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Indian Muslims in Malaysia A Sociological Analysis of A Minority Ethnic Group
Indian Muslims in Malaysia A Sociological Analysis of A Minority Ethnic Group
Osman Abdullah Chuah , Abdul Salam M. Shukri & Mohd Syukri Yeoh
To cite this article: Osman Abdullah Chuah , Abdul Salam M. Shukri & Mohd Syukri Yeoh (2011)
Indian Muslims in Malaysia: A Sociological Analysis of a Minority Ethnic Group, Journal of Muslim
Minority Affairs, 31:2, 217-230, DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2011.583513
Abstract
This article analyses the status of Indian Muslims in Malaysia from a historical per-
spective and its definition as a minority ethnic group. It also highlights the political
reality of the Indian Muslims, particularly as a smaller and relatively insignificant
minority group in comparison with the numerically larger Malays as well as the non-
Muslim Chinese and Hindu Indians. It describes the social interactions of the
various ethnic groups in Malaysia and the Indian Muslims as a minority fighting
for their identity and survival. It discusses the “position” of the Indian Muslims
with particular reference to Article 152 of the Malaysian Constitution which
states that a Malay person is defined as one speaking the Malay language, practi-
cing Malay customs, and following the religion of Islam. The great contributions of
Indian Muslims are also elaborated. This inquiry highlights the reality facing the
Indian Muslims in Malaysia today: they have no political power but remain a mar-
ginalized minority in the midst of Malay political domination and Chinese economic
hegemony. Indeed they are facing the grim prospect of permanent bifurcation of their
identity—some are slowly but surely being assimilated into the Malay cultural
milieu, mainly through marriage and for political expediency, on the one hand
and others stubbornly resist this cultural absorption, and resiliently retain and pre-
serve their ethnic traditions and purity.
Introduction
This article presents a study of Indian Muslims in Malaysia, their history and socio-
cultural backgrounds. It will also examine the definition of “Indian Muslims” and of
ethnic group as well as minority and majority groups. The paper will highlight the politi-
cal reality of the Indian Muslims in Malaysia particularly with regard to the presence of a
much larger number of Indian Hindus and Chinese and also the majority Malays, in
comparison with the small number of Indian Muslims. The paper will also examine
the implications of Article 152 of the Malaysian constitution which defines “Malays”
as those “speaking the Malay language, practicing Malay customs and following
Islam”. We shall then discuss the impact of this provision in the constitution on the
minority communities in Malaysia, including the Indian Muslims.
Malaysia is a multi-racial, multi-religious, and multi-cultural country. It is strategically
located between the sea routes of China, Japan and India, and the European nations.
From the past, it is the meeting place of the various religions including Islam, Christian-
ity, Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, and others. Nearly all the world’s well-known reli-
gions are represented here. The Malays represent the largest ethnic population
covering about 50% of the population, with all Malays following Islam, and there is an
ISSN 1360-2004 print/ISSN 1469-9591 online/11/020217-14 © 2011 Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs
DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2011.583513
218 Osman Abdullah Chuah et al.
themselves only as Malays and carry names such as Merican, Shah, and attachments such
as Koya, Begum, or Beevi and others, which would not be used by the Malays.5 (In
Malaysia, no Malay will name their son “Shah”.)
The other identity of Indian Muslims in Malaysia is their birth certificate, which is
similar to the Hindu Indians, with A/L (anak lelaki or son of) or A/P (anak perempuan
or daughter of), instead of “bin” or “binte” for the Malays. This is also inserted into
their identity card or MyCard or passport. For the Malays in Malaysia, their birth certi-
ficate, identity card or MyCard and passport generally do not have this identity. Normally
the word bin is used to mean “son of”, whereas binte is used for “daughter of”. Even this is
beginning to change. Indian Muslims in Malaysia are abandoning the use of A/L and A/P
in their birth certificates, preferring to be identified as bumiputras, the group that is
entitled to privileges such as preferential quotas in university admission, scholarships
and financial aid, special housing incentives and discounts, and other opportunities in
business and employment normally unavailable to non-bumiputras.
