(Adolescence and Society) Erica Frydenberg - Adolescent Coping - Promoting Resilience and Well-Being-Routledge (2018)

Adolescent Coping
How do young people cope with the multitude of difficult situations and scen-
arios that are associated with growing up, like anxiety and depression, as well as
illness, rejection and family breakdown? How can we facilitate and encourage,
through a combination of health, well-being and positive mindset, healthy devel-
opment during adolescence and beyond?
With a substantial focus on the positive aspects of coping, including an
emphasis on developing resilience and the achievement of happiness, Erica
Frydenberg presents the latest developments in the field of coping. Adolescent
Coping highlights the ways in which coping can be measured and implemented
in a wide range of circumstances and contexts, with suggestions for the develop-
ment of coping skills and coping skills training, and it provides strong scholarly
evidence for the concepts and constructs that it promotes as providing a pathway
to resilience. The work is framed as an ongoing interaction between individuals
and their environments as represented by the psychosocial ecological model of
Bronfenbrenner.
The major theories of coping are articulated that take account of the transac-
tional model, resources theories and proactive models of coping. Areas of recent
interest such as neuroscience and epigenetics are included, alongside a new
chapter, ‘Cyberworld’, which provides insights on new and relevant topics such
as mindfulness and the impact of social media as they relate to coping in the
contemporary context.
Adolescent Coping will be of interest to practitioners in psychology, social
work, sociology, education and youth and community work as well as to stu-
dents on courses in adolescent development in these fields.
Erica Frydenberg is an educational, clinical and organisational psychologist

who has practised extensively in the Australian educational setting, before
joining the staff of the University of Melbourne, where she is a Principal
Research Fellow and Associate Professor in psychology in the Melbourne
Graduate School of Education.
Adolescence and Society
Series Editor: John C. Coleman
Department of Education, University of Oxford
In the 20 years since it began, this series has published some of the key texts in
the field of adolescent studies. The series has covered a very wide range of sub-
jects, almost all of them being of central concern to students, researchers and
practitioners. A mark of its success is that a number of books have gone to
second and third editions, illustrating its popularity and reputation.
The primary aim of the series is to make accessible to the widest possible
readership important and topical evidence relating to adolescent development.
Much of this material is published in relatively inaccessible professional jour-
nals, and the objective of the books has been to summarise, review and place in
context current work in the field, so as to interest and engage both an under-
graduate and a professional audience.
The intention of the authors is to raise the profile of adolescent studies among
professionals and in institutions of higher education. By publishing relatively
short, readable books on topics of current interest to do with youth and society,
the series makes people more aware of the relevance of the subject of adoles-
cence to a wide range of social concerns.
The books do not put forward any one theoretical viewpoint. The authors
outline the most prominent theories in the field and include a balanced and crit-
ical assessment of each of these. While some of the books may have a clinical or
applied slant, the majority concentrate on normal development.
The readership rests primarily in two major areas: the undergraduate market,
particularly in the fields of psychology, sociology and education; and the profes-
sional training market, with particular emphasis on social work, clinical and
educational psychology, counselling, youth work, nursing and teacher training.
Also in this series:

Adolescent Coping
Erica Frydenberg
Social Networks in Youth and Adolescence

John Cotterell
Adolescent Coping
Promoting Resilience and Well-Being
3rd Edition
Erica Frydenberg
Third edition published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Erica Frydenberg
The right of Erica Frydenberg to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
First edition published by Routledge
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Frydenberg, Erica, 1943- author.
Title: Adolescent coping : promoting resilience and well-being / Erica
Frydenberg.
Description: 3rd edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge,
[2019] | Series: Adolescence and society Identifiers: LCCN 2018005517
(print) | LCCN 2018006049 (ebook) | ISBN 9781351677288 (web pdf) |
ISBN 9781351677271 (epub) | ISBN 9781351677264 ( mobipocket) |
ISBN 9781138055704 (hbk) | ISBN 9781138055711 (pbk) |
ISBN 9781315165493 (ebk)
Subjects: LCSH: Adjustment (Psychology) in adolescence.
Classification: LCC BF724.3.A32 (ebook) | LCC BF724.3.A32 F78 2019
(print) | DDC 155.5/1824–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018005517
ISBN: 978-1-138-05570-4 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-05571-1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-16549-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
I dedicate this volume to my beautiful grandchildren, Oscar, Claudia, Luca,
Gemma and Blake. For Oscar and Claudia adolescence has arrived and it
is a joy to watch them make their transitions from childhood through
adolescence. Luca is not far behind and Gemma and Blake will gallop
through the years to catch up with them.
Contents
List of illustrations xi
Foreword xii
Preface xv
Acknowledgements xvii
List of acronyms xix
1 Positive psychology and related constructs 1

1.1 The socio-ecological model 2
1.2 Positive psychology 3
1.3 Well-being 5
1.4 Resilience 6
1.5 Grit 8
1.6 Emotional intelligence 9
1.7 Summary remarks 10
2 What is coping? 14
2.1 Early approaches 14
2.2 Theoretical understandings 16
2.3 Defining coping 17
2.4 Resource theories of coping 20
2.5 Communal coping 21
2.6 Proactive coping 22
2.7 Some theoretical issues 25
2.8 Summary comments 26
3 The measurement of coping 31

3.1 Review of coping 32
3.2 The ACS and the CSA 34
viii Contents
3.3 The short form of the ACS 36
3.4 Measuring effectiveness 41
3.5 Concluding remarks 41
4 Coping: What we have learned 44

4.1 Age and gender 45
4.2 Cross-cultural studies 45
4.3 Coping resources 46
4.4 Problem solving and coping 46
4.5 Well-being and coping 47
4.6 Bullying 47
4.7 Proactive coping 48
4.8 Refugee adolescents and their coping 49
4.9 Special groups of young people 52
5 Family coping: Culture and context 58

5.1 Development and the family 58
5.2 The ideal family 61
5.3 Family patterns of coping 62
5.4 Some issues to consider 65
6 Well-being and resilience 73

6.1 Well-being 74
6.2 Relationship between well-being and coping 75
6.3 School connectedness 76
6.4 School belonging 76
6.5 Academic coping 78
6.6 Mindset 79
7 An intersect: Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics 85

7.1 The ecological approach 86
7.2 The adolescent brain 87
7.3 The social brain 90
7.4 Epigenetics 91
7.5 Mindsight 92
7.6 Resilience and culture 93
Contents ix
8 Anxiety, depression and other related conditions 96
8.1 Anxiety 97
8.2 Self-esteem and anxiety 97
8.3 Anxiety sensitivity 98
8.4 Parenting style 99
8.5 Depression 100
8.6 Coping and depression 101
8.7 Suicide 105
8.8 Breaking the cycle 106
8.9 Prevention of adolescent depression through programmes of
instruction 109
8.10 The relationship between depression, stress and coping 111
8.11 Rumination 114
8.12 Self-harm 115
9 Coping with diverse conditions 122

9.1 Eating disorders 122
9.2 Coping with boredom 127
9.3 Loneliness and coping 127
9.4 Chronic illness 129
10 Adolescent risk 134

10.1 Transition 134
10.2 Risk factors 135
10.3 Protective factors 138
10.4 Adolescent risk-taking 139
10.5 Coping with stress 141
11 Learning to cope 147

11.1 Coping resources 147
11.2 Using the adolescent coping scale for interventions 149
11.3 Coping programmes 151
11.4 A clinical case example using the ACS-2 157
11.5 Mindfulness and compassion training 160
x Contents
12 Technology and social media: The good and the bad 167
12.1 Opportunities and benefits 168
12.2 Challenges and risks 172
12.3 Risk-coping behaviours and digital resilience 178
13 Final thoughts 192
Index 197
Illustrations
Figures
1.1 Model of the relationship between coping, positive
psychology, wellbeing, resilience and related constructs 10
2.1 Adolescent appraisal process 19
6.1 Items contributing to the emotional wellbeing and school
connectedness scales 77
7.1 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory of development 87
7.2 The functions of the brain 88
11.1 Revised coping modules 152
11.2 Jason’s coping strategies profile 158
Tables
3.1 Coping strategies of ACS-2 and CSA-2 37
4.1 The conceptual groupings (strategies and styles) of the
Adolescent Coping Scale 45
11.1 Adolescent Coping Scale, 2nd edition 159
Foreword
I am delighted to be able to write a Foreword to this excellent book. First pub-

lished in 1997 and called at that time Adolescent Coping: Theoretical and
Research Perspectives it has been one of the most successful publications in the
“Adolescence and Society” series. Testament to that is that a second edition was
published in 2008, and this is now the third edition. The author has changed the
title to reflect the growing interest in resilience and well-being, and to highlight
the place that the concept of coping plays in the broader field of interventions in
mental health. An enormous amount has changed for young people since 1997,
as well as in the approaches to mental health and well-being. It is a tribute to the
author that she has remained committed to her work in the field of coping, while
recognising the changes that have occurred. She has ensured that her contribu-
tion continues to be relevant in the context of the newer perspectives that have
emerged in the past 20 years.
There are many examples of the shifting paradigms that have affected
approaches to coping in recent years. In the first place the popularity of positive
psychology, and the influence of Martin Seligman in particular, needs to be con-
sidered as part of the overall discourse. The author has recognised this by setting
her first chapter in this context. There have been a number of attempts to intro-
duce new ideas into this field, and psychologists and others have come forward
with concepts such as grit, well-being, emotional intelligence, and of course
resilience.
Another trend that is sweeping the mental health world involves activities
associated with the concept of mindfulness. This has become popular in many
settings, and in the UK there is currently a major study underway looking at how
mindfulness affects school performance for teenagers. The proliferation of newer
ideas, some of them more substantial than others, has contributed a lot of confu-
sion to the field. There is no doubt that the overlap between these approaches
makes things more challenging for any commentator, with questions about defi-
nitions abounding. The author navigates a careful and successful course between
these difficulties.
In addition to the shifting perspectives on the current interventions relating to
coping, our concerns about the mental health of young people have altered over
the years. Many studies appear to indicate that the mental health of adolescents
Foreword xiii
has worsened since the 2000s. Recent research has emphasised the situation of
girls in middle adolescence, where evidence shows higher levels of emotional
problems such as anxiety and depression. The author has recognised this
worrying trend, and has therefore introduced more content on the various dis-
orders that are of special concern in adolescence. Apart from the emotional prob-
lems just mentioned, there is a focus here on eating disorders, as well as suicide
and self-harm. New topics have emerged as risk factors for adolescents in the
21st century, including the influence of social media, poverty and war, loneliness
and boredom. All these topics are covered here.
The author sets the concept of coping within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological
model of human development. This is appropriate in view of the impact of the
environment on the development and maturation of young people. In particular
the author notes the growth of interest in the concept of school connectedness.
This is something that has only emerged recently as a useful way of under-
standing the notion of the young person’s identification and attachment to the
school and to all it stands for. School connectedness has been the focus of much
research activity in the last few years, and the use of this concept brings together
ideas about a whole school approach, school belonging, and of course the idea
that there is a lot more to the school experience over and above academic
performance.
Turning now to another new chapter, I am delighted to see that the author has
included content on neuroscience and on genetics. While she asks the reasonable
question of why these topics should be included in a book on coping, the answer
she gives is solid indeed. These advances in science are having a profound effect
on our understanding of adolescent development. As is noted here, until recently
it was believed that brain development ceased at the end of childhood. We now
know that the brain continues to develop into the mid-twenties. Further, we also
now know that the changes that occur during the teenage years are some of the
most significant throughout the whole of the life cycle. Why should this matter
for our understanding of coping?
There are three main reasons. First, if we acknowledge the amount of change
and adaptation that is experienced by those progressing through the teenage
years, we will have a better grasp of why coping matters. Second maturation of
the various sites in the brain does not progress at exactly the same rate. Thus the
areas to do with thinking, reasoning and problem solving may mature more
slowly in some young people than in others. The progress that occurs in these
key areas of the brain will inevitably have a significant influence on the individ-
ual’s capacity to regulate emotion and develop coping strategies. Finally there is
a broader point about the interaction between the brain and the environment.
Research shows clearly that nurturing environments encourage healthy brain
development, while restricted environments do the opposite. This is a critical
period in human development, and the more we can provide support and show
understanding of this stage, the more young people are likely to flourish.
Many adults believe that the advent of social media has had a major impact
on the mental health of adolescents. It is thus important for any exploration of
xiv Foreword
coping to take into account the possible threats posed by social media. There is
no doubt that the opportunities provided by this new means of communicating
allow for potentially threatening experiences. These include cyberbullying,
sexting, grooming, and exposure to pornography. However there is also a strong
argument for emphasising the positive opportunities that are afforded by the
Internet.
The dilemma of there being both positive and potentially negative experi-
ences associated with the digital world poses key questions for anyone interested
in the topic of coping. Here the author tackles these questions head on. She
includes a section on what she calls digital resilience, a topic that should be
taken seriously by all adults. There is no doubt that media literacy is something
about which schools and educators should be thinking creatively. There is a real
challenge in being able to teach this effectively, but unless this is included in the
school curriculum it will simply be something that young people have to work
out on their own. While on this topic it should also be mentioned that parents too
urgently require good information about this topic. Most feel ignorant about the
world of social media. The more they can be provided with high quality informa-
tion about sensible coping strategies, the better.
I will conclude this Foreword by expressing my delight that the author has
been able to write a 3rd edition to this exceptional book about coping in adoles-
cence. Today there are growing concerns about the mental health of young
people. In addition this younger generation is facing an increasing number of
challenges. In view of all this it would seem that a continuing focus on the topic
of coping seems to be entirely appropriate. The book is rich in ideas about how
to understand and promote coping in young people. I am confident that this
edition will be invaluable to all those who work with young people, whether in
families, schools or in the community. I have no doubt that it will reach a very
wide readership.
John Coleman
Series Editor and developmental psychologist
Preface
It is difficult today to write a book about young people and their lives without
reference to well-being and resilience, which can be construed as an antidote or
antithesis of despair and depression.
Indeed, the answer to despair and depression is underscored by a construct
that is well supported by decades of research and practice as the best way to
build resilience and well-being and to insulate against despair and depression,
and that is through coping skills.
The two earlier versions of Adolescent Coping did make mention of resili-
ence and how that might be best achieved through contemporary understandings
of coping. After all, it is what people think, feel and do that makes the difference
in how they cope and how they become resilient. That approach is reinforced in
this volume. Despite resilience being on the tip of everyone’s tongue it remains
elusive and coping remains the best index of resilience. Since 2008 the interest
in and acceptance of positive psychology and well-being has become wide-
spread. Since positive psychology forms the underpinning of what we know
about coping and well-being there are numerous complementary theories that
can be incorporated in the positive psychology framework. Theories about
mindset and our belief in our capacity to grow our ability, along with grit and
determination and mindfulness with its focus of savouring the moment so that
life does not run away from us.
On a recent visit to Bhutan which is a human socio-political laboratory on
happiness, where they measure Gross National Happiness rather than Gross
National Product we saw a great deal of cultural happiness building at work.
Bhutan is a small, rural, landlocked country with a population in the high
800,000s. It has not known invasion, where the predominant religion is Bud-
dhism, and where there is immense national pride, a king and queen who are
much loved, and an acceptance of circumstances with gratitude, and mindfulness
is practised in the spiritual rather than the Western sense of the word. As the
population is surveyed biannually face to face, with a stratified sampling pro-
cedure detailed questions are asked about well-being. It is another way of check-
ing how people are coping.
For individuals, for groups and for communities a regular mental health and
well-being check is likely to contribute to good coping.
xvi Preface
In the Western world Robert Waldinger has extensively reported the longest-
running study on happiness, presented numerous TED talks and produced
extended publications that span over seven decades (Waldinger, Cohen, Schulz,
& Crowell, 2015). The study tracked the lives of 724 men for 78 years. The
investigators surveyed the group every two years about their physical and mental
health, their professional lives, their friendships and their marriages and they
were also subjected to periodic in-person interviews, medical examinations,
blood tests and brain scans. Waldinger reports quite unequivocally that the take
home message is that good relationships keep us happier and healthier and that
loneliness kills. Having warm and secure relationships in childhood is a good
predictor of close relationships when you are an adult. It is not just about having
good parent–child relationships but also about having a good relationship with at
least one sibling. Learning to cope with stress and having good relationships to
assist in that task has a lifelong payoff. Waldinger talks about strategies such as
altruism and the ability to put worries out of your mind until you can do some-
thing about them as being helpful. He identifies maladaptive or unhelpful coping
strategies such as denial, acting out or projecting the blame on to others. Overall,
the payoffs were cascading in that those who had more adaptive strategies were
easier to be with and received support from others when needed and additional
benefits included having brains that stayed sharper longer.
All in all, relationships matter and so does coping. Preparing young people
for a happy future is a worthy undertaking and in some measure Adolescent
Coping: Promoting Resilience and Well-being has that mission.
Reference
Waldinger, R. J., Cohen, S., Schulz, M. S., & Crowell, J. A. (2015). Security of attach-
ment to spouses in late life: Concurrent and prospective links with cognitive and emo-
tional well-Being. Clinical Psychological Science, 3(4), 516.
Acknowledgements
My most sincere appreciation and acknowledgements go to Professor John

Coleman. It was John Coleman who in the 1990s invited me to write Adolescent
Coping: Theoretical and Research Perspectives (1997) and a decade later
Adolescent Coping: Advances in Theory, Research and Practice (2008). A
further decade on he invited me to write Adolescent Coping: Promoting Resili-
ence and Well-being. I am grateful that John had the confidence in me and my
research at the outset, and continued to appreciate that coping could make an
ongoing contribution to issues in the changing adolescent landscape. Coping is a
robust universal construct that captures resilience and adaptation within diverse
situations and contexts across the decades. As the long-standing editor of this
important series John has graciously accepted the invitation to write the fore-
word for this volume.
To my colleague Rachel Liang, who since 2010 has helped make so much of
the coping research and publications come to print, I extend my appreciation.
Together we have designed and delivered numerous publications that relate to
coping across the lifespan, but more specifically we have worked together on
this volume to meet the numerous goals and deadlines that were set. Rachel has
brought grace, knowledge and diligence to the tasks that helped bring this book
to fruition.
Carmella Prideaux who has been a most generous friend with expertise in
both psychology and management, but most significantly she has willingly read
the manuscript and made editorial suggestions gently and professionally.
Dr Jodie Lodge, who is a distinguished psychologist and researcher in her
own right, brought her expertise to the topic of technology and social media: the
good and the bad. She has provided a truly significant final chapter that enhances
the volume greatly.
There are always some unsung heroes in a publication. First, I am grateful to
the many students whose research is cited throughout the book. Their names are
also acknowledged in the publications to which they have contributed. Others
have shared clinical work or quotations that are reproduced anonymously. I truly
appreciate their generosity and contributions. Second, to the team at Routledge,
no doubt the names have changed in each iteration of the adolescent volume, but
on each occasion the team have been a pleasure to work with.
xviii Acknowledgements
Finally, and most importantly, there is my immediate family, Harry, Joshua,
Lexi, Amie and Adam, who have produced the delightful grandchildren to whom
this volume is dedicated. Family is everything; it is the colour, the dimension,
and the landscape against which empirical insights and knowledge come to life.
I am most appreciative for all that they have given me, and admire what they as
parents have given to their children.
Acronyms
ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

ACS Adolescent Coping Scale
ACMA Australian Communications and Media Authority
ADHD Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
AIHW Australian Institute of Health and Welfare
ASD Autism spectrum disorders
BASC-3 Behavioural Assesment System for Children (3rd edition)
BED binge eating disorder
BOC best of coping
CBT cognitive behaviour therapy
CDI Children’s Depression Inventory
COR conservation of resources
CORE Conservation of Resources Evaluation
CSA Coping Scale for Adults
DSM-5 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
EI Emotional Intelligence
EU European Community
FoMO fear of missing out
GAD generalised anxiety disorder
ICD-10 International Classification of Diseases and Related Heatlh Prob-
lems 10th Revision
ICT Information and Communications Technology
IM instant messaging
LEC Life Exposure Checklist
LSE low self-esteem
OCD obsessive-compulsive disorder
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
PFC prefrontal cortex
PTSD post-traumatic stress disorder
SEL social emotional learning
SMR standardised mortality ratio
SRG stress-related growth
T1DM type 1 diabetes mellitus
xx Acronyms
TCEO Townsville Catholic Education Office
UK United Kingdom
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
USA United States of America
US United States
WHO World Health Organization
1 Positive psychology and related
constructs
Coping is having life problems and dealing with them in a mature way and resili-
ence is having patience and having faith.
(Male, 14.8 years)
Adolescence is a period of transition from childhood to adulthood. In recent

years it has been considered to cover the period between ten and 19 years of age,
a period that requires navigation on the part of the adolescent and those around
him/her to develop knowledge and skills which are fundamental to assuming
adult roles (WHO, 2017).1 It is the period when issues around puberty, gaining
independence from parental influence, dealing with sexual concerns and decision
making have to be managed (see Spear, 2000a). The focus of this volume is on
adolescents in the context of their worlds and how they cope. More particularly,
how coping skills can be a tool for achieving resilience.
The period has been described as a ‘moving target’ in which development and
adjustment are not predictable. It can be both a particularly stressful period of
life and a very significant time for the development and practice of personal
coping skills. It is the time in which a progressive shift occurs in stress reaction
and coping, predicated upon major biological and cognitive changes, including
neurochemical, hormonal, steroidal and structural changes in the body and brain
(Spear, 2000b).
Our view of adolescence as a cohort is also undergoing change. In the 1980s
the concern was that adolescents were growing up too fast and too soon as they
matured physically and socially, being sexually active at an early age and grap-
pling with family stresses such as parental divorce or separation (Elkind, 1988).
This is no longer the case. In 2017 a landmark study of eight million American
youth, who were compared to their counterparts of several decades earlier (Twenge
& Park, 2017), found that adolescents are growing up more slowly, with 18-year-
olds being more like the 15-year-olds of previous decades. They are less likely to
have a job, date, leave the house without their parents, drive or have sex. Parents
are much more involved in their children’s lives and provide fewer opportunities
for them to become adults. The mobile phone has been described as the longest
umbilical cord. Technology certainly looms large in young people’s lives.
2 Positive psychology
Furthermore, since I wrote Adolescent Coping: Advances in Theory Research
and Practice, there have also been developments in several interrelated move-
ments in the field of psychology that contribute to our understanding of how
people cope and how they go beyond coping to flourish, enjoy well-being and
achieve happiness. The developments are complimentary and synergistic. This
chapter considers these theoretical developments and how the field of coping can
be located in the context of contemporary psychology research and practice.
The most significant of these developments has been positive psychology.
The positive psychology movement has been strongly propelled by the work of
Martin Seligman and his colleagues and can be construed as an orientation that
incorporates well-being and resilience. Researchers and practitioners have con-
sidered the benefits of seeing life from a perspective that focuses on ability rather
than disability, on health and well-being and on what people can do rather than
focusing on pathology and what people cannot do. In a complementary way
approaches to well-being focus not just on the absence of illness but also on how
well people can manage their lives to achieve a state of well-being in multiple
domains. Resilience too has become very much part of the positive psychology
movement with its focus on how people recover from adversity and, more
recently, on how they can move forward in their lives. Positive psychology is a
philosophical approach that underpins human endeavour and, along with the
related and complementary concepts of emotional intelligence, hope, grit,
mindset and mindfulness, can be integrated and accommodated into coping
research and practice. These related constructs have been adopted into the
positive psychology movement and highlight how our understandings of human
endeavour are continuously evolving.
As a precursor to some of these developments in the positive psychology
domain, the socio-cultural approach to human endeavour underpins our under-
standings of how people interact and react within their environments. Coping
and development do not occur in isolation; understanding and promoting adoles-
cent development and adaption needs to be located in a socio-cultural context.
1.1 The socio-ecological model

