Table of Contents

Welcome Letter 3
Student Officer Introductions 4
Introduction to the Committee 5

Topic 1: The Question of Upholding Democracy in the Americas

Introduction to the Topic 11
Key Terms and Definitions 12
Background of the Topic 14
Scope of Debate 20
Key Stakeholders 24
Potential Solutions 26
Questions a Resolution Must Answer (QARMA) 28
Conclusion 29
Bibliography 30

Topic 2: The Question of the Illicit Drug Trade in the Americas

Introduction to the Topic 37
Key Terms and Definitions 39
Background of the Topic 40
Scope of Debate 43
Key Stakeholders 46
Questions a Resolution Must Answer (QARMA) 50
Conclusion 51
Bibliography 52

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Welcome Letter
Dear delegates,

A warm welcome to the Organization of the American States (OAS) at this year’s edition of
the Preparatory Model United Nations Conference! We are Tivia, Ziqin and Isaac, your Dais
for this conference, and we look forward to seeing you and your contributions to this
committee.

While the topics of drugs and democracy are very frequently discussed in the circuit, the
Dais would like to bring these topics into the OAS, to see how this organization’s mandate
can bring life to these topics. Drugs are often centered around the topic of research and
development, but little attention is directed towards the trade of drugs, and how this may
be curtailed through international cooperation between member states. It is of utmost
importance that partnerships and alliances are formed in council and reflected in the
resolution such that cross-border agreements can be made.

Then, with regards to our second topic of democracy, there are so many things that are
involved in the discussion of this political concept, but debate often seems to head in a
circular direction. The repetitive discussions fail to yield a strong and definite answer when it
comes to laws and policies when it comes to addressing nationalist and populist
movements, and solutions have to be tightened and fixed up, which is what the OAS will
seek to achieve in our thrilling four days together at PREPMUN.

The Dais looks forward to witnessing your active participation, lobbying and debating in
council sessions. We have faith that you will undertake this immense task with resilience and
confidence. Most importantly, have fun with your fellow delegates and engage in fruitful,
stimulating conversations.

Yours sincerely,
Tivia, Ziqin, and Isaac
Dais of the Organization of the American States (OAS)

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Student Officer Introductions
Head Student Officer: Tay Wen Hui, Tivia
A Secondary 3 student, Tivia is currently juggling many new responsibilities and difficult
decisions like whether to take the MRT or bus back home. A humanities student through
and through, Tivia can be found injecting History and Literature into her veins every week.
After hours of queueing for TS tickets, you could say she’s seeing “Red” after not getting
tickets, leaving a “Blank Space” in her heart. What a “Cruel Summer”. Nevertheless, Tivia
hopes that everyone will have an enjoyable time in PREP and looks forward to the OASis of
debates and wishes delegates all the best!

Deputy Student Officer: Han Ziqin

Ziqin is a 14-year-old from Raffles Girls’ School, standing tall (in comparison with her chosen
brother) at 164.5cm. When not manifesting TS tickets with Tivia, her interests include dance,
volleyball, theater, position papers, cheerleading, NUSH merch, and reading about
progressive party member Lim Koon Teck. While her friend count in the circuit is huge, she
has no regrets because what better way to make friends than shouting about her interest in
“Suits” S3 Ep 4 to NUSH friends! In her efforts to stop using the word “discretion”, she hopes
everyone shares the same love for MUN and can make salient, salient points.

Deputy Student Officer: Koh Yong Diat, Isaac

Isaac will be serving as a Chair for the OAS, together with Tivia and Ziqin. He is a Year 5,
17-year-old student from Anglo-Chinese School (Independent). He absolutely did not copy
this chair bio from past conferences. Finding his social battery perpetually drained, he can
either be found at the library or the bookstore. His third year in the circuit, Isaac enjoys
hearing the many salient, salient points raised by his fellow delegates at MUNs. Isaac hopes
all delegates will have a great and enriching time at PREPMUN!

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Introduction to the Committee
The Organization of the American States is a multilateral organization focusing on securing
the economic and social development of states in the Western Hemisphere, at the same
time targeting the upholding of human rights. Since its founding in 1948 under the influence
of the United States to defend democracy and combat contemporary communist influences
(CFR, 2022), leaders across the Americas have been taking this platform to discuss human
rights and democracy related issues. Every two to four years, the OAS holds a Summit of the
Americas where state leaders discuss multilateral initiatives and strengthen diplomatic ties
(OAS, 2008). The committee will be taking this opportunity to discuss the two topics
outlined in the study guides.

It is the OAS’s mandate to promote democracy, coordinate security and law enforcement
activities, as well as offer financial and technical support for development initiatives the
council plans to implement (OAS, 2023). The OAS can and should keep an eye on human
rights through the Inter-American legal system, among other key responsibilities.

In line with the OAS’s mission to maintain human rights and the democratic rule of law,
partnerships have been established with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
(IACHR) and the Inter-American Juridical Committee (IAJC), two autonomous organizations
that carry out OAS duties on the side of human rights and rule of law respectively (OAS,
2008). These two organizations reflect the nature of OAS’s focal points, meaning that OAS
should attempt to maintain human rights as well as law systems. Delegates should be
mindful that their proposals are oriented towards areas where these two bodies can assist
and implement the necessary courses of action.

Lastly, the OAS does and continues to strive towards a large variety of partnerships and ties
such that support between member states is sustained well, with the general concept of
OAS being to foster unity and partnership, For example, the OAS uses the Permanent
Council to hold facilitation dialogues and negotiation processes to ensure that peace
between members can be ensured (OAS, 2022).

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While the OAS does not have the authority to take action in member states, it has the
discretion when it comes to directing the courses of action that the IACHR and IAJC can
carry out (OAS, 2023). Thus, it is common for both resolutions and declarations to be used in
this committee. A resolution is a document to influence courses of action or partnerships to
address conflicts or situations that vary in importance. A declaration, on the other hand, is a
non-binding document that serves as an outline of goals and visions for the committee to
follow and does not create legally binding actions for member states. For the sake of debate
and progression, delegates shall work towards drafting resolutions, rather than declarations,
to reflect the final outcome of the council debate.

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Special Rules of Procedure
Working Language
Noting that this committee is running as the Organization of the American States, the
committee’s working language shall be American English. The Dais reserves the right to
deny any working papers or resolutions that are not written in accordance with American
English conventions.

Agenda-Setting
Given that there are two questions on the agenda of the OAS at PREPMUN 2023, delegates
shall take note of the procedure to set agenda during the first Committee Session.