The Indian Muslims in Malaysia in many ways constitute a very unique ethnic minority
group. A minority group may be defined as follows:
A group of people, because of their physical or cultural differences, are singled
out from the others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal
treatment and who therefore regard themselves as objects of discrimination.
The existence of the minority group in a society or nation also implies the exist-
ence of a corresponding dominant group with higher social status and greater
privilege. The dominant group is known as the majority group.6
Usually, a member of a minority group is not able to resign or escape by merit, whatsoever
his/her unique characteristics, and is simply treated in the defining case as unit member of
the minority group.7 Usually, the minority groups also do not have any political power in
comparison to the majority group. Thus, minority is also defined as those with no politi-
cal power in contrast to the corresponding majority group which is defined as the political
controlling force. In the Malaysian cases, the Indian Muslims, like the other minority
groups such as the non-Muslim Chinese and Indians, belong to the minority groups.
The Malay is the majority group, the dominant political force.
opportunities, in education, etc. There was also a common perception that if the
Muslims become numerically larger than the Hindus in any state, they would secede
from India.8
There is little record on the precise date of arrival of Indian Muslims in Malaya,
Sarawak, and Sabah. But it is certain that it was earlier than the coming of the British
in Penang. Some of the Indian Muslims could have arrived in the Malaya Peninsula as
early as the Malacca Sultanate in the sixteenth century, as there were Indian Muslim mer-
chants in Malacca. Whereas in Sarawak, when the British Rajah Brooke II was the ruling
power, a piece of land was given to the Indian Muslims in Kuching to build the present
Masjid India.
The differences in these groups of Indian Muslims from non-Muslim Indians are not
only due to religious practices but also a burden of historical past. Conflicts between
Hindus and Muslims in India and the political, economic, educational competition for
community interest in their home country had left scars among their forefathers as
they arrived in Malaya. Even today the conflict between Hindus and Muslims in India
continues to create tension for them even in their adopted country, Malaysia. Besides,
the religious, cultural, and social differences also keep them apart. Thus there is the his-
torical remnant of the past as the Indian Muslims were one time the rulers until the
Moghul Empire fell to the British rule and as the new rulers the British adopted a
hostile policy towards the Muslims in the sub-continent. They persecuted and alienated
the Indian Muslims and discriminated against them for jobs and employment, etc. They
were denied government jobs and educational and business opportunities. Only when
Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898), the founder of Aligarh Muslim University, persist-
ently tried to discuss and plead with the British, then the government changed the
policy and became more open to offering jobs to Indian Muslims. However, by 2007,
after 60 years of achieving independence, India has only two Muslim universities,
Aligarh and Jamia Millia Islamia, serving 151 million Muslims in India, comprising
13.4% of the population of more than a billion.9
Even now, in India, very few Indian Muslims are employed in government services,
especially jobs in security and law enforcement, with hardly 2% employed as police offi-
cers. During racial riots and communal conflicts, many Muslims in India have become
victims. This of course does not mean that Hindus do not suffer as well, but with 98%
of the police force being Hindu, and with the political power and majority status they
enjoy, the Hindus remain more protected.10 However, not all places in India have com-
munal riots, for example in Mumbai, Hindus and Muslims co-exist peacefully. In
Kashmir, on the other hand, there is a long ongoing conflict between the two commu-
nities.11 Indian Muslims are usually victims of terrorism in times of communal and reli-
gious riots in India. Politically, they are a minority ethnic group under-represented in the
state assemblies and in the Parliament. This is perhaps because the Muslim community in
India is sparsely distributed all over India. In the Rajya Sabha (the Upper House) with a
total membership of 244, only 27 are Muslims, and in the Lok Sabha (Lower House),
there are 46 Muslim members out of the total number of 456.12 The Indian Muslims
are blamed for many things in India, one of which is the partition of India and Pakistan.
In India, the population growth among the Muslims is greater compared to that of the
Hindus. The Hindus frequently express fear that if the Muslims outnumber them in a
hitherto Hindu majority state, they would secede from India. Except for the state of
Kashmir, Hindus are in the majority in all other states in India. It is under this back-
ground that we can see the relationship of the Indian Muslims and Hindus now living
in Malaysia.
