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Culture and Adolescent Development

Danielle E. Delany and Cecilia S. Cheung
University of California, Riverside, USA

Adolescence is a developmental epoch marked by significant changes in physical

appearance, increased autonomy, and new social contexts. Problem behaviors, risk
taking, and mood disorders are also on the rise during adolescence. As such, this period
of the lifespan is often seen as tempestuous. Despite cross-cultural work on individuals’
cognition and behaviors, the impact of culture on adolescent development remains
understudied. Arnett (2008) contended that, although developmental psychologists
stress the importance of context, little research has focused on how culture impacts the
course of individuals’ development. How does culture shape adolescents’ development?

1 Culture
In this entry the term culture refers to the set of beliefs, values, attitudes, and behaviors
that differs between groups of individuals. Since the early 21st century, researchers have
put forward multiple theoretical perspectives to explain development across cultures.
Four frameworks are discussed here in relation to adolescents’ development.

Hofestede’s Cultural Dimensions

Hofstede’s (1984) seminal work on the dimensions of culture is one of the most com-
prehensive studies examining cultural values and how these values relate to behavior.
Hofstede defined six dimensions of culture:
1. power distance: how societies handle hierarchies among their people;
2. individualism: the degree to which individuals within a society ascribe to an inde-
pendent or self-focused perception;
3. masculinity: the degree to which a culture displays striving for achievement, heroism,
and assertiveness rather than cooperation, modesty, and care;
4. uncertainty avoidance: how uncomfortable individuals within a society feel about
uncertain circumstances;
5. long-term orientation: how traditionalistic a society is while fostering traits that are
important for the future;

The Encyclopedia of Child and Adolescent Development. Edited by Stephen Hupp and Jeremy D. Jewell.
© 2020 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2020 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
DOI 10.1002/9781119171492.wecad322
2 History, Theory, and Culture in Adolescence

6. indulgence: whether a culture allows for gratification of human drives related to

enjoyment.
For each of these dimensions, the country of reference is assigned a score relative to the
country or countries of comparison. These dimensions are associated with a number of
behaviors that are important to development. For instance, research has demonstrated
that the dimension of long-term orientation is linked to school mathematics results in
international comparisons, which could be because individuals residing in countries that
are oriented toward long-term prospects tend to place a higher emphasis on education
and school performance. Beyond long-term orientation, one of the most widely used
dimensions of Hofstede’s cultural framework is individualism (vs. collectivism). Many
research studies have examined behaviors and outcomes influenced by the degree to
which a country is oriented toward individualism. For example, Le and Stockdale (2005)
examined cultural factors related to delinquency and demonstrated that individualism
was predictive of greater self-reported delinquency. Another study using individualism
and collectivism to predict adolescent behavior conducted by Hu, Bernardo, Lam, and
Cheang (2016) found that the use of specific coping strategies (e.g., reframing, family
support, avoidance), in response to cyberbullying, was related to having a more individ-
ualistic cultural orientation.

Family Models of Interdependence

Kagitcibasi (2007) proposed a cultural framework focusing on interdependence ver-
sus independence in the family context. Like Hofstede’s individualism versus collec-
tivism, independent family models are typical in Western cultures and emphasize
autonomy. Independence is represented in parents’ childrearing goals, as parents in
independent cultures emphasize the individuality and uniqueness of children. Addi-
tionally, these parents tend to focus on fostering the personal autonomy and self-worth
of their children. Interdependence (vs. independence) is more prevalent in non-Western
and more collectivistic cultures. It is common for families in interdependent cultures
to contain a larger number of individuals and, as such, children are valued for both
functional and emotional reasons, as they carry the responsibility of economically
aiding and caring for their parents in old age. In addition to independence and
interdependence there is a third component of Kagitcibasi’s model—emotional (or
psychological) interdependence. When traditional, interdependent family cultures
begin to modernize, emotional interdependencies remain important to their beliefs. In
contrast, material interdependencies, such as the traditional hierarchy, tend to wane.
Furthermore, autonomy is more likely to grow as cultures modernize because it allows
for adjustment to the modern work environment. This model has implications for the
functioning of the family unit and for the individual development of the child.

