Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized

POVERTY,

Lucia Hanmer, Jeni Klugman, and Elena Ortiz

GENDER, AND
A POLICY BRIEF
DISPLACEMENT:
POVERTY,
GENDER, AND
DISPLACEMENT:
A POLICY BRIEF

LUCIA HANMER Lead Economist, Gender Group, World Bank Group

JENI KLUGMAN Senior Fellow (non-residential), Brookings Institution

ELENA ORTIZ GDFD Research Associate, World Bank Group

TABLE OF
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 01
Executive Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 02

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 04
What we know about poverty in forced displacement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 06
How multidimensional poverty, monetary poverty, and
livelihoods vary by gender and forced displacement status. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Policy implications. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Promoting economic opportunities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Social protection and productive inclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Importance of data and measurement and listening
to displaced people. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

Emerging conclusions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

Endnotes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This brief was supported by UKAID, as part of the Gender Dimensions of
Forced Displacement (GDFD) research program. The GDFD program aims
to deepen understanding of key gender disparities among forcibly displaced
people by examining gaps and the drivers, with a focus on poverty and live-
lihoods, gender-based violence, and discriminatory norms. It has generated
nine country studies (Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia,
Jordan, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan), as well as multi-country
studies on child marriage, multi-dimensional poverty, and intimate partner
violence covering 17 countries.

The brief is part of the program “Building the Evidence Base on Forced
Displacement: A Multi-Stakeholder Partnership.” The program is funded by UK
aid from the United Kingdom’s Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development
Office (FCDO). It is managed by the World Bank Group (WBG) and was estab-
lished in partnership with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR). This work was produced under the overall guidance of Lucia
Hanmer and Diana J. Arango, task team leaders for GDFD.

Special thanks to Yeshwas Admasu (FAO) Theresa Beltramo (UNHCR)

and Domenico Tabasso (World Bank-UNHCR Joint Data Center on Forced
Displacement) for their valuable inputs and feedback on the brief. Our appreci-
ation goes to the Oxford Poverty & Human Development Initiative (OPHI) team
for their innovative work on multidimensional poverty that has enhanced GDFD
research and fostered ongoing collaboration.
02

EXECUTIVE
THE WORLD BANK GROUP

SUMMARY
The first Sustainable Development Goal to end poverty in all
its forms by 2030 pledges to leave no one behind. This com-
mitment includes the over 80 million people—one percent of
the globe’s population—who have been forcibly displaced. The
majority—some 48 million—are internally displaced within their
own countries.1 Forced displacement creates many hardships
for those affected and is associated with higher risks of poverty.
The headline empirical results of four recent studies focused
on poverty, gender and forced displacement are that:
• Displaced populations are generally poorer than host pop-
ulations in monetary terms, and experience higher rates of
multidimensional poverty.
• Female-headed households are not always poorer than
male-headed households.
• Females’ education prospects appear to disproportionately
suffer from displacement
• Displaced households have higher intrahousehold gender
inequality in legal identification and employment than host
community households.
Policy priorities that emerge from the
research include:
• Addressing gender gaps in school
attendance, primary school comple-
tion, unemployment, and legal identifi-
cation in displaced households—while
increasing the levels of access in both
host and displaced communities.
• Recognizing harmful gender norms,
as embedded in discriminatory legal
norms and regulations that for exam-
ple limit women’s property rights.
• Opening up economic opportunities
for displaced women by, for exam-
ple, offering safe and accessible
education and training, reproductive
health services and affordable child-
care, lifting legal barriers for working
women and investing in programs
that prevent and respond to elevated
risks of GBV, including intimate part-
ner violence. 2
• Linking refugees and IDPs with
programs designed for them by
providing legal identification and
sharing information.
Implications for program design to
close gender gaps in displacement set-
tings include:
• Adding components that address
childcare, GBV prevention and
response, and lifetime learning and
overcome mobility constraints by
locating project services close to
communities.
• Considering elements of social
protection to promote inclusion and
opportunities, by
» Including displaced people
explicitly in social registries;
» Ensuring that targeting criteria
03
consider displacement-related
factors;
POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF
» Augmenting with ‘produc-
tive inclusion’ measures such
as savings and loans groups,
small grants, coaching, confi-
dence-building and gender dia-
logues and training; and
» Supporting IDPs and refugees
as they ‘graduate’ from assis-
tance, to empower them to
continue positive economic and
livelihood trajectories
• Setting up consultative mechanisms
so that the voices of displaced men
and women can inform program
design and implementation
This brief highlights major data gaps.
Risk assessments prior to data collection
are important where, for example, inse-
curity could expose enumerators and
participants to risk, or where particular
questions may retraumatize participants.
Where risks are low or can be mini-
mized, recommendations to agencies
collecting data are to:
• Include displaced populations in
national sample surveys with stan-
dard modules on displacement and
gender norms; obtain sex-disaggre-
gated data on education and work.
• Collect data using methods that
allows comparison over time, and
• Pursue qualitative methods to fill
key knowledge gaps on drivers of
gender-based barriers and, depend-
ing on context, the experiences of
people with disabilities, LGBTQI
communities, minority ethnic groups
and the elderly.
 INTRODUCTION
04
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
The first Sustainable Development Goal
to end poverty in all its forms by 2030
pledges to leave no one behind. This
commitment includes the over 80 mil-
lion people—one percent of the globe’s
population—who have been forcibly
displaced. 3 The majority—some 48
million—are internally displaced within
their own countries. Recent results from
the Women, Peace and Security index,
a multidimensional measure of women’s
status, demonstrates that displaced
women fare worse on multiple fronts
including access to employment, cell
phone access, financial inclusion and
intimate partner violence.4 The Gender
Dimensions of Forced Displacement
(GDFD) research program has drawn
on novel data sources and developed
innovative approaches to deepen under-
standing of how displacement and
gender inequality intersect—with a major
focus on poverty. Box 1 presents the full
list of GDFD research papers on poverty.
It is well known that displacement cre-
ates many hardships for those affected
and is associated with higher risks of
poverty. 5 Growing recognition of the
humanitarian—development nexus, that
forced displacement is a development
challenge and the commitments made
by donors and humanitarian organiza-
tions under the Grand Bargain6 to direct
more resources to people in need has
raised the urgency of addressing this
knowledge gap. More robust under-
standing about the depth, magnitude,
and composition of poverty in displace-
ment settings from a gender perspective
is needed to inform effective policy and
program responses.
Empirical evidence on how gender
inequality impacts poverty among the
forcibly displaced is scarce.7 Qualitative
research has revealed that women and
men experience and respond differ-
ently to forced displacement.8 However,
despite being part of the global indica-
tor framework for monitoring the SDGs
due to lack of data, statistics on popu-
lation living below the national poverty
line by sex, age, and displacement status
are reported by UNHCR for only four
countries: Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan,
and Sudan.9 (E.g. in the global multidi-
mensional poverty index (MPI), results
for Palestine are disaggregated by area
level, with camps being one of the cate-
gories besides urban and rural.)
The closing section outlines the impli-
cations for policy, programs, and data
collection.
 05
BOX 1 GDFD RESEARCH PAPERS ON POVERTY

POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF

Differences in Household Composition: Hidden Dimensions
of Poverty and Displacement in Somalia
Lucia Hanmer, Eliana Rubiano-Matulevich, and Julieth Santamaria

Multidimensional Poverty, Gender, and Forced Displacement: A

Multi-Country, Intrahousehold Analysis in Sub-Saharan Africa
Yeshwas Admasu, Sabina Alkire, and Sophie Scharlin-Pettee

A Multi-Country Analysis of Multidimensional Poverty

in Contexts of Forced Displacement
Yeshwas Admasu, Sabina Alkire, Uche Eseosa Ekhator-Mobayode, Fanni
Kovesdi, Julieth Santamaria, and Sophie Scharlin-Pettee

How Does Poverty Differ Among Refugees? Taking a Gender

Lens to the Data on Syrian Refugees in Jordan
Lucia Hanmer, Eliana Rubiano-Matulevich, Julieth Santamaria, and
Diana J. Arango
 WHAT WE KNOW
06
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
ABOUT POVERTY
IN FORCED
DISPLACEMENT
Poverty estimates disaggregated by
displacement status using national or
other poverty lines are scarce.10 To date,
income poverty estimates have been
published for refugees in six develop-
ing countries (Chad, Ethiopia, Jordan,
Lebanon, Kenya, Uganda) and a further
six countries have poverty rates for
IDPs (Colombia, Iraq, Nigeria, Somalia,
South Sudan, and Sudan). Table 1 sum-
marizes the estimates showing, where
available, comparisons with host com-
munities and disaggregation by the
gender of the household head. In addi-
tion, poverty estimates using the global
Multidimensional Poverty Index have
been published regularly for people liv-
ing in camps in the State of Palestine.
Poverty rates among displaced groups
tend to be high and, where compari-
son is possible, higher than in the host
population. Some of the first income
poverty analysis was conducted by
Verme et al (2016).11 They use a pov-
erty line set by UNHCR12 to estimate
income poverty rates for Syrian refu-
gees in Jordan and Lebanon in 2014,
by combining UNHCR’s administrative
and household survey data. They find
about 7 in 10 refugees live below the
monetary poverty line in both countries.
More recent findings from five sub-Sa-
haran African countries showed even
higher rates of income poverty among
displaced households—around 9 out
of 10 in Nigeria and South Sudan for
example.13 In Kenya poverty rates in two
refugee camps are higher or the same
as the rate in Turkana county where the
camps are located.14
Behind these averages, multiple factors
affect and compound poverty rates
among displaced households, including
skills and assets. Across Nigeria,
Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan, 42
percent of IDPs rely on agriculture as
their main source of income prior to
displacement, compared to 26 percent
of hosts. A lack of transferrable skills in
urban settings can make it especially
difficult for people displaced from
agricultural livelihoods to find new jobs.
TABLE 1: INCOME POVERTY RATES BY DISPLACEMENT STATUS AND SEX OF HOUSEHOLD HEAD, PERCENT 07
Displaced (%) Host (%)

POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF

Country Year Female- Male- Female- Male-
Total Total
headed headed headed headed

Refugees

Chad 2017 90

Ethiopia 2017 60 66 48 13 5 18

Jordan 2013-2014 69 68 70

Kenya (Kalobeyei
2018 58 72
Settlement) *

Kenya (Kakuma
2019 68 72
Settlement)

Lebanon 2013-2014 64 71 63

Uganda 2018 46 17

IDPs

Colombia 2007 99

Iraq (Kurdistan) 2017-2018 11 5

Iraq (Northern
2017-2018 54 19
region)

Nigeria 2018 87 91 90 82 91 76

Somalia 2017 74 64 75 65

South Sudan 2017 91 92 91 75

Sudan 2018 82 81 83 62

Sources: Chad: Beltramo et al. 2021; Colombia: Rates are for rural to urban displacement, ICRC and WPF 2007;
Ethiopia: Pape 2019; Iraq: Sharma and Wai Poi 2019; Jordan: Verme et al. 2016; Kenya: Fix et al. 2019 and UNHCR and
World Bank 2019; Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and Sudan: Pape and Sharma 2019; Uganda: World Bank 2018. 56
Notes: The poverty line is set at $1.90 day (2011 prices, PPP) for Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and
Sudan. Jordan and Lebanon use a UNHCR poverty line equivalent to US$5.25/PPP. National poverty lines are used for
Chad, Colombia, Iraq, Kenya, and Uganda. Numbers in red are drawn from the GDFD studies. *Poverty rates are for
relatively recent arrived South Sudanese refugees who were receiving food and cash transfers.

In Somalia, for example, roughly 70 per-
cent of non-agricultural IDPs are poor,
compared to over 90 percent of agricul-
tural IDPs.15 In Iraq, the unemployment
rate among IDPs in Iraq is 17 percent,
compared to 9 percent among non-
IDPs, and IDPs are significantly less
likely to own assets such as cars and
mobile phones.16 Family size can affect
poverty risks. Among Syrian refugees
in Jordan, the poverty rate for refu-
gee households with two children is 57
percent, compared to 40 percent for
refugee households with just one child
08
THE WORLD BANK GROUP

and gender-based barriers to economic
opportunities are also associated with
increased poverty risk.17
The most common approach to gender
analysis is to disaggregate by gender
of the household head. As indicated
in Table 1, studies to date suggest that
there is no consistent pattern of dis-
advantage between male and female
headed displaced households—in
Jordan, Somalia, and Sudan male headed
displaced households are poorer than
female headed ones, whereas in Ethiopia
and Lebanon female headed households
are poorer. In Nigeria and South Sudan,
there is no significant difference.
The way that gender interacts with
poverty and forced displacement can
vary across settings in the same country.
For example, in Ethiopia, for example,
44 percent of female-headed Eritrean
households are poor compared to 31
percent of male-headed households,
while the rates for female and male-
headed Somali refugee households are
equal at 62 percent.18 In Jordan, while
53 percent of Syrian refugee households
are poor (with no significant differences
between male and female household
heads)19 57 percent of female principal
applicants (PAs) (household heads)
who are married but living without their
spouse are poor compared to 30 per-
cent of comparable male PAs. Similarly,
poverty rates are higher for female single
caregivers than for male single caregiv-
ers (60 versus 45 percent), suggesting
that domestic responsibilities and living
without a spouse/partner matter more
for women. This finding is consistent
with a body of research on gender and
refugees in a wide range of settings
finds that cultural norms often ascribe to
women a lower social status than men,
which constrains their economic and
other opportunities. 20
HOW MULTIDIMENSIONAL
POVERTY, MONETARY
POVERTY, AND
LIVELIHOODS VARY BY
GENDER AND FORCED
DISPLACEMENT STATUS
New GDFD research—multi-country
studies of multidimensional poverty
covering populations in Ethiopia,
Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, and
Sudan—and monetary poverty analysis
in Somalia and Jordan, together with
individual level analysis of livelihoods
in Darfur, Sudan and Nigeria—provides
important insights into the nature and
scale of deprivations facing displaced
women, men, girls, and boys. Most of
the analysis—except for Ethiopia and
Jordan—relates to internal displacement.21
The overall finding is that displaced
households are generally poorer than
non-displaced households according
to both multidimensional and income
poverty measures. A portfolio of
approaches and, importantly, analysis at
individual and household levels, is used
to uncover gender-poverty links.
09
POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF
Using the World Bank’s High Frequency
Surveys for five countries, a tailored
Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI)
was constructed at the household level,
and analyzed at the individual level, to
uncover how gender, forced displace-
ment, and multidimensional poverty
intersect. The MPI has 15 indicators and
captures deprivations in four equally
weighted dimensions: education, health,
living standards, and financial security.
The MPI shows both the incidence and
intensity (depth) of poverty affecting the
multidimensionally poor population. In
addition to indicators related to acute
poverty and contexts of displacement,
the health dimensions of the MPI includes
early marriage and pregnancy care22.
Disaggregating the MPI by gender of
the household head shows no consistent
relationship between gender, poverty
and displacement (figure 1).
10 FIGURE 1. PERCENTAGE OF HOUSEHOLDS WHO ARE MULTIDIMENSIONALLY POOR, BY GENDER OF HOUSEHOLD
HEAD AND DISPLACEMENT STATUS
THE WORLD BANK GROUP