Bronfenbrenner’s (1978) socio-ecological systemic approach is a good fit for
understanding how people cope, that is, coping in context. The socio-ecological
model posits that the relationship between individuals and their environments is
reciprocal in that individuals are influenced by their environments and in turn
impact their environments. Micro systems, such as family, school, workplace
and neighbourhood, bear a direct influence on the individual; these are comple-
mented by the macro systems, that is, the socio-cultural political context in
which the individual is located. So, cultural contextual influences along with the
more direct family, peer, school and workplace influences are important. It is the
environment in which individuals operate, taking account of both proximal (e.g.
school, workplace) and distal (e.g. economic, cultural) factors. In the 1980s
Bronfenbrenner emphasised that both the ecological and developmental contexts
Positive psychology 3
are relevant. As with coping, there is an assumption that there is a bidirectional
transaction between individuals and their environments and an interplay between
context and development (see Chapter 7 for more detail on Bronfenbrenner’s
model). Thus, when it comes to resilience and coping, the philosophical, socio-
cultural and developmental influences are all relevant and need to be taken into
consideration.
1.2 Positive psychology

Towards the end of the 20th century, Martin Seligman, during his term as Presi-
dent of the American Psychological Association, encouraged us to look at what
is going well rather than what is going wrong in our lives. This personal shift in
thinking, by influential figures in contemporary psychology such as Seligman
and Csikszentmihalyi (2000), has propelled widespread international interest in
research and practice in mental and physical health and a belief in a capacity to
learn skills to enhance well-being in individuals and communities. Achieving
well-being and a capability to deal effectively with life situations requires a con-
fluence of factors, including an environment that is conducive to growth and
achieving satisfaction with life. For both adults and children to flourish in school,
family and community, there is a requirement that everybody meets their basic
needs, such as having adequate food and shelter and feeling safe and cared for.
In addition, certain skills can be learned to maximise growth and potential for
individuals within their contexts. When basic needs are met, and there is ade-
quate self-worth and support from others, the individual can ‘self-actualise’ and
achieve goals to flourish.
[Positive psychology] at the personal level is about having experiences that
are valued, having a sense of wellbeing, contentment, and satisfaction (in the
past); hope and optimism (for the future); and happiness (in the present). At the
individual level, it is about having a capacity for love and endeavour, courage,
interpersonal skill, aesthetic sensibility, perseverance, forgiveness, originality,
future mindedness, spirituality, high talent, and wisdom. At the group level, it is
about the civic virtues and the institutions that move individuals toward better
citizenship: responsibility, nurturance, altruism, civility, moderation, tolerance,
and work ethic.
This frequently cited definition (adapted from Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi,
2000, p. 5), highlights the fact that positive psychology is concerned with
achieving a state of happiness and satisfaction as well as with good citizenship.
It is about achieving pleasure from positive experiences and contributing to the
greater good.
The four pillars of positive psychology have been described as virtue,
meaning, resilience and well-being. While positive psychology is an orientation
that was born out of work with adults, many of the tenets and pillars have relev-
ance for adolescents. Children often imitate or aspire to do whatever adults
around them do. However, by adolescence this may be reflected as a wish to be
different and to express their individual identity. The foundations for social
learning are set in the early years and continue to develop throughout the adoles-
cent years into adulthood. To be virtuous is not just about being good, but also
about focusing on the common good, that is, compassion for others, often
reflected in empathy, giving and sharing. The centrality of meaning is an adult
concept in terms of creating the good life. For adolescents it is often expressed
in terms of caring about issues that resonate, such as the environment, elimin-
ating poverty or world peace.
Finding meaning has been associated with positive emotion, achievement,
relationship, intimacy, religion/spirituality, self-transcendence, self-acceptance
and fairness/social justice (Wong, 1989). Much of this applies to adolescents and
can be learned both within and external to the family. The concepts are reflected
in the coping literature.
1.2.1 Happiness
Happiness is ultimately the striving that is innate and not readily achieved but,
according to Seligman on his website, the best recommendation for happiness is
to locate your strengths and find new ways to deploy them. Adults can certainly
locate their strengths and find creative ways to utilise them and adults can also
help adolescents to do that. All the evidence points to the fact that people clearly
want to be happy. Indeed, happiness is what parents want for their children
(Seligman, 2011). And we know that those who achieve happiness across the
lifespan are buoyed and sustained by good relationships and helpful coping strat-
egies (Martin-Joy et al., 2017).
Well-being itself is also a much-used concept that has been linked to happiness.
We all strive for well-being. It is not just the absence of ill health or not being dis-
appointed when we strive for something that we do not achieve, it is about experi-
encing positive emotions, being able to savour the moment and having satisfaction.
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (2008), the co-founder, with Seligman, of the positive
psychology movement, pointed out that rather than happiness being something that
just happens to us it is something that we ‘make happen’.
Three core components are necessary for positive mental health, namely,
emotional well-being, physiological well-being and social well-being (Wester-
hof & Keyes, 2010). From a philosophical perspective, emotional well-being has
been divided into two areas. From the Aristotelian Greek word there is feeling
good or hedonic well-being, which is characterised by the pursuit of pleasure
that is generally measured using positive affect; namely cheerfulness, happiness
and contentment. Additionally, there is the pursuit of functioning well in life or
eudaimonic well-being. This focuses on psychological and social well-being
(Huppert & Johnson, 2010). It is the psychological well-being that is required
for optimal functioning and not just the absence of psychological ill-health
(Keyes, 2007). Psychological well-being is about having a purpose and meaning,
while social well-being is about a belief that life matters and contributing as a
member of society. This provides a purpose, contribution, intimacy, acceptance
and mastery in life (Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009).
While positive psychology has emphasised the experience of positive emo-
tions, it does not imply that we are not interested in also identifying and labelling
negative emotions. We learn to appreciate the good through negative experi-
ences and losses. However, generally it is through the positive emotional experi-
ences that we broaden and build our personal resources for living the good life
(Fredrickson, 2004). As adults, we strive to build resources such as the physical,
psychological, intellectual and social. Positive psychology is intrinsically associ-
ated with well-being.
1.3 Well-being
Historically, conceptualisations of well-being tend to equate it with the absence
of distress and negative conditions, while more recently well-being has been
conceptualised as the prevalence of positive self-attributes, such as positive
affect and mental and physical health (Ryff & Singer, 2008; Keyes, 2002). For
example, the National Survey of Mental Health and Well-being, the largest study
of child and adolescent mental health conducted in Australia, and one of the few
national studies conducted in the world, characterised well-being as the absence
of ‘mental disorders’ (Sawyer, Kosky, Graetz, Arney, & Zubrick, 2000). In con-
trast, Fraillon (2004) proposed a child and adolescent model of well-being,
which advocated a multidimensional model using the concept of effective func-
tioning. Fraillon asserted that positive psychological definitions generally
encompass the following terms: the active pursuit of well-being; and a balance
of attributes, namely, positive affect or life satisfaction and prosocial behaviour.
The measure of student well-being is the degree to which a student is function-
ing effectively in the home, school and community. A comparative overview of
children’s well-being in rich countries by the UNICEF Office of Research (2013)
has identified five dimensions of well-being in children’s lives: material well-being;
health and safety; education; behaviours and risks; and housing and environment.
Fraillon (2004) recommended including two additional subdimensions of the intrap-
ersonal – in which there are the nine subdimensions of autonomy, emotional regula-
tion, resilience, self-efficacy, self-esteem, spirituality, curiosity, engagement and
mastery orientation – and the interpersonal – in which there are the four subdimen-
sions of communicative efficacy, empathy, acceptance and connectedness. Here
well-being is defined in terms of positive affect rather than the absence of distress
and it has been delineated into its component elements.
Drawing on Fraillon’s definition of student well-being, the degree to which a
student is functioning effectively in the school community, the Australian Depart-
ment of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations broadened it to: ‘A
sustainable state of positive mood and attitude, resilience and satisfaction with
self, relationships and experiences at school’ (NSW Department of Education,
2015, p. 2). This reflects the most common characteristics in the well-being liter-
ature – namely: positive affect; resilience; satisfaction with relationships and
other dimensions of one’s life; effective functioning; and the maximising of
one’s potential – and these qualities are linked with coping.
Achieving well-being and a capacity to cope with life situations has been the
concern of philosophers since Aristotle, who is credited with saying that ‘happi-
ness depends upon ourselves’, which is rearticulated by Seligman. But to learn
the art of human existence requires an understanding of the dynamic process that
involves the interaction between one’s circumstances, activities and psycho-
logical resources for growth and ways of achieving a sense of meaning and satis-
faction with life within one’s cultural context. In order that both adults and
children may go beyond well-being to flourishing four main components are
considered to be required: goodness, generativity, growth and resilience (Fre-
drickson & Losada, 2005; also see Chapter 6). Researchers have identified dis-
tinctive coping profiles for individuals who are flourishing. Flourishing
individuals are engaged in more adaptive coping strategies – such as planning,
positive reframing and active coping – and fewer maladaptive coping strategies –
such as venting, behavioural disengagement and self-blame (Faulk, Gloria, &
Steinhardt, 2013).
1.4 Resilience
Like positive psychology and well-being resilience is a concept that captures
people’s attention in that we all want to be resilient. Resilience often refers to
the ability to be able to bounce back despite adversity or setbacks. However,
resilience has had a long history in that the word has evolved from engineering,
the term was used originally in the early nineteenth century to describe the prop-
erty of timber to withstand load without breaking.
More recently resilience has become part of our everyday vernacular, where
there is talk of individuals, such as students, patients, parents and leaders, along
with collectives, such as a school, a family or a community, being resilient.
Additionally, inanimate ‘objects’, such as medicine, the environment or a piece
of legislation have each been described as resilient. The construct has become a
catch-all that is difficult to define and distinguish in all circumstances, other than
signalling that it is about maximal survival in the face of adversity. Having good
coping resources contributes to resilience; it is an asset that can be acquired.
Like most concepts and constructs in psychology there are a range of defini-
tions and understandings of what constitutes resilience. Resilience comes from
the Latin salire to spring up and resilire meaning to leap or spring back, hence
the ‘bounce back from adversity’ concept of resilience. Broadly, resilience is
about a system’s capacity to adapt when its viability is threatened. Systems are
diverse at many levels, living or non-living, from microorganisms to child,
family, environment or community.
Resilience has featured in child development since World War II when it was
noted that many children died and others survived (Werner, 2000).2 Disasters
have also been a focus, and risk has been considered alongside resilience.
Michael Rutter published a landmark paper in 1987 that described resilience in
terms of processes and turning points and described ‘steeling effects’ where
exposure to stress served to prepare the individual for subsequent adaptation.
Overall, the individual aspect of resilience arose from trauma research where
there was an interest in an individual’s capacity to rebound despite adversity.
Resilience can be construed as a multifaceted dynamic process wherein indi-
viduals engage in positive adaptation despite experiences of significant adversity
or trauma (Lutha & Cicchetti, 2000). That is, to be resilient is to have a satis-
factory state of well-being and enjoy a state of happiness with supportive rela-
tionships, and that is akin to effective coping.
A summary of 73 definitions of resilience highlights that the majority of defi-
nitions focus on adaptation while only a few focus on growth (Meredith et al.,
2011). The construct might be captured best by Zautra and Reich (2010) who
define resilience broadly as being the meaning, methods and measures of a
fundamental characteristic of human adaptation. They postulate that resilience is
recovery, sustainability and growth from an individual or collectivist per-
spective; it is a single biological system to a person, an organisation, a neigh-
bourhood, a community, a city, a state or even a nation. Three features of this
definition relate to recovery, sustainability and growth. They acknowledge that,
‘our attention to these three features of resilience is best seen through the
dynamic lens of coping and adaptation’ (p. 175). Indeed, in that sense resilience
can be construed as a proxy for coping.
Masten (2001, 2013, 2014), a key researcher in the field of resilience, particu-
larly as it relates to development, has described resilience as ‘ordinary magic’. She
notes that the study of resilience has ‘turned on its head’ many negative assump-
tions and deficit-focused models of human behaviour. In fact, this challenge to the
negative and deficit approaches to the study of human endeavour has been gaining
momentum since the 1990s. Masten’s thesis examines the ordinariness of resilience.
For her, resilience derives from the human ‘adaptation system’ through the process
of development. What is promoted by the positive psychology movement and
coping researchers is the capacity of humans to grow their adaptation capabilities
through gaining insight into their experiences, active pursuit of their helpful coping
skills and/or participation in interventions that build the skills for resilience.
As resilience has come into the ‘lingua franca’ it has acquired a range of
meanings that are best captured by Masten when she wrote that, ‘resilience refers
to the class of phenomenon characterised by good outcomes in spite of serious
threats to adaptation or development’ (2001, p. 228). Masten refers to resilience
as being an ‘inferential and contextual construct that requires two major kinds of
judgements’ (2001, p. 228). The first judgement focuses on the threat or risk of
the inference, and the second involves the criteria by which adaptation or
developmental outcomes are assessed. This approach is consistent with the
appraisal processes in the coping literature, while evaluating outcomes is more a
feature of resilience (see Chapter 2 for appraisal theory of coping). For Masten,
‘resilience doesn’t come from rare or special qualities, but from everyday magic
of ordinary, normative human resources, in the minds, brains, bodies of children,
in their families and relationships, and in their communities’ (2001, p. 235).
Generally, adaptive systems are complex and include attributes such as indi-
vidual differences, family characteristics (socio-economic, parenting, family
structures) and extra-familial differences, such as neighbourhood, school and
mentors. Therefore, a single risk exposure is not a good measure and various
measures focus on cumulative risk.
Unlike coping, which consists of thoughts, feelings and actions, and has a
long-established history in measurement, the concept of resilience is not so
readily quantifiable, particularly given there is a judgement implied about
effective outcomes. As noted, resilience is regarded as two-dimensional, the first
being the exposure to adversity and the second the manifestation of successful
adaptation. However, these dimensions are linked to normative judgements as to
what constitutes desirable or positive outcomes. Additionally, the question has
been asked as to whether there is a trait of resilience? Masten (2013, 2014) says
a definite ‘No’. While there are personality and (or temperament) dimensions
consistently associated with resilience, such as conscientiousness, there is evid-
ence that experiences shape personality traits and that traits can influence expo-
sure to adversity. The same trait can function as a vulnerability or protective
influence, depending on the domain of adaptation, the physical or socio-cultural
value and meaning of the trait, and the age or gender of the individual (Shiner &
Masten, 2012). For example, an inhibited individual may have social difficulties
but is protected from risk-taking behaviours. The enduring controversies that
remain in the resilience literature relate to operationalising the complex phenom-
enon. There is age-salient development and individual competence. Adaptation
is influenced by culture and science, that is, who defines adaptive or doing well.
To conceptualise resilience as a trait rather than a state, bears the danger of
blaming the victim when things do not go well, and not seeing the potential for
growth.
Essentially resilience, like coping, is a strength-based approach that needs to
take into account vulnerability and protective factors as interventions that are
designed to maximise helpful outcomes. Nevertheless, it is best construed as an
outcome of coping.
1.5 Grit
Grit is another useful construct in the resilience and successful achievement
domain. Grit is defined as perseverance and passion for long-term goals (Duck-
worth, Peterson, Matthews, & Kelly, 2007). It encompasses stamina, passion or
interest and effort. Only half the questions in the Grit Scale are about responding
resiliently to failure (Duckworth & Quinn, 2009). So it is more than being resil-
ient in the face of adversity, it is having a deep commitment and loyalty. Grit
predicts success over and beyond talent. Therefore it is a useful educational and
training construct. Most highly successful people are both talented and gritty.
Hong (2014) argues that non-cognitive character traits are more important, or at
least as important, to success as cognitive abilities. There is an emphasis on
character strengths such as gratitude, honesty, generosity, empathy, social intel-
ligence, tact, charisma, and being proactive. Paul Tough’s 2012 book, How Chil-
dren Succeed. Grit, Curiosity and the Hidden Power of Character emphasises
that it is not so much about moral character but rather about performance
character.
Duckworth (2016), building on the work of Seligman, considered the rela-
tionship between grit and resilience, where resilience is construed as the capacity
to ‘bounce back’ from adversity, while for Seligman it is more about optimism
and seeing the possibilities of making changes in one’s life. Grit is seen as a
personality construct that identifies an individual’s long-term drive and determi-
nation. Therefore, having goals and pursuits and seeing demands as challenges
certainly is associated with grit. It is a relatively recent area of study with many
unanswered elements. For example, Levy and Steele (2011) consider that there
is an association between grit and attachment, certainly in the early years and
even more so in the adult years. Grit is captured in the educational context by
motivation and engagement (see Chapter 6) and is related to coping.
1.6 Emotional intelligence

Emotions have been linked to successful outcomes and well-being for a long
time. It is only since the 1990s that emotional intelligence has been most clearly
distinguished from general intelligence and seen as a path to success in relation-
ships and life in general. It is about intrapersonal and interpersonal life manage-
ment. Emotions play a big part in coping research and practice, to the extent that
some researchers, such as Richard Lazarus and Susan Folkman (1984), indeed
the main proponents of coping research, categorise coping into two main com-
ponents, problem related and emotion related.
The term emotional intelligence (EI) emerged in the 1990s from the work of
Salovey and Mayer. Described as a social intelligence, EI involves ‘the ability to
monitor one’s own and others’ emotions, to discriminate among them, and to use
the information to guide one’s thinking and actions’ (Salovey & Mayer, 1990,
p. 189). It includes the expression and regulation of emotions in both the self and
others using both verbal and non-verbal cues. EI uses these emotional abilities to
assist in solving problems. Similar to cognitive intelligence, different individuals
will be more or less emotionally intelligent. That is, those individuals who are
more aware of their own feelings and those of others are regarded as more emo-
tionally intelligent. Emotionally intelligent individuals are also more open to
both positive and negative emotions, have the ability to label emotions correctly
and can communicate these feelings appropriately.
High emotional awareness is argued to result in ‘effective regulation of affect
within themselves and others, and so contribute to well being’ (Mayer &
Salovey, 1993, p. 440). A variety of measures have been developed to measure
EI and, on the whole, empirical evidence lends support to EI being a ‘predictor
of significant outcomes across diverse samples in a number of real world
domains’ (Mayer, Roberts, & Barsade, 2008, p. 527). In young people, research
has found EI consistently predicts positive social outcomes, along with predict-
ing negative problem behaviours such as internalising and hyperactivity (Mayer
et al., 2008).
Positive Psychology
Academic Emotional
buoyance
ING
COP
intelligence
Mindfulness
COP
ING
Resilience Grit and
perseverance
Mindset
WELLBEING
RESILIENCE
Figure 1.1 Model of the relationship between coping, positive psychology, wellbeing,
resilience and related constructs.
In more recent years Daniel Goleman (2005, 2011) has popularised EI to the
point where it is readily acknowledged as a desirable quality in all relationships
across the lifespan, from the early years through to late adulthood. Goleman’s
focus has been mainly on the workplace where leadership and relational success
are critical to advancement in the hierarchy. In many roles that are people- or
customer-focused EI is essential to performance outcomes. In the adolescent
world EI is an all-important consideration given the importance of relationships
that may be direct or indirect, such as when using social media (see Chapter 12).
Figure 1.1 illustrates the interrelationship between positive psychology,
coping and the key constructs that have been considered in this chapter. Since
the field is under continuous evolvement and development it is also clear there
will be other constructs that will come on board and that will fit comfortably into
the positive psychology and coping space.
1.7 Summary remarks

While there is a well-established body of research and literature in the field of
coping that is dealt with in the next chapter there are numerous underpinnings and
interrelationships with other bodies of research that are significant in the con-
temporary context. Coping is a dynamic phenomenon in which there are ongoing
continuous interactions between persons and their environments. Thus, the socio-
cultural context is all important. Coping is underscored by positive psychology and
can incorporate and be integrated into evolving theories of human endeavour. It
can be integrated with constructs such as emotional intelligence, grit, motivation
and engagement. Coping is about thoughts, feelings and actions in the context of
the lives of individuals or groups. It is a key component of resilience and well-
being. It has been operationalised, measured and taught, and has numerous correl-
ates, such as age, gender and culture. It is a highly useful construct for research,
education and clinical practice. Coping can make a strong contribution to under-
standing the world of the adolescent and can be used to develop their skills to
thrive and flourish. The theoretical underpinnings and definitions of coping are
elaborated in Chapter 2.
Notes
1 The World Health Organization (WHO) defines adolescents as those people between
ten and 19 years of age. The great majority of adolescents are, therefore, included in
the age-based definition of ‘child’, adopted by the Convention on the Rights of the
Child, as a person under the age of 18. Other overlapping terms used in this report are
youth (defined by the United Nations as 15–24 years old) and young people (10–24
years old), a term used by WHO and others to combine adolescents and youth. Thus, in
this volume where ‘child’ is quoted in the text it generally refers to the lower end of the
adolescent spectrum or refers to the broad spectrum that comprises the pre-adult years.
2 The Kauai Hawaiian study of Emmy Werner and Ruth Smith in which young people
were tracked from 1955 until their sixties, with a particular focus on resilience. The
study is revisited in the concluding pages of this volume.
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2 What is coping?
Coping is a method of helping oneself deal with certain problems. My main

concern is getting an education.
(Female, 12.5 years)
Just as the theories of positive psychology, well-being, resilience, grit and emo-
tional intelligence have developed somewhat independently of each other despite
being related, research on stress and coping has also developed alongside these
constructs with numerous synergies being evident. That is often the way theories
emerge in psychology. There is strong support for coping as a construct that can
be accommodated in the positive psychology movement. It has been acknow-
ledged by some researchers that the contemporary popular concept of resilience
includes thoughts, feelings and actions that are utilised by individuals to achieve
a positive outcome, very much like the definition of coping. Furthermore, coping
can be readily incorporated and complemented by the positive psychology con-
structs such as well-being, resilience, grit, mindset and emotional intelligence,
which have been considered in Chapter 1.
2.1 Early approaches

Early interest in the adaptational process dates back to the nineteenth century
with the work of Sigmund Freud (1894/1964) and the work he did on psycho-
logical defences in an attempt to understand how people manage anxiety. When-
ever these unconscious defence processes have proved difficult to assess,
psychologists have turned to objective laboratory studies of stress (Selye, 1950),
or used checklists of life events (Holmes & Rahe, 1967), and the measurement
of coping followed.
In the mid-1970s Hans Selye described stress as ‘the non-specific response of
the body to any demands’ (1976, p. 472). He makes the distinction between
stress that mobilises the individual to effective performance (‘eustress’), such as
when there is heightened performance during a competition, and stress that is
more negative and has been labelled ‘distress’. Stress has been described as the
mismatch between the perceived demands of a situation and the individual’s
What is coping? 15
assessment of his or her resources to deal with those demands (Lazarus, 1991).
Stresses can be: physical, such as those pertaining to the environment like
extreme heat or cold; psychosocial, such as those experienced when relation-
ships are not working; and daily hassles, such as having missed the school bus.
It is ‘eustress’ that energises and maximises the achievement of potential.
Although the research history of coping goes back to the beginnings of the
psychoanalytic movement at the turn of the 19th century, coping only began to
be viewed as a process in the 1970s through the work of theorists such as Pearlin
and Schooler, Lazarus and Folkman, Billings and Moos, and Kobasa (Lazarus,
1993). These early theorists developed a range of different approaches to identi-
fying the ways in which coping may be related to given outcomes: some investi-
gated how personality characteristics may be antecedents to coping (Wheaton,
1983; Kobasa, 1979); others assessed how an individual actually copes with
stressful events (Billings & Moos, 1984); or studied the characteristics of stress-
ful events that individuals experience (Shanan, De-Nour, & Garty, 1976); and
still others researched the relative contributions of personality characteristics and
coping responses to psychological well-being (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978). Much
of the theory developed by the early researchers has been adopted and incorpor-
ated into current thinking and practice.
The research perspectives of these various theorists differed, at times
considerably, nevertheless they each viewed coping as the range of active
responses an individual develops to manage ‘life strains’ that impinge upon or
threaten them (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978). To attenuate the effects of these ‘life
strains’, or stressful experiences, an individual has recourse to three types of
response: responses that change the situation out of which stress arises (amelio-
rative coping), such as leaving the room when someone plays music you do not
like; responses that control the meaning of the strainful experience after it occurs
but before the emergence of stress (cognitive neutralisation), for example choos-
ing not to get annoyed by the music; and responses that function to control stress
itself after it has emerged (stress management), such as asking someone to lower
the volume of the music (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978).
Since the early days of stress research, the human stress response has been
characterised metaphorically as fight-or-flight in the face of threat (Cannon,
1932). There has been a major challenge to this theorising by the work of
Shelley Taylor and her colleagues (2000), who point out that the evidence for
fight-or-flight has largely been derived from work with male subjects, both
human and animal, and has not adequately taken into account the typical
responses of females. According to Taylor and colleagues, the biobehavioural
female stress response can be more accurately construed as ‘tend-and-befriend’
(Taylor et al., 2000). This response is directed at maximising the survival of self
and offspring by nurturing, protecting the offspring from harm, and affiliating
with others to reduce risk. This work throws into question much of our under-
standing about the gender-neutrality of responses in the stress and coping area.
Tend-and-befriend is not likely to replace the fight-or-flight metaphor, since both
males and females respond in the same way to situations of extreme stress, but it
16 What is coping?
adds another dimension to our understanding of how people respond to environ-
mental demands.
Coping responses are essentially inseparable from the stressors or life-strains
that they seek to ameliorate or overcome, and are equally inseparable from the
emotional impact, that is, the potential resultant effect of stressors. These stres-
sors, though, are determined by particular environmental circumstances and have
clear boundaries, in that they can originate in one area of an individual’s life,
such as family or peer group, and be insulated from others, as distinct from
psychological conditions, such as depression, that are all-pervading. Distinctions
need to be made between coping responses derived from social resources (such
as interpersonal networks – who can ‘help’), psychological resources (an indi-
vidual’s own personality characteristics and temperament, such as levels of self-
esteem, self-denigration and mastery – what people ‘are’) and specific coping
responses (the specific behaviours, cognitions and perceptions involved in the
response – what people ‘do’) (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978; Fleishman, 1984;
Austin, Shah, & Muncer, 2005; Kobasa, 1979).
There is a ‘vast array of responses that have the potentiality of being pressed
into service for the management of stress’ (Pearlin & Schooler, 1978, p. 7). Coping
is not a unidimensional behaviour, but functions at a number of levels and is
gained through a wide array of behaviours, perceptions and thought processes.
Theoretically, there is no good or bad coping. It is the situation and the
context that determines the outcome, along with the judgement of the individual.
However, we do know from research what is generally helpful coping and
unhelpful coping (see Chapter 4). For example, for some, speaking to a friend
before an examination can be helpful, while for others it could be seen as anxiety
generating. The self-evaluation of the individual in relation to likely outcomes
determines what is effective and what is not, given the circumstance. Self-
assessment of efficacy and capacity in terms of resources determines whether the
individual or group undertakes to change. Efficacy is what is implied in resili-
ence as it is the outcome that is considered, either objectively or subjectively.
2.2 Theoretical understandings

