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Lecture France 1
Lecture France 1
culture
I. Writing Constitution
“Qu’est ce que le Tiers-Etat » main book, published during the Revolution, all the main aspects of this
revolution are in this book
No longer the king or monarchy source of power it is the nation, it has no limit, abstract idea of all the
people in the past present and future generations
3 ordres
Third Estate is the most important in number but less powerful in number
The nation has the third estate as the most powerful part of it
But because the nation cannot express it self directly it needs representatives
His ideas find their way in the Declareation of Rights of Man and Citizen
The principle of any Sovereignty lies primarly in the Nation. No co
The idea of Constitution making in France is to change everything that pre-existed in the political and
economic sphere
It is an instrument of change
Every constitution is made to bring about a new regime in order to fix the mistakes and defects of the
previous one
That decision to change society and politics is an heritage of French Revolution. Part of French
constitutional culture where you need to write a new text to bring change
Third republic had been the longest regime with 65 years + some month
The French Vth constitution will soon be the longest lasting regime
Third republic constitution was very flexible, being based only on 3 constitutional law that weren’t
entrenched
Vth republic Rigid entrenched but it is still considered quite flexible in constitutional conventions
Serment du Jeu de Paume, taken by the French Revolutionnaries and the representatives of the
Bourgeoisie
Not separating until it is written, took 2 years, but only a few months for the DDHC
Because DDHC had important point and large principle but to organise power it took much longer
Controversy on constitutional making that was important at the time, especially in England but then
in France
How to create a new constitution, is it even possible to create a new constitution from scratch?
Edmund Berke and Thomas Pain, Burke thinks that the French are crazy enough to create a
constitution from scratch
Pain base his analysis on the British conventions, habits and tradition and argue that the constitution
cannot be created intellectually out of nothing
France demonstrated that Burke position was right in the sense that all of the constitutions tried
most of the form of separation of power
If history proves that every change in politics leads to a constitutional change, every constitution are
made to be stable and to last
At the same time there is a constradiction, the constitution needs to reflect the will of the people in
the contemporary way
The Nation has to be reflected in its own constitution
In the DDHC of 1793 that wasn’t applied but contained this principle of generation
The power of amendment appears at the same time of the constituent power
Sieyès theorised this relation between a constituent power and the amendment power
The amendment power is not at the same level as the constituent power
Important distinction between the original constituent power and the derivated constituent power
One being the power of the nation the other being the power of amendment
Apart for the 3rd republic the constitution were made to be rigid, the power of amendment was
different from the legislative
Giving them a sanction power that will act in a legal power If constitution not respected
The reason is summarised in article 10 and 13 of “The French separation of power” or law of 16 and
24 august 1790
Prohibit court to overrule legislative power and prohibit court out of the executive business
This idea he tries it in 1795 with two speeches in front of the Constituent Assembly who wants a new
constitution after the Terror
The Assembly rejected this proposal and considered itself as the main protector of constitutional
rights
Moral sanction of the constitution very different from being a norm with a judge to apply
The Civil Code was considered for a long time as the actual constitution of France in a material state
1rst it is stable, it is for the judiciary to protect and implement it, it is the source of the law
With his idea of the general will of the people as the main expression of democracy is almost word by
word implemented in the declaration of rights
In this “THE LAW” not the constitution is the general will of the people
In France the “legislator” is a lax term that included the legislative power but also the executive if it
can propose laws
In nowadays separation of power, it is about separating the function from the orgna
Article 16 contains separation of powers and fundamental rights, they both stayed until today in two
aspect
I. Representation and semi-direct democracy
Sieyès
Debate with Rousseau who pushed for a direct democracy and Sieyès for a representative one
Nicolas de Condorcet “My electors choose me to defend not their ideas but mine”
Constitution Year I
Protest can be made to oppose a law, it remains an illusion, because this constitution never really
functioned, the distrust toward the general population was strongest
For some it is so important that it could be supra constitutional so fundamental that it couldn’t be
changed
There is a debate today to know if it is possible to change it or not because it is included in the
Constitutional Bloc
If we accept that those rights are part of constitutional right today it is legally possible to change it,
but it is politically impossible to
DDHC starts with the “representative” of the French people, not the French people directly
The right are not created bye explicit law, the DDHC stating “natural rights” and because they are
inherent to human nature, the only thing the constituent assembly did, is to show the people the
right they are entitled to
The DDHC contains the first generation rights, freedom, liberty, equality, freedom of association, right
to be judge on the basis of the law, freedom of speech article 11, article 14 the right to accept taxes
(same principle as USA, no taxation without representation), right to private property article 17
Article 12 law of Brumaire Year VIII, reaffirmed the DDHC principles even though it didn’t take this
principles as such
During the Consulate, same principle are there, they are suppose to be the conclusion of the
Revolution
In a way that is activable in front of court especially in front of the constitutional council
Because today there is a form of consituttional review the principle that were before political
statements, a matter of principle, they are now a positive law
Most of the constitutional reviews are based on the DDHC because the constitution isn’t focus on
rights because it relies on the DDHC
Gender equality, right to no discrimination are examples that are in the Constitution and not in the
DDHC
The current constitution brings preamble of the past one, because in its preamble you had socio-