Sudan

South Sudan

Somalia

N.E Nigeria

Ethiopia

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Incidence of multidimensional poverty (%)

Male-headed, Non-Displaced Male-headed, Displaced

Female-headed, Non-Displaced Female-headed, Displaced

Source: Admasu, Yeshwas, Sabina Alkire, Uche Eseosa Ekhator-Mobayode, Fanni Kovesdi, Julieth Santamaria and
Sophie Scharlin-Pettee 2021. 23

For example, female headed displaced

23
households in Ethiopia and South Sudan
have higher incidence of poverty relative
to other displaced and non-displaced
households. In contrast, in Somalia, more
people living in male headed displaced
are poor.
The results of the multidimensional
poverty analysis are consistent with
other GDFD research which finds the
gender of the household head is not
always a good indicator of poverty risk
in situations of forced displacement. In
Somalia and Jordan, for example, the
GDFD studies reveal that male-headed
households are income poorer than
female-headed ones, but, for example,
in Somalia female single caregivers
and widows in host communities are
at elevated risk of poverty. In Jordan,
analysis of changes in poverty among
FIGURE 2. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE DEPRIVATION ACROSS DISPLACEMENT STATUS BY GENDER, MPI POOR 11

POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF

Sudan

South Sudan

Somalia

N.E Nigeria

Ethiopia

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Incidence of multidimensional poverty (%)

Boys, Non-Displaced Boys, Displaced

Girls, Non-Displaced Girls, Displaced

Source: Admasu, Yeshwas, Sabina Alkire and Sophie Scharlin-Pettee 2021. 24

Syrian refugees since 2014 shows that household demographic characteristics,

by 2018, female-headed households and
single caregivers (the vast majority of
whom are women) were worse off than
male-headed households by about 15
percentage points, controlling for dif-
ferences in household size between the
two groups. 25
Many of the differences in monetary
poverty risk between IDPs and non-
IDPs are associated with differences in
and the gender and number of earners
in the household. Among IDP house-
holds in Somalia, for example, the larg-
est decrease in poverty risk is associated
with having more female earners, while
having more male earners is associated
with the lowest poverty for non IDPs.
In Sudan, IDP women worked more on
average than non-IDP women but were
also more likely to be poor, because of
12 the types of jobs in which they were
engaged. The GDFD findings suggest
that gender gaps in caregiving responsi-
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
bilities and access to economic opportu-
nities impact poverty.
It is therefore important to look at
poverty within households and drill
down into deprivations experienced by
men and women, boys, and girls. The
multidimensional poverty analysis has
important advantages in this respect as
the indicators for the different dimen-
sions can be disaggregated by sex. This
analysis reveals that gender has import-
ant impacts on individual deprivations
within households. For instance, gender
emerges as an important predictor of
chronic deprivation, such as failure to
complete school, reflecting accumulated
disadvantage over time. For both the
displaced and the non-displaced, males
more often than females live in house-
holds where they have completed pri-
mary education and another household
member has not–suggesting that men
and boys’ educational careers are the
priority. School attendance deprivation
rates for displaced girls and boys (figure
2) among the multidimensionally poor
show that (except in Sudan) girls face
greater barriers to education than boys.
Non-displaced girls have higher school
attendance deprivation than boys (except
NE Nigeria) and the gender gap against
girls is largest for the non-displaced in
South Sudan. In several countries the
level of deprivation is higher for the
non-displaced than the displaced (South
Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia).
The multidimensional poverty research
also found forcibly displaced individuals
experienced higher levels of intrahouse-
hold inequality than their non-displaced
peers in deprivations that affected their
financial security like legal identification
and employment. On average across
all five countries, women are more
deprived in legal identification across
the entire population, but it is a par-
ticularly serious issue among the poor
where rates of deprivation are highest,
with eight in ten men and women alike
lacking identification. Similarly, across
the entire population, women are more
likely to be deprived in employment
regardless of their displacement status;
however, among the poor (who expe-
rience the highest employment depri-
vations), the gender gap only holds in
displaced household.
The gender results on individual depri-
vation show the importance of going
beyond aggregate measures. Displaced
children already bear the burden of
living in households with overlapping
deprivations in education, health, living
standards, and financial security, and
their educational disadvantages fur-
ther erode their prospects. At the same
time, it is important to recognize that
in some settings—including Ethiopia,
Somalia, South Sudan—the rates of
education deprivation are very high for
non-displaced communities. Gender
disaggregation on indicators for finan-
cial security—unemployment, access to
legal ID and access to a bank or mobile
money account—reveals important
gender gaps that disadvantage both
non-displaced and displaced women.
POLICY
13

POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF

IMPLICATIONS
The overarching implication of the GDFD
research is that to achieve better devel-
PROMOTING ECONOMIC
opment impacts for both humanitarian OPPORTUNITIES
and development policies and pro-
grams it is important to understand and Substantial barriers constrain the
address intersectionality of gender and economic opportunities of displaced
displacement, to close gaps in status women, notably limited education,
and opportunities. and care responsibilities. The GDFD
studies on poverty, alongside those on
The MPI results reveal gender gaps in
livelihoods which cover diverse forced
school attendance, primary school com-
displacement settings26 find some
pletion, unemployment, and legal identi-
constraints emerge across a number of
fication—all of which can be targeted by
settings—notably limited education and
policies and programs to improve
care responsibilities are often associ-
opportunities for people who are multi-
ated with women’s unemployment or
dimensionally poor. The research find-
poor renumeration. For example, among
ings on income poverty underline that
Ethiopian refugees, the livelihoods of
care responsibilities and women’s lack
men and women are impacted differ-
of access to economic opportunities
ently by displacement in part because
worsen poverty risks, especially for dis-
adverse gender norms27 result in women
placed households.
having fewer opportunities for economic
Direct policy implications range from the advancement and bearing more care
value of better understanding of coun- responsibilities at home.
try circumstances, to efforts to promote
The drivers of these constraints vary
economic opportunities and livelihoods,
across settings. Endowments, specif-
social protection, combatting intimate
ically lack of access to land emerge
partner violence, access to services like
as important in Ethiopia, while lack of
health and education, and of course
education is critical in both Ethiopia and
data. Below are some specific entry
Darfur. Gender norms shape access to
points to promote opportunities and
paid work and self-employment vs agri-
enhance social protection and produc-
culture in Darfur (with women working
tive inclusion, as well as how to improve
predominantly in family farms and busi-
data collection and use.
nesses), as well as access to agricultural
14 land. In Turkey, recent analysis found
that large scale Syrian refugee inflows
had negative associations with host
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
women’s employment rates in sectors
with high degrees of informality, such as
agriculture and domestic services, where
women tended to work. 28 Interestingly, in
Darfur displaced women are more likely
to work than women in host community,
although in light of the low earnings this
may be related to “distress labor sales”.
Thus, while having women in paid work
can reduce poverty risks for the dis-
placed (as found in Somalia, for exam-
ple), there is also evidence that displaced
women in paid work have low earnings.
The intersectionality of gender with
displacement often amplifies gen-
der-based constraints. Gender-based
constraints that need to be considered
in programming for displacement set-
tings—such as women’s limited mobility
outside the home, their care responsi-
bilities and GBV risk including Intimate
Partner Violence (IPV)—are also needed
for other development programming.
However, displacement can exacerbate
constraints and needs to be addressed
in ways that recognize intersectional-
ity—​like sexual orientation and gender
identity, ethnic, religious, or racial identi-
ties, as well as disabilities.
The negative impacts created by lack
of access to a nationally recognized ID
for refugees and IDPs have been doc-
umented in many settings. For exam-
ple, in Iraq lack of civil documentation
prevents many of the most vulnerable
internally displaced women from access-
ing services and affects their access to a
wide array of other rights. 29
Legal and regulatory reforms can open
up opportunities that benefit both
displaced women and those in host
communities. For example, changes to
regulations governing home based work
in Jordan are expected to be especially
beneficial for Syrian women refugees in
Jordan who have limited mobility from
home and childcare responsibilities. 30
The specific policy and program-
ming implications will vary by context,
although four directions of change
emerge as critical across all the displace-
ment settings examined.
• First, the importance of expanding
access to safe and accessible educa-
tion sometimes to adults as well as
children including access to public
technical and vocational training,
which could include non-traditional
occupations and skills to enable
displaced women to run their own
business while closing gender gaps.31
• Second, a full range of sexual and
reproductive health services is
needed to help enable adoles-
cent girls and women to determine
whether and when to have children.
• Third, access to affordable childcare
services is critical in camps and host
community neighborhoods.
• Fourth, regulatory and legal reform