Following roll call in the first Committee Session, the Committee will automatically enter
the procedure to set agenda and decide which of the two questions on the agenda will be
debated upon first.

The process to set agenda shall proceed as follows:

1. Following roll call, the Committee shall automatically enter closed debate. The Dais
will call for two (2) delegates respectively to speak in favor of debating the first or
second question first. The speaking order will alternate between delegates speaking
in favor of the two opposing questions.

2. Following the elapse of closed debate time, the Committee shall enter a procedural
vote to determine which question will be debated upon first. The Dais shall call on
delegates to vote to enter debate on either the first or second question. The
Committee will immediately enter debate on the question that receives a simple
majority of the vote.

3. In the event that both questions receive exactly 50% of the Committee’s votes, the
Dais reserves the right to enter debate on either question by their discretion.

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With regards to Clause 1, in the event that no delegates wish to speak in favor of either one
of the two questions, the time for closed debate shall automatically elapse. The Committee
shall automatically enter debate on the only question that had delegates wishing to speak
in favor thereof. For example, if two delegates wish to speak in favor of Topic 2 and no
delegates wish to speak in favor of Topic 1, the Committee shall automatically enter debate
on Topic 2.

Motion to Table the Question

Delegates may propose a Motion to Table the Question in the event that they wish to enter
debate on the other question before the current question has been closed by the passage of
a draft resolution, pursuant to Clause 4.6 of the PREPMUN 2023 Rules of Procedure.

1. Delegates may raise this motion at any time when the Dais has opened itself to
motions. Noting that the Dais will entertain motions in order of precedence,
pursuant to Clause 3.3.0.1 of the PREPMUN 2023 Rules of Procedure, this motion to
table the question shall be considered less superseding than the Motion to Amend
Speaking Time.

2. If entertained, the motion shall be subject to a procedural vote and require a simple
majority to pass.

3. After the Motion to Table the Question is passed, time for debate on the current
question shall elapse, and the Committee shall immediately enter debate on the
other question.

3.1 Once a question has been tabled, documents introduced during debate on that
question must not be mentioned during formal debate on the other question.

3.2 Should debate on the other question be entered for the first time, delegates shall
deliver Opening Speeches on the other question, pursuant to Clause 4.2.0.1 of the
PREPMUN 2023 Rules of Procedure.

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4. Subject to the discretion of the Dais, there shall be no limit to the number of times
this motion may be raised and passed. As such, the Committee is empowered with
the flexibility of movement between both questions on the agenda, provided no
resolution has been passed for either question.

5. At any point in time, the Dais reserves the full discretion to table the question.

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10
Introduction to the Topic
Given its founding history, the OAS is dedicated to maintaining high levels and consistency
of democracy within its member states (Aguirre, 2019). Through its Permanent Council, the
OAS provides a key forum for member states to coordinate actions to uphold democratic
principles (OAS, 2022). Though the Permanent Council lacks the authority to enforce or
guarantee democracy per se, it serves to monitor elections, ensure democratic dialogue, and
defend democratic institutions, among other functions (OAS, 2023).

They are also consistently committed to monitoring and assessing the transparency of
elections within each country and are the key to delegating different OAS teams on
observation missions to make sure that the fairness and credibility of elections are at the
necessary standards. The organization as a whole has the ability and obligation to ensure
that democracy is maintained at all times. The Permanent Council can take action when
they observe unconstitutional changes or threats to democratic institutions (IADC, 2001).

Reviewing and strengthening the existing solutions such as the Declaration Of Santiago On
Democracy And Public Trust could also benefit the OAS in understanding why democracy is
not being upheld consistently despite efforts by the Permanent Council, and helps the
council analyze the contentions involved in democracy. Establishing democratic standards
and norms is also a large part of the establishment and promotion of democratic principles,
and thus discussion on this topic would spearhead the direction the committee would need
to move into.

Lastly, the electoral processes monitoring to prevent government corruption using both the
Permanent Council and opening up discussions between member states is also a large part
of the question of democracy in the OAS such that transparency and integrity are
maintained. As such, in the course of debate delegates should focus on measures to uphold
democracy throughout all organizations and processes in the OAS.

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Key Terms and Definitions
Terms Definitions

Democracy A system of government by the whole population or all the eligible

members of a state, typically through elected representatives
(Oxford Languages, n.d.).

Democratic Structures, organizations, and mechanisms essential for the

Institutions function of a democratic system of governance (Oxford
Languages, n.d.).

Electoral Observation by political participants in election processes and their

Observation representatives, and sponsored by international government and
non-governmental groups (ACE, n.d.).

Electoral Reform positive changes in election processes in order to promote greater

democracy, prohibit criminalisation of politics, choose ideal
members of legislative chambers, stop the misuse of the
government machinery, equal representation, etc (BYJU, n.d.).

Rule of Law The restriction of the arbitrary exercise of power by subordinating

it to well-defined and established laws (White, n.d.).

Universal Suffrage The right of all adults to vote in elections (Collins Dictionary, n.d.).

Civil Liberties the state of being subject only to laws established for the good of
the community, especially with regard to freedom of action and
speech (Oxford Languages, n.d.).

Democratic State-led debilitation or elimination of the political institutions

Backsliding sustaining an existing democracy (ProQuest & Bermeo, 2016).

Authoritarianism The enforcement or advocacy of strict obedience to authority at

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 the expense of personal freedom (Collins Dictionary, n.d.).

Populism A political approach that strives to appeal to ordinary people who

feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups
(Collins Dictionary, n.d.).

Nationalism Identification with one's own nation and support for its interests,
especially to the exclusion or detriment of the interests of other
nations (Oxford Languages, n.d.).

Regional Systems that are developed to reflect regional values and offer a
Mechanisms more specific framework than the UN system (CRIN, n.d.).

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Background of the Topic
Permanent Council of the OAS
The OAS has a long history of observing and collecting first-hand data regarding elections
through its Permanent Council (OAS, 2010). The Permanent Council was created with the
goal to maintain the friendly relations between the member states of the OAS and
eventually developed into an overarching organization that helps to manage democracy
goals and set council agenda.

In the long history of the Permanent Council, there has been increasing discussion on its
effectiveness in maintaining the protection of democratic institutions within the relevant
member states. From its role in serving as a defense for democracy, it has also spread out
into sectors such as first-hand data exchange facilitation, and also election monitoring,
becoming a watchdog for securing basic democratic standards.