Coping can be distinguished from competence and resilience. Coping is the
process of adaptation; competence refers to characteristics and resources required
for successful adaptation; and resilience refers to outcomes to which competence
and coping have been put into action in response to stress and adversity. That is,
coping mobilises resources and resilience is the successful outcome.
The key theoretical formulations of coping have focused on how individuals
transact or deal with their environments and what resources they bring to the
encounter. Resources in that sense can be intrapersonal – such as coping skills,
personal characteristics and life experiences – and interpersonal – such as social
skills and the capability of being able to call on the help of others, be they
professionals, adults or peers. Additionally, there are environmental resources
that facilitate good outcomes, such as having a happy home and/or school
What is coping? 17
environment and having a positive peer group. These resources can be aug-
mented by instrumental resources that involve the capacity to purchase other
resources, such as a musical instrument if one is required. When it comes to
adolescents, peers play a significant role in their social and emotional develop-
ment. The contribution of the peer group can be a valuable resource as a positive
influence, but adolescents are also vulnerable to contagions of depression, eating
disorders and substance abuse (Dishion & Tipsord, 2011), to name just two vul-
nerabilities that may originate or be exacerbated by the peer group.
2.3 Defining coping

To date, much of the coping research in the child and adolescent area has been
predicated on the theorising of Folkman and Lazarus, which emphasises the
context in which the coping actions occur, the attempt rather than the outcome,
and the fact that coping is a process that changes over time, as the person and the
environment are continuously in a dynamic, mutually influential relationship
(Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Folkman & Lazarus, 1988). That is, it is not the
same circumstance that is being dealt with on an ongoing basis. For example, if
a person is so anxious about a performance that they are paralysed into inactivity
and do not prepare adequately, their anxiety is likely to be compounded. Thus, it
is an evolving or continuously changing experience. The theory of coping pro-
posed by Richard Lazarus is generally known as the transactional model of
coping, in which he defined coping as the response to the ‘ongoing cognitive and
behavioural demands that are taxing or exceeding the resources of the person’
(1993, p. 237).
Folkman (1997) made modifications to the original theoretical model of stress
and coping proposed by Lazarus and Folkman (1984), so as to accommodate
positive psychological states. Transactions with the environment are appraised as
threatening, harmful or challenging and, according to the model, stress is regulated
by emotion-focused strategies designed to reduce the distress or manage the
problem. These may lead to a favourable resolution, a non-resolution, or an unfa-
vourable resolution. According to this model, emotion is generated at three phases:
the appraisal phase; the coping phase; and the outcome phase.
There are three pathways. The first is directed by positive psychological states
that give meaning to the situation and lead to ‘revising goals and planning goal-
directed problem-focused coping’ (Folkman, 1997, p. 1216). The second
pathway is the response to the distress rather than the condition that created it.
This accounts for the co-occurrence of both negative and positive states where
the negative states, while they may be a result of enduring distress, may lead to
the individual striving to ascribe (consciously or unconsciously) positive
meaning to the event, such as ‘it is going to make me stronger’. Such interpreta-
tions may then lead to the use of resources such as hope, social support and self-
esteem. The third pathway derives from the positive psychological states that
result from the coping processes per se and can help the person re-motivate, re-
energise and re-engage in goal-directed activities. This formulation of stress and
18 What is coping?
emotion is yet to be tested on young people, but it would appear that, at least for
adolescents, the search for meaning and positive mindset in relation to some
situations is likely to hold true, such as those associated with school and the sub-
sequent impact on mood state. For example, not ascribing value to an assign-
ment can result in not putting effort into it.
Functional coping styles represent direct attempts to deal with the problem,
with or without reference to others. Dysfunctional coping styles relate to the use
of what we call non-productive strategies, such as worry and self-blame, while
productive coping has generally been associated with positive adaptation (Ebata
& Moos, 1991). The terms functional and dysfunctional styles do not refer to
‘good’ or ‘bad’ styles, since styles of coping are largely dependent on context. In
fact, whether one is deemed to be a good or bad coper depends on the skills one
brings to a particular environmental situation and the outcome following the
coping action/s. Furthermore, an individual can both change him or herself and
modify the environment (Aldwin, 2007). Inherently, a coping action is neither
good nor bad; in one context worry is helpful as a motivator to put in effort or
preparation and in another context, particularly when it is excessive, it is unhelp-
ful and impedes performance.
Studies examining the link between coping and well-being have identified
characteristics associated with more effective coping in adolescence. These char-
acteristics include temperament, optimism, perceived personal control, familial
factors (such as family cohesion, shared values, loving parents and a relationship
with at least one parent), and the availability of social support (see Chapter 4).
Research has found that coping strategies that focus on problem solving and
positive cognitions are related to fewer emotional, behavioural and substance use
problems (Compas, Malcarne, & Fondacaro, 1988; Ebata & Moos, 1991). In
contrast, avoidant or non-productive coping is generally associated with poor
adaptation and more mental health problems in adolescents (Ebata & Moos,
1991; Sandler, Wolchik, MacKinnon, Ayers, & Roosa, 1997; Frydenberg &
Lewis, 1999).
2.3.1 The role of appraisal

The concept of appraisal is one of the basic tenets of Lazarus’ theory. It is an
important part of the coping process and has explicatory power. Cognitive
appraisal is what a person does to evaluate whether a particular encounter is rel-
evant to his or her well-being. In each encounter two forms of appraisal are said
to take place: primary appraisal, where the question ‘What is at stake in terms of
potential harm or benefit?’ is asked; and secondary appraisal, where the question
is ‘What can be done about the situation or what are the options or resources
available?’ (Folkman, Lazarus, Gruen, & DeLongis, 1986). The appraisals may
initiate a chain of activity and coping actions to manage a situation. Tertiary
appraisal is when the individual evaluates the coping outcome of the coping
effort and decides whether it fits into his or her coping repertoire so that it can be
called into action on future occasions (see Figure 2.1).
What is coping? 19
Is it one of loss,
SITUATION
Primary harm, threat or
l e.g. dreaded social event challenge?
ica Appraisal
o log
ch te
P sy sta COPING
thoughts,
feelings,
STRATEGIES actions
UTILISED
IN COPING W R
Secondary
REPERTOIRE E E
Appraisal
L S
L I
Tertiary L
-
Appraisal I
B
Do I have the
E Resources E strategies to cope?
object N
Evaluating how it went I condition
e.g. staying calm, go with
a friend, stay as long as
How did it go? N personal C I feel comfortable
e.g. I did some self-
G energy E
talk and it worked e.g. hope,
self-esteem,
social support
s
OUTCOMES
ti on
E mo
Figure 2.1 Adolescent appraisal process.
Since the early research of Lazarus and Folkman (1984), when the concept of
appraisal was established as its central tenet, the benefit of positive thinking has
been incorporated into the coping literature. For example, the effect of positive
thinking on the appraisal of stress, coping and health outcomes has been argued
convincingly by Folkman (1997) and Naseem and Khalid (2010). Positive think-
ing allows the individual to interpret situations in ways that are conducive to
growth and success, in contrast, negative thinking leads to appraisals that antici-
pate bad outcomes.
Early researchers such as Stone and Neale (1984) have developed their own
measure of coping that provides support for the appraisal process. They found that
appraisal is associated with type and amount of coping. Manzi (1986) found that
students assessed what is stressful in a work situation according to whether they
regarded the situation as one of loss, threat or challenge. In relation to stressful
academic and social events in a school environment, appraisal plays a part, in that
the severity of the stress is assessed according to whether individuals feel they
could do something constructive to deal with the problem (Fahs, 1986). This holds
true even for pre-adolescents. According to Muldoon (1996), who examined the
interview responses of 9–10-year-olds, events that are harmful or loss-inducing are
perceived by children as most stressful, and when asked to describe an event that
is stressful children spontaneously described a harmful one.
20 What is coping?
2.4 Resource theories of coping
Two approaches have emerged that complement the transactional/appraisal the-
ories of coping: COR (conservation of resources) theory, with its extension to
communal coping; and proactive coping, with its emphasis on goal management.
Following Richard Lazarus’ conceptualisation and alongside the transactional
theory of coping, the COR approach also focuses on the complex interaction of
situational, individual, and cultural factors in understanding stress and the
responses to stress. Hobfoll (2010) emphasises the objective elements of threat
and loss, and ‘common appraisals held jointly by people who share a biology
and culture’. There is an emphasis on objective reality and on circumstances
where real stress occurs rather than focusing on the individual’s appraisal of
their circumstances. In this approach, individuals are motivated to retain, protect
and build their resources in order to cope (Hobfoll, 1989). The four types of
resource are: object resources (tangible commodities) such as a bicycle; con-
dition resources surrounding the person, such as a supportive group; personal
resources, such as skills or attributes; and energy resources involving enabling
factors such as money or finances. According to Hobfoll (1998), the mainstream
study of stress has been individualistic and mentalistic, reflecting a Western view
of a self that is isolated from others, and consequently valuing self-reliance and
individualism. The individualistic emphasis on coping, the cognitive behavioural
approaches that focus on the individual’s appraisal of a situation and teaches
different ways to appraise it by positive reframing, optimistic self-talk and the
like have all been criticised. According to Hobfoll, such theories have concen-
trated on the reality ‘in the mind’ rather than taking into account the ‘other’ and
the collective. Hobfoll emphasises culture and context to the extent that
resources need to be valued in a particular setting. For example, success at
school is more important and relevant in some communities than in others.
The primacy of loss is the significant first principle of COR theory. The tenet
here is that resource loss is more salient than resource gain. That is, the impact
of resource loss is greater, more immediate and disproportionate than resource
gain. For example, in the adolescent’s world, being embarrassed in front of peers
is likely to be perceived as a loss of esteem and to have a greater impact than the
benefit of approval or praise.
The second principle relates to resource investment in that people invest in
resources to protect against resource loss. An adolescent may invest effort to
gain selection in a sporting team or make savings from pocket money or a job to
purchase something that is valued.
The third principle states that resource loss is more potent than resource gain
but the salience of gain increases under situations of loss. So, having missed out
on team selection on one occasion, the next time an individual is selected the
successful result is sweeter.
Hobfoll says that we know little about how families shape resilience but we
know what needs to be shaped. Nevertheless, context is all important and, as
such, in a family setting where particular resources are valued in that they are
What is coping? 21
part of culture and climate, such as success in school, there is likely to be more
focus on assisting with study and school-related activities.
2.4.1 Resource loss and gain spirals

There are loss and gain cycles, or ‘spirals’ to use Hobfoll’s term. A corollary of
COR states that those who lack resources are vulnerable to resource loss and loss
begets loss. The student who is having difficulty relating to peers is likely to feel
most anxious in social situations, making it more difficult to have successful
peer relationships. The likely scenario is that when opportunities come up for
peer selection he/she is likely to experience rejection badly and then become
more anxious about the next occasion when such peer-related events occur.
A second corollary is that those who possess resources are more capable of
resource gain. In other words, success begets success. When a student is selected
for a sporting team he/she is likely to enjoy approval and popularity (in some
cultures), which then provides encouragement for further training and success.
However, loss cycles are more influential and accelerated than gain cycles.
While challenging the neglect of the environment in the appraisal approach,
Hobfoll acknowledges that perceptions are reality-based and that appraisals are
generally products of real occurrences. COR theory has focused on the complex
ecology that affects how humans deal with the stresses that confront them and
the social context of coping, which prescribes rules, guidelines and expectations
for both behaviour and thinking. Coping behaviour is designed to modify
psychological distress by increasing needed resources (Freedy & Hobfoll, 1994).
As noted earlier, those individuals with greater resources will be safer from
threats to resources and in a stronger position to make further gains.
Hobfoll points out that COR theory considers both environmental and internal
processes in fairly equal measure (2001). Perhaps COR best exemplifies that
both aspects account for successful outcomes as the individual interacts with his
or her environment. Hobfoll goes on to point out that the view of the self derives
from the attachments to intimate biological or social groups, at the same time the
individual is located within a tribe or community that determines the cultural
scripts brought to an encounter. The study of individual processes without refer-
ence to the cultural context is bound to fall short. Additionally, what helps us to
move beyond the appraisal models of stress is that the individual is able to be
seen as proactive rather than reactive, that is, proactive coping is future oriented
rather than merely compensating for loss or alleviating harm.
2.5 Communal coping

COR theory emphasises that the individual’s approach to coping is comple-
mented by the concept of communal coping with its focus on interdependence.
Hobfoll (2002) argues for a culturally sensitive approach to coping that is more
collectivistic than individualistic. Personal agency is linked to acting more asser-
tively, being more independent from others and worrying less about social
22 What is coping?
r elationships. Communal mastery, in contrast, is linked closely to social means
of coping, looking to social support and greater interdependence. Johnson and
Johnson (2000), who emphasise ‘group work’ in school settings, identify the
important elements of working together rather than alone. Hobfoll has found in
his team’s research that those high in communal mastery were significantly
lower in psychological distress than those low in communal mastery. Thus,
while self-efficacy or a belief in one’s own capacity to cope is important, com-
munal coping strategies play an important part in minimising stress. Neverthe-
less, it remains culturally and contextually dependent as to what is appropriate,
available or valued in a particular setting.
The key argument of COR theory is the primacy of loss, that is, loss out-
weighs the benefit of gain. However, gain becomes important in the context of
loss. To safeguard against loss there is an investment of resources, including
acquisition, maintenance and fostering. These in turn are motivational goals con-
sistent with proactive coping.
COR theory, with its emphasis on conservation of resources, investment and
building up a stockpile of personal, social and economic resources, points to the
proactive aspects of coping. The emphasis on the ‘individual–nested in family–
nested in tribe’ highlights the communal and collectivist aspect of coping. That
is, the individual is part of a group that is generally identified as a family, which
in turn is located within a community.
2.6 Proactive coping

Coping has traditionally been defined in terms of reaction, that is, how people
respond during or after a stressful event. But coping is now being defined more
broadly as going beyond reactive coping, so as to include anticipatory coping,
preventive coping and proactive coping (Schwarzer & Taubert, 2002). Proactive
coping, described by Greenglass (2002) as future oriented, has the main features
of planning, goal attainment and the use of resources to obtain goals.
Thus, proactive coping is an important development in the coping literature that
emphasises the individual’s role in planning so as to maximise outcomes for events
that are yet to happen. The proactive coper takes the initiative, links with others
and takes the credit for successes, and does not blame him or herself for failures.
The proactive coper chooses actions according to how they imagine the future. In
that sense it is closely aligned to resilience. Schwarzer and Knoll (2003) draw a
distinction between reactive coping (dealing with an event that has just happened,
such as an accident), anticipatory coping (dealing with an event that is highly
likely to happen, such as a rain storm that has been predicted) and preventative
coping (where protections are made against potential threat of loss, such as taking
out insurance). The conceptualisation of coping that emphasises the amassing of
resources as a protection against future occurrences is highly consistent with the
theorising of Aspinwall and Taylor (1997) and Hobfoll (1989).
Anticipatory coping and preventative coping, while distinguishable from
proactive coping, are often incorporated into the proactive coping construct and
What is coping? 23
the instruments that measure it. Anticipation of loss, threat, harm and challenge
is central to the transactional theory of coping but most research has focused on
the ways in which individuals deal with or react to stress rather than anticipate
the future occurrence of events. However, Aspinwall and Taylor (1997) con-
sidered a more future-oriented approach to coping that predicts how an indi-
vidual may adjust to a future event, which they labelled ‘proactive coping’.
Proactive coping is the process of anticipating potential stressors and acting ‘in
advance either to prevent them or to mute their impact’ (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997,
p. 417). As such, proactive coping blends activities typically considered to be coping
activities – undertaken to master, reduce or tolerate environmental or intrapsychic
demands perceived as representing potential threat, existing harm, or loss (Folkman
& Lazarus, 1985; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) – with those considered to be self-
regulating – the process through which people control, direct and correct their own
actions as they move toward or away from various goals (Aspinwall, 2005; Carver
& Scheier, 1998; Fiske & Taylor, 1991). Proactive coping combines these two pro-
cesses by examining people’s emotions, thoughts and behaviours as they anticipate
and address potential sources of adversity that might interfere with the pursuit of
their goals (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997). Aspinwall and Taylor’s (1997) proactive
coping model is like that of Hobfoll. Essentially, it is about building up personal and
financial resources, screening the environment for danger and asking oneself ‘What
can I do?’ Which is really similar to the question ‘Do I have the strategies to cope?’
Proactive coping is about taking an active effort to predict events and prepare for
them and, as such, it is more helpful than avoidant behaviour.
Along with Greenglass (2002), Schwarzer and Taubert (2002) make a distinc-
tion between anticipatory coping, where one anticipates that critical events are to
occur and there is investment in risk management, and preventive coping, where
there is an investment of effort to build up resistance resources to minimise the
severity of impact. Proactive coping, in contrast, is about building up resources
to promote challenging goals and personal growth, that is, it is about goal striv-
ing. In that sense it is both consistent with Hobfoll’s COR theory and an exten-
sion of it. Proactive copers have vision, for them coping is about goal
management. It is not self-defeating but self-initiating and is about having a
vision that gets transformed into action. This is just what high achievers do. The
way in which proactive coping is defined by Greenglass (2002) and Schwarzer
and Taubert (2002) would imply that acquisition, maintenance and fostering are
important strategies for success.
Proactive coping competencies can be taught. It is suggested that introducing
proactive coping skills can protect against anxieties about the future. Proactive
coping skills can mitigate the lack of controllability of the future which is mani-
fested in anxiety about the future.
2.6.1 Proactive coping in education

Boekaerts (2002a) presents an educationalist’s view of anticipatory and proac-
tive coping in the context of goal attainment and makes the point that the unique
24 What is coping?
way in which students give meaning to learning activities determines how much
effort they are prepared to invest to achieve a school-related goal. That is, if the
learning goal or task is in accordance with their need and value systems they are
likely to succeed. To Boekaerts (2002b), self-regulated learning is about having
the metacognitive skills to orient, plan, execute, monitor and repair. It requires
forthright volitional control and self-reflection. While proactive coping is linked
to anticipatory and preventive coping, it is distinguished from them in that there
are generally attempts to avert or minimise the impact of impending threats that
are likely to occur. Thus, when it comes to adolescent research, proactive goal-
oriented coping, with an inherent emphasis on self-improvement, is the more
useful concept.
Those with personal goals and resources are less vulnerable to stress. The
personal resources of affluence, health, optimism, self-efficacy and hope are
included in coping skills. Greenglass (2002) makes four important points in rela-
tion to coping. First, coping can have several functions, only one of which may
be to minimise stress. Functions that relate to maintaining relationships, keeping
to a task or beating a competitor can all be coping. Second, coping is multi-
dimensional, rather than bipolar as frequently represented by the dimensions of
control/escape, active/passive and problem-focused/emotion-focused. Third, it
does not occur in a social vacuum. Fourth, the function of coping is not only to
alleviate distress but also to increase potential for growth, satisfaction and
quality of life. In the adult arena Greenglass illustrates how the use of proactive
coping can lead to less emotional exhaustion and anger, and to positive outcomes
such as professional efficacy. Similarly, in the adolescent arena it could be
expected that those who are proactive are likely to feel better about themselves
and less likely to suffer from despair or an incapacity to cope. Proactive coping
at different ages of development can involve different forms of coping. In the
early adolescent years, for example, there is less likelihood of planning, organ-
ising and anticipating demands and situations. These emerge as strategies that
are more likely to be used in middle to later adolescence.
The field has now moved beyond a reactive theory of coping to one where
concepts such as mastery, optimisation and resources gain are consistent with
proactive coping. Concepts such as benefit-finding, sense-making and the search
for meaning all broaden the coping concept. There is a negative relationship
between proactive coping and depression. Proactive teachers report less exhaus-
tion, less cynicism and more personal accomplishments than do their reactive
counterparts (Schwarzer & Taubert, 2002). Highly proactive teachers regard
their stressors as more challenging and less threatening or loss-based than their
reactive counterparts. Proactive teachers have less burnout, more challenges and
less threat and loss. Proactive coping is about growth and taking responsibility
for making things happen. Qualities of leadership are closely linked to proactive
coping and leadership skills are often fostered as part of the adolescent experi-
ence. It seems highly beneficial to develop skills of proactive coping.
Thus, coping research has been broadened to include a positive purposeful
element that focuses on what people do before potentially stressful events, to
What is coping? 25
prevent them or modify them before they occur. Proactive coping differs from
traditional coping because it involves anticipating future needs, accumulating
resources and acquiring skills to prepare in a general way for stressors. Proactive
coping is active rather than reactive, it is about goal management rather than risk
management, and it is more positive than negative, in that possible stressors are
seen as challenging (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997; Greenglass, 2002). In summary,
proactive coping is about skill development, resource accumulation and plan-
ning, which demands internal control and self-determination. People who engage
in proactive coping believe in the potential to change and improve oneself and
the environment rather than taking a fatalistic approach to the inevitability of
stressful events (Greenglass, 2002; Schwarzer & Taubert, 2002). They set and
pursue goals and strive for personal growth.
Since proactive coping has been assessed and conceptualised with adults in
mind, little is known about its development or how much it is used by adoles-
cents. While proactive coping in young people is at the early stages of research,
it certainly holds promise for theory and practice with adolescents, particularly
as they are concerned about their goals, strivings and futures.
2.7 Some theoretical issues

