 Liberal Traditions

è Liberal theorists generally see the rules of IR as slow, evolving incrementally through time and
potentially becoming more and more peaceful.

 Kant and Peace

è Liberal theories of IR try to explain how peace and cooperation are possible.
è How can peace emerge (როგორ შეიძლება მშვიდობა აღმოცენდეს):
The first, based on the reciprocity principle, was that states could develop the organizations and
rules to facilitate cooperation, specifically by forming a world federation resembling today’s
United Nations. This answer forms the foundation of present-day liberal institutionalism.
Kant’s second answer, operating at a lower level of analysis, was that peace depends on the
internal character of governments. He reasoned that republics, with a legislative branch that can
hold the monarch in check, will be more peaceful than autocracies.
Kant’s third answer, that trade promotes peace, relies on the assumption that trade increases
wealth, cooperation, and global well-being—all while making conflict less likely in the long
term because governments will not want to disrupt any process that adds to the wealth of their
state.
 as trade between states increases, they will find that they become mutually dependent on
one another for goods. This mutual dependence between states is referred to as economic
interdependence. (A political and economic situation in which two states are
simultaneously dependent on each other for their wellbeing. The degree of
interdependence is sometimes designated in terms of “sensitivity” or “vulnerability)
 Scholars often differentiate situations of sensitivity, where one state relies on another to
provide an important good but can find alternate suppliers, with vulnerability, where
there are few or no alternative suppliers

 Liberal Institutionalism
è Liberal theories treat actors as capable of forgoing short-term individual interests in order to further
the long-term well-being of a community to which they belong—and hence indirectly their own
well-being.
è The core principle of reciprocity lies at the heart of this approach because international institutions
operate by reciprocal contributions and concessions among formally equal members.
è Kant argued that states, although autonomous, could join a worldwide federation like today’s UN
and respect its principles even at the cost of forgoing certain short-term individual gains.
 To Kant, international cooperation was a more rational option for states than resorting to
war.
è in liberal theories, war and violence appear as irrational deviations that result from defective
reasoning and harm the (collective, long-term) interests of warring states.
è The neoliberal approach differs from earlier liberal approaches in that it concedes to realism
several important assumptions—among them, that states are unitary actors rationally pursuing their
self-interests in a system of anarchy.
è Neoliberals use the Prisoner’s Dilemma (PD) game to illustrate their argument that cooperation is
possible.
  Each actor can gain by individually defecting, but both lose when both defect.
 Similarly, in IR, states often have a mix of conflicting and mutual interests.
 The dilemma can be resolved if the game is played over and over again—an accurate model
of IR, in which states deal with each other in repeated interactions.
è Building on the reciprocity principle, many norms mediate states’ interactions.
 For example, diplomatic practices and participation in international organizations (IOs) are
both strongly governed by shared expectations about the rules of correct behavior
 Neoliberals study historical and contemporary cases in IR to see how institutions and norms
affect the possibilities for overcoming dilemmas and achieving international cooperation.
è for neoliberals the emergence of international institutions is key to understanding how states
achieve a superior rational outcome that includes long-term self-interest and not just immediate
self-interest.

 International Regimes
è An international regime is a set of rules, norms, and procedures around which the expectations
of actors converge in a certain issue area
è Regimes can help solve collective goods problems by increasing transparency— everyone knows
what everyone else is doing, so cheating is riskier.
è The most common conception of regimes combines elements of realism and liberalism.
 States are seen as autonomous units maximizing their own interests in an anarchic context.
 Regimes do not play a role in issues in which states can realize their interests directly
through unilateral applications of leverage
 states continue to seek their own interests, they create frameworks to coordinate their
actions with those of other states if and when such coordination is necessary to realize self-
interest
è Regimes can be seen as intervening variables between the basic causal forces at work in IR—for
realists, the relative power of state actors— and the outcomes such as international cooperation.
è hegemony may be crucial in establishing regimes, it is not necessary for maintaining them
è the survival of regimes rests on their embedding in permanent institutions such as the UN, the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
è The culmination of liberal institutionalism to date is the European Union (EU).