Electoral Processes
The OAS believes that a key component of the democratic system is the ability to vote in all
elections using a secret ballot (OAS, 2023). One of the basic tools that the OAS utilizes to
assist in strengthening democracy in this area is the independent, impartial observation of
elections, which ensures the transparency and credibility of the processes. Additionally, the
OAS offers assistance following elections, supporting nations in their initiatives to improve
the transparency of their electoral processes (OAS, n.d.).

Part of the Secretariat for Strengthening Democracy (SSD) includes the Department of
Electoral Cooperation and Observation which is responsible for creating specialized
methods to observe important electoral processes which includes electoral observation
missions such as to Ecuador and Guatemala (OAS, n.d.).

According to the OAS, any election system should be founded on two essential tenets:
1. Individuals have the fundamental right to take part in the management of public affairs by
electing representatives by the full exercise of their right to vote.

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2. Citizens should have complete faith that the decision-makers were selected in line with
the choices that voters indicated at the polls (OAS, n.d.-d).

To achieve this, the OAS has produced an organizational structure to facilitate the Electoral
Observation Missions (EOMs) to uphold electoral justice:

Figure 1: OAS organization structure for the facilitation of EOMs.

These EOM experts are expected to coordinate and carry out each task listed in the
Methodology for Electoral Justice Specialists. This includes gathering and organizing the
data required to conduct the election observation as well as constructing a preliminary
examination of the electoral justice system (OAS, n.d.).

Government Corruption
Surveys of public opinion indicate a connection between corruption and the low level of
trust many people have in their governments (Anderson & Tverdova, 2003). Corruption not

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only undermines confidence in politicians and governmental institutions, but it also has an
economic impact on the populace. Fighting corruption is a top concern for all OAS member
nations since it is a crucial component of the democratic exercise of power required by the
Inter-American Democratic Charter (OAS, n.d.-a).

The OAS already has in place the Inter-American Convention against Corruption, adopted in
March 1996, including the Follow-Up Mechanism for the Implementation of the
Inter-American Convention against Corruption (MESICIC). The MESICIC brings 33 of the 34
Member States together to examine their legal and institutional structures in light of the
Inter-American Convention against Corruption (OAS, n.d.-b).

The Convention’s objectives are twofold. Firstly, it serves to encourage and support the
creation by each State Party of the necessary systems for preventing, detecting, punishing,
and eliminating corruption (OAS, 2011). Secondly, to ensure the efficacy of the measures and
actions to deal with corruption, it is important to encourage, facilitate, and regulate
collaboration among the State’s Parties (OAS, 2011).

A possible consequence of this could be the idea of equality before the law through
establishing ideas of a national family (Acemoglu, 2021). This will undermine the checks and
balances, weakening or undermining the independence of democratic institutions (DH News
Service, 2015), including the judiciary, which weakens these organizations that keep
democracy in place in the first place.

Existing Solutions
Inter-American Democratic Charter (IADC)
The 2001 Inter-American Democratic Charter (IADC) is a reaffirmation of representative
democracy being the form of government for the Americas as agreed upon in the 1991
Santiago Commitment (“Declaration of Santiago on Democracy and Public Trust: A New
Commitment to Good Governance for the Americas”). The IADC sought to address the
problems that certain member states may face in maintaining a strong democratic
government due to a political climate that has resulted in much instability. It is precisely this

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Charter that seeks to deal with, and has dealt with, various crises that have arisen over the
years (OAS, 2001).

38 cases of democracy coming under threat have been raised to the OAS since its inception
in 2001. Only in 22 instances was the IADC applied. Notably, the IADC was withheld in 16 of
these crises, the OAS member states have decided that there was no enforcement since the
situations at hand did not constitute an “interruption of the democratic order” or an
“alteration of the constitutional regime” (Palestini, 2021). This often occurs in crises where
one of the parties implicated is a “powerful member state of the OAS”, as was the case with
Brazil in 2016 and the US in 2021. Conflicts of interest undermine the efficacy of the IADC,
given that its invocation may be prevented merely because the most powerful OAS
members have spoken against invoking it (Palestini, 2021).

In February 2023 when the Permanent Council shifted its focus from Brazil to Haiti, the OAS
was given a significant opportunity to reaffirm its commitment to democracy (Duffy, 2023).
The ruling Haitian Tèt Kale Party (PHTK), which has been steadily undermining the country’s
democratic institutions over the past ten years to consolidate its power, is directly
responsible for the nation’s current catastrophe (Duffy, 2023). The Permanent Council
acknowledged in the following weeks that Haiti’s democratic dilemma required its attention
through both its words and conduct (Duffy, 2023). However, in another instance betraying
the ineffectiveness of the IADC, the Permanent Council decided to disregard its duties under
the IADC despite compelling evidence of a democratic system in disarray (Duffy, 2023).

Washington Protocol of 1992

Another piece of legislation is the Washington Protocol of 1992, an addition to the OAS
Charter permitting the General Assembly to suspend a member state from membership if its
“democratically constituted government has been overthrown by force” (Montero, n.d.). As
a result, the OAS became “the first regional political organization to allow suspension of a
member state in the event that its democratically elected government is overthrown by
force” (Ribando, 2005). The Charter sends a strong message about the organization’s
commitment or desire to serve as the continent's defender of democracy (Buitrago, 2013).

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However, it has only been invoked once in 2009 to suspend Honduras’ membership. In
many other instances, the OAS has appeared hesitant to take action, for example only
initiating the process of suspending Venezuela from the OAS in 2018 without removing
them immediately (Reuters Staff, 2018).

Delegates need to determine if the existing solutions put in place have worked in the past
and determine if they are still sufficient in ensuring the stability of democracies today. Some
considerations include the frequency of the use of certain protocols and whether or not the
guidelines are too narrow such that they are only used in extreme circumstances.

Resolution 1080
The incident occurred when an electoral mission of the OAS issued a report challenging the
results of the 2000 Peruvian general election under Alberto Fujimori’s government
(Montero et al., 2016). On this occasion, the permanent representative of the US insisted on
the need to invoke Resolution 1080 and convene a meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs
to decide on the actions to adopt (Montero et al., 2016).

However, representatives of the Latin American governments rejected this US government

proposal (Montero et al., 2016). The opposite and stronger position, supported by countries
such as Mexico and Ecuador, argued that the OAS could neither interfere in nor replace the
national institutions of a member state. It also argued that OAS had designed and approved
Resolution 1080 in order to deal with situations that were different from that experienced
by Peru (Montero et al., 2016). This debate led the US government to suggest that there was
a need to revise and strengthen Resolution 1080 whose area of implementation was
proving too restricted (see Levitt 2006; Hertz 2012) (Montero et al., 2016).