While various authors have defined coping strategies, coping resources, and coping
outcomes, it is important to note that the overlap in conceptualisations of certain
aspects of adolescent experience has resulted in some measurement anomalies. For
example, according to the Folkman and Lazarus (1985) conceptualisation, if stu-
dents ‘ring up a close friend’ this behaviour is an indicator of a coping strategy
identified as social support. Such a strategy is assumed to be a characteristic
response to issues of concern. Hobfoll’s model (2001, 2002), however, indicates
that having friends is a component of an adolescent’s personal resources, which
are protected and then used in times of need. It is interesting to note that being
with and sharing with friends has also been conceptualised as an outcome of
coping. For example, Ebata and Moos (1991) define ‘having friends’ as an aspect
of efficacy, and Reynolds (2001) uses the frequency with which an adolescent is
having fun with friends as an indicator of well-being.
Clearly there is some overlap between the concepts underlying coping strat-
egies, resources and outcomes. For example, imagine an adolescent who is
unable or unwilling to share his or her concerns, or even to communicate effect-
ively. As a consequence of this characteristic response pattern (i.e. this coping
strategy), such an adolescent would have few friends, and could be described in
Hobfoll’s terms as having limited personal resources on which to draw. One
could argue in such a case that a coping pattern has affected resources. Alterna-
tively, it could be argued that a young person who has been raised in circum-
stances that provided limited access to other young people, that is, an adolescent
who has limited resources, would be unlikely to customarily adopt social support
as a preferred coping response. In such a situation, resources determine the
coping strategy to be used.
26 What is coping?
Of all the outcomes that have been associated with coping and resources,
most appear to be related to dysfunction. Most studies therefore have sought to
examine a direct link with indicators of dysfunction such as: depression (Ebata
and Moos, 1994; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002); low self-esteem (Brodzinsky,
Elias, Steiger, Simon, Gill, & Hitt, 1992); poor academic performance (Band &
Weisz, 1988); suicidal ideation (Asarnow, Carlson, & Guthrie, 1987; Spirito,
Francis, Overholser, & Frank, 1996); and substance abuse (Wills, 1986). Others
have stated that they are focusing on adolescent well-being but provide as their
indicator an absence of dysfunction, for example: a lack of mental disorder
(Sawyer, Kosky, Graetz, Arney, & Zubrick, 2000); or less inability to cope
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002). Such studies appear to be predicated on the
assumption that less dysfunction is equivalent to greater well-being.
Some studies have investigated the relationship between coping and indi-
cators of well-being and, as indicated above, have reported the impact of coping
on positive outcomes such as achievement (Parsons, Frydenberg, & Poole, 1996;
Skinner & Wellborn, 1997). Very few have reported the relationship between
coping and indicators of both dysfunction and well-being (see, for example,
Ebata & Moos, 1991).
Ultimately, it is both the presence of resources and the positive appraisal of
events that are required to maximise success.
Coping has been described as ‘action regulation under stress’, which refers to
‘how people mobilize, guide, manage, energize, and direct behaviour, emotion,
and orientation, or how they fail to do so under stressful conditions’ (Skinner &
Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007, pp. 5–6). Stressful conditions experienced by adoles-
cents have been grouped in several ways. One example is that of the four cat-
egories: traumatic events, such as parental death; major chronic stressors, such
as economic hardship; normative events, such as puberty; and daily hassles, such
as an argument with a parent (Compas, 1995; Coleman & Hendry, 1999; Skinner
& Zimmer-Gembeck, 2007). Although daily hassles may seem minor, their
ongoing and proximal nature can make them stronger predictors of current
psychological symptoms, such as anger and anxiety states, than retrospective
major life stressors (Moulds, 2003). Despite many situations fitting neatly into
one of these four groupings, it is commonly acknowledged that two people who
experience the same situation are not necessarily affected in similar ways.
2.8 Summary comments

Coping refers to the behavioural and cognitive efforts used by individuals to
manage the demands of a person–environment relationship. An individual’s access
to available resources, styles and strategies subsequently influences the coping
process. Strategies may vary across time and context depending on the stressor
(Compas, 1987), and include aspects of the self, such as problem-solving skills and
self-esteem, as well as the social environment (i.e. a supportive social network).
Patterns of coping in childhood and adolescence are a precursor to adaptation
in adulthood. An individual’s development contributes to resources and limits
What is coping? 27
coping responses. Interventions provide prevention of pathology and help max-
imise capacity and outcome. To promote more positive social and emotional
development, there needs to be a change in the language that we use by reducing
the use of words that promote hopelessness and despondency. Talking about
coping instead of focusing on stress, helplessness and despair and utilising a lan-
guage that embraces optimism and ability, is moving in a positive direction. The
way an individual thinks usually determines their feelings. Developing a lan-
guage of coping, in conjunction with utilising appropriate coping skills, enables
the acquisition of support and resources that can potentially sustain positive
well-being for the individual.
Coping styles are methods of coping that characterise individuals’ reactions to
stress, either over time or across different situations. They may partly reflect the
ways of coping preferred by individuals because they are consistent with personal
values, beliefs and goals. One of the most widely used models of coping, the trans-
actional model, proposes that coping can be denoted in terms of two global coping
styles: problem-focused (or behavioural) coping; and emotion-focused (or cogni-
tive) coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Other researchers have found that the
strategies can best be grouped to characterise three coping styles that represent one
dysfunctional and two functional aspects of coping (Seiffge-Krenke & Shulman,
1990; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993). The measurement of coping seeks to address
the individual coping actions, group of actions or strategies, and the propensity to
use a collection of strategies, that is, coping styles.
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3 The measurement of coping
My main concern is that I won’t get to where I want to in life but I don’t do any-
thing about it.
(Female, 15 years)
Coping is being able to deal with problems; resilience is to keep on trying. My

main concern is not being able to get a good career. I deal with this by telling
myself that I will be able to achieve in life. Well-being is being able to feel com-
fortable with anything.
(Male, 13 years)
Measurement is a key feature of psychological research and practice. It is a first

step in operationalising a construct, in that it is not only that we want to describe
a construct but also that the relationship between constructs and the reliability of
any given construct needs to be established. Thus, since the early years of coping
research many coping inventories have been developed, originally for research
rather than clinical purposes. The measurement tools draw upon the major theor-
etical models of coping. Interest initially was in the measurement of adult ways
of coping, with assessment of how younger people cope emerging in the late
1980s when the coping literature turned its attention to coping in childhood and
adolescence (Compas, 1987). In her comprehensive review of coping scales,
Carolyn Aldwin (2007) identified 200 references to different coping scales, with
51 in the child and adolescent arena.
While this volume is focused on adolescent coping in school, family or com-
munity contexts there are some references to adult coping in that how adults cope
determines how young people cope. The development of an adolescent coping
tool, namely, the Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a)
and the Adolescent Coping Scale-2 (ACS-2; Frydenberg & Lewis, 2011) is
addressed in this chapter; the research findings generated by the longer-running
ACS are described in Chapter 4. The Coping Scale for Adults (CSA; Frydenberg
& Lewis, 1997) and Coping Scale for Adults-2 (CSA-2; Frydenberg & Lewis,
2014) is mentioned as relevant in this and subsequent chapters more briefly.
When it comes to measurement, descriptions of how people cope are gener-
ally provided by individuals or derived from the literature. Although most coping
measures ask participants to recall how they cope, the accuracy of self-report has
been questioned (Todd, Tennen, Carney, Armeli, & Affleck, 2004). Therefore,
some researchers use a process approach, such as daily diary recordings (Stone,
Lennox, & Neale, 1985). Diary studies report mean styles as predicting strategy
use (Ptacek, Pierce, & Thompson, 2006), for a particular age group and experi-
ence sampling (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984), to capture proximal stressors,
coping efforts and outcomes closer to their occurrence so as to track changes in
coping processes (Tennen, Affleck, Armeli, & Carney, 2000).
3.1 Reviews of coping

In a review of coping, Skinner, Edge, Altman and Sherwood (2003) commented
that there are hundreds of assessed coping strategies but that generally styles are
made up of five basic types of strategy: problem solving; support seeking; avoid-
ance; distraction; and positive cognitive restructuring. Skinner et al. (2003) sug-
gested four others, three negative (rumination, helplessness and social
withdrawal) and one positive strategy (emotion regulation).
There are many approaches to definition and measurement. There has also
been debate about the generalisability of findings from general to specific situ-
ations. O’Driscoll and Cooper (1994), for example, report little connection,
whereas a close association between general coping and situational coping has
been reported by Frydenberg and Lewis (1994, 1997) and Latack (1986).
In an early study, Frydenberg and Lewis (1994), using an adapted version of
Folkman and Lazarus’ Ways of Coping (1988), found that when adolescents
completed the coping instrument for three different concerns, namely achieve-
ment, relationships and social issues, there was an identifiable hierarchy of
coping strategies used in young people’s repertoire. Nevertheless, there were
significant differences in ways students coped with different concerns. This pro-
vided support for a conceptualisation of coping that includes general styles that
are not problem specific as well as components focused on a specific problem.
There is consistent research in the adult arena noting that a link between mala-
daptive styles and negative outcomes are stronger than the links between produc-
tive styles and productive outcomes (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002).
The numerous reviews of coping measures consider the similarities and
differences, validity and reliability issues. The measurement tools have been
used to extend theory and, most significantly, to guide or evaluate practice. An
early review by Schwarzer and Schwarzer (1996) highlighted conceptual issues
and those relating to generality and stability. A review by DeRidder (1997) high-
lights similar concerns but points out that in an ‘inherently variable’ concept like
coping, psychometric quality will not solve the problem. Instruments such as
COPE (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989), Hobfoll’s Strategic Approaches to
Coping (Hobfoll, Dunahoo, Ben-Porath & Monnier, 1994) and Frydenberg and
Lewis’ ACS, ACS-2, CSA and CSA-2 (1993a, 2011, 1997, 2014) recognise that
there is consistency and variation in coping, which in the ACS, ACS-2, CSA and
CSA-2 is reflected in general and situation-specific forms of coping.
The measurement of coping 33
Dimensionality has been addressed by many reviewers, particularly by
Skinner et al. (2003). In their analysis of 100 assessments of coping, the authors
critiqued strategies and identified best practices for constructing category
systems. From current systems, a list of 400 ways of coping was compiled. For
constructing lower-order categories, the authors concluded that confirmatory
factor analysis should replace the two most common approaches (exploratory
factor analysis and rational sorting). For higher-order categories, they recom-
mended that the three most common distinctions (problem- vs. emotion-focused,
approach vs. avoidance, and cognitive vs. behavioural) no longer be used.
Instead, the authors recommend hierarchical systems of action types (e.g. prox-
imity seeking, accommodation). From an analysis of six such systems, 13 poten-
tial core families of coping were identified: problem solving; support seeking;
escape; distraction; cognitive restructuring; rumination; helplessness; social
withdrawal; emotional regulation; information seeking; negotiation; opposition;
and delegation. There is a further step required that involves deciding how to
organise these families, use their functional homogeneity and distinctiveness,
and especially their links to adaptive processes.
More recent adolescent coping measures have been reviewed by Garcia
(2010). A wide range of stress-related risks or conditions were examined, includ-
ing: psychological stressors, such as eating disorders, suicidal ideation and
depression; physical stressors, such as chronic illness, sports participation, viol-
ence or sexual abuse; familial stressors, such as domestic violence or interparen-
tal conflict; social stressors, such as romantic relationships or difficulties in
settings such as school; and societal stressors, such as being excluded or dis-
criminated against.
In a review of 12 coping measures (nine self-report and three observational
methods) in paediatric populations by Blount, Simons, Devine, Jaaniste, Cohen,
Chambers and Hayutin (2008), only six met the criterion of ‘well established’ –
that broaden understanding and guide treatment. The authors were focused on
how useful the instruments were for intervention. Many of the psychometrically
valid instruments have been used exclusively for research rather than interven-
tion, yet the tools lend themselves to clinical applications since the very identifi-
cation of the individual’s coping characteristics can lead to reflection and
behavioural change.
Coping instruments have been developed more broadly through self-reports,
semi-structured interviews, daily diary recordings, observation of behaviour and
the reports of significant others, such as parents, teachers and peers.
The many ways to assess coping generally have in common a set of descrip-
tions or single actions, which are grouped into coping strategies where there is a
similarity of concept or ideation. These, in turn, can be grouped more broadly
into commonality of practice. The most common categorisation or grouping of
approaches to coping is the dichotomous grouping of strategies by Lazarus and
Folkman (1984) and Lazarus (1993), which identifies problem- and emotion-
focused coping. Alternative categorisations range from groupings of eight to ten
strategies or scales (e.g. Stark, Spirito, Williams, & Guevremont, 1989). For
example, in the work of Frydenberg and Lewis 18 strategies were identified in
the ACS (1993a); 19 strategies in the CSA (1997); 60 strategies in both the
ACS-2 (2011) and the CSA-2 (2014). The second level of grouping characterises
coping styles that represent functional and dysfunctional aspects of coping (Cox,
Gotts, Boot, & Kerr, 1985; Frydenberg & Lewis, 1997, 2011; Seiffge-Krenke &
Shulman, 1990). The functional styles represent direct attempts to deal with the
problem, with or without reference to others; whereas the dysfunctional styles
relate to the use of non-productive strategies.
Coping is influenced by person and situation characteristics (Skinner et al.,
2003). Thus, like others, having found that there is both consistency and vari-
ation in coping we can ask individuals how they cope in general and/or how they
cope with a specific situation under consideration (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1994).
This provides the ability to compare coping across different problem situations
or the capacity to compare how a young person copes with a specific problem in
contrast to their general use of coping strategies.
Frydenberg and Lewis conceptualised the rubric of coping as thoughts,
behaviours and actions that arise in response to demands placed upon an indi-
vidual. Some strategies attempt to remove or to remedy the source of the demand
(e.g. problem solving), others help individuals to accommodate to it (e.g. wishful
thinking), and there are strategies that demonstrate an inability to deal with the
demand (e.g. despair and get sick) (Frydenberg, 2008). The tools that Fryden-
berg and Lewis (acer.edu.au) have developed provide measures of all three types
of responses and have been used to both identify correlates and determine
outcomes.
The ACS was developed to assist with understanding adolescent coping
behaviour, both generally and in response to particular stressors, and as a means
for determining how adolescents cope with a range of life concerns and circum-
stances. Based on two studies of Australian youth undertaken in the early 1990s
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991, 1993b), two forms of the ACS were produced: a
Long Form, which could be used in both a general and a specific manner; and a
Short Form, consisting of one item from each group of strategies which could be
used as an indicator of coping strategies used by adolescents. The 79 items were
grouped into 18 strategies and three styles of coping were found to be common
among Australian adolescents. The first of which is comprised of coping based
on problem solving while attempting to remain physically active and socially
connected; the second grouping relies on reference to others in an effort to deal
with concerns; and the last indicates the use of avoidance strategies and is gener-
ally associated with an inability to cope with stresses.
3.2 The ACS and the CSA

From research since the 1990s, conducted in the main with Professor Ramon
Lewis, we set about establishing a measure of coping for adolescents that drew
on the transactional model proposed by Richard Lazarus and his colleagues. Our
purpose in developing a coping scale was twofold, first to be able to assess
young people’s coping in diverse circumstances, and second as a tool to assist in
developing adolescents’ coping skills. The frequency with which the coping
strategies are used and how helpful they are enables descriptions of individuals’
and groups’ coping behaviour. The data assists in understanding a population
under consideration in any particular context. Additionally, the instrument
needed to be an aid to enable personal development or self-improvement in
coping for the individuals concerned.
In developing such a construct it has become apparent that adolescent coping
needs to be primarily conceptualised in terms of adolescent responses to a par-
ticular concern, for example, maintaining good relationships with family members,
doing well at school or work, or worrying about the environment. Nevertheless,
there will be times when the young person’s general style of coping with most
situations (general) will be of greater interest than the way in which their style is
modified to cope with a particular type of concern (specific). Clinical and research
work focusing on specific and general coping indicates that there is value in main-
taining a distinction between them. Therefore, the ability of the ACS to independ-
ently assess these two facets of coping is deemed to be important. That is, how one
copes in general may be somewhat different from how one copes in a particular
stressful situation, such as when relationship difficulties occur. By identifying the
coping resources that an individual has in general it may help them to draw upon
those strategies that may be useful in a particular situation but which to date have
not been used to deal with a particular concern.
How adults – be they parents, teachers or significant others – cope is likely to
determine how young people cope. To that end it was deemed important to
develop a measure of adult coping that mirrored that of adolescents so that con-
versations relating to coping could be had in a family or educational context.
Similar to the ACS there are two forms of the CSA: a Long Form, which
could be used with either a general or a specific focus; and a Short Form, which
consisted of one item from each group of strategies that could be used as an indi-
cator of the coping strategies used by adults. It was found that, in addition to 19
coping strategies, four styles of coping were common amongst adults: the first of
which emphasised productive coping based on attempting to solve the problem
while remaining physically active and socially connected; the second operated
on reference to others in an effort to deal with concerns; the third related to
optimism, where individuals focus on the positives and seek spiritual support or
relaxing diversions; and the last highlighted the use of avoidance strategies
generally associated with an inability to cope with stressors. A range of other
variables were also found to impact on adult coping, including: perceptions of
the self; perceptions of the ability by others; supportive workplace climates; and
the experience of stress in the family. The original CSA was distinct from similar
instruments in that it identified a wider array of conceptual areas of coping. This
allowed administrators to profile an individual’s or a group’s coping styles and
strategies, which provided a basis upon which adults could be assisted to reflect
upon their coping actions in a meaningful way, thus providing the opportunity
for functional behavioural change.
The number of items in each of the strategies of the ACS-2 and CSA-2 has
been reduced down to three – the earlier iterations of the ACS (79-items) and
CSA (74-items) had as many as five – making a total of 60 items. The 60 items
of both the ACS-2 and the CSA-2 are organised into 20 reliable scales, or coping
strategies, of three items each, which can be grouped into three subscales based
on second order factors, namely, productive coping, non-productive coping and
problem-solving coping.
The conceptualisations of the adolescent ACS-2 and the adult constructs in
CSA-2 are presented in Table 3.1, along with the definitions of the coping strat-
egies and the groupings that have been reported.
3.3 The short form of the ACS

A short form of the ACS was developed for use in circumstances when the
application of a 60-item questionnaire would be impractical. To create this
instrument, 20 items were selected from the 60 items outlined in Table 3.1. Each
item was selected on the basis of two criteria. First, its wording appeared to
assess, as comprehensively as possible, one of the 20 coping strategies outlined
earlier. Second, each item’s relationship with the remainder of the items in its
scale was substantial enough to justify its independent use as an indicator of its
respective coping dimension. The long form is generally recommended wher-
ever practicable, particularly for clinical and counselling purposes but the short
form has adequate validity and reliability and is generally used as part of a
battery of other research measures.
To establish the validity of employing the short form, each item of the
20-item short form correlates at least 0.7 with its respective scale. The correla-
tions range from 0.7 to 0.92 with a mean of 0.77. These data indicate that the
short form items are a useful way of reliably assessing the 20 strategies of
the ACS.
Although a 60-item scale is advisable when time permits, much of the
research we, and others, have conducted using the ACS required a more efficient
measure of adolescent coping responses. This is because the ACS often forms
part of a panel of survey instruments designed to measure a number of inde-
pendent and dependent variables. Although occasionally we have reported
adolescents’ coping strategies assessed by their responses to single item meas-
ures, there is considerable possibility of a significant error of measurement asso-
ciated with this practice. Consequently, we have preferred to examine the
possibility of coping styles, each comprising a group of coping strategies. In
general, our recent research has been employing an augmented version of the
ACS, with 20 items plus some others, including a ‘Not Coping’ strategy.
It was found that, in addition to a factor assessing giving up and giving in
(NotCope), there are two other coping styles that comprise combinations of the
20 strategies (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009). We called the first style ‘Positive
Active Coping’ and comprises strategies of keeping fit, focusing on the positive,
remaining relaxed, accepting one’s best efforts, spending time with a friend,
Table 3.1 Coping strategies of ACS-2 (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2011) and CSA-2 (Fryden-
berg & Lewis, 2014).
ACS-2 CSA-2
Productive 11 coping strategies, including Eight coping strategies

Coping Style problem solving
Social Action (SocAct) is about Wishful Thinking (WishThink) is
letting others know your concerns characterised by items based on
and enlisting support by writing hope and anticipation of a positive
petitions or organising an activity outcome (e.g. imagine that things
such as a meeting or a rally (e.g. will work out well).
join with others to deal with the
problem; organise a petition; attend
a meeting).
Invest in Close Friends (Friends) Improve Relationships (ImpRel)
is about engaging in a particular is about improving close
intimate relationship (e.g. spend relationships (e.g. get into or
more time with a good friend). improve on existing special
relationships, for example, partner,
spouse, boy/girl friend).
Physical Recreation (PhysRec) Ignore the Problem (Ignore) is
is characterised by items that relate characterised by items that reflect a
to playing sport and keeping fit conscious blocking out of the
(e.g. keep fit and healthy; play problem (e.g. put the problem out
sport). of my mind).
Humour (Humour) is characterised by items that involve entertaining
others (e.g. try to be funny).
Seek Professional Help Seek Spiritual Support (Spirit) is
(ProfHelp) denotes the use of a comprised of items that reflect
professional adviser, such as a prayer, and a belief in the
teacher or counsellor (e.g. ask a assistance of a spiritual leader or
teacher or other professional higher power (e.g. pray for help
person for help). and guidance so that everything
will be all right).
Accept One’s Best Efforts protect self (ProtSelf) involves
(Accept) is characterised by items improving one’s self-image by
that indicate an acceptance of looking after oneself, particularly
having done one’s best and through one’s appearance (e.g.
therefore there is nothing further to improve my appearance).
be done (e.g. accept things as they
are, because I’ve done my best).
Focus on the Positive (FocPos) is represented by items that indicate a
positive and cheerful outlook on the current situation. This includes
seeing the ‘bright side’ of circumstances and seeing oneself as fortunate
(e.g. look on the bright side of things and think of all that is good).
Seek Relaxing Diversions (Relax) is about relaxation in general rather
than about sport. It is characterised by items that describe leisure time
with friends and family, such as reading, watching a movie or listening
to music (e.g. make time for friends or family).
continued
Table 3.1 Continued
ACS-2 CSA-2
Social Support (SocSup) is

represented by items that indicate
an inclination to share the problem
with others and enlist support in its
management (e.g. look for support
and encouragement from others).
Focus on Solving the Problem
(SolvProb) is a strategy that tackles
the problem systematically by
learning about it, taking into
account different points of view or
options (e.g. work out a way of
dealing with the problem).
Work Hard & Achieve (Work) is
a factor describing commitment,
ambition (achieve well) and
industry (e.g. work hard).
Problem Four strategies
Solving Style
Focus on Solving the Problem
– CSA-2 only
(SolvProb) is a strategy that
analyses and tackles the problem
(e.g. develop a plan of action).
Seek Professional Help
(ProfHelp) denotes consultation
with a professional adviser, such as
a counsellor (e.g. discuss the
problem with qualified people).
Social Action (SocAct) is about
letting others know what is of
concern and enlisting support by
attending or organising activities
such as meetings or rallies (e.g. go
to meetings that look at the
problem).
Social Support (SocSup) is
represented by items indicating an
inclination to share the problem
with others and enlist support in its
management (e.g. talk to other
people about my concern to help
me sort it out).
Other – Work Hard & Achieve (Work) is
CSA-2 only a factor describing increasing one’s
focus on their work, commitment,
ambition (achieve well) and
industry (e.g. focus on my work).
ACS-2 CSA-2
Physical Recreation (PhysRec)

is characterised by items that relate
to playing sport and keeping fit
(e.g. play sport).
Keep to Self (KeepSelf) is
characterised by items that reflect
the individual’s wish to keep
concerns to themselves (e.g. don’t
let others know how I am feeling).
Non- Nine strategies, including passive Five strategies
productive avoidant
Coping Style
Worry (Worry) is described by items that indicate concern about what
is happening and what may happen in the future (e.g. worry about what
is happening).
Wishful Thinking (WishThink) is Dwell on the negative
characterised by items that are (DwellNeg) is a strategy whereby a
based on hope and anticipation of a person focuses on the negative (e.g.
positive outcome (e.g. wish a I keep thinking about my failures).
miracle would happen to make
things turn out well).
Not Coping (NotCope) consists of items that reflect the individual’s
inability to deal with the problem and the development of
psychosomatic symptoms (e.g. I get sick).
Self-blame (SelfBlame) is characterised by items that indicate an
individual sees him/herself as responsible for the concern or worry (e.g.
blame myself).
tension reduction (TensRed) is an attempt to make oneself better (e.g.
letting off steam, crying, screaming, using alcohol, cigarettes or drugs).
Act Up (ActUp) is characterised by
items that reflect an attempt to make
oneself feel better by releasing
tension (e.g. act up and make life
difficult for those around me).
Seek Spiritual Support (Spirit) is
comprised of items that reflect
prayer and belief in the assistance
of a spiritual leader or Lord (e.g.
pray for God to look after me).
Ignore the Problem (Ignore) is a
style that reflects a conscious
blocking out of the problem and
resignation coupled with an
acceptance that there is no way of
dealing with it (e.g. shut myself off
from the problem so I can try and
ignore it).
continued
Table 3.1 Continued
ACS-2 CSA-2
Keep to Self (KeepSelf) is

characterised by items that reflect
the individual’s withdrawal from
others and wish to keep others
from knowing about concerns (e.g.
don’t let others know about my
problem).
Please note that where the descriptions of the coping strategies and the examples are
exactly the same for ACS-2 and CSA-2, they traverse both columns.
seeking social support, seeking professional help, joining with other like-minded
people and working hard. The second style, ‘Negative Avoidant Coping’, is
characterised by accepting one’s helplessness, giving up, wishfully thinking,
worrying, self-blaming, not doing anything, varying eating, drinking or sleeping
patterns, not telling anyone, trying to ignore the problem and getting sick.
Therefore, in summary, the 20 items of the revised ACS were found to group
into two reliable dimensions, productive and non-productive styles, except for
humour, which failed to load significantly to either style. The productive style
effectively integrates the earlier ‘problem-solving’ and ‘reference to others’
styles into the one style, while the non-productive style remains essentially
intact. The two styles consist of the following strategies:
PRODUCTIVE NON-PRODUCTIVE
(PROBLEM-SOLVING) STYLE – (PASSIVE AVOIDANT) STYLE –
ten coping strategies: eight strategies:
Seek Social Support Worry
Focus on Solving the Problem Wishful Thinking
Physical Recreation Not Cope
Seek Relaxing Diversions Tension Reduction
Investing in Close Friends Ignore the Problem
Work Hard and Achieve Keep to Self
Focus on the Positive Self-blame
Accept Best Efforts Act Up
Social Action
Seek Professional Help
As Richard Lazarus pointed out from the outset, there is no right or wrong
coping. It is situation and context that determine the outcomes and whether to
ignore a problem or not can be determined by the situation, for example, if one
is being teased or if there is an examination or performance looming ahead. Sim-
ilarly, when it comes to worrying, sometimes a modicum of worry is helpful in
seeing the importance of a situation and putting in effort, as it is with eustress,
where the demands of a situation heighten attention to what is required and
energise the individual. Excessive worry in anticipation of a situation that cannot
be averted, such as a storm, can be a distraction that prevents adequate measures
being taken to deal with the situation.
3.4 Measuring effectiveness