may have a role to play in lifting
barriers to ID and allowing women to
access more economic opportunities
Evidence about what works to advance
economic opportunities of displaced
women in developing country settings is
very limited. We know from other devel-
oping country settings—including Chile,
32
Kenya,33 and Nicaragua34—that the
provision of childcare services can help
enable women’s economic opportunities—
although direct evidence for displaced
women is lacking.
Addressing discriminatory norms is
critical for women’s economic inclusion.
A better understanding of how dis-
placement and gender norms intersect
could inform program design and lead
to improved development outcomes. For
example, an ongoing study in Jordan,
Kenya, Mexico, and Uganda found that
the provision of financial services alone
did not produce significant improve-
ments in economic outcomes for dis-
placed women. 35 Women’s ability to
navigate pathways to economic inclusion
requires the transformation of harmful
gender norms. Similarly, the Norwegian
Refugee Council finds that in Africa,
major barriers to displaced women’s
land ownership include harmful gender
norms and lack of awareness of property
rights, highlighting the need for invest-
ments in efforts that help inform women
of their rights and navigate the process
of independently owning property. 36
SOCIAL PROTECTION AND
PRODUCTIVE INCLUSION
Consistent with the vision of the 2018
Global Compact for Refugees (GCR),
greater coherence and collaboration
between humanitarian assistance and
government social protection programs
can strengthen the wider humanitarian—
development—peace nexus. 37
In practice, gaps can arise for individu-
als and families between humanitarian
assistance and the national social protec-
tion system. Emerging research findings
in Greece suggests that refugees are
either unaware of existing programs or
face significant entry barriers—because
they lack a social security number,
a tax registration number or a bank
account— prerequisites for program
registration, and very few of refugees 15
interviewed were receiving any form of
POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF
state benefit. 38’
It is clearly important that social reg-
istries include displaced people, and
that eligibility criteria be reviewed in
light of what is known about the profile
of disadvantaged displaced individu-
als and families, including the shape
of gender inequalities. As a short-term
measure where displaced people are
not included in social registries, collab-
orating with international humanitarian
actors with relevant databases could be
a stop-gap measure.
Displacement appears to be a robust
correlate of household poverty status
and can be considered as a criterion to
determine eligibility for social assistance.
Testing and adaptions should be made
for country as needed. At the same time,
within households, our analysis also
found that the patterns of deprivations
of multidimensional poverty systemati-
cally differ by gender.
The GDFD results suggest that poverty
targeting criteria need to go beyond
gender of household head. As noted
above, male headed households are
income poorer than female headed
households in both Somalia (IDPs)
and among Syrian refugees in Jordan.
However, gender does emerge as a
factor influencing poverty risk—female
single caregivers, widows living outside
IDP settlement all emerge as high pov-
erty risk categories in the same settings.
Results suggest that poverty reduc-
tion policies and programs in settings
with high levels of poverty like Somalia
should seek cover all households, espe-
cially those with children, and avoid
narrow targeting criteria.
16 There is evidence that cash transfers
can be especially beneficial to displaced
women by increasing their agency
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
and ability to participate in household
decision-making. 39 Transfers can help
to reduce financial stress and boost
psychosocial wellbeing. For example,
cash transfers to Syrian refugees were
helped enable women to provide for
their families and quelled fears of having
to return to Syria,40 increased feelings of
confidence and respect,41 and bolstered
confidence to report GBV and enroll
girls in school.42
Social assistance can help to mitigate
and address risks of IPV, especially when
complemented by survivor support
services.43 For example, a UNHCR cash
assistance program in Lebanon was
found to be appropriate for survivors of
gender-based violence due to its dis-
creet nature, enabling survivors to move
away from their abuser(s) and to rent
for themselves and their children, and/
or to search for another job or house
to escape abuses by their employer or
house owner. However, male partners
may perceive cash transfers negatively,
such as when there is no adequate com-
munication or understanding of eligi-
bility criteria,44 which can place women
at risk of violence. The beneficiaries’
exposure to such risks can be mitigated
by solid knowledge about gender rela-
tions in the setting and building in strong
monitoring and feedback mechanisms.
To align with the GCR, development