 Collective Security
è The concept of collective security, which grows out of liberal institutionalism, refers to the
formation of a broad alliance of most major actors in an international system for the purpose of
jointly opposing aggression by any actor.
è After the horrors of World War I, the League of Nations was formed to promote collective security.
But it was flawed (ნაკლი) in two ways.
1. Its membership did not include all the great powers (and not the most powerful one, the United
States), and its members proved unwilling to bear the costs of collective action to oppose
aggression when it did occur in the 1930s.
 The success of collective security depends on two points. First, the members must keep their
alliance commitments to the group. When a powerful state commits aggression against a weaker
one, it often is not in the immediate interest of other powerful states to go to war over the issue.
 2. A second requisite for collective security is that enough members must agree on what constitutes
aggression. The UN Security Council is structured so that aggression is defined by what all five
permanent members, in addition to at least four of the other ten members, can agree on.
è Collective security worked in 1990–1991 to reverse Iraq’s conquest of Kuwait because the aggression
brought all the great powers together and because they were willing to bear the costs of confronting
Iraq.

 The Democratic Peace

è Kant argued that lasting peace would depend on states’ becoming republics, with legislatures to
check the power of monarchs (or presidents) to make war.
è democracies almost never fight each other. No major historical cases contradict this generalization,
which is known as the democratic peace.
è while liberal scholars often extol the virtues of democracy, these same domestic institutions can
make the process of international cooperation more complex.

Domestic Influences
è Liberal institutionalism operates at the interstate level of analysis, but the democratic peace relies on
the domestic level to explain IR events. In reality, a state’s actions result from individual human
choices—by citizenry, political leaders, diplomats, and bureaucrats—aggregated through the state’s
internal structures.

Bureaucracies
è Different states maintain different foreign policy bureaucracies but all share some common
elements. Almost all states maintain a foreign service of diplomats working in embassies in foreign
capitals, as well as diplomats who remain at home to coordinate policy.
è Diplomats provide much of the information that goes into making foreign policies, but their main
role is to carry out rather than create policies.
è Career diplomats try to orient new leaders and their appointees and to control the flow of
information they receive
è Sometimes state leaders appoint a close friend or key adviser to manage the foreign policy
bureaucracy.
è Interagency tension also affects the formulation of foreign policy. (the U.S. State Department and
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) backed opposite sides in a civil war in Laos in 1960.)
è In general, bureaucratic rivalry as an influence on foreign policy challenges the notion of states as
unitary actors in the international system. Such rivalries suggest that a state does not have any single
set of goals—a national interest— but that its actions may result from the bargaining of subunits,
each with its own set of goals.

 Interest Groups
è In pluralistic democracies, interested parties influence foreign policy through interest groups and
political parties.
è In dictatorships, similar influences occur but less visibly.
è Thus, foreign policies adopted by states generally reflect some kind of process of domestic coalition
formation. Of course, international factors also affect domestic politics.
è Interest groups are coalitions of people who share a common interest in the outcome of some
political issue and who organize themselves to try to influence the outcome .
è Lobbying is the process of talking with legislators or officials to influence their decisions on some set
of issues. Three important elements that go into successful lobbying are
 the ability to gain a hearing with busy officials,
 the ability to present cogent arguments for one’s case,
 the ability to trade favors in return for positive action on an issue.
è Ethnic groups within one state often become interest groups concerned about their ancestral nation
outside that state.
è Clearly, interest groups have goals and interests that may or may not coincide with the
national interest as a whole.
è according to Marxist theories of international relations, the key domestic influences on foreign
policy in capitalist countries are rich owners of big businesses