In the cases of self-coups by Presidents Fujimori in Peru and Jorge Serrano in Guatemala
perpetuated in 1993, the OAS first took an investigative position, invoking Resolution 1080
to gather information on what had happened; only later, it classified the events as a “coup
d’état”, adopting measures eventually including sanctions (Montero et al., 2016).

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Even less assertive was the action of the OAS when the Vice-President of Paraguay, Luís
María Argaña, was assassinated; it invoked Resolution 1080 but did not adopt any measures
(Montero et al., 2016). The representative of the United States criticized this by maintaining
that the Resolution was only effective when states “faced the worst possible scenario”, in a
clear reference to coups d’état and, as in the case of Peru, he advocated for the amendment
of Resolution 1080 (Montero et al., 2016).

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Scope of Debate
Addressing the Rise of Nationalist and Populist Movements
Populist and nationalist movements are movements that appeal to the popular will as a
political party and encourage pride in national achievements respectively. Both of these
movements are detrimental to democracy, even though they may not seem so on the
surface (Krause, 2012).

While populist movements arise from a good start, aiming to bring greater rights and
recognition to a certain social group, this is done through campaigning for a political group
that is able to achieve this, which eventually leads to less focus on the goal of unity but
rather the exploitation of social groups for political purposes. (Britannica, 2023). Establishing
that its party is the only true expression of popular will, leaves little space for democratic
pluralism and space for other governmental bodies to bring forth their point, and could also
spiral into corruption (Diamond, 2017). For example, the rise of completely democratic
populist political groups ended up restricting the freedom of academic research presenting
ideas against the democratic governments, based on the motivation for political stability as
a party. (Väliverronen & Saikkonen, 2023). Having the oppression of the media and freedom
of thought, expression, and information would damage the human right of freedom of
speech, and thus spoil the democracy they started with. The popular will that the political
group is representing, could also result in the lack of recognition or discrimination of smaller
entities outside this popular will, as most of these popular ideologies are established on
broader narratives that fail to address citizens as a whole (Liddiard, 2019).

Nationalist movements aim to bring people together by creating a national identity, which
in most situations would involve conforming all organizations in the country. This involves
getting all institutions, welfare, democracy, and citizens to conform to the “national
identity” norms. While this arises from a good place, this results in these inclusion entities
being forced to follow the national exclusions that are observed when boundaries of
national identity are not established clearly (Hau et al., 2023). Not only do nationalist
movements highlight the differences among the people in the process of trying to force

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similarity, but they also give politicians the opportunity to influence or manipulate the
citizens, damaging the institution of democracy and the right to autonomy (Bertrand, 2021).

Democratic Standards and Norms

Despite making much development in the codification of standards and norms in the 1990s,
the OAS has been unable to make further progress on this issue since 2001 (Lerner-Kinglake,
2008). This issue can be ascribed to wariness on the part of OAS members like the United
States and some Latin American states. While Latin American states are wary of legislation
that might give way and allow for US intervention, the US is also wary of legislation made
by the OAS that will bind itself (Lerner-Kinglake, 2008).

In establishing democratic norms and standards, it is also crucial that political crises across
the region are dealt with similarly and in a more standardized fashion. While there are
existing guidelines in place, delegates should consider a review of these policies and assess
the effectiveness of past interventions such as in Haiti in 1991 or in Peru in 1992. Following
the military coup in Haiti in 1991, the OAS and the United Nations opted to impose an
embargo on Haiti, which caused widespread civil unrest and severe economic damage
(Marotte, 1997). In 1992, Peru's constitution was suspended by its President Alberto Fujimori,
and the OAS voted to request that it be reinstated (Goshko, 1992).

However, the effectiveness of such a system remains contentious, and whether the specific
guidelines imposed are fair remains open for discussion and interpretation given that it
leads to interference and intervention in the country’s internal affairs.

Under former Secretary-General José Miguel Insulza, the OAS leadership has become less
involved in election monitoring, having failed to speak out against several attacks on the
IACHR (Americas Quarterly et al., 2015). Some contend that the IADC, which compelled
member states to uphold the checks and balances of representative democracy, has
devolved into a dead letter as a result of the organization's diminished role in matters
involving the defense of democracy (Americas Quarterly et al., 2015).

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Rule of Law and Human Rights
The OAS serves to combat impunity for human rights violations (Dykmann, 2001). Thus,
prosecution and investigation processes of democratic institutions in the OAS aim to
prevent violations of human rights to ensure the rule of law amongst all organizations.
(Amnesty International, 2022). This includes opening up to complaints against violations of
human rights clauses in the American Declaration, the American Convention, and other
inter-American human rights treaties, and resulting in dealing consequences based on the
clause violated (OAS, 2010). This complaint system also applies to enforcing the rule of law
upon government officials, security forces, and non-state actors (Esposito, 2017). Peace
dialogues are useless when there is a severe lack of the necessary frameworks for these
members to face accountability which does not take a hardline stance against any actions
that violate the rule of law or human rights (Halperine, 1993).

Review of Resolution 1080

A major factor in the implementation of democracy-related solutions is Article 20 of the
Democratic Charter, which states that “In the event of an unconstitutional alteration of the
constitutional regime that seriously impairs the democratic order in a member state, any
member state or the Secretary General may request the immediate convocation of the
Permanent Council to undertake a collective assessment of the situation and to take such
decisions as it deems appropriate” (OAS, 2005). Despite this option provided by the Charter,
they have not identified a case where a “third state” would have activated the MDPs.

The only case, albeit unsuccessful, that occurred prior to the adoption of the Charter, and
therefore still under the framework of Resolution 1080 (Montero et al., 2016) is the Peru
Elections. The electoral fraud, as reported by the OAS electoral mission to Peru, did not
correspond to a “sudden or irregular interruption of the democratic political institutional
process or the legitimate exercise of power by the democratically elected government”
(OAS, 1991), nor merit the invocation of Resolution 1080.

There are multiple cases like self-coups which did not correspond to “obvious” interruptions
of the elected government, but to political crises with various shades of ambiguity and

22
where the action of the OAS has been considerably less assertive than in cases of coups
d’état (Montero et al., 2016). Thus, delegates would need to consider the effectiveness of
Resolution 1080, and its intricacies and see if a renewal of the resolution would be
necessary, especially in the implementation of Resolution 1080.