approaches to tackling poverty are
being implemented in settings of forced
displacement. The Poverty Alleviation
Coalition (PAC), which comprises the
UNHCR, the World Bank, Partnership for
Economic Inclusion, and 13 NGOs, has
been formed with the goal to extend
the graduation approach to refugees
and host communities in 35 developing
countries around the world.45 Developed
by the Bangladeshi INGO BRAC, the
graduation approach builds on existing
social protection programs and uses
a sequenced approach to add assets,
community support, and skills train-
ing to cash transfers and has achieved
success in across different countries
and cultures.46 The approach has a
strong track record of boosting wom-
en’s empowerment among ultra-poor
groups.47 The first evaluation of the
graduation approach in a fragile set-
ting, Afghanistan, found that per capita
monthly consumption increased by 30
percent compared to the control group,
and the share of households below the
national poverty line decreased by 20
percentage points from 82 percent.
This was achieved mostly through the
expansion of labor choices of ultra-poor
women.48 Evaluations of the approach in
displacement settings are ongoing.
Productive inclusion is another prom-
ising program approach. In the Sahel
social safety net programs in Burkina
Faso, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal
were augmented with an integrated set
of productive inclusion measures tai-
lored to the needs of cash transfer recip-
ients, 90 percent of whom are women.49
Activities included coaching, the cre-
ation of savings and loans groups which
met weekly, a community sensitization
session, a short training course focused
on topics such as communication skills,
confidence-building and gender rela-
tionships, as well as support to access
markets and cash grants of between
$150 and $250 so that beneficiaries could
invest in their economic endeavors. These
were successfully delivered through exist-
ing government systems with community
volunteers and NGOs, to more than
50,000 beneficiaries. In Niger, a similar
program which included a psychoso-
cial wellbeing component improved
consumption and food security six-and
18-months post-intervention, increased
participation and profits in women-led
off farm business and livestock activi-
ties, and various measures of psychoso-
cial well-being. While these programs
were not focused on displaced groups,
the experience and results are relevant
and promising.
IMPORTANCE OF DATA
AND MEASUREMENT AND
LISTENING TO DISPLACED
PEOPLE
A series of recommendations emerge
for agencies collecting survey data,
including the World Bank, UN Agencies
and DHS. UNHCR ’s global indicator
framework for monitoring progress on
the 2030 Agenda commits to estimat-
ing the proportion of the population
of concern living below the national
poverty line by sex, age, and displace-
ment status. 50
Foremost is the importance of includ-
ing displaced people in national surveys
especially in countries where there are
significant numbers of displaced peo-
ple. Much more could be done with
standard household surveys, provided
relevant questions are asked. For exam-
ple, in countries where displacement is
an issue—say more than 3 percent of
population or some absolute number—
standard questions could be included
in all surveys, viz. displacement status,
reason for displacement, number of
displacements, and duration (in each
17
location). Large samples with adequate
representation of key sub-groups are
POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF
needed to understand patterns and driv-
ers of poverty and to enable disaggrega-
tion within the displaced population.
Risk assessments are often needed to
assess risk of harm to enumerators,
key informants, survey participants
and displaced and host communities
when collecting data in forced displace-
ment settings. Guidance, which include
checklists for questions and analyzing
data, have been developed by agen-
cies responsible for collecting data on
displaced persons, for example IOM’s
Displacement Tracking Matrix. 51 The
Expert Group on Refugee and Internally
Displaced Persons Statistics has pub-
lished International Recommendations
on Refugee Statistics (IRRS)52 and
International Recommendations on
Internally Displaced Persons Statistics
(IRIS)53 that major initiatives such
as the Joint Data Center on Forced
Displacement (JDC) follow. Both the
IRRS and IRIS emphasize the importance
of data confidentiality and anonymiza-
tion to protect the safety and identity of
respondents. The JDC is also developing
a series of protocols for the responsible
dissemination of forced displacement
microdata, so that it can be widely
accessible while at the same time mini-
mizing potential harm to data subjects. 54
Qualitative data can be used to under-
stand the drivers of gender-based con-
straints and improve policy responses
and program design and implementa-
tion. Risk assessment for data subjects
is particularly important for qualitative
data collection. Qualitative data from
focus group discussions, semi structured
interviews and individual narratives with
18
THE WORLD BANK GROUP