Public Opinion
è Many domestic actors seek to influence public opinion—the range of views on foreign policy issues
held by the citizens of a state.
è Public opinion has greater influence on foreign policy in democracies than in authoritarian
governments.
è Because of the need for public support, even authoritarian governments spend great effort on
propaganda—the public promotion of their official line—to win support for foreign policies.
è Journalists serve as the gatekeepers of information passing from foreign policy elites to the public.
The media and government often conflict because of the traditional role of the press as a watchdog
and critic of government actions and powers.
è In democracies, public opinion generally has less effect on foreign policy than on domestic policy.
è Governments sometimes adopt foreign policies for the specific purpose of generating public approval
and hence gaining domestic legitimacy.
 This is the case when a government undertakes a war or foreign military intervention at a
time of domestic difficulty, to distract attention and gain public support.
 Such a strategy takes advantage of the “rally ‘round the flag” syndrome—the public’s
increased support for government leaders during wartime, at least in the short term.
è Citizens who would readily criticize their government’s policies on education or health care often
refrain from criticism when the government is at war and the lives of the nation’s soldiers are on the
line. Policies of this sort are often labeled diversionary foreign policy.

 Legislatures (საკანონმდებლო
ორგანოები)
è One conduit through which interest groups and public opinion may wield influence is legislatures.
è In parliamentary systems, such as Great Britain, executives (for example, prime ministers) are
chosen by the political parties that hold a dominant position in the legislative bodies.

 Making Foreign Policy

è Foreign policies are the strategies that governments use to guide their actions in the international
arena.
è Foreign policies spell out the objectives that state leaders have decided to pursue in a given
relationship or situation.
è the foreign policy process—how policies are arrived at and implemented.
è states establish various organizational structures and functional relationships to create and carry out
foreign policies.
è Officials and agencies collect information about a situation through various channels; they write
memoranda outlining possible options for action; they hold meetings to discuss the matter; they
sometimes meet privately to decide how to steer the meetings. Such activities, broadly defined, are
what is meant by the phrase “the foreign policy process.”
è Foreign policy outcomes result from multiple forces at various levels of analysis. While the previous
section discussed the state-level institutions, here the focus is on individual decision makers and the
groups they operate within.

 Models of Decision Making

è The foreign policy process is a process of decision making.
States take actions because people in governments—decision makers—choose those actions.
Decision making is a steering process in which adjustments are made as a result of feedback from
the outside world.
Decisions are carried out by actions taken to change the world, and then information from the
world is monitored to evaluate the effects of these actions

è A common starting point for studying the decision-making process is the rational model. In this
model, decision makers set goals, evaluate their relative importance, calculate the costs and benefits
of each possible course of action, and then choose the one with the highest benefits and lowest costs.
è The choice may be complicated by uncertainty (გაურკვევლობა) about the costs and benefits of
various actions
è The rational model of decision making is somewhat complicated by uncertainty and the multiple
goals of decision makers. Thus, the rational model may imply that decision making is simpler than is
actually the case.
è An alternative to the rational model of decision making is the organizational process model.
 In this model, foreign policy decision makers generally skip the labor-intensive process of
identifying goals and alternative actions, relying instead for most decisions on standardized
responses or standard operating procedures.
è Another alternative to the rational model is the government bargaining model (or bureaucratic
politics model), (სამთავრობო ვაჭრობის მოდელი)
 in which foreign policy decisions result from the bargaining process among various government
agencies with somewhat divergent interests in the outcome.
 according to the government bargaining model, foreign policy decisions reflect (a mix of) the
interests of state agencies.