Indian Muslims in Malaysia 221
Since independence on August 31,1957 and especially in the era of Prime Minister,
Tunku Abdul Razak, the introduction of Bumiputra and non-Bumiputra in the new
economic and education policy have had a great impact on all races including the
Indian Muslims. The Malays as bumiputras enjoy better privileges and easier ways to
obtain licenses for businesses, entrances to public universities with scholarship; even pur-
chasing a new house is cheaper for them compared with the non-bumiputras. The
Chinese and Indians from the non-Islamic faith do not enjoy these facilities. From the
time of the colonization, the Indian Muslims were unlike the Malays, Chinese and
Indians of non-Islamic faith as the Malay stayed in the rural areas; the non-Muslim
Chinese in the town and mining areas; the Indian Hindus in the estate; whereas the
Indian Muslims were dispersed out in the town areas. Jan Stark was right in concluding
that the Indian Muslims were more successful as businessmen and traders compared with
the Malays.
However, the shifting identity of the Indian Muslims collided with the reality of the pol-
itical power of the Malays as the bona fide bumiputra group during the era of Second Prime
Minister, Tun Abdul Razak. If the Indian Muslims wished to be associated with the
mainstream of political power, and did not want to be marginalized (as their names are
similar to those of the Malays), they could have joined the Malay political party and
became successful. Tun Dr Muhathir Muhammad was an example. He joined the
United Malay National Organization and became the third Prime Minister of Malaysia.
If he had insisted on being an Indian Muslim and maintained his Indian Muslim identity,
he would most probably not have any chance of becoming the longest-reigning Prime
Minister of Malaysia. Now, he quite openly urges the Indian Muslims not to emphasize
too much on their Indian identity. As a matter of fact, he is not the exception. There are
several Indian Muslim ministers in Malaysia who have become prominent politicians,
after silencing their Indian Muslim identity and becoming “Malays”. The words of
Dru Gladney ring true as the majority “are made not born.” These Indian Muslims
now identify themselves as Malays and join the Malay political party and become minis-
ters—empowering themselves and are no longer marginalized. Thus being in the majority
means power and political control; they have transformed themselves from a non-entity
into the ruling majority—Gladney was right.
However, there are Indian Muslims in Malaysia who resist the ethnic conversion. They
would rather go to India and marry an Indian spouse than become a Malay (or “masuk
Melayu”). Invariably, they have chosen to remain a minority group, subject to discrimi-
nation in job applications and selection into public universities and other socio-economic
opportunities. In this case, in Malaysia, there are also many Tamil Islamic schools using
Tamil as the medium of instruction. Thus, we have both resistance to ethnic identity
change as well as intentional choice favoring ethnic change (to become Malays or bumi-
putras) among the Indian Muslims in Malaysia. Those who resist transformation or
change of identity, remain Indians. These Indian Muslims were a marginalized minority.
They face discrimination in job opportunities, in trade and commerce, and their children
do not enjoy the same privileges extended to Malay bumiputra children with regard to
selection to public universities, and financial assistance.
Muslim merchants in George Town. The majority of the Indian Muslims, almost 90%,
were Tamils from Tamil Nadu, in southern India. These Tamil Muslims were made up
of the Marikas and the Rawther. Marikas is taken from Tamil which means Malakalayar
or people of the wooden boat, and Rawther means people, guardians of the elephants and
horses of the king’s armies. The Marikas subscribed to the Shafi’ school of Islamic law
and Rawther were followers of the Hanafi order. The present Malay Merikan families
are descendants of the Marikas; and the present Rautins trace their roots to the
Rawther. These were both Indian Muslim clans.