In addition to the possibility of assessing general coping or coping with a par-
ticular concern that is relevant for consideration in the ACS-2, there is the option
of assessing how effective a strategy is. That is, the ACS-2 is capable of meas-
uring both the frequency with which people use the various coping behaviours
and the perceived effectiveness of those responses. This addition is based on
recent research which highlights the finding that with some responses (e.g. ignor-
ing problems), the frequency of use is high, despite the fact that it can be con-
sidered non-productive.
3.5 Concluding remarks

There have been numerous reviews of coping measurement tools. Some of these
reviews are identified in this chapter and provide a context in which to under-
stand the Adolescent Coping Scale, which is detailed in this chapter and referred
to throughout this volume.
Ideally, the measurement of any psychological construct fulfils multiple pur-
poses beyond data gathering. A coping measure may provide the capacity for the
individual completing the tool to gain insight into his or her behaviour so that
changes can be made if desired. Alternatively, clinicians and those working with
young people may facilitate behavioural change. The ACS and the CSA have
been used in this way since the 1990s and have been revised and reduced to 60
items (20 items in the short form). The tools have been used as a foundation for
developing coping skills programs (see Chapter 11). Additionally, they have
been used extensively to provide insights as to what we know about the world of
the adolescent and how they cope. When it comes to adolescent coping there are
key determinants of coping that have been identified from research and are
reported in Chapter 4.
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4 Coping
What we have learned
My main concern is failing at school or losing a family member. To cope, I read;

I chat with people I love most.
(Male, 14.8 years)
From the early research in coping there were some clear indicators of what
works and what does not. As noted in Chapter 3, although there is inherently
no right or wrong coping there are some strategies that are generally helpful
and some that are not helpful. It is the situation that largely determines the
effectiveness of the outcome. Nevertheless, given the overall pattern of usage
and correlates, some strategies have been labelled ‘productive’ and others
‘non-productive’. Additionally, some strategies become incorporated into an
individual’s coping repertoire to deal with their everyday lives. Nevertheless,
in some circumstances an individual may deviate from their general pattern to
cope in ways that are more specific to a circumstance. For example, an indi-
vidual may not worry in most circumstances but when it comes to one par-
ticular social situation they become anxious and worry a great deal before the
event. It also depends in what ways and how frequently a coping strategy has
been helpful in a previous circumstance. If the experience has been a good
one, the coping practices might become part of an individual’s permanent
coping repertoire.
There are well-established age and gender differences in coping. Addition-
ally, there are differences in culture and context. Productive coping is associ-
ated with well-being, and non-productive coping with depression. More recent
studies have considered personality determinants of coping, the relationship
between coping and bullying, risk taking and school outcomes. Only a select
number of studies are reported here. A more comprehensive summary of find-
ings is reported in Frydenberg (2017). The studies cited in this chapter utilised
the original Adolescent Coping Scale with its 18 conceptual groupings or strat-
egies that have been grouped into three coping styles, which are detailed in
Table 4.1.
What we have learned 45
Table 4.1 The conceptual groupings (strategies and styles) of the Adolescent Coping
Scale (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a)
Productive coping Non-productive coping Reference to others
Solving a problem Worry Seeking social support

Working hard to achieve Investing in close friends Social action
goals Wishful thinking Seeking spiritual support
Seeking to belong to a peer Ignoring the problem Seeking professional help
network Tension reduction
Focusing on the positive Not coping
aspects of a situation Self-blame
Seeking relaxing diversions Keeping to self
Physical recreation
4.1 Age and gender

It was evident from our first studies using the ACS that culture and context are
all-important. Similarly, gender differences are consistently reported in both
cross-sectional and longitudinal studies. An early paper titled Boys Play Sport
and Girls Turn to Each Other (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993a) clearly reflected the
Australian cultural context at that time, and more particularly the city of Mel-
bourne, which prides itself as being the sporting capital of the nation. In the
main, it is girls who turned to each other and utilised more social support than
boys. Girls were also more inclined to declare their inability to cope and were
more likely to use strategies such as tension reduction, self-blame and worry. In
contrast, boys, at least in the Australian context, were more likely to utilise phys-
ical recreation and relaxation strategies than were the girls. Older adolescents,
particularly girls, were more inclined to report their use of non-productive
coping strategies. In a subsequent longitudinal study, when the same cohort of
young people were tracked from age 12 through to 15, and then through to 17, it
was found that girls particularly reported a greater inability to cope during the
14–16-year period than they had two years previously (Frydenberg & Lewis,
2000). It is for that reason that it is recommended that coping skills be taught in
the pre- or early adolescent years as a preparation for traversing the more chal-
lenging developmental adolescent period (see Chapter 11).
4.2 Cross-cultural studies

Some cultural consistencies and differences have been reported when using the
ACS as the measure of coping. In studies of young people (mean age 16.17
years) in four communities – Australia, Colombia, Germany and Palestine
(Frydenberg, Lewis, Kennedy, Ardila, Frindte, & Hannoun, 2003) – it was found
that regardless of the community under consideration two strategies, namely,
working hard and solving problems, were used most by young people. Palestin-
ian young people used more of all but three coping strategies, namely physical
46 What we have learned
recreation, relaxation and tension reduction, than did the other young people. A
culturally determined coping strategy, such as physical recreation, was ranked
higher in usage by the Australian and German young people than by the Pales-
tinians and Colombians. Overall, the Colombian adolescents reported the great-
est similarity in their patterns of coping to that of the Palestinian young people,
with these two groups showing a greater reliance on spiritual support, focusing
on the positive as well as worrying and seeking to belong than did the Australian
or German adolescents. It should be pointed out that while ACS and ACS-2
measure spirituality as one of the coping strategies, despite it not being used fre-
quently by many young people, spirituality is gaining interest as a resource and
those who use it often use it a great deal (Kim & Esquivel, 2011). Just as coping
research, in general, has been led by a focus on adults, the literature on adoles-
cent spirituality mirrors that reported in the adult domain.
4.3 Coping resources

Since context and culture are key determinants of what practices are valued in a
culture, Hobfoll’s conservation of resource theory (COR) is quite relevant (1988,
1998, 2010; also see Chapter 2). While COR theory has generally been applied
to adults it has also been adapted to the world of adolescents. The Conservation
of Resources Evaluation (CORE) was developed to measure adult resources to
cope with stress and was modified and applied to young people (McKenzie &
Frydenberg, 2004). To explore the relationship between the resources identified
by young people and their coping styles, a sample of 172 secondary students in
metropolitan Melbourne, Australia, completed the modified version of the CORE
and the long version of the ACS, focusing on a specific concern (McKenzie &
Frydenberg, 2004). The modified instrument was validated in the study, and a
relationship was found between the degree to which students held those
resources and the coping styles they used. Young people high in resources
tended to use productive ACS strategies, while those young people with fewer
resources reported using fewer, and more non-productive ACS strategies. The
implications are that both a focus on facilitating an increase in young people’s
resources, and the building up of coping skills are important in that the two are
closely interrelated. Both coping skills and resources, such as a supportive
family or healthy interpersonal relationships, are assets to be fostered.
4.4 Problem solving and coping

Given the importance of problem solving in the educational context, Frydenberg
and Lewis (2009), examined the relationship between adolescents’ beliefs about
their capacity to solve problems and their use of productive and non-productive
coping strategies. Using data from two studies – Study 1, a sample of 1,047 (460
Males, 587 Females); and Study 2, a sample of 870 (392 Males, 478 Females)
where coping was measured using the ACS – it was found that there was a signi-
ficant positive relationship between self-perceived efficacy of problem solving
and a productive coping style. These findings suggest that focusing on the
positive and accepting one’s best effort can assist in problem-solving efficiency
in adolescents. The findings from this study also emphasise the continued need
to teach adolescents problem-solving and coping strategies to promote positive
well-being and reduce the use of non-productive coping strategies. Overall,
focusing on the positive and accepting one’s best efforts are related to problem-
solving efficacy. It is not only problem-solving skills per se that are important
but the belief in one’s efficacy and the capacity to judge one’s coping as effica-
cious need to be nurtured.
4.5 Well-being and coping

In order to examine the relationship between coping and state of well-being, 870
students (aged 12–16), from eight metropolitan government schools (55 per cent
female) completed the short form of the ACS and the 12-item State of Being
questionnaire (Reynolds, 2001). The effectiveness of coping and the frequency
of coping strategy use were also considered (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009).
Inherent in the well-being scale was one construct that referred to well-being
and used positive coping styles such as ‘I had fun with my friends’, and a second
construct related to items that were associated with more negative terminology
and strategies (e.g. ‘I felt depressed’, ‘I was very lonely’).
There was a significant relationship between the use of negative avoidant
coping styles with both well-being and distress. It was not just about the fre-
quency of the coping strategy but, once again, the perceived effectiveness of the
coping strategy was also deemed important (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009).
In another study, the interrelationships between coping styles, emotional well-
being and school connectedness were examined using path analysis (Frydenberg,
Care, Freeman, & Chan, 2009). For a sample of 536 (241 boys and 295 girls) a pro-
ductive coping style was positively related both to student reported sense of well-
being and, to a lesser extent, to school connectedness. A non-productive coping style
was inversely related to students’ sense of well-being and connection to school. Stu-
dents’ sense of emotional well-being was positively related to school connectedness.
The negative relationship between non-productive coping with emotional
well-being, and to a lesser extent with school connectedness, highlights the
importance of taking into account the influence of both risk factors and positive
factors when focusing on well-being. Furthermore, it is likely that enhancing
coping skills will both increase well-being and to a lesser extent increase young
people’s sense of connectedness in the school setting, particularly if connected-
ness is addressed during a coping skills program. Overall young people could be
expected to cope better following a coping skills program.
4.6 Bullying
Bullying has been a longstanding problem in schools. However, with the advent
of the Internet and mobile technology, bullying has manifested in new ways. For
example, cyberbullying can occur over the Internet though the means of instant
messaging, chat rooms, mobile phones, personalised web pages, blogs and social
networks such as MySpace and Facebook.
Lodge and Frydenberg (2007) conducted a study to examine the prevalence
of cyberbullying and real-world (general) bullying for adolescents between the
ages of 11 and 17. The sample consisted of 652 students (204 male and 378
female) from two independent schools and three government schools. In addi-
tion to investigating gender differences in cyber and general bullying, the study
sought to determine the coping strategies used by students who had generally
experienced real-world bullying compared to the coping profiles of their cyber-
victimised peers. Peer victimisation was measured with a nine-item self-
administered questionnaire. It was found that, 91 per cent (n = 596) of students
reported bullying of some description and 22 per cent (n = 134) reported that they
had been victims of cyberbullying.
Gender differences in coping were identified: with girls reporting greater use
of relating to others, seeking social support, social action, tension reduction and
self-blame; and boys reporting use of more coping actions, such as working hard
to solve the problem, using relaxing diversions and engaging in physical activ-
ity. Girls who expressed cyberbullying concerns reported using coping actions
such as excessive worry, tension reduction and self-blame. Boys were more
inclined to ignore the problem and keep it to themselves and were less likely to
seek professional help.
The implication of these findings is that a large number of young people do
experience bullying and that cyberbullying is becoming of increasing concern.
Therefore, there is a need to develop resilience and the capacity for both the
community and the individual to deal with the problem. It is recommended
that coping skills programs incorporate some instruction on the management
of the cyberworld and ways to deal with cyberbullying when it occurs (see
Chapter 12 for coping in the cyber world and Frydenberg (2010) for a program
of instruction). The study highlighted the different ways that boys and girls
cope and how they might change their coping practices to assist the situation.
This can then become part of coping skills instruction programs since there is
an interest in the application of theory to the world of the contemporary
adolescent (see Chapter 8 for the relationship between bullying, depression
and coping).
4.7 Proactive coping

Proactive coping is generally seen as a desirable coping strategy (see Chapter 2),
particularly for motivation, while aggression is not. In one study we were inter-
ested to explore the relationship between different types of aggression, particu-
larly proactive aggression and proactive coping (Larkins & Frydenberg, 2004).
The profile of the proactive aggressor is very similar to that of the proactive
coper in that he or she also uses aggression to obtain goals and makes a deliber-
ate choice of action. While proactive coping is seen as positive and proactive
aggression is seen as negative it was thought that there may be some underlying
characteristics, which are the same but are manifested differently in proactive
copers and proactive aggressors.
Two hundred and six participants, (9–13-years-old), from 15 non-government
regional schools in Victoria, Australia, most of whom were from Anglo-
European and middle to low socio-economic backgrounds, took part in the study
and completed an adapted version of the ACS. Responses from teachers’ check-
lists were used to identify children as reactive aggressive, proactive aggressive
or non-aggressive.
The group of children identified by their teachers as reactive aggressive
obtained a higher score on non–productive coping. Of the factors underlying the
non-productive scale, not coping and tension reduction were significant. The
reactive aggressive group also obtained a higher mean for social action than the
non-reactive group. All groups reported using a similar number of productive
coping strategies but the reactive aggressive group had a higher mean score for
non-productive coping strategies than the other groups. This suggests that they
do know and use productive coping strategies but may also use non-productive
strategies. This supports recommendations for interventions to focus on reducing
non-productive coping strategies rather than just increasing productive coping
strategies (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002).
The two main non-productive strategies used by the reactive aggressive group
were: tension reduction, trying to feel better by letting off steam; and not coping,
which was giving up or not doing anything about the problem. Tension reduc-
tion included items such as ‘cry or scream’ and ‘take my frustrations out on
others’. Not coping included items such as ‘there is nothing I can do about the
problem so I just don’t do anything’ and ‘I get headaches and stomach aches’.
The proactive group reported using significantly fewer of these strategies than
the non-proactive group. This supports a view of proactive children being in
control and behaving in a purposeful way, while reactive children act impul-
sively, responding aggressively to fear and anger (Dodge, Lochman, Harnish,
Bates, & Pettit, 1997). It may be that teaching young people about coping
enables both proactive and reactive aggressive young people to behave differ-
ently. Taking account of and acknowledging an individual’s particular style of
dealing with circumstances is likely to be helpful when developing positive
coping skills.
4.8 Refugee adolescents and their coping

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reports that
there are currently over 65.3 million people experiencing dislocation and dis-
placement, half of whom are children (UNHCR, 2015). This is the highest
figure ever recorded, highlighting how the displacement of people across the
globe is a large-scale and escalating issue for human development, health and
education. Experiences of young refugees are characterised by exposure to
destructive forms of conflict and trauma. Upon arrival, these young people
continue to face multiple challenges and daily stresses, such as adjusting to a
new culture, language, education system and social environment, while coming
to terms with past atrocities and families in transition (Fraine & McDade,
2009). There is substantial research investigating the stressors and difficulties
young refugees face during resettlement; however, there is less research into
how young refugees cope with common everyday problems, such as interper-
sonal conflict.
Most young refugees have experienced war-related trauma, such as dis-
placement, separation from family, witnessing killing and deaths and depriva-
tion of education. These experiences could exacerbate the psychosocial crises
that occur during normal development, for example heightened sensitivity
towards daily stressors such as peer-conflict and learning difficulties. A large
body of evidence indicates that young refugees experience higher rates of
psychological and social impact of trauma compared to children and adoles-
cents with immigrant or local backgrounds (Ehntholt & Yule, 2006). However,
there are also studies that show a low prevalence rate for emotional and
behavioural problems, as in a sample of 530 children and adolescents with
refugee backgrounds in Australia where a prevalence rate of 6.7 per cent was
found (Ziaian, de Anstiss, Antoniou, Baghurst & Sawyer, 2013). Such incon-
sistencies highlight the importance of considering the broader context of risk
and protective factors at interplay in the multiple layers of the social ecological
systems in which the young refugee is embedded when assessing their mental
health and overall well-being. For example, a child who experiences a combi-
nation of risk factors – such as past traumas, family discord and learning dif-
ficulties – is likely to have increased vulnerability to mental health problems
compared to a child experiencing one of these risk factors, or risk factors of
less severity and impact and where support is available.
External factors such as family composition (e.g. whether a young person is
accompanied or not), parental health, economic circumstances, immigration pro-
cesses and social support have been found to have a significant impact on mental
health outcomes (Fazel, Reed, Panter-Brick, & Stein, 2012).
Key risk and protective factors for young refugees during resettlement are
outlined in a qualitative review of 44 studies by Fazel and colleagues (2012).
The review indicated that exposure to traumatic events (particularly violence)
places young refugees at greater risk of mental health problems. The nature, fre-
quency and developmental stage at the time of exposure for a young person are
associated with different pathways of adjustment.
Key findings included:
• Incidences of bullying and having few friends are strongly associated

with poor adjustment;
• High levels of perceived peer support are associated with positive
psychological well-being;
• A sense of safety and belonging at school protects against depression;
• School connectedness is associated with higher self-esteem;
• Healthy adaptation during resettlement is associated with retaining one’s
cultural identity whilst actively participating in the host society; and
• Young people who are religious indicate fewer internalising behaviours,
such as depression or anxiety.
Australian research involving interviews with young refugees highlighted issues

with regard to their sense of identity and belonging, racism and prejudice (par-
ticularly within the school), concerns about friendships, experiences of bullying,
language difficulties, transitions between schools, and conflict with parents
(Correa-Velez, Gifford, & Barnett, 2010; McFarlane, Kaplan & Lawrence, 2011;
Poppit & Frey, 2007). Participants in these studies named a variety of coping
strategies, such as seeking help from friends, family and/or professionals,
problem solving, listening to music, playing sport/exercising and participating in
community events.
Overall, young refugees attending Australian schools are required to navigate
through a range of potential issues such as cultural differences, segregation,
belonging and discrimination. This is also likely to be the case for young
refugees in other cultural contexts.
In a study to explore how refugee, immigrant and Australian students coped
with conflict, 77 students (44 girls and 33 boys) completed an adapted version
of the Life Events Checklist (LEC; Gray, Litz, Hsu, & Lombardo, 2004),
which measured the number of potentially traumatic events participants had
been exposed to (Cameron, Frydenberg, & Jackson, 2016). In this study, the
LEC was simplified to include only two options for each item: (1) ‘This hap-
pened to me or I saw this happen’; or (2) ‘This happened to someone close to
me’. Additionally, they completed the 19-item short form (specific version) of
the ACS (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993b) to assess how they coped with interper-
sonal conflicts.
The findings indicated that refugee students were significantly higher on the
coping strategies ‘pray’ (referring to faith) compared to immigrant and local stu-
dents, and ‘I am nice to people so they like me’ (seeking to belong), compared to
local students. Refugee students’ preference for referring to faith as a strategy
for coping with conflict may have been related to the sample being predomi-
nantly from African and Middle Eastern backgrounds, who are known to have
stronger religiousness compared to Australian society.
Group differences indicated that refugee students reported more preference
for reference to others coping in conflict situations compared to immigrant and
local students.
Findings in the present study replicated previous studies that have shown that
young refugees have a tendency to cope with difficulties through reference to
their faith and social support and that such effects appear to be strongest in the
earlier stages of resettlement (Correa-Velez et al., 2010; Fazel et al., 2012). As
expected, increased exposure to trauma predicted a preference for non-
productive coping strategies when considering all participants and young
refugees. Consistent with previous research, refugees in the present study
reported significantly more exposure to sudden death and war-related trauma
compared to immigrant or local participants (Lustig et al., 2004).
In a review of interventions for young refugees, Tyrer and Fazel (2014)
recommend attempting to understand the school environment from the per-
spective of students to help determine the potential impact of interventions.
Using a combination of environmental and individual assessments highlights
what can be changed within schools to better support students and reduces the
likelihood of seeing refugee students as ‘the problem’ (Jones & Rutter, 1998).
4.9 Special groups of young people

In addition to our understanding of how young people in general cope, specific
groups of young people are considered as exemplars of how coping can be a
useful tool not only in understanding coping practices but also to enhance coping
skills. Consistent with the view that culture and context are all important, the
research illustrates the ways in which coping can be usefully assessed in diverse
groups of young people with particular needs and ways of adapting. Two groups
of young people are considered here. The first is young people with diabetes and
the second group is young people with high-functioning autism spectrum dis-
order. Coping skills interventions for both these groups are addressed in
Chapter 11.
4.9.1 Type 1 diabetes

Adolescents diagnosed with a chronic illness, including type 1 diabetes mellitus
(T1DM), face the typical physical and psychosocial challenges associated with
adolescence, as well as the additional challenges of having to cope with the daily
stressors of living with a chronic illness. T1DM is an autoimmune disorder
resulting in a deficiency of the hormone insulin (American Diabetes Association,
2010). Eleven people in 100,000 have T1DM in Australia, placing Australia at
the top end of industrialised countries in terms of prevalence (Australian Insti-
tute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), 2016). In Australia in 2015 almost 2 in 3
children with type 1 diabetes were aged 10–14 (3,891 children), 1,794 were aged
5–9, and 406 were aged 0–4, with similar prevalence rates among boys and girls.
(AIHW, 2015).
Adolescents with T1DM face a number of daily stressors when managing
their health condition (Davidson, Penney, Muller, & Grey, 2004). Several
times a day adolescents with T1DM must administer and regulate their insulin
dosage through injections or an insulin pump, monitor their food intake and
physical activity, and test their blood sugar to correct high or low levels. These
self-care tasks are required to maintain adequate glycaemic control (control
over blood sugar levels) and prevent life-threatening health complications (Sil-
verstein et al., 2005).
One study ran focus groups with 13 T1DM participants, aged 13–17, who had
been diagnosed with T1DM for at least six months (Serlachius, Frydenberg,
Northam, & Cameron, 2011). A semi-structured interview schedule included
questions relating to coping such as: What are some different ways of coping or
managing with a problem or stressful situation? What are some of the ways that
you cope when you are feeling stressed about something to do with your dia-
betes? Can you give me some examples of ways that you cope that you find
useful or helpful? Can you give me some examples of ways that you cope that
you think are unhelpful or unhealthy? The data were analysed against the back-
drop of the ACS categories and were generally a good fit as a description of how
young people coped.
Of the 18 coping strategies identified in the ACS, 14 were discussed in the
focus groups. The four that were not reported were social action, not coping,
self-blame and seek spiritual support. The most prevalent non-productive coping
strategies across the four groups included tension reduction, ignore the problem
and keep to self; while the most prevalent productive coping strategies included
seek social support, physical recreation and seek relaxing diversions. Addition-
ally, the qualitative data were analysed using content analysis and grouped
according to the ACS. Prevalent non-productive coping strategies included
tension reduction (the use of maladaptive techniques to reduce tension/stress),
ignore the problem and keep to self. Prevalent productive coping strategies
included seek social support, physical recreation and seek relaxing diversions.
4.9.2 Autism spectrum disorder

