators of the Kiezblocks. Under discussion was the selection of one or a few
neighborhoods for the implementation of temporary measures as part of a traffic trial, as well as
permanent measures that could be implemented, for example, in the urban renewal area around
Langhansstraße.

In order to record and compare the residents' proposals for the neighborhood blocks, which varied
greatly in quality, a list of criteria was drawn up to classify the individual proposals in an
evaluation matrix. In further rounds of discussions (within the district administration), it was
determined, with the involvement of various internal expert groups, that the question of the financing basis
in the respective neighborhood must be increasingly included in the evaluation. This is because a
pre-selection and further investigation of neighborhoods in which there is no chance of
realization is not expedient. Two possibilities for the provision of financial resources came up: the urban
renewal program12
, within the framework of which plans for the redevelopment of the Langhanskiez are
imminent (cf. SenSW 2020a), and the sustainable renewal program13 (formerly the urban
redevelopment program), to which the neighborhoods of the Prenzlauer Berg district located south of
the Ringbahn belong (cf. SenSW 2020b). Thus, in these neighborhoods, there is likely to be an
opportunity to provide funding for the modernization and reworking of transportation infrastructure
and public space within the funding frameworks of the two programs. However, it is also
foreseeable that the personnel ceiling in the urban development office may not be sufficient
to advance the project in a timeframe appropriate to the circumstances.

11 Theinformation in the following section is based on the author's own experience, who worked on the Kiezblock issue and in
particular on the initial evaluation of the Kiezblock proposals from March to May 2020 as part of a compulsory university
internship in the urban development office of the Pankow district.
12 As part of Berlin's urban renewal, urban areas with a lack of green spaces , transport infrastructure and more are improved or

transformed in their quality of life through urban redevelopment measures. (cf. SenSW 2020c) 13 "The Growth and Sustainable
Renewal Program (formerly Urban Redevelopment) is a federal and state urban development program. Special task priorities
are climate protection and climate adaptation. Since 2020, greater emphasis has also been placed on green infrastructure
as an important basis for livable cities. [...] The program supports the districts in implementing urban development and
infrastructural adaptations to demographic, climatic and economic change in their assisted areas. The focus is on measures to
improve the provision of social infrastructure and quality green spaces, as well as to improve the design of public spaces."
(SenSW 2020d)

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