Perceptions of Self and Others

Another important cultural framework, proposed by Markus and Kitayama (1991),
focuses on individuals’ perceptions of the self and others. These perceptions are
postulated to influence how individuals seek experiences and react in diverse situations
(e.g., their cognition, emotion, and motivation). In many Asian cultures, an emphasis
 Culture and Adolescent Development 3

is placed on attending to the needs of others, fitting in, and harmonizing, whereas in
Western societies there is an emphasis on independence from others, with a focus on
the self and on unique individual qualities. Perceptions of the self and of others impact
individuals’ subsequent behaviors, cognitions, attitudes, and experiences. For instance,
American students report feeling emotions for longer than their Japanese counterparts
(Matsumo, Kudoh, Scherer, & Wallbott, 1988): they report feeling emotions more
intensely and are more responsive to these emotions. This may be because the majority
of the emotions examined (e.g., joy, sadness, anger, guilt, fear, disgust) were ego-focused
emotions and, thus, those with an independent construal of the self may attend more
to these feelings.

Cultural Normativeness
The fourth framework pertinent to understanding adolescent development centers
on the norms and values of a specific culture. The cultural normativeness model
suggests that the impact of the environment (e.g., parenting) on adolescent devel-
opment is dependent on perceived norms of a geographical region or culture. For
example, Gershoff and colleagues (2010) demonstrated that mothers’ use of corporal
punishment, expression of disappointment, and scolding were differentially associated
with children’s externalizing behaviors across countries where the use of physical
punishment was seen as normative to varying degrees. Lansford et al. (2005) also
discussed how children’s interpretation of parents’ behaviors are often situated within
the larger cultural context. In turn, children’s perceptions of cultural norms determine
the extent to which parents’ behaviors shape children’s development.
Cultural ideologies can also impact parents’ beliefs in addition to shaping adolescents’
behaviors (e.g., Grolnick, Price, Beiswenger & Sauck, 2007; Smetana, 2017; Soenens
& Vansteenkiste, 2010). For example, because individuals in China and the United
States participate in different cultural systems, parents’ beliefs about controlling or
authoritarian parenting may have different implications for adolescents’ outcomes.
For Chinese parents, control has been associated with goalkeeping, organization, and
harmony, rather than with the more negative interpretation that is common in the
United States. Additionally, guan, or child training, is a common parenting practice in
Chinese cultures, and parental control is frequently utilized in this method of parenting
(Chao, 1994). Parents in China believe that their parenting responsibilities include
being highly involved, concerned, and caring—so much so that they may actively drive
their children when the children’s own motivation is deemed insufficient. Previous
research has demonstrated that the cultural ideology of training is important for school
success in Chinese children. Thus, cultural ideologies can play a role in parenting and,
subsequently, in adolescents’ value development and behaviors.

2 Adolescence Across Cultures

The interplay between the components of culture (e.g., beliefs, values, languages, and
behaviors) across groups can impact adolescent development. The subsequent sections
describe three specific areas of adolescents’ development in relation to culture: cognitive
development, social development, and psychological adjustment.
4 History, Theory, and Culture in Adolescence