Autism spectrum disorders (ASD) are a heterogeneous group of developmental
disorders; including autistic disorder and Asperger disorder (or Asperger syn-
drome), which have more recently been incorporated into Autism Spectrum Dis-
order in DSV-5 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Collectively the
disorders are estimated to occur in approximately 1 in 160 individuals (MacDer-
mott, Williams, Ridley, Glasson, & Wray, 2007). Diagnosis of ASD is based on
characteristic patterns of social and communication impairments and the pres-
ence of restricted, repetitive or stereotypical behaviours (DSM-5, APA, 2013).
The clinical presentation of persons with ASD ranges greatly, from individuals
profoundly affected by autistic symptomatology and with associated intellectual
and language disabilities, to those with cognitive and language abilities that fall
within average and above ranges, but with a range of social and behavioural
differences throughout development compared to the typically developing popu-
lation (Klin, 2009). This latter group are often referred to as presenting at the
higher-functioning end of the autism spectrum and includes the diagnosis of
what was previously referred to as Asperger disorder, and what is commonly
called high-functioning autism.
Evidence suggests that individuals with high-functioning ASDs appear to be
at greater risk of developing problems such as: depression (Stewart, Barnard,
Pearson, Hasan, & O’Brien, 2006); anxiety (White, Oswald, Ollendick, &
Scahill, 2009); and have been found to report lower levels of positive well-being
(Jennes-Coussens, Magill-Evans, & Koning, 2006). However, very little research
has investigated how these young people attempt to cope with the problems they
encounter.
In one study six males aged between 13 and 17, with Asperger syndrome or
high-functioning autism, completed an adapted ACS, the Social Skills Rating
System, the Personal Well-being Index and a semi-structured interview about the
ways they coped (Robertson & Frydenberg, 2011). Parental reports on an
adapted ACS (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993b) and the Social Skills Rating System
(Gresham & Elliott, 1990) were also collected for some participants. Subjective
well-being was assessed using the Personal Well-being Index (Cummins & Lau,
2005). Adolescents reported using a range of coping strategies, however they
described their coping efforts as often ineffective. Parents also perceived that
their sons used several non-productive coping strategies more frequently.
The qualitative responses reflected the coping categorisations that appeared in
the group’s results, illustrating the ways in which this sample of young people
cope. Some example comments are:
‘I try and ignore it.’ ‘I just accept that it’s happening’

‘Leave for a while allowing me to calm down.’
‘I try and think of it from their point of view, try and see what they’re
thinking.’
‘I try and think that nothing bad can really go wrong.’ ‘Try to stay positive.’
‘Get angry and cry or break something.’ ‘I argue back to Mum.’
‘Sometimes I ask the teacher.’
‘You know, just ignoring the problem doesn’t really make me feel better’
‘Sorting my own problems out goes pretty poorly’.
4.10 Summary remarks

Clearly, different populations of young people have different concerns and cope
in different ways. While it is possible to gain insights into young people’s use of
coping skills, ideally each population needs to be assessed independently. This is
particularly relevant when designing programs for intervention. Nevertheless,
the overall picture is clear, the use of more productive coping strategies is asso-
ciated with greater well-being and the use of less helpful coping skills is a signal
that a young person’s coping is non-productive. The relatively frequent use of
ignoring, avoiding or accepting a problem should be seen as concerning, as these
ways to cope are generally not found to be associated with positive outcomes
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009; Reijntjes, Stegge, & Meerum Terwogt, 2006;
Seiffge-Krenke & Klessinger, 2000). While only a few insights have been pre-
sented here it is clear that boys and girls generally cope differently. Culture,
context and the situation under consideration all impact coping. Cross-cultural
studies and those with young people who find themselves in particular circum-
stances, such as illness or disability, should be considered independently. There
is no right or wrong coping; coping is more a reflection of the situation an indi-
vidual finds themselves in, how they appraise a situation and what resources,
general and coping, they have available to them that are likely to determine the
coping strategies they ultimately choose to utilise.
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5 Family coping
Culture and context
[The family] is the key mediating structure of that surrounding culture and its
values, the crucible in which is forged the child’s developing competence. Our
first experience of social others takes place in the family; our first social bonds
form here; our first experience of roles as patterns of expected behaviour is here.
Our first learning of words and other symbols which allow us to separate our-
selves from other objects and interact subjectively as a self with other people
happens in the family, as do our early feelings of power and authority (in the
shape of parental rights to control us). All these family-based experiences are, in
themselves, problems that have to be coped with. They also shape the ways in
which we will attempt to cope and bring our environment within our own control.
(Edgar, 1999, pp. 109–110)
5.1 Development and the family

The family is the incubator of development. It is perhaps the most significant
socio-cultural context through which young people progress from childhood to
adolescence on their developmental journey to adulthood. Contemporary family
life comprises a group that is nuclear, extended, dual or single-parent, same-sex,
blended or reconstituted, or some other unique, culturally determined combina-
tion of children and adults living together. Regardless of the configuration of the
family, it is the interrelationship between young people and the adults in their
lives, along with the dynamics within the family that has a major impact on
developmental and learning outcomes. The family itself is within a broader eco-
logical context with culture playing a major part in shaping experiences. Despite
fears that ‘traditional family life’ is dying in Western communities and not
socialising young people properly, the family remains the basic institution of
human learning. Moreover, it is constantly evolving as the caregivers are
engaged in the world of work in ways that are impacted by economic and cul-
tural circumstances, such as the experience of dual career parents, work requir-
ing travel or extended absences for a parent or parents and the role that extended
families or grandparents play in some communities. All these variants add up to
flux, change and evolution in context. Nevertheless, the family remains a critical
unit in which development and learning take place.
Family coping 59
The purpose of this chapter is to draw on some exemplars from coping
research and the literature that highlight the impact of culture and context rather
than to consider individual family constructs that impact on the lives of young
people.
Although the family is recognised as a powerful force in children’s learning,
it is important to place the adolescent and his or her family within the wider
social ecology that frames their experiences. Whatever innate temperament and
capacities the individual may have, the circumstances that surround him or her
from birth will provide both the opportunities and the constraints in terms of
adaptation. Family structure, that is, who is in the family, family climate and the
nature of the interactions in the family are also presented in this chapter as
indices for optimum development. More particularly, the features of family life
that help with the development of coping skills are considered.
The three major contexts that influence development – the family, the school
and the community – act at times individually and at other times in concert.
Borowsky, Ireland and Resnick (2001), using data collected as part of the
National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health in the USA, interviewed
13,110 adolescents in Grades 7 through to 12 from 134 US high schools for their
health status, family dynamics, attitudes and health risk behaviours (e.g. suicidal
behaviour, drug and alcohol use and criminal activities). This longitudinal study
reports the effects of community (e.g. school connectedness), family (e.g. par-
ent–family connectedness), and individual level factors (e.g. emotional well-
being) on suicide attempts and found that the presence of the above three
protective factors reduced the risk of a suicide attempt by 70 per cent to 85 per
cent for each of the gender and racial/ethnic groups, including those with and
without identified risk factors. Using the same data, a similar study by Resnick,
Ireland and Borowsky (2004) shows that for both adolescent girls and boys there
were substantial reductions in the percentage of youth involved in violence in
the presence of protective factors, even with significant risk factors present.
While a supportive family and school milieu are helpful, it remains a chal-
lenge for the researcher to determine how connectedness is best achieved. Good
communicative practices play an integral part. Where there is connectedness
there are likely to be good communicative practices in place, and where there are
good communicative practices there is likely to be connectedness. Attachment
and bonding, along with family cohesiveness, are important components. But as
Edgar (1999) points out, attachment is determined by a host of temperamental
and environmental factors. Parent–child interactions and social-skills develop-
ment provide insights into effective communicative practices both inside and
outside the family.
The cultural context in which families are embedded determines how we
learn to cope. It determines what is perceived as effective coping and what is
not. This is most evident when considering how young people make the develop-
mental transition into sexual maturity. The transition itself is guided by social
practices and accompanying social pressures as to what is perceived as conven-
tion in one community and not in another. There are the pressures of the
60 Family coping
dominant culture (for example the majority practice in any community, how
peers mature and so on), as well as in the subculture, such as the restrictions that
may be placed by parents on children’s movements. When it comes to sexuality
there are strong norms, which may vary from one community to another. Young
people conform according to the norms associated with developmental time-
tables, which include the first date, first kiss, first sexual encounter. Most impor-
tantly, context and culture can provide both a resource and a challenge to the
individual in the pursuit of social, emotional and developmental maturity. How a
young person copes with this transition is determined by peer and familial influ-
ences. Each developmental milestone is associated with its own protective
factors. For example, how puberty is traversed is aided by a strong family
support system and a strong peer system. In reviewing a decade of sexuality
development as normative, Tolman and McClelland (2011) demonstrate that
there is a focus on sexual ‘self-hood’ and sexual socialisation where both family
and peers are important. Moore (1999) points out that research programs which
specifically link characteristics of sexual transitions with later coping, or coping
style with successful sexual transitions, do not exist and so we must draw con-
clusions from these broader data about adolescent development in general. While
sexual transitions are suitable topics for coping researchers, the transitions are
accompanied by stresses relating to timing, social pressure, lack of information,
or unpredictable or non-standard development.
An important question within each cultural context is the level of agency
afforded to the individual. To what extent do people have the capacity (and
opportunity) to assess and shape their own activity? Where there is a belief by
parents, mentors, teachers, peers or significant others in the individual’s capacity
to guide their own development, people generally do better.
The family is the setting where, for example, collaborative learning can take
place and where there is ‘scaffolding’ or support to help the young person to the
next stage of competence. It is a setting where modelling and social learning take
place, as well as a setting for competition, conflict and the provision of resources
(or the denial of access). From the sociological perspective, the family provides
resources and feedback to the individual, who then interprets their experience in
a unique way. Thus, the perception of the individual determines what he or she
takes from the family experience. The family’s impact on child development is
embedded in the wider culture. It is not just about, for example, maternal attach-
ment but is often about overcoming socio-economic circumstances. There is
strong evidence for the link between socio-economic status, child abuse, infant
morbidity and community stress. Similarly, marital happiness, family cohesion,
external support for the family, the absence of maternal depression or difficult
temperament, the ability to set firm limits in the context of an authoritative rather
than authoritarian parenting style, contribute to determining the outcome in
terms of child development.
While social skills are high currency in a complex society, particularly where
the individual is confronted with ever-changing roles and adjustments, many of
these skills are specific to a cultural context. Nevertheless, there is evidence of a
Family coping 61
core set of practices that transcend cultural boundaries, such as the universal
nature of facial expressions when an individual is happy, sad or angry (Argyle,
1999). However, questions remain as to the transferability of a broader range of
skills from one context to another, with each context being culturally deter-
mined. The evidence from clinical practice is that characteristics of the indi-
vidual, such as self-perception and self-efficacy in each domain or setting, be it
school, home or community, play their part in advancing or inhibiting healthy
development. Furthermore, if one does not see oneself as, for example, effective
in making oneself heard within the family, it is unlikely that one will feel
effective in asserting oneself in another setting. While for many the core social
skills are acquired through the course of everyday living, opportunities to learn
these skills may need to be provided both within the family and the wider com-
munity, including the school setting.
5.2 The ideal family

The family is one of the most significant influences and settings in which adoles-
cents find themselves. Thus, understanding the connection between family life
and coping is an important piece in the mosaic of lifespan development. When
there are conflicts, who does the adjusting, the adolescent or the family? Since
functional family climate is associated with functional styles of coping, the
prototype for an ideal family is presented.
The family is the context in which young people spend much of their time.
For example, data from the 500 Family Study reported by Offer (2013) found
that more than 200 out of the 237 adolescent participants spent close to 20 hours
per week engaging in different types of activities with at least one of the parental
figures. Specific positive associations were demonstrated between the emotional
well-being of adolescents and family activities, such as eating meals together,
especially when fathers were present (Offer, 2013).
In most Western countries there is a tendency for adolescents to move away
from the family and spend more time with peers. An international study on how
children and adolescents spend their time has shown that adolescents from
Western countries are granted much more spare time than adolescents from
Asian nations, and a large amount of this time is spent with peers in leisure
activities (Larson & Verma, 1999). A study conducted by the United Nations
(2004) on youth found that about half of American young people’s waking hours
are free, and European adolescents seem to have about the same or slightly less
leisure time, while Asian young people appear to have a quarter to a third of
their time for leisure.
In the context of leisure, the use of social media is a relatively recent phe-
nomenon in which there is a merging of boundaries as to what is leisure and
what is work. In the UK young people between 16 and 24 spend more than 27
hours on the Internet per week. People were spending twice as much time online
than ten years earlier, with young adults tripling the time they spent online
(Anderson, 2015).
62 Family coping
Autonomy is an important feature of family life and the question could be
asked: Who shapes family life? The demands and needs of the adolescent or that
of their parents? A four-year longitudinal study with 196 families found that
parents and children do not directly affect each other’s ability to cope with
family stress over time but rather indirect associations between parents’ and chil-
dren’s coping styles via autonomy support in the family were found to be
important. Both parents’ and adolescents’ perceptions of what the researchers
called autonomy support, namely, a family climate that is supportive yet able to
grant freedom, were important in shaping their respective coping styles (Seiffge-
Krenke & Pakalniskiene, 2011). Overall the authors found a reciprocal relation-
ship in that parents’ perceptions of autonomy support in the family were related
to adolescents’ perceptions and vice versa. Moreover, adolescents’ perceptions
of autonomy support were related to active, that is healthy, coping over time. As
the authors point out, most studies in the parenting of adolescents focus on how
parents shape their adolescent’s behaviour, but it is not a one-way direction of
influence.
Elements of childrearing and parenting have a lifelong impact on individuals.
Using the Medical Research Council National Survey of Health and Develop-
ment, a group of UK researchers examined parent–child relationship quality and
positive mental well-being (Stafford, Kuh, Gale, Mishra, & Richards, 2016).
They found that people who reported that their parents had intruded on their
privacy in childhood or encouraged dependence, were more likely to have low
scores in surveys of happiness and general well-being carried out in their teens,
their thirties, their forties and even their sixties. However, relationship patterns
change and become more accommodating to the emergent adult. For example,
parental involvement in the management of children provides opportunities for
social interactions. Parents may supervise and guide these interactions from time
to time. Involvement in relationships is the basis on which independence is
established, and it is not perceived to contradict or interfere with the develop-
ment of independence.
The ‘ideal’ family is one where
• communication is positive and effective

• adolescents receive strong support from parents
• adolescents are free to express feelings and opinions
• issues are discussed and conflicts raised
• family plans are negotiated
• cooperation and trust exist between parents and adolescents
• parents can express concerns about likely consequences.
5.3 Family patterns of coping

In a small-scale study Niekkerud and Frydenberg, (2011) were able to illustrate
the patterns of coping that exist in families. To explore family patterns of coping
20 students from Year 7 (n = 4, M age = 12 years 11 months) and Year 11 (n = 16,
Family coping 63
M age = 16 years 9 months) recorded how they coped. In addition, the same-sex
parent of each student participant took part (i.e. mothers and daughters, and
fathers and sons). Both students and parents completed the ACS, but some items
were modified for the parent questionnaire so that the wording would be more
appropriate for adults, for example, ‘Attend school regularly’ was changed to
‘Attend work regularly’ and ‘Spend more time with boy/girl friend’ to ‘Spend
more time with husband/wife/boy/girl friend’.
5.3.1 Overall comparisons of parent and child coping

Generally, the coping strategies of parents and children followed the same
general pattern. However, the adolescents in that sample reported that they were
significantly more likely to worry, ignore the problem and report a greater
inability to deal with problems and develop psychosomatic symptoms than their
parents, by declaring that they did not have the strategies to cope. Adolescents
also reported a greater use of seek to belong, seek relaxing diversions and
wishful thinking than their parents. The strongest difference was that adolescents
reported greater use of wishful thinking than their parents. There were three sta-
tistically significant positive correlations between parents and children, namely,
wishful thinking, seek spiritual support, and the strongest was for seek
professional help.
5.3.2 Differences between fathers and sons, and mothers and

daughters
As gender differences in coping behaviour have been well-documented (e.g.
Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993, 2009), separate analyses were conducted for males
and females to examine the mean differences for fathers and sons and for mothers
and daughters. Consistent with the overall parent–child sample, compared to their
fathers, sons were more likely to use worry, not cope, and wishful thinking strat-
egies. Sons also reported being significantly less likely to focus on the positive
than their fathers. There was only one statistically significant correlation between
fathers and sons, which was a positive correlation for wishful thinking,
Similarly, there were some significant differences in the coping styles of
mothers and daughters. Like fathers and sons, daughters reported being more
likely to use wishful thinking strategies than their mothers. Daughters also
reported wanting to gain approval and being concerned with what others think,
more so than did their mothers, which was reflected in their significantly higher
score on seek to belong. Of particular interest is the daughters’ higher score on
focus on the positive. Daughters were more likely than their mothers to take their
mind off the problem by reading a book, watching television or going out to
have a good time. There were significant positive correlations between mothers
and daughters for seek spiritual support and seek professional help.
The findings of this study indicate that adolescent children do not tend to
adopt the coping styles used by their parents, consistent with the findings of
64 Family coping
Lade, Frydenberg and Poole (1998), who used an older adolescent female popu-
lation. If adolescents were influenced by the coping responses used by their
parents, we would expect to see strong positive correlations on most of the
scales, which is not the case. Nonetheless, the results present some interesting
trends, such as parents use of spiritual support and seeking professional help
being replicated by the adolescents.
5.3.3 Similarities between parent and child coping responses

There were only a few notable relationships between fathers and sons. For
example, there were positive relationships between fathers and their adolescent
sons on wishful thinking, a non-productive coping strategy characterised by day-
dreaming and hoping for the best. Fathers who use that type of avoidant
behaviour in response to problems may be perceived by their sons as withdrawn
and passive, and this could be related to more distant father–son relationships.
As Zimmer-Gembeck and Locke (2007) found, adolescents who have a positive
and engaging relationship with their parents are less likely to employ avoidant
strategies such as wishful thinking and more likely to use productive, solution-
focused coping responses. Furthermore, Videon (2005) argues that while both
mothers and fathers are important, it is the influence of fathers that has the
greater impact on the psychological well-being of their adolescent children. It is
possible that fathers who readily engage in wishful thinking are more solitary,
and not as likely to actively engaging with their children, thus affecting the
quality of the parent–child relationship. There was no significant correlation for
mothers and daughters on wishful thinking.
Interestingly though, as noted above, mothers and daughters were positively
correlated on the scales seek professional help and seek spiritual support. The
use of spiritual support as a coping response is used in a minority of families in
some cultural contexts and more in others. It can be expected that parents who
use spiritual support will maintain the family tradition by encouraging their chil-
dren to do the same. On the other hand, adolescent children are unlikely to seek
out spiritual support for themselves if their parents have not modelled this
behaviour for them. Likewise, seeking professional help from counsellors is a
relatively unpopular choice of coping strategy, but it is possible that those
parents who find professional counselling helpful may openly encourage their
adolescent children to cope in a similar way. Frydenberg and Lewis (1993)
found Anglo-Australian students were less likely to seek professional help or
spiritual support than Asian-Australian or European-Australian students, so the
mother/daughter and father/son findings cited here are likely to be a reflection of
general cultural trends that de-emphasise the use of these coping strategies.
5.3.4 Differences of coping styles between fathers and sons

Overall, there were more differences than similarities noted between the coping
styles of parents and their adolescent children. Sons are more likely than their
Family coping 65
fathers to engage in non-productive coping strategies such as worry, wishful
thinking and not cope; and less likely to focus on positive coping strategies.
While these results for male participants may initially seem concerning, they
lend support to the notion that adolescents may be experiencing a lot of new and
unfamiliar life events and therefore find it more difficult than adults to cope with
problems (Bowles & Fallon, 2006). The student participants in this study were
in Year 7 (12–13 years) and Year 11 (16–17 years), which are both years of
school transition that can be a particularly unsettling period for adolescents. This
destabilising time may give adolescent males the sense that they are not coping
as well as they should. As a focus on the positive can be seen as a socially
acceptable response to have when faced with a problem, the fact that adolescent
male students are significantly less likely than their fathers to use this strategy
when faced with a problem could be a reflection of teenage ‘rebellion’ or a
desire to assert one’s individuality and move away from social norms. However,
the small sample size limits the confidence with which conclusions can be drawn
so are used more as an illustration of how parent coping can be used to compare
with that of their adolescents.
5.3.5 Differences of coping styles between mothers and daughters

Consistent with previous research about age and gender coping differences (e.g.
Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000), the female students in this sample were more likely
than their mothers to use seek to belong, reflecting a desire to fit in with other
people and receive approval from others, rather than a rebellion against the
coping behaviour modelled by their mothers. Typical of teenage girls, being
socially accepted is important and it comes as no surprise that female students
report using this coping strategy more than their mothers, who are probably at a
stage in life where they feel more settled and comfortable with themselves and
may not have a strong need to receive widespread approval from others.
5.4 Some issues to consider

Culture and context are all important. Overall, adolescents with more positive
relationships used more active coping with problems at home and at school
(Zimmer-Gembeck & Locke, 2007). Nevertheless, cultural differences are worth
noting. For example, a recent study has demonstrated substantial differences in
coping styles for adolescents in different regions of the world (Persike &
Seiffge-Krenke, 2016). These authors found that significant differences emerged
with respect to geographic region and key demographic indicators. Adolescents
from Eastern European and Western countries had generally quite low levels of
stress. Adolescents from Southern Europe exhibited the highest stress levels and
the greatest coping activity in dealing with stress in both home and school con-
texts, whereas adolescents from Southern Emerging and Asian countries reported
high levels of parent-related stress and dealt much less actively with it than with
peer-related stress.1 They concluded that adolescents from all countries were
66 Family coping
remarkably competent in dealing with relationship stressors. Most importantly
they concluded that cultural and regional differences have a stronger effect on
stress perception and coping style than gender.
Hamid, Yue and Leung (2003) explored coping in four different Chinese
family environments: a) conflict-control; b) structured, cohesive, expressive and
recreation oriented; c) structured, cohesive and low conflict; and d) unstructured
and low control. With a sample of Form 3 secondary students (154 boys and 143
girls, 15 years old), they used an adapted version of the ACS and the Family
Environment Scale (Moos & Moos, 1986). Families with high cohesion, expres-
siveness, organisation, low conflict and low to medium level of control were
associated with a more constructive coping style. This is similar to what is indi-
cated in the ideal family. However, there are always nuanced cultural differences
that need to be considered. For example, the researchers also found that Chinese
adolescents tended to mobilise personal resources, seek help from social
resources and adopt a philosophy of ‘do nothing’ as their major coping style
when they had a positive perception of their family environment. Gender differ-
ences were much the same as has been found in other adolescent research, in that
girls were more reliant on social support whereas boys tended to avoid the
problem or utilised blaming.
5.4.1 Parental mental health