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Key Stakeholders
United States
The United States is the most powerful country in the OAS, and as mentioned, other
countries, particularly those in Latin America, have fears that the US abuses its power as the
regional hegemon and makes threats to enforce possible interventions (Levitt, 2006).

On the part of the US, the US is also fearful of any legislation that is binding for it to have to
commit to long-term intervention. Furthermore, the US contributes a substantial amount
(60%) to the OAS budget and its preferences should also reflect its monetary commitment
(Hawkins, Shaw, 2008).

Latin America
Latin America continues to be associated with weak democracies (Bitencourt, 2001). The
stability of newly conceived political systems is threatened by numerous issues, whether
they are latent or not (Bitencourt, 2001). Since the OAS was established in 1948, Latin
America has considered it variously as a puppet of the United States, an essential watchdog,
an unnecessary bureaucracy, or a priceless resource (Tornaghi, 2020). Latin America will be
key to determining if any new or existing policy that is implemented will be overly
bureaucratic or used as a tool by the US.

Democracy in Latin America (2004), a comprehensive study released by the U.N.

Development Programme, details the political shift in 18 of the region's nations towards
democracy (UNDP, 2004). Countries were ranked from 0 to 1 according to their electoral
democracy index, where 1 denotes the highest degree of democracy (Arceneaux,
Pion-Berlin, 2007). Latin America received overall scores of .69 in 1985, .88 in 1995, and .93 in
2002 (Arceneaux, Pion-Berlin, 2007).

Out of 38, only two were deemed to constitute elections between 1996 and 2002 (UNDP,
2004). However, the same report also raises severe concerns about the quality of
democracy, stating that "serious deficiencies remain with regards to the control that citizens
are able to exercise over the actions of the State" and that "rule through undemocratic

24
means" (UNDP, 2004). This suggests that while the degree of democracy and number of
corruption-free elections may have increased, much work is still required to further increase
the quality of democracy in Latin America.

Venezuela
In 2018, the United States called for the OAS to suspend Venezuela’s membership over
allegations of the supposedly fraudulent election of President Nicolas Maduro (Reuters
Staff, 2018). Venezuela plays an important role as the effect of any changes in the OAS’
regulation would directly affect her, due to its large size of 912,050 km² (WorldData, 2018).
Furthermore, Venezuela might view potential changes and solutions as aggression towards
her non-democratic stance.

Haiti
With the ongoing crisis in Haiti, the issue of the OAS’s failure to implement the IADC would
be at the forefront of discussions (Fowler, 2023). Resolution 1080 had already been invoked
in Haiti in 1991 to intervene due to the coup and its impact on the country would loom over
its views on any new legislation to further facilitate intervention (OAS, 1992).

Furthermore, the issue over Haiti also represents the OAS’ commitment to democracy under
the IADC and whether or not the OAS decides to maintain the charter or allow it to become
ineffective and redundant (OAS, 2021). The OAS's defensive mechanisms ought to be
activated in order to assist in addressing Haiti's democratic collapse if it is to fulfill its IADC
commitments (Duffy, 2023). Not only is it required by the IADC itself, but past precedent
demonstrates the Organization's willingness to comply when it so chooses (Duffy, 2023).

25
Potential Solutions
Regional Mechanisms
In addressing the issue of democracy, the OAS can take advantage of regional mechanisms
to protect the democratic institutions and principles of the countries of the Americas.
Diplomatic and political measures can be enacted to encourage member states to uphold
democratic norms and hold them accountable through dialogue and mediation.

One of the main Regional Mechanisms that the OAS has implemented is the MESICIC which
represents the principal cooperation instruments for preventing, detecting, punishing, and
eradicating corruption in the Americas (OAS, n.d.). Country reports are drafted to propose
concrete recommendations for each state to help them close any legal gaps that have been
detected, correct the inadequacies that have been found, and employ indicators to
objectively assess the results that have been achieved following the recommendations
being adopted (OAS, n.d.). Delegates can look into the adoption of such measures
pertaining to the protection of democratic institutions.

However, it is important to note that some countries in the OAS may be disinclined towards
having a democratic government. For example, Cuba was suspended from the OAS in 1962
for its incompatibility with inter-American “principles and objectives” (Boniface, 2023). By
enforcing regional mechanisms, it could monitor potential shifts in each OAS country’s
opinion on democracy, and prevent democratic backsliding in its early stages.

Information Sharing
With the OAS budget expected to total USD 82.8 million in 2023 (OAS, 2022), it is important
that proposals do not incur unnecessary expenditure to OAS countries vis-à-vis the funding
of future projects. Methods like sharing of best practices, capacity-building programs, and
facilitating dialogues are cost-efficient ways to discuss practices without straining Member
State resources. Countries that are unable to afford costly solutions or management
programs would benefit tremendously from such economic alternatives.

26
While it is known that countries in the region possess a wealth of information, such
countries, especially the United States, remain wary of sharing information with other
countries, choosing to keep details private to themselves. This is evidenced by the US’
classification of documents as “NOFORN,” prohibiting their release to foreign nationals
(Harris & Lamothe, 2023). However, others were cleared to be shared with close US allies,
including the Five Eyes alliance of the United States, Britain, Canada, Australia, and New
Zealand (Harris & Lamothe, 2023). Furthermore, US intelligence about British and Canadian
activities is contained in some of the documents (Harris & Lamothe, 2023).

Delegates would need to rationalize and come to a consensus on whether to share the
information or not when it comes to certain policies and areas of research and not to
infringe on the country’s rights when doing so.

27
Questions a Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)
1. Are the OAS’s existing agreements and commitments for democracy sufficient?
2. How can OAS members share best practices, capacity-building, or technical
assistance programs to support each other?
3. How can OAS member states emphasize the importance of the rule of law and the
protection of human rights as integral to the democratization process?
4. How can the OAS improve electoral processes to ensure elections are free, fair, and
transparent?
5. How will the proposed measures in the resolution be implemented and monitored by
the OAS?

28
Conclusion
Considering the past steps and legislation taken, from the 2001 IADC to the Washington
Protocol, delegates must determine the extent to which existing measures have been
effective in ensuring the maintenance and strength of democracy. Delegates should find out
what problems they have and ascertain what must be done such that these commitments
can be improved upon. Cooperation amongst member states is also crucial to ensure the
success of any policy delegates can consider how the OAS can facilitate the assistance of
technical expertise to one another.