Cognitive Development
The question of whether adolescents’ cognitive development is similar across cultures
has received much attention. Researchers have examined whether developmental
theories, such as Piaget’s stages of cognitive development, are universal. There are four
cognitive–developmental stages according to Piaget: sensorimotor, preoperational,
concrete operational, and formal operational. The first stage, sensorimotor, occurs in
infancy, from birth to about 2 years of age. In this stage infants begin to differentiate
between themselves and other objects. The second stage of development is the pre-
operational stage (2 to 4 years), in which children need concrete physical experiences
in order to advance their learning. The third stage, between 7 and 11 years, is the
concrete operational stage, when children are able to conceptualize abstractly on the
basis of their previous physical experiences. The final stage that most adolescents
reach is formal operational. Between the ages of 11 and 15 years, adolescents begin to
make rational judgments using abstract concepts. As such, deductive and hypothetical
reasoning begin to develop. Research suggests that the stages and the sequence of
the stages of development are universal; however, the age at which certain stages
are reached varies across cultures (Dasen, 1977). For example, formal operations are
typically reached earlier in Western cultures, and in societies that are not industrialized
they may not ever be reached. Furthermore, some researchers have argued that certain
concepts in developmental theories (e.g., formal operational stage, moral reasoning)
are not relevant in some cultures as these stages constitute a Westernized state and
thus are not fostered. Herein, differences in values, Western versus Eastern beliefs, and
collectivistic versus individualistic societies may determine the importance of certain
developmental stages.
In addition to adolescent cognitive development, adolescent experiences in the
academic context vary across cultures. For example, the Programme for International
Student Assessment (PISA) demonstrated differences in academic achievement across
cultures. Adolescents in East Asia (e.g., China) outperformed adolescents in North
America and South America. Similarly, further evidence of cross-cultural differences
in academic achievement were found in the Trends in International Mathematics and
Science Study (TIMSS). From contextual differences, such as classroom environment,
to differences in beliefs and values, aspects of culture can contribute to adolescent
academic achievement. First, the value of education differs across cultures. In cultures
that place a higher importance on learning and academic success, adolescents tend to
view education as important and, subsequently, are more likely to strive for success
in the academic arena. Parental expectations of adolescents’ academic achievement
also vary across cultures, as does their involvement, support, and other parenting
behaviors. In addition, research indicates that adolescents’ motivation in school varies
across cultures. For example, although adolescents in the United States and China have
waning motivational beliefs as they enter middle school, American adolescents begin
to devalue academics at a faster rate compared to adolescents in China, who maintain
their value for academics (Wang & Pomerantz, 2009).

The Role of Schools

The types of interaction adolescents experience in the school context has implications
for their development in many cultures. While the majority of adolescents attend
 Culture and Adolescent Development 5

schools, elements of the school, from the physical structure to personal interactions
within schools, may vary across cultures. For example, although classrooms are
traditionally defined as being a physical room located within an educational institution,
classrooms across the world can occur in a variety of settings such as outdoors,
online, or in the home. During adolescence, classrooms typically focus on identity
development, personal values, competency, and agency, as these aspects are important
to this critical developmental period. In addition, classrooms become more structured
in adolescence and it is typical for adolescents to experience a decline in both their
academic engagement and achievement. Eccles and colleagues (1993) contend that this
may be due to adolescents having a poor stage–environment fit, that is, the standardized
environment of the school does not fit with the needs of the adolescent. There is often
a mismatch between both parents’ and teachers’ views of autonomy versus those of
adolescents, and adolescents often question and push the authority of elders during
early adolescence. Thus, it is suggested that teachers and schools provide adolescents
with some structure and guidelines for adolescents’ level of maturity while still
maintaining a challenging environment for adolescents to continue their growth and
maturity.
There is scant research to date on how the structure and functions of schools at the
time of adolescence differ across cultures. However, research indicates that preschool
classrooms in the United States (vs. China and Japan) tend to have a smaller number of
students, with teachers placing more emphasis on social (vs. academic) activities (Tobin,
Wu, & Davidson, 1989). Researchers contend that individuals’ beliefs about learning
vary across cultures (Li, 2005). For example, Li (2002, 2005) argued that Chinese stu-
dents tend to see learning as a process of continual growth in personal virtue, whereas
students in Western cultural contexts tend to see learning as a means to understand
the mind. There is evidence that such differences emerge early on in children’s lives
(Li, 2002).

Social Development
Social development involves the progression of learning values, skills, and abilities that
allow children to communicate effectively with others. Socioemotional development is
an important aspect of social development, and is defined as the experience, expression,
and management of emotions and the ability to build relationships. A critical ques-
tion is whether emotional experiences impact individuals differently across cultures.
Some researchers posit that affective experience is prioritized in Western societies as
they value uniqueness and personal autonomy, which in turn leads individuals in West-
ern cultural contexts to be more affected by their emotional experiences (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991). Contrary to such perspectives, research suggests that affect is equally
important in both American and Chinese adolescents’ judgments about the self (Zhang,
Pomerantz, Setoh, Qu, & Wang, 2016).
Beyond individuals’ personal experiences and perceptions of self and others, the social
contexts of parents and peers can contribute to adolescents’ social development. Several
aspects of the family environment have been demonstrated to be important in adoles-
cent socioemotional development: parental warmth and involvement, autonomy sup-
port, and positive family relationships and conflict.
6 History, Theory, and Culture in Adolescence