In addition to issues of control and family conflict the issue of parental mental
health is relevant. For example, maternal depression has been considered as an
index of mental health, in that adolescents of these mothers are considered to be
at increased risk of depression. The issue of children living with parental mental
illness has been explored extensively in the literature. These children have been
considered to be at risk of diagnosable pathology. Cogan, Riddell and Mayes
(2004) compared the coping styles of 20 affectively ill parents with their chil-
dren’s (aged 12–17) using the ACS and the CSA, along with a semi-structured
interview schedule. Overall, it was found that affectively ill parents and their
children were more likely to adopt the non-productive coping style and were less
likely to seek external support to help them cope with their family situation com-
pared to ‘well’ parents and their children. The authors report these parents and
children felt a stigma associated with mental ill-health, which led to fear and
secrecy.
Protective factors could be identified in a longitudinal study which found that
even though children of parents with mental illness have an elevated risk of
developing a range of mental health and psychosocial problems, many of these
children remained mentally healthy (Van Loon, Van De Ven, Van Doesum,
Hosman, & Witteman 2015). Factors such as active coping, parental monitoring
and self-disclosure were protective against developing internalising problems in
adolescents.
This is supported by another study conducted in the United States with 72
mothers (34 with a history of depression and 38 without) of whom 82 per cent
Family coping 67
were Caucasian, 14 per cent African American and 4 per cent Asian. The
researchers analysed videotaped and coded adolescent interactions relating to
family stress. They concluded that there was no significant difference in the
observed behaviour of adolescents whose mothers had a history of depression
than those who had not (Jaser, Champion, Dharamsi, Riesing, & Compas, 2011).
The study highlights the importance of considering the impact of positive affect
in the context of family stress as a marker of resilience. The study considered
positive affect as a coping strategy. This is supported by Van Loon et al.’s
(2015) longitudinal study on factors promoting the mental health of adolescents
who have a parent with mental illness. The study described that even though
children of parents with mental illness have an elevated risk of developing a
range of mental health and psychosocial problems, many of these children
remain mentally healthy. Factors such as active coping, parental monitoring and
self-disclosure were protective against developing internalising problems in
adolescents.
5.4.2 Siblings of adolescents with special needs

Siblings of children with special needs have also been considered from the per-
spective of how they cope and, indeed, whether there is evidence of stress-
related growth in such families. In general terms, there are indications that
people can grow or experience positive changes after experiencing stressful
events (Sim & Frydenberg, 2011).
Sibling relationship experiences are altered in significant ways when children
grow up with a brother or sister with special needs. During adolescence there is
pressure to conform and the search for self-identity is complicated by a growing
awareness of differences between the self and the sibling with special needs, the
caregiving responsibilities and even the guilt about thoughts of separating from
the family (McHugh, 2003; Strohm, 2002). These challenges and fears confront-
ing the siblings of children with special needs may be overlooked or misappre-
hended. However, these challenges also present as unusual opportunities for
growth. Contrary to beliefs that they would be at risk of psychopathology, some
researchers have found that siblings of children with special needs are reason-
ably well-adjusted and do maintain strong sibling ties across the life course
(Kaminsky & Dewey, 2002; Seltzer, Greenberg, Orsmond, & Lounds, 2005).
Furthermore, there is evidence that people can ‘grow’ or experience positive
changes after experiencing various stressful events (Armeli, Gunthert, &
Cohen, 2001; Milam, Ritt-Olson, & Unger, 2004). While different terms have
been used to describe this growth, such as posttraumatic growth, thriving and
benefit-finding, the authors used the term, stress-related growth (SRG) because
it encompasses changes that result from stressors of varying levels of severity
and not only from highly traumatic events. Thus, some people may achieve
personal insights, others may experience more gradual qualitative changes in
‘mastery and coping skills, or even empathy, compassion, and wisdom’
(Aldwin, 2007, p. 307).
68 Family coping
Drawing on the literature on family stress and coping, Berger and Weiss
(2009) proposed an expansion of the individual posttraumatic growth model to
the family system. The model delineated the role of family relational processes,
meaning making, problem solving, social support/constraints and societal themes
in facilitating growth in families. Preliminary evidence for the presence of SRG
in families could be seen in studies in which parents of children with special
needs reported positive transformations that included developing new roles and
new personal traits or developing existing traits, and having improved familial
and social relationships (Hastings & Taunt, 2002). An Australian study also
found that parent and family factors such as parent stress, family time and rou-
tines, family problem solving and communication, predicted sibling adjustment
difficulties over sibling factors (Giallo & Gavidia-Payne, 2006). Family adapta-
tions to disabilities that take into account the family’s relational processes are
likely to foster SRG.
Giallo and Gavidia-Payne (2006) used questionnaires and interviews in a
study of 25 families who had a child with a diagnosed disability or chronic
illness. It included a range of conditions, such as, autism spectrum disorders,
attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder, cerebral palsy, diabetes, Down syn-
drome, epilepsy, intellectual disability/developmental delay and sensory impair-
ment. The child’s sibling was between 9 to 18 years of age with a mean age of
siblings at 13.84 (SD = 2.41) and the mean age of the children with special needs
being 12.16 (SD = 3.53). Separate questionnaires were completed by parents and
adolescent siblings. A modified version of the SRG was developed by Armeli et
al. (2001). Coping strategies have typically been found to be positively related to
growth (Armeli et al., 2001; Park, 2016); in that the literature generally suggests
that growth is positively related to problem-focused coping strategies (e.g.
Aldwin, Sutton, & Lachman, 1996; Sears, Stanton, & Danoff-Burg, 2003), as
well as emotion-focused coping strategies (e.g. Thornton & Perez, 2006). The
most stressful events reported by siblings were when: their brothers/sisters were
unwell or upset (24 per cent); their brother/sister had a meltdown or temper
tantrum in public (20 per cent); their brother/sister was verbally or physically
aggressive to family members (12 per cent); and when they had to take over
caregiving responsibilities (12 per cent). The events fell under one of two
general categories: (1) direct threats to own well-being (e.g. ‘every time her
needs have made us late for things that I want to go to’); and (2) indirect or no
threats to own well-being (48 per cent) (e.g. ‘seeing her getting really upset
when she has to go [to] respite’). There was a significant positive relationship
between productive coping and stress-related growth. Additionally, the level of
SRG increased with the age of the child with special needs.
In the interviews conducted with some of the families there were reports of a
good bond with the adolescent sibling, and a relationship with their children as
‘loving’, ‘easygoing’ and ‘pretty close’. Siblings often played a ‘nurturing’ or
‘protective role’. Parents tried to utilise a family approach to problem solving.
Some families were able to access support from extended family and friends.
Families found relationships with other families who had a child with a disability
Family coping 69
provided a source of support as they ‘understood the difficulties’ and the proced-
ures involved.
5.4.3 Family climate

Overall, it is clear that family matters. A study of 612 secondary school students
considered the relationship between family stresses and strains (including rela-
tional, financial, parental problematic drinking and gambling) and well-being and
impaired coping (McKenzie, Jackson, Coles-Janess, & Frydenberg, n.d.). Well-
being was considered in seven areas (family, living situation, school, money, social
life, physical health, overall life satisfaction). This was related to parenting prac-
tices across five domains, namely, parental involvement, positive parenting, poor
monitoring/supervision, inconsistent discipline, and corporal punishment.
Resources were assessed with a short form of the Revised Resources Question-
naire (McKenzie & Frydenberg, 2004). The assessed resources were friends, being
close with at least one friend, support from parents/guardians, a good enough
home, enough food, being able to speak up for oneself, a stable family life, feeling
independent, money for personal needs and a sense of humour.
The socio-emotional climate in the family was related to well-being, as were
resources. Family stress, parenting and resources impact well-being and the use
of productive coping strategies in the expected directions. How young people
access resources matters but also whether resources, social, emotional or
material, are available. Positive parenting and parental involvement were posi-
tively related to adolescents’ well-being, while inconsistent discipline was
related to the use of non-productive coping. Well-being was associated with
having resources and the use of productive coping, and negatively associated
with the use of non-productive coping. These results are consistent with those
reported by Frydenberg, Care, Freeman and Chan (2009) in terms of the rela-
tionship between productive coping and well-being.

The impact of the family as a key resource for adolescents is clearly evident.
Additionally, the nature of how adolescent well-being is achieved within the
family is multifactorial. Family matters as a resource and as a support, as does
culture and context. While adolescents do not readily imitate their parents’
coping style there are some similarities which appear to be culturally and con-
textually determined. Parental mental health and how siblings deal with adoles-
cents with special needs in their family is illustrative of the fact that what
happens in the family is all important. Regardless of the diverse nature of family
life there is an ‘ideal family’ in which communications are the index of healthy
functioning.
70 Family coping
Note
1 According to Persike & Seiffge-Krenke (2016), ‘the group of Southern Emerging coun-
tries included Costa Rica, Egypt, Pakistan, and Peru. The Southern Emerging group is
most noteworthy since it covers a rather diverse set of countries.’
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6 Well-being and resilience
Well-being is a kind of feeling and it makes our lives more colourful.
Coping is a layer of rounded stones of bricks at the top of a wall or roof.

(Female, 15 years)
Well-being is a feeling of being comfortable, healthy and happy.
Resilience is the ability to become strong, happy or successful again after a diffi-
cult situation or event.
(Female, 13 years)
Connectedness to school, family or community provides critical building blocks

for well-being and resilience. In this chapter the literature on belonging and
motivation are brought together with coping. After all, young people who are
well motivated are likely to have a better sense of well-being and belonging.
Similarly, if there are strong indicators of belonging and the availability and uti-
lisation of helpful networks and supports, there is a likelihood of greater motiva-
tion and well-being.
There is strong evidence emerging on the relationship between school con-
nectedness and well-being, particularly as it relates to emotional health, suicidal
ideation and behaviours. A recent meta-analytic study of 16 samples of youth
enrolled in Grades 6–12 that explored the relationship between school connec-
tion and suicidal thoughts (ideation) and behaviours (attempts) found that high
school connectedness is associated with reduced reports of suicidal thoughts and
behaviours (Marraccini & Brier, 2017). There is no doubt that a focus on engag-
ing students in school life in terms of interpersonal relationships, realistic and
supportive academic expectations, positive student–teacher relationships and a
safe school environment pays dividends for both well-being and educational out-
comes. Although the literature on well-being, belonging and school connected-
ness overlap, in this chapter each is considered individually, along with
constructs such as motivation and mindset.
6.1 Well-being
Well-being, like coping, is multidimensional and multifaceted in that there are phys-
ical, economic, psychological, cognitive and social well-beings. There are intercon-
nections between having physical well-being and having social and emotional
well-being, but this is not necessarily a given. In the study of well-being, coping and
school connectedness, well-being is defined by the presence of positive affect as
opposed to the absence of distress (Frydenberg, Care, Freeman, & Chan, 2009).
Historically, conceptualisations of well-being have tended to equate it with the
absence of distress and negative conditions, while more recently well-being has
been conceptualised as the prevalence of positive self-attributes such as positive
affect and mental and physical health (Ryff & Singer, 2008; Keyes, 2002). For
example, the National Survey of Mental Health and Well-being, the largest study of
child and adolescent mental health conducted in Australia, and one of the few
national studies conducted in the world, characterised well-being as the absence of
‘mental disorders’ (Sawyer, Kosky, Graetz, Arney, & Zubrick, 2000). In contrast,
Fraillon (2004) proposed a child and adolescent model of well-being, which advo-
cated a multidimensional model using the concept of effective functioning. Fraillon
asserted that positive psychological definitions generally encompass the following
terms: the active pursuit of well-being; a balance of attributes; positive affect or life
satisfaction; and prosocial behaviour. The measure of student well-being is the
degree to which a student is functioning effectively in the home, school and com-
munity. Following an extensive systematic review of the child well-being literature,
Pollard and Lee (2003) isolated five dimensions that sufficiently represent the well-
being construct: physical; economic; psychological; cognitive; and social. Fraillon
(2004) recommended including two additional subdimensions: the intrapersonal, of
which there are nine subdimensions – including autonomy, emotional regulation,
resilience, self-efficacy, self-esteem, spirituality, curiosity, engagement and mastery
orientation; and the interpersonal, of which there are four subdimensions – includ-
ing communicative efficacy, empathy, acceptance, and connectedness.
Another approach is to consider the path to well-being from a longitudinal
perspective. One such approach is a 32-year longitudinal study that focused on
the predictors of well-being in adulthood (Olsson, McGee, Nada-Raja, & Wil-
liams, 2013). The Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development Study,
New Zealand tracked over 1,000 young people from the age of three, over ten
time points to the age of 38, and the overall findings were quite significant.
Although a moderate continuity was observed in childhood and adolescence in
social connectedness and a high continuity was observed in academic ability,
adolescent social connectedness was a better predictor of adult well-being than
academic achievement. The conclusion was drawn that indicators of well-being
in adulthood are better explained by social connection than by academic compet-
ence pathways. So, while it is important to engage young people in the learning
context to maximise educational outcomes, the longer-term perspective also
requires close attention to social-emotional aspects of development so as to con-
tribute to long-term well-being.
Well-being and resilience 75
6.2 Relationship between well-being and coping
In an early study of well-being (Ebata & Moos, 1991), 190 girls and boys aged
between 12 and 18, with behavioural, psychological and physical problems
(including rheumatic disease, conduct disorder and depression) were compared
with a control group of healthy adolescents. Perceived happiness and self-worth
were used as measures of well-being. The results indicated that higher levels of
well-being were related to greater use of active coping responses (positive
appraisal, guidance/support, problem solving and alternate rewards) and less use
of passive coping, namely resigned acceptance. In general, the results suggested
that young people are likely to be better adjusted if they actively engage in a
problem-solving approach, ‘look at the bright side’, and do not get caught up in
rumination and resignation. In a study of perceived control, coping and well-
being amongst Turkish adolescents, Ogul and Gencoz (2003) found that
expanded use of problem-focused coping strategies, as opposed to emotion-
focused strategies, were associated with alleviated depression.
Within the field of well-being research, there have been a number of studies
that investigated facets of well-being using the ACS (Frydenberg & Lewis,
1993). There is support for the use of coping as a correlate of well-being
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009). Furthermore, there is increasing evidence that stu-
dents who report more frequent productive coping actions appear to have a better
sense of emotional well-being (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009). In a study of coping
and self-efficacy Jenkins (1997) found that the best predictors for distinguishing
between high and low self-efficacy were the three coping strategies of: focusing
on the positive; solving the problem; and working hard to achieve.
The relationships between well-being, coping and academic achievement are
well established (Noto, 1995; Parsons, Frydenberg, & Poole, 1996; Skinner &
Wellborn, 1997). The research findings generally indicate positive relationships
between academic achievement and coping. In particular, Parsons et al. (1996)
identified that academically capable students are less likely to declare that they
do not have the strategies to cope; such students use more active coping, particu-
larly social support. While it may be deduced from these findings that academi-
cally high-achieving students experience greater well-being, it appears that it is
the perception of academic ability as opposed to actual achievement that is more
highly related to adolescent life satisfaction and subsequent well-being (Suldo,
Riley, & Shaffer, 2006).
As noted earlier, there is evidence that students who feel connected to their
school report fewer depressive symptoms (Shochet, Dadds, Ham, & Montague,
2006). This leads to an assumption about the likelihood of a positive relationship
between school connectedness and well-being. Additionally, there are indica-
tions that adolescents are less likely to report a sense of well-being when they
report use of negative coping strategies (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2002, 2009).
Thus, these relationships imply that focusing on school connectedness and/or
teaching coping skills in schools is likely to increase well-being.
6.3 School connectedness
School connectedness, like belonging, has also been considered under different
labels, such as school belonging or school engagement. These labels essentially
reflect the students’ relationships with their school. For the purposes of a study
by Frydenberg et al. (2009) school connectedness was defined as a student’s per-
ception of being accepted by the school and identifying themselves as being part
of the school community. Previous studies have shown close relationships
between school connectedness and a student’s academic and psychological out-
comes (Bond, Butler, Thomas, Carlin, Glover, Bowes et al., 2007; McGraw,
Moore, Fuller, & Bates, 2008; Shochet et al., 2006). Both school and parent con-
nectedness are key factors in resilience.
Australian research has indicated that during the first years of secondary
school (middle years) adolescents face a higher incidence of disengagement,
alienation, disruptive behaviour, disenchantment and boredom (Cumming &
Cormack, 1996; Strategic Initiatives Directorate, 2005), which demonstrates the
importance of focusing on engaging this adolescent population as these factors
are likely to have a substantial impact on well-being.
When data was collected from 536 students (241 boys and 295 girls),
12–14-years-old, in nine metropolitan schools using items contributing to the
emotional well-being scales (see Figure 6.1), productive coping was found to
have a positive relationship with emotional well-being (0.65) and school con-
nectedness (0.28). Non-productive coping, on the other hand, had weak negative
relationships with emotional well-being (−0.1) and school connectedness
(−0.19). Emotional well-being had a weak but positive relationship with school
connectedness (0.29). All of the regression weights mentioned were statistically
significant (p < 0.05) (Frydenberg et al., 2009).
Overall, students who use more productive coping strategies had a better
sense of well-being and reported greater connectedness with their school. The
negative associations of non-productive coping with well-being and with con-
nectedness tend to support the findings of Shochet et al. (2006), who showed
that poor school connectedness predicts depressive symptoms in adolescents and
that depressive symptoms have been found to be associated with the use of non-
productive coping strategies. These results indicate that students who reported a
higher usage of non-productive coping strategies had a lower sense of well-being
and poorer school connectedness, although these relationships were less strong
than those associated with productive coping.
There is a clear relationship between well-being, school connectedness and
school belonging despite the diverse approaches taken in the research literature.
6.4 School belonging

School belonging, like connectedness, has been defined in various ways, includ-
ing attachment, connectedness, feeling accepted and respected. The various defi-
nitions share three characteristics:
Emotional well-being items
• How much of the time have you felt that the future looks hopeful and promising?
• How much of the time has your life been full of things that were interesting
to you?
• How much of the time did you feel relaxed and free of tension?
• How much of the time have you felt loved and wanted?
• How much of the time were you a happy person?
• How much of the time have you felt that you are a person of worth, as good as
other young people of your age?
School connectedness items
• Other students in this school are friendly towards me

• I feel comfortable with others in this school
• Other students in this school listen to my ideas
• I feel accepted by others in this school
• I think that I ‘fit in’ at this school
Productive coping items
• I work at solving the problem to the best of my ability

• I work hard, improve my relationship with others
• I look on the bright side of things and think of all that is good
• I make time for leisure activities
• I keep fit and healthy
Non-productive coping items
• I worry about what will happen to me

• I wish for a miracle, I have no way of dealing with the situation
• I find a way to let off steam, for example, cry, scream, drink, take drugs
• I shut myself off from the problem so that I can avoid it
• I see myself as being at fault
• I don’t let others know how I am feeling
Figure 6.1 Items contributing to the emotional wellbeing and school connectedness scales.
1 school-based relationships and experiences

2 student–teacher relationships
3 students’ feelings about school as a whole.
Each of these three characteristics matter. School belonging correlates with less
absenteeism, higher school completion, less truancy and less misconduct.
Additionally, school belonging is associated with higher levels of happiness,
psychological functioning, adjustment, self-esteem and self-identity.
Ten themes that have influenced school belonging, namely, academic motiva-
tion, emotional stability, personal characteristics, parent support, peer support,
teaching support, gender, race and ethnicity, extracurricular activities and environ-
mental/school safety (Allen, Kern, Vella-Brodrick, Hattie, & Waters, 2016).
Each of the themes were examined meta-analytically utilising 51 studies with
a sample reaching 67,378. Measures in the various studies included belonging,
school bonding, school engagement, satisfaction, attitudes, communities that
care, motivation and meaningfulness. All the measures, apart from race/ethnicity
and extracurricular activities, were significantly related to school belonging, with
the strongest effects being teacher support and personal characteristics. That is,
teacher support and positive personal characteristics were the strongest predic-
tors of school belonging. While the results varied according to geographic loca-
tion, the effects were stronger in rural locations. The fact that rural schools are
more community centred and likely to provide a greater sense of nurturance and
belonging is not surprising. Negative factors, such as maladaptive coping skills,
depressive symptoms and fear of failure, were identified with a poor sense of
belonging. The link between mental illness and low levels of belonging have
been clearly identified (Shochet et al., 2006). Parent, peer and teacher support
are considered to be micro factors, while individual factors provide both positive
and negative effects. For example, positive effects are achieved through self-
efficacy, conscientiousness, coping skills (e.g. social support, self-reliance,
problem solving), positive affect, hope and school adjustment (Zimmer-
Gembeck, Chipuer, Hanisch, Creed, & McGregor, 2006). The implication of
these findings is that both teaching coping skills and addressing contextual
factors such as school and community is likely to pay dividends and increase
both belonging and well-being.
The interrelationship between well-being, school connectedness and coping
has been explored in various ways, with well-being as the main consideration.
The diverse studies generally support the findings of the large meta-analytic
reports. When there is well-being and belonging, there is likely to be a higher
level of school engagement and motivation.
6.5 Academic coping

While there is much talk of resiliency in the social emotional domain it is par-
ticularly pertinent to the educational domain as it relates to academic well-being
and learning outcomes. Martin and Marsh (2009) make the distinction between
academic resilience and academic buoyancy, with the former referring to the
student being able to overcome acute or chronic adversities that are seen as a
major hindrance to academic progress, and the latter being about a capacity to
overcome ‘setbacks, challenges and pressures that are part of more regular aca-
demic life’ (p. 353). Thus, academic buoyancy is a necessary but not an adequate
condition for academic resilience. There is a difference in degree. For example,
according to Martin and Marsh buoyancy comes into play when there are stresses
and strains such as academic failure, poor feedback and a dip in motivation, while
resilience comes into play when there is chronic anxiety, disaffection with school
and truancy.
As with coping, there is a greater likelihood of academic success when there
is capacity through ability, personality and helpful supports. Since interpersonal
relationships are important in shaping students’ motivation to learn (Furrer &
Skinner, 2003; Martin & Dowson, 2009), as with coping, emotional intelligence
plays a part.
Furthermore, as with coping, there is a capacity to build both buoyancy and
resilience proactively. Targeted programs can be designed for that purpose.
Martin (2013a) in his chapter, Motivation to Learn, has pointed out that there are
numerous theoretical contributions to our understanding of motivation and he
summarises some of the influential salient perspectives, such as self-efficacy
theory, expectancy-value theory, need achievement theory, goal theory, self-
regulation theory and self-determination theory. Each theory contributes in some
way to what is helpful and what is unhelpful coping in the academic context.
Martin (2013b) has incorporated the academic buoyancy concept into a self
system that has integrated motivation and engagement, buoyancy and resilience,
adaptability, growth (personal best) orientation, interpersonal relationships and
social supports into a constellation of factors that he has termed the personal pro-
ficiency network (PPN). The network offers an organising framework which is
complementary to coping. It should be a valuable tool in educational practice.
With a specific focus on academic coping, Skinner, Pitzer and Steele (2013)
developed a multidimensional measure of children’s coping in the academic
domain. They tapped into the multiples ways that subjects dealt with academic
problems and identified five adaptive ways – strategising, help-seeking, comfort
seeking, self-encouragement and commitment – and six maladaptive ways –
confusion, escape, concealment, avoidance, self-pity, rumination and projection.
While this measure of academic coping has been developed with pre- and early
adolescents it captures coping in the academic domain and has been used to
establish a relationship coping and motivational resilience in the academic
context. This is one attempt to integrate coping with academic motivation.
6.6 Mindset
When it comes to well-being, in addition to school belonging, motivation and
coping in the academic domain, mindset is a useful construct to consider.
Mindset is another body of research literature outside the traditional coping
arena that informs us about success and challenge. Carol Dweck is a distin-
guished researcher in the field of personality and development with much of her
theorising being in the learning context. Her work focuses on an understanding
that intelligence is not fixed but that there is a capacity for growth, given a par-
ticular mindset or belief system (Dweck, 2006). She explains that the view of the
world you adopt for yourself influences the way you conduct your life, and
learning is very much a part of that. She has identified a construct labelled
‘mindset’, and whether an individual has a fixed mindset or a growth one makes
all the difference as to how they view their world, particularly when it comes to
learning. She describes how in the brain-wave laboratory at Columbia Univer-
sity she could see how people with fixed mindsets were only interested in feed-
back that reflected on their ability. That is, their brain waves showed that they
paid close attention when they learned whether their answers were right or
wrong. When they were presented with information that would help them learn
they were not interested. In contrast, people with a growth mindset paid close
attention when they could ‘stretch’ their knowledge and for them learning was
the priority. People with a growth mindset thrive on challenge, while people with
a fixed mindset thrive when they look smart or appear talented (Dweck, 2012).
Dweck’s early work with school children illustrates how attitudes are formed
at an early age and how school and family experiences play an important part.
Her initial research related to children’s theories of intelligence, that is, whether
intelligence is a fixed entity or a capacity with potential for growth. In recent
years she has extended the concept of mindset to the adult world (Dweck, 2012).
Early on, Elliott and Dweck (1988) established that the goals students set
themselves gave rise to helpless or mastery-oriented responses. They identified
two types of goals: performance goals (aim to gain favourable judgement of his
or her own competence and avoid unfavourable judgements, that is, look smart)
versus learning goals (where the aim is to increase competence, that is, to get
smarter) (p. 237). ‘Both sets of goals are natural, necessary, and pretty much
universal’ (p. 238). Everyone wants their ability to be esteemed by others and
everyone wants to learn new things. They repeatedly observed that performance
goals (that is, by focusing students on measuring their ability by their perform-
ance), made them vulnerable to a helpless pattern in the face of failure. Learning
goals, in contrast, (that is, by focusing on the effort and strategies students need
for learning), fostered a mastery-oriented stance toward difficulty (Ames &
Archer, 1988; Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Roeser, Pintrich, & DeGroot, 1994).
Students’ theories of intelligence are associated with their goals. That is,
those with performance goals see intelligence as static while those with mastery
goals consider that intelligence can be developed. These two theories of intelli-
gence have been called entity and incremental theories (Dweck & Sorich, 1999).
In a series of studies Dweck and her colleagues demonstrated that different the-
ories of intelligence set up different goals (Dweck & Leggett, 1988; Zhao,
Dweck, & Mueller, 1998). Entity theory fosters performance goals and a help-
less response to failure, and incremental theory fosters learning goals and a
mastery response to failure. Entity theorists feel that if you have to work hard
(show effort) you risk showing that you do not have ability.
The impact of mindset on achievement was examined in Dweck’s study of
transition to junior high school. Students’ theories of intelligence were the best
predictors of their Grade 7 results. Entity theorists remained low achievers with
a helpless pattern of response, while incremental theorists showed a mastery-
oriented pattern. Another study found that both learning and performing were
important goals but when goals were placed in conflict (as in real life) incremen-
tal theorists were far more interested in learning than in simply performing well
(Sorich & Dweck, 1997). They wanted to meet challenges and acquire new skills
rather than just have easy work to make them look smart. Entity theorists wanted
to minimise effort. They had conflicting interests. They wanted to do well but
had an aversion to the effort required. Incremental theorists believed that effort
was a key ingredient to success. The mastery-oriented approach by incremental
students yielded better results intellectually and emotionally.
It is clear then that a helpless performance mindset leads to a host of mala-
daptive thoughts, including fear of challenge and avoidance of effort, while
mastery oriented young people focus on effort. They think about how to accom-
plish things, how to surmount challenges to achieve their goals and to increase
their abilities. Children with an incremental theory of intelligence were more
successful in negotiating transitions, while children with an entity theory of
intelligence performed less well. If we give messages explicitly or implicitly that
ability is fixed and can be measured from performance, we are very likely to
undermine mastery-oriented inclinations and promote helplessness, even when
the message is couched in praise. The indications are that to maximise success
we need to socialise people to see their ability as malleable and that there is a
reward for effort.
In considering the notion of growth in general, Dweck (2015) pointed out that
we need to consider small-scale studies in which we measure students ‘growth-
relevant beliefs or goals’ and closely observe their ‘thoughts, feelings, actions
and outcomes’ (that is, much like coping) as they perform their tasks. What is
also important is how much students value learning over and above looking
smart, how much they value hard work and how resilient they are in the face of
adversity. Dweck cites a study using a computer game that has been developed
to reward effort rather than performance on mathematics-related tasks. Students
who were rewarded for effort tried more strategies, showed more sustained effort
and displayed greater persistence on the harder problems than the students who
were rewarded for speed and performance.
Fostering mastery goals in an educational context could contribute to helpful
coping outcomes.
6.7 Summary remarks