 Individual Decision Makers

è Every international event is the result, intended or unintended, of decisions made by individuals.
è The study of individual decision making revolves around the question of rationality.
è The most simplified rational-actor models assume that interests are the same from one actor to
another. If this were so, individuals could be substituted for each other in various roles without
changing history very much.
è Individual decisions would reflect the values (ფასეულობები) and beliefs of the decision maker.
è Beyond individual idiosyncrasies in goals or decision-making processes, individual decision
making diverges from the rational model in at least three systematic ways:
1. First, decision makers suffer from misperceptions and selective perceptions when they compile
information on the likely consequences of their choices
 Misperceptions can affect the implementation of policy by low-level officials as well as its
formulation by high-level officials.
 2. Second, the rationality of individual cost-benefit calculations is undermined by emotions that
decision makers feel while thinking about the consequences of their actions—an effect referred
to as affective bias.
3. Third, cognitive biases are systematic distortions of rational calculations based not on emotional
feelings but simply on the limitations of the human brain in making choices. The most important
bias seems to be the attempt to produce cognitive balance—or to reduce cognitive dissonance.
è One implication of cognitive balance is that decision makers place greater value on goals that they
have put much effort into achieving—the justification of effort.
è Decision makers also achieve cognitive balance through wishful thinking— an overestimate of the
probability of a desired outcome. A variation of wishful thinking is to assume that an event with a
low probability of occurring will not occur.
è A decision maker may also experience psychological projection of his or her own feelings onto
another actor.
è Another form of cognitive bias, related to cognitive balance, is the use of historical analogies to
structure one’s thinking about a decision.
 Each historical situation is unique in some way, and when a decision maker latches onto an
analogy and uses it as a shortcut to a decision, the rational calculation of costs and benefits may be
cut short as well
è All of these psychological processes—misperception, affective biases, and cognitive biases—interfere
with the rational assessment of costs and benefits in making a decision.
è Two specific modifications to the rational model of decision making have been proposed to
accommodate psychological realities:
1. First, the model of bounded rationality takes into account the costs of seeking and processing
information. Instead of optimizing, or picking the very best option, people usually work on the
problem until they come up with a “good enough” option that meets some minimal criteria; this
is called satisficing.
2. Second, prospect theory provides an alternative explanation of decisions made under risk or
uncertainty. According to this theory, decision makers go through two phases.
1. In the editing phase, they frame the options available and the probabilities of various
outcomes associated with each option.
2. Then, in the evaluation phase, they assess the options and choose one.
 Prospect theory holds that evaluations take place by comparison with a reference point,
which is often the status quo but might be some past or expected situation.

 Group Psychology
è Groupthink refers to the tendency for groups to reach decisions without accurately assessing their
consequences because individual members tend to go along with ideas they think the others support.
è Unlike individuals, groups tend to be overly optimistic about the chances of success and are thus
more willing to take risks.
è The structure of a decision-making process—the rules of the decision makers, how voting is
conducted, and so forth—can affect the outcome, especially when no single alternative appeals to a
majority of participants.
è Some groups depend heavily on informal consultations in addition to formal meetings. Some leaders
create a “kitchen cabinet”—a trusted group of friends who discuss policy issues with the leader even
though they have no formal positions in government.

 Crisis Management
è Crises are foreign policy situations in which outcomes are very important and time frames are
compressed.
è Crisis decision making is harder to understand and predict than is normal foreign policy decision
making.
è Groupthink occurs easily during crises.
During the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, President John F. Kennedy created a small, closed group of
advisers who worked together intensively for days on end, cut off from outside contact. Even the
president’s communication with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev was rerouted through Kennedy’s
brother Robert and the Soviet ambassador, cutting out the State Department. Recognizing the
danger of groupthink, Kennedy left the room from time to time—removing the authority figure
from the group—to encourage free discussion. The group managed to identify an option (a naval
blockade) between their first two choices (bombing the missile sites or doing nothing).
è Participants in crisis decision making not only are rushed but also experience severe psychological
stress, amplifying the biases just discussed.

 Social Theories
è Several distinct approaches in IR theory may be grouped together as social theories, meaning that
they rely on social interaction to explain individuals’ and states’ preferences.

Constructivism
è Constructivism, a fast-growing approach in IR, asks how states construct their interest through their
interactions with one another. It is best described as an approach rather than a theory because,
when stripped to its core, it says nothing about IR per se.
è Constructivism is interested in how actors define their national interests, threats to those interests,
and their relationships with one another. Realists (and neoliberals) tend simply to take state interests
as given.
è Constructivists hold that these state identities are complex and changing and arise from interactions
with other states—often through a process of socialization.
è Another field of constructivist research also relies heavily on international norms and their power to
constrain state action.
è Although realists (and neoliberals) contend that states make decisions based on a logic of
consequences (“What will happen to me if I behave a certain way?”), constructivist scholars note
that there is a powerful logic of appropriateness (“How should I behave in this situation?”).
è Some contend that individuals labeled norm entrepreneurs, through travel, writing, and meeting
with elites, change ideas and encourage certain types of norms.