The Role of Parents

Though parental warmth, in some capacity, is universal, there is variation in how
parental warmth is expressed across cultures. It is common in many Western cultures
for parents to praise their children frequently and to provide them with greater
emotional indulgence compared to their Eastern counterparts (Miller, Wang, Sandel,
& Cho, 2002). Furthermore, parental support, sacrifice, and warmth depend on the
culture in that adolescents’ perceptions of these constructs may differ according to
their cultural beliefs and values. Adolescents may judge their parents’ behavior to
be warm in one culture but not in another. Chao and Kaeochinda (2010) describe
how parental sacrifice may be an important display of warmth in Asian immigrant
families as they seen to be expressing their love by affording opportunities to their
children by immigrating. Family obligation—feeling a sense of responsibility to help
family members and to make decisions based on the needs and wishes of the whole
family—plays a role in adolescents’ motivation, well-being, and career and educational
attainment. Herein, adolescents reciprocate parents’ sacrifices and support by trying to
provide for their family, to take care of younger siblings, and to work hard in school.
During the period of adolescence, there is an increased need for autonomy as ado-
lescents begin to be more capable of completing tasks independently, discover their
personal identities, and establish personal relationships outside of the family. Research
suggests that there are differences in the age range at which autonomy is expected across
cultures. For example, Feldman and Rosenthal (1991) demonstrated that adolescents in
Hong Kong possessed later expectations of autonomy compared to adolescents in Aus-
tralia and the United States, though in all three countries later autonomy expectation
was associated with a more demanding family environment, parental monitoring, and a
de-emphasis of individualism. Psychological control is the extent to which parents con-
trol a child’s behaviors, beliefs, or emotions, using psychological means (e.g., inducing
guilt, shaming). A plethora of research has documented negative associations between
psychological control and adolescents’ outcomes (e.g., externalizing behavior problems,
dampened self-esteem). For example, research by Soenens, Park, Vansteenkiste, and
Mouratidis (2012) found associations between psychological control and depressive per-
sonality and symptoms among adolescents in Belgium and South Korea.
Another aspect of parenting that contributes to adolescents’ socioemotional develop-
ment is parent–adolescent conflict. There is variation in how parents and adolescents
engage in conflict across cultures; however, it is typical for parent–adolescent conflict
to be centered around everyday occurrences such as chores, homework, and activity
participation (Montemayor, 1986). Theorists have posited that substantial increase
in parent–adolescent conflict is normative during adolescence. However, current
research suggests that excessive conflict is associated with maladaptive adolescent
behaviors such as disturbed family relationships, increased problem behaviors and
misconduct, drug and alcohol abuse, and internalizing behaviors such as depression and
anxiety (Moed et al., 2015; Ryan, Jorm, & Lubman, 2010; Smetana, 1996; Smokowski,
Bacallao, Cotter, & Evans, 2015). Across cultures, there is little variation in the level
of parent–adolescent conflict. For instance, previous research suggests that American
adolescents from immigrant and native families with Mexican, Chinese, Filipino, and
European backgrounds report similar levels of conflict with their parents (Fuligni,
1998). Parent–adolescent conflict has also been associated with the development
 Culture and Adolescent Development 7

of adolescent autonomy and, as such, culturally specific processes influence the

expression of conflict (Yau & Smetana, 2003). Conversely, positive family relationships
are beneficial for adolescent development, with research suggesting that positive
family functioning is associated with adolescent health, socioemotional well-being,
interpersonal functioning, and adjustment (Paradis et al., 2011). Furthermore, positive
family relationships reduce the risk of maladaptive behaviors such as substance use,
depression, and suicidal behavior.