Noting that transparent elections are key to democratization, it is up to delegates to

improve the electoral processes such that they are free and fair. Furthermore, it is also
important to hold human rights as a central tenet of its democratization processes and to
make sure that all the measures member states wish to implement can be imposed and
effectively monitored by the OAS to ensure its success.

29
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36
Introduction to the Topic
The topic of drug trade has been a focus area in the OAS since the 1980s, which saw a
significant increase in drug production in the OAS member states. Unsettled by heightened
trafficking, consumption, and production, the OAS rallied to discuss how drug trafficking
and drug trade routes could be more closely monitored by different member states. The
OAS’s periodic meetings regarding drug trade focus on sharing best practices, fostering
cooperation, and exchanging information and data to track whether cooperation member
states are pulling their weight, with the assistance of the Permanent Council.

An OAS report titled “Executive Summary of the Report on Drug Supply in the Americas
2021” is a report on drug supply in the Americas that shows the primary drug of concern
varies by country, reflecting the variety of illegal drug supply across the region (OAS, 2022).
The report was prepared by the Executive Secretariat of the Inter-American Drug Abuse
Control Commission (CICAD), the OAS’s consultative and advisory body on the drug
problem. In presenting trends on eradication, drug seizures, laboratory seizures, and arrests
on drugs including cannabis, cocaine, fentanyl, and other synthetic opioids along with
methamphetamine, the report lays important groundwork for evidence-based drug policies,
strategies, and plans of action across the Western Hemisphere. Together with CICAD’s
Report on Drug Use in the Americas 2019, the report provides a holistic picture of the drug
problem in the region and serves as the basis for furthering international dialogue and
commitments to address the drug problem in the Americas and beyond (OAS, 2022).

In North America, opioids like fentanyl are the major drugs of concern. Trends concerning
fentanyl and the proliferation of counterfeit pills contributing to rising overdose deaths
include a steady decrease in the price of fentanyl as well as fentanyl being mixed with other
drugs. In other countries, synthetic drugs such as methamphetamine, showed an increasing
trend in North America while remaining concentrated in that subregion. Cocaine seizures
increased from 2016 to 2020, with South America reporting the greatest share of seizures in
the region (OAS, 2022).

37
Nevertheless, there are some common trends across the region. Cannabis stands out as the
only drug whose illicit supply was mentioned by all OAS member states that provided data
for this report. The data provided indicate that trends in cannabis seizures by sub-region
appear to be changing. Historically, North America has reported larger total seizures of
cannabis, driven mainly by seizures in the United States; however, between 2016 and 2020,
cannabis seizures fell in this sub-region. In contrast, seizures increased notably in South
America and slightly in Central America and the Caribbean (OAS, 2022).

Methamphetamine is by far the most common synthetic drug in the region with the market
remaining concentrated in North America; however, production has shifted south into
Mexico, while destined for markets in the United States and Canada (OAS, 2022).
Methamphetamine seizures have increased proportionally more than any other drug seized,
although its market remains concentrated in North America (OAS, 2022). Methamphetamine
laboratory seizures have decreased even while indicators for use, and seizures of
methamphetamine have increased, suggesting that individual laboratories are producing
more (OAS, 2022), a growing sign of concern due to the difficulties in tracking it down.

With the illicit drug trade evidently affecting all OAS countries, it is crucial that the OAS
intervene in this issue and come up with feasible solutions to mitigate this crisis.

38
Key Terms and Definitions
Terms Definitions

New psychoactive Substances with opioid effects (Hynes, 2021).

substances (NPS)

Drugs Illicit substances, particularly heroin, NPS, opioids, fentanyl, and

cocaine (Hynes, 2021).

Drug trafficking Illegal trade (particularly in the Americas) including the production,
distribution, and sale of drugs that are illegal under international
law (UNODC, n.d.).

Drug infrastructure Drug infrastructure refers to the facilities to dismantle physical and
organizational components supporting illegal drug production, labs,
and research facilities (Scott, 2006).

Drug legalization Removal of all penalties for possession and personal use of a drug
(Alcohol and Drug Foundation, n.d.).

Substance abuse The harmful or hazardous use of psychoactive substances, including

alcohol and illicit drugs (World Health Organization, 2017).

Narcotics An illegal drug such as heroin or cocaine (Cambridge Dictionary,

2023).

39
Background of the Topic
Drug Transit Routes
The main facilitator of the illicit drug trade is the drug transit routes that often aid the drug
traffickers in their cross-border trades. In the OAS, the main concerns over which member
states have been involved in drug transit routes, examples of such include the Amazon Basin
drug trade route, the Caribbean drug trade route, and the Central American corridor.

While equal in scale and harm, they differ greatly in manifestation. The Amazon Basin is a
significant area for cocaine leaf production and illegal drug labs. The facilities hidden within
the Amazon Basin and the river routes involved complicate the legalization discussions the
OAS is having about cocaine due to its ambiguity.

Meanwhile, the Caribbean drug trade route poses concerns not only in the transit portion
but also about its proximity to the drug-producing countries in South America examples
include Colombia and Peru. Corruption due to political instability and transshipment points
in the Caribbean drug trade route decreases the accountability for tracking trade routes
between member states.

There is a need for delegates to discuss policies that cater to the wide and differing
manifestation and complications of each trade route, and leeway for the discretion of the
country bearing the weight of the situations at hand that arise.

Past Actions
The 47th session of the Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission (CICAD) in 2010
saw the adoption of the Hemispheric drug strategy and a corresponding action plan from
2011 to 2015 (Mack, 2010). Introduced as part of the strategy, the plan includes respect for
human rights, the use of scientific data to guide the creation of drug policy, and the
recognition that drug abuse should be regarded as a public health concern should all be
considered when implementing drug policies (Mack, 2010).

40
The CICAD itself also draws on existing legislation such as the Inter-American Convention
on Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters (1992), the United Nations Convention Against
Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances (1988), and the United Nations
Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs (CICAD, 2012).

In 2018, the OAS made several significant changes to the organization’s partnership with the
partnership of the CICAD, a specialized body that coordinates efforts among member states
in addressing drug-related problems (OAS, 2018). That year, the CICAD decided to reconsider
the OAS’s collective stance on incarcerations for drug traffickers. Through working with civil
society, they looked through their regulatory frameworks and decided on a uniform training
curriculum for legal and health technicians, specifically those involved in handling drug
trafficking-related crimes to ensure the fair and equal treatment of all offenders, as
requested by some member states (OAS, 2021). This affects how the organization would
take action and the bar at which they should hold drug trafficking.