There was also a loosely-formed Indian Muslim community known as the Thankasu
Muslims or Kadaya Nallur Muslims. These groups of Indian Muslims in Penang origi-
nated from Trineveli, a densely populated Muslim sector of Tamil Nadu, and Kadaya
Nallur, a big town there. They came to Malaya with their families and did not disperse;
they stayed concentrated either in Penang or in Singapore, but also trickled into the inner
Malay federated states. Another group of Indian Muslims was from the districts of
Ramnad and Tagore of Tamil Nadu. They were frequently called Patai Muslims by
the Thankasu Indian Muslims. The Patai Muslims are typically Indian business men.20
Other than the Tamil Indian Muslims, there are also the Kerala Indian Muslims
coming from Kerala, India. They were known as Malabar Muslims and were addressed
as kaka which means brother. There were quite a considerable number of them staying in
the Transfer Road and Beach Street area in Penang. They formed a Malabar community
with their own mosque. During the Second World War, the mosque was bombed and
destroyed. This was the evidence of their presence.21
Another group of Indian Muslims were known as Bengal Muslims, arriving in Penang
before the birth of the nations of India and Pakistan, and prior to the establishment of the
state of Bangladesh. They were responsible for building the Masjid Bengal in Leith Street
and formed a settlement in Butterworth, Penang. There are also the Gujarati Muslims
coming from the state of Gujarat. Another group of Indian Muslims, colloquially
known as Bombay Muslims, were from the Northern Indian state of Maharashtra.
This consists of only a small number; and there were small numbers of other Indian
Muslims coming from other northern parts of India too.22
restaurant operators, bakery and cold-storage owners. They were practically in all types of
businesses. However, the children of the present generation of Indian Muslims are not as
industrious and enterprising as the previous generations. Many of the successful enter-
prises of the forefathers of Indian Muslims, which had been a great achievement and pro-
viding wealth to their families, were either sold off to others or folded up. However, some
of these enterprises held by the Indian Muslims diversified and expanded into big corpor-
ations. Al-Barakah is one of these successful corporations. However, there is also a social
trend that a number of Indian Muslims have been assimilated into the Malay community
and became successful. These groups of assimilated Indian Muslims would not claim to
be Indian Muslims but Malays, although in real fact, they are the descendents of Indian
Muslims.
in 1801, the Rawanna Mosque in Perak Road, Masjid Maqbul in Julutong, Masjid Jalan
Berangin and Masjid Abdul Wahab in Macalister Road, Masjid Shaik Daud in Kampong
Melayu, Masjid Yusuf in Doby Ghaut, the Dato Koya Derga in Transfar Road, and the
Indian Muslim Mosque in Butterworth. These were all built by Indian Muslims.
The construction of all these mosques indicates the spiritual attachments of the Indian
Muslims with Islam in Penang, Malaysia. In Kuala Lumpur, other than Masjid India and
Masjid Pakistan, there was also a Masjid in Sri Petaling, built by Jamaah Tabligh, a move-
ment started from India. Other than mosques, numerous madrasah or schools for learn-
ing and reading the Qur’an and Islamic teaching, was set up throughout Penang and
other parts of the nation. In Sri Petaling, the mosque also has an institute for memorizing
the Qur’an. Sometimes, teachers from India are recruited to teach their children in the
al-madrasah.23
which was common in South East Asia. Thus there was family here for them as well as
another family at home in India. As they were very concerned about the dilution of
their ethnic identity, they spoke and wrote Tamil, whereas the majority of the hybrids
could not communicate well in the Tamil language.
There was a sort of split personality among these hybrid children. While officially they
are the bumiputras, they also had great social, economic and language links with the
Indian Muslims. They were also easily assimilated into the Malay community. Most of
these people worked in the civil service and could easily come to the aid of the Tamil
Muslims, if they faced any problem. The majority of pure “Tamil” Muslims maintained
a strong sense of their ethnic cohesion and identity. They still maintained their traditional
business ways—selling clothes, groceries, medicine, etc. They also lived mostly on India
Street, whereas a few of them lived on the adjacent Gambier Street. Some operated as
small vendors. Their business center was in the heart of the city but they lived at the out-
skirts of Kuching. It was this area that became known as Keling Street at first, but the
Tamil Muslims were offended by this name, and it was changed to India Street. But
the kampong came to be known as Kampong India, as most of the Indian Muslims
were staying here. This place also became their religious and cultural center. Like the
Tamil Muslims in this region, they were very religious and under Rajah Brooke II,
they applied for a piece of land to build a mosque and were granted. They built a
mosque in 1872 which was first known as Keling Mosque, and was later changed to
Masjid India. Since then, the Masjid was the religious center of the Tamil Muslims.