The Role of Peers

The second social context found to be important in adolescent social development is
the peer context. Adolescents’ relationships with peers begin to change in adolescence,
when they tend to seek out “best friends” and qualities such as closeness and security.
Both popularity among peers and having close friends contribute to adolescents’ positive
adjustment, as peers serve a variety of functions in adolescence (e.g., companionship,
social comparison, emotional support, models). Furthermore, peer acceptance and pop-
ularity are associated with a number of positive qualities such as being friendly, coop-
erative, and prosocial (Oberle, Schonert-Reichl, & Thomson, 2010). Peer acceptance is
beneficial to adolescents’ mental health, academic achievement, and self-esteem. Ado-
lescents who are rejected are more likely to be withdrawn, to have heightened aggres-
sion, and to experience anxiety (Parker & Asher, 1987). Peers also provide a basis for
social comparison, which increases during adolescence. Previous research suggests that,
by receiving feedback from peers, adolescents learn to display appropriate behaviors
across a variety of contexts based on social norms (Chang, 2004).
Differences in the amount of time that is spent engaging with peers is evident among
adolescents residing in different parts of the world (Larson & Verma, 1999). Previous
research suggests that adolescents in the United States spend more time participating
in social activities with peers compared to adolescents in China and Japan, who spend
more of their time in school or completing academic activities (e.g., homework, receiv-
ing tutoring). Because adolescents in China spend less time engaging in activities with
peers, peers play a lesser role in their misconduct compared to adolescents in the United
States. Although adolescents vary in the amount of time they spend with their peers, pre-
vious research demonstrated that across 11 cultures, including Israel, Russia, the United
States, and Germany, peer acceptance is positively related to life satisfaction in ado-
lescence (Schwarz et al., 2012). Finally, research has demonstrated that involvement in
extracurricular activities with peers, such as organized sports and school clubs, is pre-
dictive of academic and psychological adjustment, as well as decreased drug and alcohol
use (Fredricks & Eccles, 2006). Adolescents’ social context can foster the development
of socioemotional competency and it does so across a variety of cultures.

Psychological Adjustment
In addition to cognitive and socioemotional development, adolescents’ psycholog-
ical adjustment is another key aspect of their development. Adolescence is a time
when many changes begin to occur within the brain and body. There is heightened
emotionality due to fluctuations in hormonal levels, and a number of stressful chal-
lenges co-occur during this time (e.g., transition to high school, puberty, romantic
8 History, Theory, and Culture in Adolescence

relationships). These changes result in increased incidences of anxiety, depression, and

suicidality. Many factors contribute to adolescents’ positive psychological adjustment
and general well-being such as relationships with family, peers, and romantic partners,
having a sense of belonging, physical activity, and religiosity. Research has established
that positive relationships with parents (e.g., parental warmth, support, autonomy)
is associated with well-being and positive psychological adjustment. Similarly, when
adolescents are accepted by peers and have close friendships, they are more likely
to be positively adjusted and to participate in prosocial behaviors. In a similar vein,
family structure has demonstrated associations with psychological adjustment such
that adolescents in blended or divorced families tend to have poorer psychological
adjustment compared to adolescents in two-biological-parent families (Amato, 2005).
A sense of belonging is also associated with well-being. Adolescents who have
established belonging in an academic setting, a sports club, or a peer group, experience
increased self-esteem, self-competency, and greater life satisfaction. Links between
religiosity/spirituality and positive adjustment have also been found. Specifically,
greater religiosity is positively related to prosocial values and behavior, and negatively
associated with suicidal ideation, substance abuse, sexual involvement, and delinquency.
Spirituality and religiosity are also predictive of positive physical health, decreased
risk-taking behaviors, and resiliency in adolescence. During the stage of adolescence
identity formation is critical. Herein, research suggests that adolescents who possess
a well-articulated identity experience a greater sense of well-being and psychological
adjustment, and that those who are struggling with identity formation are more likely to
experience decreased well-being and self-esteem and greater stress and hopelessness.
Well-being is an important component of positive psychological adjustment,
and both are considered desirable globally. Cross-culturally, well-being and life
satisfaction—defined as the subjective, cognitive evaluation of one’s life—are related
to an abundance of benefits involving health, longevity, and social relationships.
Adolescents who experience higher levels of well-being tend to have decreased rates
of depression and anxiety. Adolescents’ self-esteem—a positive orientation toward the
self—in both individualistic and collectivistic societies is predictive of greater levels
of well-being and positive psychological adjustment (e.g., Cheng & Furnham, 2003).
Furthermore, adolescents’ perception of their social contexts (e.g., good relationships
with family and friends) is beneficial to adolescents’ life satisfaction in both the United
States and China. However, previous research suggests that there is variation in the
level at which financial satisfaction and friend and family relationship satisfaction are
associated with self-esteem and general life satisfaction across cultures.
The flip side of positive psychological adjustment, psychopathology, has also been
examined cross-culturally. Cultural norms, values, and the facilitation or suppression
of specific culturally normed behaviors are important as adolescents use these as a
frame of reference for their personal self-evaluations and self-worth. Thus, variations
in specific internalizing and externalizing behaviors have been demonstrated across
cultures. Research suggests that Asian adolescents tend to report greater levels of
depression than American adolescents. This may be a consequence of parenting
practices, as Asian parents often engage in greater verbal criticism of their children
and higher levels of punishment. Externalizing issues such as anger and aggressive
behaviors also vary across cultures. For example, research indicates that American
(vs. Japanese) adolescents display greater anger and aggressive behaviors when tested
 Culture and Adolescent Development 9