economic rights which aren’t included in the DDHC
This title is one way of defining the current regime of the 5th republic
Semi-presidential, because the regime contains both parliamentary characteristics and presidential
Bottini is not a fan of this definition because it does not put forward of the parliamentary character
The most visible in practice is presidentialism but it is counter balance by other factors
The end of the 4th republic was due to a too extreme instability
De Gaulle when into power negotiates to be able to change the constitution into a new one
De Gaulle with Debré take the constituent power as part of De Gaulle negotiations
It is a rigid constitution so the amendments are hard to do with a need of 2/3 majority of both
chalmbers assembled together
Change the way to change the constitution in order to give this power of amendment to the
government
The result of the auto amendment is contained in the law of 3 Juin 1959
It is a special derogation for De Gaulle in order to create a small group of experts that would rewrite
the constitution of France
The ambiguity is solved with the consequences of this group because it will be a completely new
constitution
In the law of June 3rd are contained some constraints that De Gaulle accepts to follow
5 principles are:
- The independence of the judiciary Judiciary in charge of protecting freedom Reference to the 2
declarations of rights 1789 and 1946
De Gaulle accepted to respect them, he could have legally but politically couldn’t
Then the committee consults with members of parliament over the draft. Suggestions are made but
the government doesn’t have to follow
For De Gaulle representation alone is not enough, because at the time it meant political parties and
De Gaulle doesn’t like them, he thinks they take away sovereignty from the people and are the
reason of the instability
He thinks that the only solution is to give back a form of primacy to the executive power, it would be
a source of stability
Title 1 people
Title 2 President
Title 4 the parliament
Creating a powerful president, it didn’t exist in the 3rd and 4th republic
List of personal powers in Article 8,9,10,11,12, 16, 18, 54, 56 and 61 cf article 19
The rule is the typical rule of parliamentary system, the head of state can only act if his act are
counter signed by government. This is because the government is responsible before parliament,
there cannot be someone unresponsible for something
But Article 19 introduces a huge novelty, it is a list of execptions to the rule of counter signature,
those are personal power of the president that don’t need to be countersigned
Article 61 it is the power of the president to defer a law to the CC for CCR
All those powers are execptions to the general rule of counter signature
It is important because the legitimacy of those act don’ t belong ot the legislative responsibility
It comes from the people, because the president is chosen by the people that those things are not
countersigned
No political (no possibility to force him to resign) or legal responsibility, Only one execption to this
Article 68: formely article on high treason that has now been modified and has become the case of
“breach of duties patently incompatible with his continuing in office” Never been used
He is irresponsible for when he is in presidency and what has been done during his presidency if
he commit a crime not related to his presidency the victim has to wait until he isn’t president
anymore
That is why De Gaulle wanted direct presidential elections but Debré didn’t want for multiple reason
But De Gaulle only waited 4 years to change it, Since 1962 the constitution establish that the French
president is directly elected
French parliamentarism was a traditional form where the parliament was the general expression of
the will of the people
Article 3: National sovereignty shall vest In the people who shall exercise it through their
representatives and by means of referendum
Temporary come back because they are only related to De Gaulle presidency, more than half of the
referendum took place during his presidency
About the referendum. It wasn’t always like this, was modified and expanded in 2008. Before 2008
only the president could organise a referendum, only 2 first paragraph of the article existed before
reform
The terms of subject for the referendum are quite large and that is what De Gaulle used to change
presidential election from undirect to direct through a referendum
Article 11 mentions BILLS not the constitution but this became a problem to know who was the final
interpreter of the constitution itself. In this episode there are two final interpreter that prevailed, the
president himself, the final interpreter was the people itself, the reason in the end De Gaulle
succeeded was because the referendum was successful
De Gaulle argued that because of Article 3 about people sovereignty this was an exercise of it
IT is also possible ot initiate a RF with a combined initiative from members of the parliament 1/5 and
the support of 1/10 of the electorate almost 4,7 million people today
This mixed RF initiative is in a organic law that was adopted in 2013 shows how hard it was to find
an agreement about it
Since then only 5 time when people tried to call for one, but they all couldn’t achieve to be organised,
the one that got closer to do the entire procedure was the first referendum about the privatisation of
the Compangy of Paris airport attempt of privatising, referendum was initiated to prevent it, 1/5 of
the members of parliament wrote a bill but then need the support of 1/10 of the electorate have 9
months to gather then electronic site to gather them after 9 months only 1,8? Million vote were
gathered
Extremely complicated to use the new article 11, that is why Macron on the 4 th October actually
announced in a unspecified way, that this article would be modified in order to make it more
accessible, the more probable change that could be done it is to lower the number of required
signatures
Article 7, since 1962 that organise the direct election of the president is of a presidential nature
There is no void in power, if a power is constrained the other one is gonna get more power
“Rationalised parliamentarism” Boris Mirkine Guetzevitch created this term for the French IV republic
who attempted it but failed
To understand rationalised parliamentarism we have to understand the role of the Prime Minister
Situation that has been common, the president has a majority and is the leader of this majority and
the head of state
The executive power as a whole is 2 headed but who us the real leader
Article 20 gives the general mission of the government “The government shall determine and
conduct the policy of the Nation”
The head of government is the prime minster and the government is technically the leadership of the
executive itself
But in practice?