Now the function is taken over by the state under its department of religion but with an
Indian Muslim Committee managing it. They also build shop lots attached to the
mosques which could accommodate 1,000 people in the Friday congregational prayer.
There are many shop lots leading from Masjid India to India Street built by the
mosque. These shops are rented out to the Indian Muslims and also to the Chinese.
In 1937, the Tamil Indian Muslims also built a madrasah to cater to the needs of their
people. It was built at the initiative of Mohammad Shariff, an Indian Muslim who was
the head of Committee of the Masjid India. The Madrasah was known as al-Madrasah
al-Islamiyyah Kuching. It served to disseminate Islamic knowledge to the Tamil
Muslims and also the Malays. Most of the Muftis and some personalities of Sarawak
graduated from this school. The school now employs two teachers and has about 80 to
90 students on its rolls.
The Masjid India still serves as a cultural, religious and social centre for the Tamil
Muslims even though there is a National Masjid here built by the government. It contin-
ued to be useful as most of the Tamil Muslims continue to use the mosque while they also
frequent the State National Mosque. There were two imams at Masjid India in Sarawak—
a Malay and a Tamil. Sermons were given in Tamil and Malay alternatively. Jalan India
and Masjid India, and Kampong India are places of Indian Muslim culture, religion and
commerce. The Indian Muslims in Sarawak had been present for at least 30 years before
Sarawak joined Malaysia in 1963. The number of Indian Muslims coming to Malaysia
had declined because the entry of foreigners was restricted by immigration laws after
Sarawak joined Malaysia in 1963. It was much easier before independence. As stated
above, the Indian Muslim communities existed earlier since Rajah Charles Brooke’s
time and they have enjoyed a very harmonious relationship with the local Malays.
However, ever since independence, the activities of the Indian Muslim community had
declined, and that of the Malays had increased; whereas in the past the role of Indian
Muslims was more prominent. In the process, many Indian Muslims married the local
Malays. Both communities could now propagate Islam together and provide Islamic
228 Osman Abdullah Chuah et al.
education. In the past, since the Indian Muslims were economically well off, they were
held in high esteem by the Malays, but this role was now eroded. There were several
factors. First the community was small. Then there was no new blood from India.
Third, with the building of the new state mosque, Masjid India would not be the sole reli-
gious focus in the area. Besides, the fund for activities including Masjid India was con-
tributed privately and individually, whereas the state mosque is funded by the
government and hence it controls the activities and the functions. There was also a
$20-million national mosque with a madrasah built by the state. Now, Masjid India
and al-Madrasah Al-Islamiyyah Kuching were not the only Islamic institutions. The
Malays are politically strong now and were no longer, unlike before, only seeking help
from external sources. The Malay communities do not need to rely on the Tamil
Indian Muslims economically, educationally and religiously. Before Sarawak joined
Malaysia in 1963, the Malays were more dependent on the Indian Muslims. Now, the
Malays hold the political power, and thus state government funds can be channeled to
them. For example, the state mosque of Kuching, built near Masjid India, was an
example. Under the British, there was no problem for Indian Muslims, especially the
scholars coming to Sarawak, to help in the running of the Masjid India, or give moral
support in Kuching. After Sarawak becomes part of Malaysia, scholars coming from
India to work were hampered by the new visa requirements enforced by new immigration
policies.
The relationship between the Tamil Muslims and Malays are very close. Members of
the older generation of Tamil Muslims have become prominent residents here. The
young ones are Malaysians. Many children of the Tamil Muslims are encouraged to
marry within their own ethnic group, but there are no restrictions for marriage with the
Malays. Some of the children have been sent to universities in India. One of the fears
of the Indian Muslims is that the state government would take over the management
of the Committee of the Masjid India Kuching. The Indian Muslims hope that the gov-
ernment would still recognize their contribution to religion, education and social work,
and would not take over the management committee of the mosque, among which all
members are Indian Muslims.
Finally, there was also in 1942 the formation of the Muslim League in Kuching. This
became necessary as in the Second World War the Japanese would not deal with
the affairs of Indian Muslims through any individual or group. The formation of the
League was to facilitate communication with the Japanese. Now, the Muslim League
is one of the affiliated members of PERMIM, the Federation of all registered non-
Governmental Indian Muslim Organizations in Malaysia.