in hypothetical situations. As researchers have posited, it is necessary to explore the

socialization processes across cultures for a better understanding of the role of culture
in development and to determine how cultural values play a role in social evaluations,
adolescent behavior, and psychological adjustment, both positive and negative.
While cultural research in developmental psychology, and more specifically in adoles-
cent development, appears to be increasing, there remains a need to continue this push.
Much research that examines differences across cultures does just that—examines
mean differences; however, researchers need to be aware that it is not solely about
searching for differences. Hence, the goal of cultural psychologists should be to go
beyond the exploration of differences to explain, predict, and establish both similarities
and differences in adolescent development across cultures. It is critical that cultural
psychologists understand the importance of enriching and altering current theories
and perspectives in adolescent behaviors and development more broadly. Furthermore,
multicultural samples should be encouraged in developmental research, as simply
comparing samples from only two cultures does not tell the whole story, especially in
the complex instance of adolescent development.
In measuring various constructs across many cultures, it is important to utilize
advanced statistical techniques such as measurement invariance in order to ascertain
construct equivalence across cultures. Additionally, the development of constructs to
be used across cultures should be carefully considered, with best practices requiring
that psychologists from each culture deliberate on the meaning and importance of
specific items. Finally, it is essential to consider the social changes that are occurring
in countries around the world. There is constant change in cultures and, as such, it is
important to consider modernization when examining adolescent development. For
example, the way in which communication changes (e.g., internet, text messaging,
smartphones) has implications for the social development of adolescents. Therefore,
culture and adolescent development will continue to change as culture itself does.
A cross-cultural view of adolescent development will aid in the reduction and elimina-
tion of cultural biases, influence new methods and developmental theories, and uncover
greater knowledge of adolescent cognitive development and behavioral outcomes as
they relate to the values, beliefs, attitudes, and ideas of one’s culture.

SEE ALSO: Adolescence in the Contemporary World; Cultural Beliefs About Adolescence

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12 History, Theory, and Culture in Adolescence

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Further Reading
Lansford, J. E., Bornstein, M. H., Deater-Deckard, K., Dodge, K. A., Al-Hassan, S. M.,
Bacchini, D., … Zelli, A. (2016). How international research on parenting advances
understanding of child development. Child Development Perspectives, 10, 202–207.
Pomerantz, E. M., Ng, F. F., Cheung, C. S., & Qu, Y. (2014). How to raise happy children
who succeed in school: Lessons from China and the United States. Child Development
Perspectives, 8, 71–76.
Wang, Q. (2016). Why should we all be cultural psychologists? Lessons from the study of
social cognition. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11, 583–596.

Danielle E. Delany (MA, California State University, Fullerton, 2015) conducts research
into how culture, personal relationships (parents, teachers, peers), and noncognitive
skills influence children’s academic achievement, motivation, and psychological
adjustment.
Cecilia S. Cheung (PhD, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 2013) is an Assis-
tant Professor of Psychology and Director of the Culture and Child Development Lab
(https://cheunglab.ucr.edu) at the University of California, Riverside, USA. Her research
interests include examining the role of social and cultural contexts in children’s develop-
ment. Research from her lab has appeared in Child Development, Journal of Educational
Psychology, and Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, among others.