In recent years, drug crises have also plagued the OAS, causing drug trade frameworks to
require more consideration to ensure that new drugs and sudden increases in drug
consumption will be effectively prevented and drug trade routes are closely monitored to
ensure that drugs are not mishandled. The opioid crisis in North America and the fentanyl
crisis showed how vulnerable OAS is when it comes to crisis management and making
difficult decisions as a whole fast enough (Mcdonald, 1964). These two crises were
spearheaded by the illicit drug trade, leading to a lack of coordination as transit routes were
monitored by different member states; therein lies the contention of how the burden of
transit routes’ should be distributed.

Trade Guidelines
Currently, the main solution the OAS adopts for the trade of these drugs is the Multilateral
Evaluation Mechanism (MEM), and this framework focuses on the evaluation of mutual
trust and partnerships, not targeting the actual drug trade (OAS, 1999). The illicit cocaine and
cannabis trades require more detailed guidelines and frameworks to ensure various
initiatives that promote international cooperation and enhance transparent tracking

41
processes in drug trade routes. Regional security cooperation also comes into play when
inter-border trade routes are involved, posing a threat due to the large-scale nature of this
and opening up space for complications.

42
Scope of Debate
Enhancing International Cooperation To Mitigate Drug Trafficking
The topic of drug trade runs far beyond individual member states, and the international
nature of the illicit drug trade emphasizes the need for OAS member states to adopt an
accountable and viable tracking system for trade routes. By understanding how each
country bears the weight of taking action against drug transit routes, delegates may be
better equipped to consider how to implement common solutions such as migrant drug
smuggling prevention, in the context of the OAS. Left unaddressed, each country’s clashing
priorities (and thus varying extents of contribution) may cause discrepancies in addressing
transnational drug transit routes.

Complications of Cross-Country Transit Routes

As drug transit routes often run through multiple countries, therein lies the issue of what
type of metrics should be used to ensure that the most efficient courses of action are
carried out on time. Countries with drug production and illegal drug labs are the main
sources of drugs, being the start of this illicit drug trade (Fernandez, 1984). Measures taken
to combat illegal drug production can be delegated in two ways. On one hand, individual
member states involved in the production should handle the production of drugs at its core.
With more efficient discretion and a better grasp of its law system, individual countries
trying to retain their control are more likely to opt for this solution.

However, considering that multiple crime syndicates partner together to engage in illegal
drug production, there could be another option of managing drug production via the
metrics of efficiency of drug production based on existing developments of drug
infrastructure within the country. Drug infrastructure is a key part of taking apart drug labs
while doing the necessary tests to collect the information and data needed, thus relying on
countries with more advanced drug research would be significantly more efficient and could
help the whole OAS move forward more quickly (UNODC, 2023). The tracking and
accountability of drug trade routes also have a cross-border nature due to its need in having
to work between member states to take down drug trade routes, instead of being confined
43
to one country. Additionally, having the necessary security systems to directly target these
transit routes would also be much faster. However, these regional complications also hurt
the efficiency of plans to remove illegal drug crop cultivation, as with more stakeholders
involved in a drug elimination operation, coordination, and consensus become factors that
require important discussions that diminish the efficiency of work.

Partnerships
However, creating frameworks and guidelines for drug mitigation varies between different
countries. Some member states see a greater rate of demand causing people to turn to the
illicit drug trade, while some member states tilt onto the side of supply issues (UNODC,
2022). Countries with weaker legal systems have a greater supply of illicit drugs and thus
increased engagement with illicit drug trade stakeholders operating out of illegal drug labs
(Felbab-Brown, 2016). This group of countries may find targeting production to be a more
pressing issue than the management of demand.

Countries with a higher rate of illegal trafficking of drugs, illicit drug trading, and poor
systems in place to reduce the ability for people to get harmful drugs over the counter,
might be more reliant on supply-targeted reductions. This would be more centered around
legal systems, better health and security manpower training facilities, and accountability
systems for drug transit routes (OAS, 2021).

Currently, the necessary frameworks that could ensure monitoring progress are not
available (OAS, 2020), and thus cannot be applied in partnerships such that it is ensured that
all member states are pulling their weight in partnerships. Presently, the Permanent Council
is facilitating transparency in data sharing regarding trade routes and how transit routes are
affected due to differing production stages in different member states involved (OAS, 2023).

However, delegates will need to find an adequate balance for both international
cooperation and partnerships between demand and supply chains such that both are
targeted at the same time with one set of resources, being the two branches of the OAS,
namely the legal and social protection and security side, as part of the Inter-American
Judicial Council (IAJC) and Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR).
44
Revision of Existing Drug Conventions
Delegates should consider the effectiveness of previous regulations to ascertain what
policies are working and what needs to be improved.

In 2022, the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in the United Nations declared
that the so-called “war on drugs” has left negative consequences on public health and
societal well-being, drains valuable public funds, and ultimately falls short in decreasing the
demand for illicit substances or reducing the presence of illegal drug markets (UNHRC,
2022). The UNHRC also pointed out that this approach undermines various basic human
rights, including personal freedom, the right to a fair trial, and the right to equal treatment
under the law (UNHRC, 2022). Some issues that may be considered include rolling back
restrictive drug laws, addressing drug use and dependence issues from a public health
perspective, and providing prisoners suffering from problematic drug use with unfettered
access to healthcare (Wola & Walsh, 2023).

Certain anti-drug provisions affect vulnerable groups and countries more than others given
the presence of social determinants to health - “the conditions in the environments where
people are born, live, learn, work, play, worship, and age that affects a wide range of health,
functioning, and quality-of-life outcomes and risks.” (OASH, 2021) For instance, the
aforementioned “war on drugs” increases the number of variables that have a detrimental
effect on health and well-being, disproportionately harming communities of color and
low-income communities who already face systemic issues including racism, disinvestment,
and discrimination (Cohen et. al., 2022). Delegates will need to be wary of certain
implications that may come with the solutions proposed and should also look back on
certain solutions proposed to possibly reform regulations such that incidents like these
could be lowered.

45
Key Stakeholders
North American States
Most of the North American states have a shared interest in the topic of drugs and are most
likely to collaborate on initiatives to enhance border security and cross-border cooperation.
Furthermore, the use of opioids and NPS is dangerously out of control in the United States
and Canada, where overdose rates are among the highest ever recorded (CICAD, 2020).