Conclusion
This article provides a brief overview of the background of the Indian Muslims in Malay-
sia. The stated population of 500,000 Indian Muslims is only an estimate. As a fact,
nobody can know the exact numbers of Indian Muslims in Malaysia because many
have already been assimilated and self-identify themselves as Malays. The Indian
Muslims in Malaysia are a minority ethnic group coming mainly from Tamil Nadu
and other places in India, and are united by the common faith of Islam. As a minority
ethnic group, compared with the majority Malays, they are frequently assimilated into
Malay ethnicity. The main concentration of Indian Muslims is in Penang and the
Wilayah Persekutuan of Kuala Lumpur.
Indian Muslims in Malaysia 229
Furthermore, the Indian Muslims are not concentrated in specific areas, like the
Hindus in the state. They are dispersed throughout the nation, staying mostly in the
urban areas. Another point of interest is that the Indian Muslims could be the cause of
the conversion of all Malay races to Islam. Their contribution towards Islam cannot be
denied. For example, they were responsible for building many mosques in the country.
In Penang, at least 22 out of the 68 mosques were built by them. In Sarawak, the
Masjid India in India Street and also the Madrasah produced many great scholars. So
is the Masjid India in Kuala Lumpur and other places. This is possible, as in the begin-
ning, the Indian Muslims were well received by the elite in the Malay sultanate in the
eighteenth century, judging from the two royal marriages in Malacca and in Penang.
But now the situation is different. The Malays are strong politically and many Indian
Muslims in Malaysia require the help from the government. The young generation of
Indian Muslims is not as enterprising as the previous generations. The businesses of
their grandparents, except for a few, are declining. Thus, many need help for their edu-
cation and businesses from the government. Their influence has dwindled and with the
emerging of the Malays as the prominent political power and also the Chinese as the
major economic force, their impact overall has almost diminished. Their political and
economic roles are getting marginalized. Consequently, many of them would like to be
assimilated to be Malay so that they can enjoy the same political rights as Malays.
However, there are also many Indian Muslims who want to maintain their ethnic identity.
They send their children to the Tamil madrasahs so that they can speak and write the
Tamil language. Besides, a number of them have even gone to Tamil Nadu, India and
married Tamil wives so that they can maintain the Indian Muslim identity. They also
send their children to India for their higher studies.
To conclude, there are two ethnic forces among the Indian Muslims in Malaysia. One
is the assimilation force. From the sixteenth century until now, many Indian Muslims
have been assimilated into the Malay communities. Some have resisted this trend and
remain loyal to their Indian Muslim ethnic identity. Many of them are in the middle of
these two forces, that is, if they get married with the Malays, the possibility for them to
be assimilated is great. If they send their children to the Tamil madrasahs and go to
India to marry Tamil spouses, then of course they would strengthen and retain their
Indian Muslim ethnic identity.
NOTES
1. Year Book of Malaysia Statistics, Kuala Lumpur: Government Publisher, 2003, pp. 35–37.
2. Ibid.
3. Tunku Zainah Ibrahim, “Malay Ethnicity in Sarawak: A Case Study of the People in Mirik”, unpub-
lished Master Thesis, Penang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, 1972.
4. Wan Abdul Halim Othman, “Ethnogenesis: A Case Study of the Malay ethnicity in Malaysia”, unpub-
lished PhD thesis, University of Bristol, 1978.
5. Merican is derived from the word “Maricas” which means “keeper of the boats from India”.
6. Louis Wirth, “Race and Public Policy,” Scientific Monthly, April 1944, pp. 302–312; Louis Wirth,
“The Problems of Minority Group”, in The Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. Ralph Linton,
New York: Columbia University Press, 1945, pp. 347–372.
7. G. E. Simpson and J. M. Yinger, Racial and Cultural Minority, New York: Plenum Press, 1985, p. 9.
8. Interview with an Indian lecturer working at the International Islamic University, Malaysia in 2008.
9. Ausaf Ahmad, Indian Muslims: Issues in Social and Economic Development, New Delhi: Karma Pub-
lisher, 1993, p. 79.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
230 Osman Abdullah Chuah et al.