men and women can cast light on their
knowledge about how to access ser-
vices or economic opportunities and
the gender-specific barriers faced.
Qualitative research can be used to
explore people’s attitudes, behaviors
and experiences and collect data on
gender norm as well as other variables.
Qualitative data can also fill knowledge
gaps about other forms of intersection-
ality such as the experiences of people
with disabilities, LGBTQI communities,
and the elderly.
Listening voices of displaced women
and men through consultative mech-
anisms is an important though often
underutilized resource. For example,
UNHCR supported a gender audit
group composed of refugee women
from diverse backgrounds to inform the
Global Compact on Refugees and the
groups continues to review how gen-
der and other diversity concerns are
addressed and reflected in policies, pro-
ceedings structures and decision-mak-
ing processes. 55
Within households, sex-disaggregated
individual level data is needed. Female
headship can be a useful proxy, but
insufficient to understand gendered dis-
advantages in displacement settings. For
individuals in the household, questions
about labor market participation, hours
of paid work (and ideally unpaid work),
earnings, and transfers are needed.
Data on gender norms are needed. The
GDFD studies underline the important
role of gender norms in shaping con-
straints and opportunities of women
and men, girls and boys. Data on gender
norms should be collected, including
from men and boys.
Data are also needed to tracking trends
over time. Longitudinal data, panel data,
and repeated cross sections with suffi-
cient sample size and a standardized core
questionnaire on displaced communi-
ties and hosts along the foregoing lines
would enable tracking of trends over
time, and better understanding of drivers.
Quantitative and qualitative data on
other forms of intersectionality such as
the experiences of people with disabili-
ties are also a priority, LGBTQI commu-
nities, minority ethnic groups, and the
elderly. The safety of of participants will
need to be carefully assessed in some
contexts and data collection.
EMERGING
CONCLUSIONS
To date, research and analysis of the
gendered dimensions of forced dis-
placement have been limited, including
on poverty. These findings from a new,
major World Bank Research Program
contribute important knowledge and
underscore the value of country-specific
analysis. Comparisons across countries
using the same indicators also provided
valuable insights as shown in the dis-
cussion of results from multidimensional
poverty analysis.
The new findings point to the need for
targeted support specifically for dis-
placed women’s economic opportuni-
ties, in line with the ambition of the GCR.
Progress has been made on this agenda
since 2018, most notably increased
development assistance funding to ref-
ugee hosting countries, enhanced legal
protections, and strengthened access
to education. It is nonetheless clear that
future efforts should more explicitly
prioritize education, including continu-
ing education for adult women, access
to quality childcare, transformation of
gender discriminatory social norms and
collecting disaggregated data to track
19
POVERTY, GENDER, AND DISPLACEMENT: A POLICY BRIEF
progress for women and other marginal-
ized groups.
Future analysis needs to address gaps
in knowledge in displacement and
host settings—including about wom-
en’s access to economic opportunities,
which is key. The research points to the
important areas of childcare, education,
access to ID and legal and regulatory
reforms but more analysis is needed
to refine how we design programs and
target these gaps to reduce poverty
in forced displacement settings. Other
key knowledge gaps are on what works
to transform discriminatory norms in
displacement settings, and the design,
implementation and effectiveness of
social protection and humanitarian
interventions from a gender perspective.
For example, more evidence is needed
about the combinations of support and
services that best complement cash
transfers to reduce risks of violence
against women. Important related areas
where further research with a gender
lens is needed includes the intersection
of displacement, poverty and gender
inequality for people with disabilities,
LGBTQI communities, and the elderly.
20 ENDNOTES
1 UNHCR. 2020a. Global Trends in Forced Displace-
THE WORLD BANK GROUP
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2 See Arango, Diana Jimena; Kelly, Jocelyn Thalassa
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3 UNHCR 2020a.
4 GIWPS and PRIO. 2021. Women, Peace and Security
Index 2021/22: Tracking Sustainable Peace Through
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5 World Bank. 2017. Forcibly Displaced: Toward a
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6 IASC. N.d. “About the Grand Bargain.” IASC. Ac-
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7 UNHCR and World Bank. 2021. Joint Data Center
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12 The UNHCR poverty line for Jordan is lower than
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13 Pape, Utz and Ambika Sharma. 2019. Informing Du-
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20 Eileen Pittaway and Linda Bartolomei (2018). En-
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21 All dimensions are weighted equally, receiving a
quarter of the total weight, with indicators within
each dimension also receiving equal weights. The
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deprived in at least half of the weighted indicators
considered multidimensionally poor. Full papers
with detailed results are available on the GDFD
website. See
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Last updated January 2022. https://www.world-
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22 Admasu, Yeshwas, Sabina Alkire and Sophie
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23 Admasu, Yeshwas, Sabina Alkire and Sophie
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24 Admasu, Yeshwas, Sabina Alkire, Uche Eseo-
sa Ekhator-Mobayode, Fanni Kovesdi, Julieth
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29 United Nations. 2019. Convention on the Elimination
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23