Majority of heroin and opioid trafficking data originates from North America, specifically
from the US and Canada. The market for methamphetamine is also largely concentrated in
North America (OAS, 2021). North American has seen a shift in its drug markets towards
highly potent synthetic opioids such as fentanyl and fentanyl analogs which are available in
various forms, can be mixed into the street supply or consumed directly as the preferred
drug of choice, and are contributing to a sharp rise in mortality throughout the continent
(Krausz et.al., 2021).

Caribbean States
Drugs, especially cocaine, are frequently transported across the Caribbean region, given the
vulnerability of the region to drug trafficking on political, economic, and social fronts
(UNODC, 2002).

Caribbean States face unique challenges related to drug trafficking, as the region serves as a
transit route for illicit drugs. These states favor drug interdiction, maritime security, and
enhancing regional cooperation to combat drug trafficking (Hidalgo, 2013). While the drug
problem exists throughout the region, each country has its specific situation and must be
dealt with accordingly (John-Lall, 2013).

Recently, the OAS endorsed a resolution to assist Haiti in holding its long-delayed elections
and to assist the Caribbean nation in handling the pervasive gang violence that is fueling a
humanitarian crisis. This was particularly crucial as drug and weapon smugglers were making
the state one of their primary targets (Reuters, 2023).

46
Andean Community
In order to prevent prohibited chemical substances from being diverted for the creation of
illicit narcotics, the Andean Community (CAN), a trade bloc consisting of Bolivia, Colombia,
Ecuador, and Peru, aims to strengthen the oversight of businesses that make, use, and/or
sell illicit chemical substances.

Furthermore, they also plan to enhance their intelligence units' ability to act in the fight
against drug trafficking and make sure that timely information is shared across the various
national authorities with the necessary expertise (THE ANDEAN COUNCIL OF FOREIGN
MINISTERS, 2023).

Ninety percent of the cocaine in the United States comes from or passes through Colombia,
one of the three countries that produces the most cocaine along with Bolivia and Peru
(Congressional Research Service, 2005). Since the creation of Plan Colombia in 1999, the
United States has committed a substantial amount of money and material resources to aid
Colombia and the Andean region in the fight against drug trafficking (Congressional
Research Service, 2005).

Central American States

Central American states face many challenges in dealing with drug trafficking. Central
America is home to the so-called “Northern Triangle”, comprising El Salvador, Guatemala,
and Honduras, a region of violence and poverty, and a hotbed for drug trafficking which has
seen millions of migrants flee in recent years (Roy and Cheatham, 2023).

They have started initiatives to improve border security and promote regional cooperation
to address drug-related issues. Together, the seven Central American nations invested
approximately $4 billion in their judicial and security systems in 2010, accounting for a 60%
increase in five years (Hildago, 2013).

However, that was well short of the anticipated revenues of the Mexican and Colombian
cartels, which the Justice Department reported may amount to up to $39 billion annually
(Hildago, 2013).

47
Potential Solutions
Joint Investigations
OAS countries can look towards cooperation between countries to conduct joint
investigations to improve the situation through joint task forces to collaborate on
cross-border operations to break down illicit drug trafficking. Working together would allow
countries to pool their resources together and gain information vital when conducting
operations breaking down such trade routes.

When crafting a solution, delegates can look into project AMEAP created by INTERPOL
which combines operational and investigative support for countries to fight cross-border
drug trafficking (Interpol, n.d.). Project AMEAP assists national authorities in identifying
security threats and tackling organized crime groups engaged in illicit drug trafficking in
Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the Pacific. It seeks to promote and strengthen the
cooperation and the exchange of drug-related intelligence between agencies, enabling
countries to benefit from global police databases (Interpol, n.d.).

Delegates can tap into this project to come up with ideas on possible joint investigations
pertaining more closely to the situation of the OAS countries.

Border Cooperation
OAS members can look into border cooperation with other member states to carefully track
the illicit trade routes that are being used. With border cooperation, countries would have
access to more information to pinpoint hotspots with higher rates of illicit drug trade.

A history of colonialism in particular of rather poor delineation of boundary lines weighs on

cross-border relations, with the continued cross-border activities of indigenous populations
still perceived as an impediment to the firm establishment of Latin American states. As
illustrated by the situation in Colombia, spilling over its international boundary lines and
internal difficulties make cross-border regions and population mobility an unwelcome
phenomenon for Central American states (Brunet-Jailly, 2022). Delegates, then, need to

48
trudge carefully when deciding on this solution as the relationship between countries on
certain boundaries is strained and may cause negative impacts if not adhered to.

MEM and CICAD Progress Reports

The implementation of CICAD and the MEM's Recommendations and Progress Reports
recommended actions has helped OAS member states to guide their anti-drug efforts
(Horwitz, 2010). The different rounds of MEM evaluation show how drug trafficking has
been, and is today, intertwined with many other illegal activities. Therefore it becomes
difficult to tackle the problem in its entirety through only one institution with limited
authority, such as CICAD (MEM 2007, 11-16).

Nevertheless, even when the MEM reports give an account of the recommendations in
progress, accomplished, and not yet carried out, these reports do not give a full evaluation
of the quality and importance of these recommendations. Additionally, CICAD members are
encouraged to produce progress reports, but these reports do not evaluate the real depth of
the status of the drug problem in each country (Horwitz, 2010). They expose the
shortcomings of government institutions implementing-jonal drug plans and drug
legislation or supporting their criminal Systems. They also fail to examine future
recommendations and provide a guide for their implementation.

The United States and Latin American states have yet to agree on the nature and scope of
the illegal drug phenomenon as a security threat and thereby fully accept the need for an
interstate instrument such as CICAD as a focal point (Horwitz, 2010). Countries would then
need to come together and forge possible agreements on such matters to produce an
effective solution to tackle the illicit drug trade.

49
Questions a Resolution Must Answer (QARMA)
1. How should countries encourage international cooperation?
2. How should countries carry out border cooperation while maintaining each country’s
sovereignty and territorial integrity?
3. What should be done to improve the role of current drug conventions?
4. How should the OAS make use of CICAD?
5. How should the OAS incorporate border co-operations?

50
Conclusion
Delegates must consider ways in which drug research can be facilitated and carried out to
ensure that they stay relevant. The issue of drugs is a complex issue that needs to be
urgently and adequately addressed. Some aspects that should be thought of include
scientific knowledge and human rights, which should take into account collaboration and
cooperation amongst members of the OAS in sharing knowledge and experience.

51
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