Power of the President to appoint the Prime Minister, it is a personal power, first indication of the
power that the president has on the government
Because of the power of appointment and the direct election of the president it is the president who
gives the legitimacy to the prime minister
It is the power of the president to preside over the council of minister once a week meeting of the
ministers where the main priorities of the government are discussed the president fixes the
agenda of this council
In theory the president certainly conduct the discussion of the minister but doesnot determine the
policy of the nation
Only exception are the periods of Cohabitation, only three times where the prime minister really had
all of his powers
One of the reasons why it happened 3 times, nowadays it is theoretically still possible,
Happened before when the Presidency lasted 7 years meant that you could have sort of midterm
election with the national assembly, it could provoke a renewal of the national assembly
“strengthen Parliament”
This recognised the unbalance in the powers where the executive was much stronger that the
parliament
This lead to new opposition rights, one day a month for each group to initiate legislation by itself
A. The national assembly 577 constituency with majoritarian uninominal elections with two
rounds instead of 1 like in the UK
Over representation of the winning party and only big parties can hope to go to the parliament, not
as extreme as UK but not as a good as other countries
B. Senate
Representatives of the local communities, 6 years renovated every 3 years by half, proportional for
big constituencies and majoritarian for smaller one –> more conservative assembly
Does not have the same majority as national assembly, elected by great electors thus less legitimate
than the national assembly. This is the reason why the national assembly is more powerful than the
Senate and can overrule the decision of the Senate
A big limitation of the Legislative power during the Vth Republic is the distinction in the Constitution
with the domain of the law and the domain of regulation
Article 34 list the domain of the law what is important is that there is a domain of the law this
doesn’t exist in parliamentary regime, in ideal type parliament do what it wants and makes law what
is wants. But now the law is what parliament vote in the list of the law. Even if it list all the most
important things in a state
This distinction benefit the government in an anormal way for Palriamentary regime
“Autonomous regulations” not executions of the law but are decisions made autonomously on
subject not included in the domain of the law
Should be half half be in practise 90% of the proposition of laws are form the PM, this is explained by
the fact that the government fixes half of the schedule, This shared initiative + the power the
government has to control schedule leads to the government control
Article 40 related to the limitation of the right of parliament when it comes to parliamentary initiative
concerning finances
Cannot propose legislation that should increase or create any public expenditure or reduce public
revenue
Parliament cannot cost money to the country apart if the government agrees to
The government has the role of organizing the state budget and propose it to parliament for approval
(here similar to the US)
Example was in May 2023, a group of members of the opposition tried to counter the government
reformed by initiating a law that said that they would go back to the situation before the law in April
Either the parliament reverse the government on a motion of no confidence need a absolute
majority, if no vote of no confidence the bill is passed without a vote
Only time motion of no confidence passed (not even related to 49 (3) ) was in 1962 against De Gaulle,
government overthrown De Gaulle then dissolved the NA
This precedent shows that one of the potential consequences of the vote of no confidence is that the
NA is dissolved
Since 2008 limited to 3 laws, financing bills, social security bills and one other bill per session
(equivalent of a year)
It cannot be used 3 times per but on 3 laws per session, this means that on the same law it can be
used multiple times
No one apart the prime Minister can use it (Dussopt read the letter written by Borne to use it)
1958 with the Vth republic Constitutional council appear, organed created especially to check that
parliament does not go outside its prerogatives
The initial idea of the CC is to check the respect of the domain of the law
This is also why it is a “Council” and not a “Court”, they did not have in mind constitutional review
and human rights
Currently No law professor on the court, one former judge and one administrator of the NA
+ Honorary members ancient president if they want to they can join for life
Article 61 and Article 61-1 articles on the role of the CC (other functions like electoral judge other
article)
Ex-ante, series of public authorities that can differ a law to the CC for its constitutionality before its
application, abstract review typic of the European review, abstract because there is no case. Authority
are, president of R, PM, President of both assemblies and 60 members of NA or Senate
Article 61-1
Articles used to judge someone can be questioned, the lawyer can first write the question to the
judge, then he filters the question to see if it is relevant (with criteria), if relevant it is then send to
one of the two supreme court, (cour de cassation or conseil d’etat) then they evaluate its relevance
the question gets send to the constitutional council
They are fairly new in France constitutional culture (QPC applied n 2010 (took 2 years to write
organice law))
1971 first time the CC included in its decision a freedom (freedom of association) after that the CC
started to include fundamental rights and freedoms
With that the CC started to deal more and more with fundamental rights and freedoms looks more
like a constitutional court but isn’t composed like one and doesn’t work like one