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Lben@uga - Edu: September 2020 Vol. 18/no. 3 969
Lben@uga - Edu: September 2020 Vol. 18/no. 3 969
off from a very different point. What the three did have in the relative progressiveness in the Maghreb in comparison
common were a legacy of French colonialism and a unified to the rest of the Arab world. For many observers, cultural
legal system, which was not bifurcated between civil courts differences would be a default assumption. The Maghreb
and religious, or sharia, courts. But politically the coun- is sometimes romantically imagined as more secular, as
tries could not have been more different. Morocco was a more pluralist, or as having a softer or more tolerant
monarchy in which the king drew on religious and cultural Muslim culture. The French secular legacy, Sufism and
traditions to legitimate his rule and accommodated at “moderate” religiosity, and the presence of a significant,
various points some limited degree of political pluralism. non-Arab Amazigh ethnic minority could all lead one to
Tunisia was ruled by a secular regime that used women’s believe that the people of the Maghreb simply have more
rights as a cornerstone of its modernizing image, while progressive attitudes. This is far from being the case. Tripp
being significantly more repressive of political pluralism shows us that, when surveyed on their attitudes, Maghre-
than Morocco. Finally, Algeria had a secular authoritarian bis are often as conservative as their MENA counterparts,
regime that made significant concessions to Islamists in the and Amazigh minorities are often as conservative as their
area of women’s rights since the 1960s, but which later, in Arab counterparts. As Tripp explains, “the way in which
the 1990s, waged a bloody civil war against them, in the women’s rights reforms have been implemented [in the
process engaging in brutal repression of all opposition, not Maghreb], often in a top-down fashion, makes popular
just of Islamists. attitudes less relevant” (p. 93). Structural explanations are
Where the story of convergence begins, according to also rejected. For example, Tripp shows that, in terms of
Tripp, is in the early 2000s. In all three countries, the the gender gap in economic participation and educational
regimes came to see women’s rights as an increasingly attainment, the Maghreb countries do worse than several
useful tool that could help on two fronts. Internationally, of their MENA neighbors and better than some others
promoting women’s rights could improve the regime’s (p. 121).
image abroad. Domestically, adopting women’s rights Another tremendously important contribution is the
would marginalize Islamist extremists. Seizing on this book’s extensive interviews with protagonists involved in
new regime calculus, women’s organizations in the Magh- the strategic contestations that have led to constitutional
reb exploited various moments of crisis—from Islamist and legislative reform. Tripp draws on conversations with
terrorist attacks to the Arab uprisings—to push for more “leaders and members of a variety of Islamist, feminist, and
progressive reform. Being more organized and more linked Amazigh women’s rights organizations; human rights
across the Maghreb in comparison to their counterparts in organizations; members of parliament; leaders of the
the rest of the Arab world, they were in a better position to women’s legislative caucuses; women’s ministry represen-
take advantage of political opportunities. tatives; party leaders; lawyers; religious leaders; academics;
Perhaps the most fascinating part of this story is the journalists; and representatives of donor and UN agencies”
reaction of the Islamist opposition. At least in Morocco (p. 25). However, perhaps one shortcoming in this regard
and Tunisia, there has been a profound shift within the is the preponderance of feminist voices quoted in the book
leading Islamist parties on the matter of women’s rights. As and the dearth of regime and Islamist voices. This leaves
political liberalization allowed them to move from the some questions regarding the factors underlying these
opposition to forming or being a part of the government, latter actors’ evolving calculus. Most importantly, was
the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) in the monumental transformation in Islamists’ positions
Morocco and Enahda in Tunisia went from being among on women’s rights only a result of pressure from the
the main voices of opposition to reforms that enhanced regime and of strategic calculations, or did deeper internal
women’s equality to accepting them or, in some cases, currents within Islamist movements also contribute to this
presenting themselves as their champions. In Algeria, evolution? In addition to interviews, Tripp also compiles
Islamists have been so marginalized politically that they an original database of legislation and constitutional
have had little say on recent reform, but there is some reforms pertaining to women’s rights in the entire MENA
indication that Algerian moderate Islamists are taking region since independence, an invaluable resource for
their cues from the experience of their counterparts in scholars interested in this subject.
the two other countries and changing their positions on Finally, the book addresses symbolic aspects of women’s
women’s rights. rights: visibility, bodies, presence and representation, and
Tripp’s study has many strengths that are too numerous the interpretive stakes that all the key players invested in
to fully list here. Three highlights provide a sample of some them. This helps explain why women’s rights are such a
of the many contributions the book offers, which make it central arena of contestation in the Maghreb and also more
required reading for anyone concerned with women’s broadly in the MENA. In addition, and crucially, Tripp
rights in the MENA region specifically and, more broadly, cautions us not to take the Maghreb’s experience as a
in the context of authoritarianism. First, the book makes a simple tale of the triumph of women’s rights. The dilem-
very convincing case for rejecting go-to explanations for mas of feminist bargaining with autocrats haunt Tripp’s