It is clear that motivation, belonging and mindset in adolescence are all associ-
ated with well-being and good outcomes such as academic achievement, success
and self-worth.
The middle years of schooling are a critical period when disengagement from
schooling is likely and there are ‘dips’ in the use of helpful coping strategies
(Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000). For that reason, a focus on developing good coping
skills, school engagement, positive motivation and mindset are likely to yield the
best outcomes.
The intersect between heredity and environmental, social and developmental
factors, both physiological and neurological, make it difficult to predict out-
comes with confidence. There is a complex interplay between the environment
and the individual. Recent developments in neuroscience and genetics contribute
to our understanding but there is still more to learn.
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7 An intersect
Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics
It is axiomatic that the development of coping, self-regulation and emotion regu-

lation are dependent on development in the brain and the central nervous system,
as well as experiences encountered during development. Brain development both
facilitates and constrains stress responses and coping at various points during
childhood and adolescence. Similarly, some aspects of experience contribute to
the development of coping skills, while other experiences may actually degrade
or delimit the development of adaptive ways of coping.
(Compas, 2009, p. 90)
The question could be asked: How helpful are ecology, neuroscience and epi
genetics in explaining the world of the adolescent today? These three approaches
are interlinked and have become important for explaining our world with its
human reactions and interactions. It has been clearly demonstrated for some time
that individuals and their environments are in a constant state of action, inter-
action and reaction. It is only more recently that the emergent fields of neuro-
science (or neurobiology) and epigenetics have augmented the person/
environment debate and come into prominence. In trying to understand adoles-
cents and their worlds it is important to acknowledge that there is a vast body of
research on brain development through the adolescent years, and on how epige-
netics not only holds a key to capacities but can also inform us how and when
genes are triggered by interactions and events between individuals and their
environments.
While Bronfenbrenner’s ecological perspective has been widely acknow-
ledged and adopted in the social sciences since the 1970s, neuroscience, along
with epigenetics, have also advanced our understanding of human capability and
adaptation since the 2000s. Neuroscience (or neurobiology) is the study of the
nervous system, which includes anatomy, biochemistry, molecular biology and
the physiology of neurons and neural circuits. It draws on multiple disciplines,
including biology, physics, ecology and psychology. The emphasis is often on
the functioning of the human brain. Epigenetics, in contrast, is the study of
potential heritable changes when there is active or passive gene expression,
which is also impacted by ecological factors.
86 Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics
Each perspective plays an important part in understanding the factors that con-
tribute to coping and resilience. Both neuroscience and epigenetics, like the literature
on stress and coping, are underpinned by an ecological approach that takes into
account the interactions between persons and their environments. This environment–
person interaction approach seems to be the most helpful in understanding human
behaviour and provides insights into an individual’s capacity to develop and change.
7.1 The ecological approach

Throughout the late 1970s and 1980s, Bronfenbrenner (1979) proposed the model
Ecological Systems Theory (see Figure 7.1), which views human development as
an interaction between individuals and their environments (see also Chapter 1).
The model established a focus on the role of context in human development.
The five ecological systems for development described by Bronfenbrenner
include:
• Microsystem: The individuals and institutions closest to the individual

(e.g. family, school, peers, neighbourhood or church).
• Mesosystem: The interactions between microsystems (e.g. between
parents and the school; between the adolescent and the community).
• Exosystem: The structures within the microsystem that indirectly affect
the young person (e.g. financial difficulties within the family may impact
the adolescent).
• Macrosystem: The culture in which the individual lives (e.g. socio-
economic status, ethnicity, laws).
• Chronosystem: How a person and his/her environment changes over the
life course, as well as socio-historical circumstances, such as a growth in
gender equality.
In the mid-1980s, in response to research starting to over-emphasise context and

ignore development, Bronfenbrenner presented his Bio-ecological Systems
Theory (Boon, Cottrell, King, Stevenson, & Millar, 2012)
This theory is based on the Process–Person–Context–Time model:
• Process: Proximal processes or the interaction between a person and their

environment as the key mechanism for development.
• Person: The role personal characteristics play in how an individual inter-
acts with their environment and consequently their proximal processes.
• Context: The five ecological systems (as above).
• Time: The influence micro-time, meso-time and macro-time have on a
person’s development.
The bio-ecological systems model adds to our understanding of human devel-

opment by highlighting how the person and the environment influence one
another bidirectionally and over time. This directly informs our understanding
Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics 87
Brofenbrenner’s Ecological Systems Theory of Development

Mesosystem
Chronosystem Culture The interactions between
How a person and
microsystems, e.g. between
his/her environment
parents and school;
changes over the
Neighbourhoods between parents and peers.
life course, as well
as socio-historical
circumstances, such Family
as growing Microsystem
gender equality. The individuals and institutions closest
to a child, e.g. family, school, peers,
workplace
Individual neighbourhood and church.
Parent’s
Peers Siblings
Mass Child
Laws Media
School Exosystem
The structures within the
Macrosystem
microsystem that indirectly
The culture in which a
affect the child, e.g. financial
child lives, e.g.
difficulties within the family may
socio-econoic status,
affect a child.
ethnicity, laws.
History
Figure 7.1 Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory of development.
of coping in that while there are patterns of coping that are age and stage
dependent, there are different circumstances that are dealt with at different
stages.
According to the ecological approach ‘resilience is based on the complex and
bidirectional transactions between individuals and their context’ (Schoon, 2006,
p. 19). There are nested spheres of influence depending on proximity and micro
to macro, from inner spheres to outer ones (see Figure 7.1). The spheres of influ-
ence include biological disposition, family influences, lives that are interlinked
and neighbourhoods, with all the associated influences. Like Schoon, Hobfoll
has described the individual as nested in the family, which in turn is nested in
the tribe. This has been expressed as community or communal coping (Hobfoll,
2001; also see Chapter 2).
It is within this bio-ecological model that our contemporary understanding of
neuroscience and epigenetics sits, in that there is a continuous interaction
between persons and their environments that impacts outcomes. The synthesis
between psychology and biology has been well established in that individual
differences in human behaviour are significant and are determined by a host of
factors, including biology and the interplay between the individual and their
environments. Thus, while the literatures on ecology and neuroscience have
developed independently there is a clear intersect between the two.
7.2 The adolescent brain

Neuroscience as the study of brain development has made great progress in
recent decades. The sophistication of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) shows
the ‘living growing brain’. Research shows the remarkable changes that occur in
the second decade of life. Contrary to the long-held view that the brain is fully
‘formed’ in childhood, the wiring in the brain continues to develop between
childhood and adulthood, especially in the prefrontal cortex and the frontal
mantle area.
Between childhood and adulthood the brain’s wiring becomes more complex
and efficient, particularly the brain’s frontal lobe, which is the seat of higher
order functions such as learning and socialisation. The prefrontal cortex (PFC) is
an important part of the frontal lobes and is often referred to as the CEO, or
executive, of the brain because it sets priorities, organises, plans and formulates
ideas, develops strategies, controls impulses and allocates attention. It is sug-
gested that the PFC is the last part of the brain to mature. The brain is in a
dynamic biologic state and it exits the adolescent period in a different state to
how it enters it. By adulthood certain connections are strengthened and others
weakened. The influences are both genetic and environmental.
The maturing brain grows circuits like a computer, with neural connections
that can perform several tasks simultaneously with greater efficiency. Dopamine
inputs to the PFC act as a chemical messenger, which is critical for focusing
attention when it is necessary to choose between conflicting options. The PFC
grows dramatically during adolescence. The surface folds become more compli-
cated. Areas that are related to higher-order functioning, such as learning and
socialisation, appear to show the greatest change in adolescence. Much of the
activity is under construction. For example:
• Impulse control, planning, decision making are largely prefrontal cortex

functions that are still maturing during adolescence.
Functions of the brain

1 Behaviour, intelligence,
memory, movement
2.
Parietal
1. Frontal
lobe
lobe
3.
2 Intelligence, language,
reading, sensation
Occipital
3
lobe
4. Temporal lobe Vision
5. Cerebellum
4 Behaviour, hearing,
memory, speech, vision
5 Balance, coordination
Figure 7.2 The functions of the brain.

• Adult responses to stimuli tend to be more intellectual whilst adoles-
cents respond more ‘from the gut’.
• The ability of the brain to adapt to the social environment and to
imagine possible future consequences of action or to appropriately
gauge their emotional significance is still developing throughout
adolescence.
• Brain functions that enhance adolescents’ ability to connect to gut
feeling with their ability to help retrieve memories, to put situations into
context and to remember past details about a situation that might be
important are developing.
(Weinberger, Elvevåg, & Giedd, 2005)
Weinberger, Elvevåg and Giedd are citing MRI studies showing that when they
are identifying emotions expressed in faces, adolescents activated the area of the
amygdala that experiences fear, threat and danger, whereas adults more often
activated their prefrontal cortex, the area of the brain more linked to judgement
and reason. Impulse control and planning and decision making are largely frontal
cortex functions that are maturing during adolescence. The ability to plan
improves with age, as does decision making. In sum, adolescents are generally
not the same as adults in making sound judgements when confronted with
complex situations, in their capacity to control impulses and in their ability to
plan effectively.
Like any form of development, the rate of maturation for individuals varies
and this is most clear in adolescence. Adolescence is a wide window in an age
range of 10 to 19, as defined by the WHO (2017; also see Chapter 1), and matu-
ration rates, which are likely to be context dependent, will vary for individuals.
The ten-year-old is likely to be dealing with situations that are vastly different
from those being dealt with by a 19-year-old. Nevertheless, the question is, how
much is automatic progression during the course of development, and how much
is susceptible to intervention.
It has been variously pointed out that one of the earliest and most consistent
findings in neuroscience research has been that learning changes the brain
(Nechvatal & Lyons, 2013). Norman Doidge (2007), in his seminal book The
Brain that Changes Itself, demonstrated through a series of case studies how
individuals with major damage to one part of the brain that permanently impaired
the areas involved in, for instance, speech and/or movement, were able to
execute the same functions through the non-damaged part of the brain. In one
case study, post a motor accident, when one side of a person’s brain was totally
damaged, the other half was able to take over, develop, change and regenerate in
remarkable ways that were often determined by necessity and learning.
The most exciting research to date, following Doidge’s influential contribu-
tion, considers learning as an aspect of coping in the context of exposure to
stress, which induces neuro-adaptations that enhance emotion regulation and
resilience. Nechvatal and Lyons (2013) identified 15 brain imaging studies on
humans with specific phobias who had experienced post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) and exposed their subjects to stress exposure therapies that reduced
anxiety. Most of the studies focused on functional changes in the amygdala and
anterior cortico-limbic brain circuits that control cognitive, motivational and
emotional aspects of physiology and behaviour and they convincingly demon-
strated neuro-adaptation and functional brain changes. While they point out that
much remains to be learned about changes in timing, frequency and duration of
stress exposure, we do know that effective interventions are possible.
In looking at the neurobiology of the emotional adolescent, Guyer, Silk
and Nelson (2016) challenged the myth that adolescents are generally highly
emotional. They considered that the ways neurodevelopmental changes in
brain function influence affective behaviour is ‘more nuanced’. The brain is
designed to promote emotion regulation, learning and affiliation across devel-
opment, and affective behaviour reciprocally interacts with age-specific social
demands and different social contexts. As with all behaviour there are indi-
vidual differences and active processes relating to anxiety and depression.
This implies that self-appraisal and cognitive reappraisal are important in
altering emotions and can be achieved by changing thinking about how one
views the world, for example, by seeing a situation as a threat, harm, loss or
challenge. Clearly, the more positive approach is to see a situation as one of
challenge rather than threat.
It is now a given that the human brain continues to change throughout the life-
span. Neuroscience has come a long way in being able to identify and pinpoint
brain functioning at various stages and locations within the brain. The popular
recognition of brain change and development is exemplified when you see head-
lines such as ‘Rewire your brain: Join with the choir x’. That is, claims for joining
a choir are not just about singing per se achieving the impact of a pleasurable
activity, the associated companionship that is inherent in the singing activity adds
a social component that is likely to achieve change. The advertisement carries the
implication that by participating in this activity the brain can be rewired.
7.3 The social brain

Humans, and particularly adolescents, are intensely social beings. One exten-
sion of neuro-scientific research in a general sense is the focus on one aspect
of brain development, such as the social brain. The term social brain refers to
the network of brain regions that underlie these processes in adolescence,
resulting in age differences in tasks that assess cognitive domains, including
face processing, mental state inference and responding to peer influence and
social evaluation. Thus, ‘Social cognition is the collection of cognitive pro-
cesses that are required to understand and interact with others’ (Burnett, Sebas-
tian, Cohen Kadosh, & Blakemore, 2011, p. 1654). Magnetic resonance
imaging studies show differences between adolescents and adults in parts of
the social brain.
A review of neuro-imaging studies shows that the social brain, like the brain
in a general sense, continues to develop during adolescence. A number of social
cognition tasks studies using fMRI have shown ‘changes in functional brain
activity, which occur alongside emerging social cognitive proficiency and neuro-
anatomical development’ (Burnett et al., 2011, p. 1662).
7.4 Epigenetics
Epigenetics literally means ‘above’ or ‘on top of ’ genetics. It refers to ‘the
ability of a cell to stably maintain one of several alternative states of gene
expression over multiple cell generations, without changing the genetic
sequence’.
(Sneppen, 2017, p. 5)
Within this field of epigenetics there is an emerging field of human social

genomics from which evidence is emerging that external social conditions, par-
ticularly our subjective perceptions of these conditions, can influence the most
basic biological processes, and which challenges ‘the most fundamental belief
that our molecular makeup is relatively stable and impermeable to socio-
environmental influence’ (Slavich & Cole, 2013, p. 1). Different genes can be
‘turned on’ and ‘turned off ’ by different socio-environmental conditions.
Perceptions of the external social environment that are subjective, that is,
someone being perceived as friendly rather than hostile, appear to be more
strongly related to genome-wide transcriptional shifts than to actual social-
environmental conditions themselves. What this all means is that perceptions
matter. It is an affirmation of Richard Lazarus’ (1993) emphasis on the import-
ance of the appraisal process.
Social adversity activates a conserved transcriptional response which is
expressed through increased pro-inflammatory genes and decreased expression
of antiviral and antibody-related genes (Cole, Levine, Arevalo, Ma, Weir, &
Crimmins, 2015). Some psychological resiliency factors help buffer resilience,
such as eudaimonic well-being, that is, having a meaning and purpose in life. In
contrast, risk factors such as social isolation or loneliness are likely to ‘turn on’
genes that can be deleterious to health. The study was supported by a sample of
108 community dwelling older adults who provided blood samples (Cole et al.,
2015). It is early days for extrapolation to adolescent populations, although it is
expected that the findings could be similar. Certainly, loneliness, for example, is
a major risk for adolescent well-being (see Chapter 9).
Fredrickson et al. (2013) make the point that while psychological well-being
has been shown to forecast future physical health – above and beyond that asso-
ciated with current physical health, and above and beyond its association with
reduced levels of stress, depression and other negative affective states – the bio-
logical basis of this relationship is poorly understood. The question as to whether
hedonic (that is, pleasure-focused) and eudaimonic well-being engage similar
biological processes was examined with adults and has yet to be confirmed with
adolescents.1 Overall, the human genome may be more sensitive to qualitative
variations in well-being than our conscious affective experiences.
Cole et al. (2015) considered the genomic mechanisms for people who experi-
enced low versus high levels of subjective social isolation (loneliness) and they
found 209 genes that were differentially expressed in low versus high lonely
individuals. The researchers showed that for lonely individuals there was an
under expression of genes bearing anti-inflammatory gluco-corticoid response
elements and an over expression of genes bearing response elements for pro-
inflammatory transcription factors. This provides a ‘functional genomic explana-
tion’ for elevated risk of inflammatory disease for individuals who experience
high levels of subjective social isolation and lack of supports (Frederickson et
al., 2013).
Neuro-anatomical remodelling is proposed as a result, at least in part from the
effects of the pubertal gonadal steroids on limbic regions (affective mode), and
partly from the gradual maturation of the PFC (cognitive-regulatory node).
While there are several proposed examples,
implicit in these models is the reasonable assumption that adolescent

behavioural and cognitive development is causally related to changes in
functional brain activity measures in fMRI and that the changes in func-
tional brain activity are related to neuroanatomical development. However,
it is acknowledged that there are a number of potentially bidirectional rela-
tionships in this schema.
(Burnett et al., 2010, p. 1660)
7.5 Mindsight
Prolific writer and practitioner in the field of psychiatry Daniel Siegel (2010) has
coined the term ‘mindsight’, which refers both to having insight into oneself and
others with clarity and to being able to integrate the brain. It is about focused
attention to get away from what he calls the ‘autopilot’ and being able to name
and tame emotions. So it is not about saying ‘I am sad’ but rather ‘I feel sad’.
With awareness, acceptance and being able to let go, there is the possibility of
transformation. This is somewhat consistent with proposals by another scientist
medical practitioner, Norman Doidge (2007), who demonstrated through numer-
ous case studies that post an accident leading to loss of functioning in a signi-
ficant part of the brain, there was a capacity for another part to take over that lost
functioning. Neuroscience has clearly demonstrated that the human brain can
develop new connections throughout life. According to Siegel (2010) mindsight
is a learnable skill that utilises social and emotional intelligence to change the
structure of the brain.
Siegel (2014, 2016a, 2016b) has focused extensively on adolescence across
the broad spectrum of 12–24-year-olds. He sees adolescence as not merely a
period of transition but one of ‘cultivation’ or growth, with new abilities emerg-
ing as part of development. He challenges as a myth the notion that adolescents
exhibit merely hormonally driven behaviour and experience changing emotions,
but rather emphasises brain development and contrasts identity development as
being about who we are and who we become. He also challenges the view that
adolescence is a life stage to be endured as he considers that it can be a period of
thriving, testing boundaries and exploration. Additionally, it does not have to be
about total independence but it can be about interdependence. There are aspects
of adolescent development that have upsides and also have some downsides. For
example, the interest in social engagement involves positive aspects, such as
friendship seeking, that can also result in time being spent with peers while
experiencing isolation from adults. Another feature of adolescence involves an
emotional intensity that can make the adolescent sensitive to social causes and
concern about the planet but can also result in moodiness, impulsivity and
reactivity.
Furthermore, creative exploration and abstract reasoning can lead to innova-
tion and new ideas but has the downside of a search for meaning and lack of
direction and this has often been articulated as a crisis of identity. Creativity is
also involved in novelty seeking, which can manifest as risk taking (see
Chapter 10).
7.6 Resilience and culture

In a study of resilience across five continents, particularly focusing on resilience
in a cultural context, Ungar (2011) noted that cultural rituals play a part in pro-
viding protective strategies that foster resilience. However, he highlighted that
enduring controversies remain when talking about resilience. These include
operationalising the construct, issues around individual competence and age-
salient development. Adaptation is influenced by culture and science and the
question continues to be asked: Who defines adaptive or doing well?
There is no clear trait of resilience, just as there is no clear trait of coping.
Personality (or temperament) and dimensions such as conscientiousness for
example, are consistently associated with resilience. Nevertheless, there is evid-
ence that experiences shape personality traits, and that traits can influence expo-
sure to adversity. The same trait can function as a vulnerability or a protective
influence, depending on the domain of adaptation, the physical or socio-cultural
value and meaning of the trait, and the age or gender of the individual (Shiner &
Masten, 2012). For example, being shy and reserved rather than outspoken may
be more valued in one culture than another, or an inhibited individual may have
social difficulties but be protected from risk-taking behaviours.
Nevertheless, there are scarring or lingering effects of adversity on develop-
ment, especially when events are cumulative, and this has been considered as the
price of adversity.

Where does all this leave us with stress, coping and resilience?
There is a clear interplay between, biology, brain development and the
environment. In the positive psychology movement outlined in Chapter 1 the
notion of well-being that is hedonic (pleasure-seeking), rather than eudaimonic
(doing good) had similar affective correlates but highly divergent transcrip-
tome (RNA molecules) profiles in human immune cells. Eudaimonic well-
being, that is joy and contentment, were associated with decreased expression
of pro-inflammatory genes and greater expression of genes involved in anti-
body synthesis and antiviral responses. Thus, happiness and joy matter, not
just to emotional well-being but also for health-related well-being. How
environmental factors impact the expression of genes and external circum-
stances provide a trigger for brain development or adaptation when required,
are clearly signalled by contemporary research. It means that resilience and
coping are impacted by a host of determinants relating to environment,
biology, interpersonal and personality factors. Since the capacity to predict
helpful outcomes is desirable, the good news is that we know enough about
what is important to the adolescent in the context of family, school and peers.
People matter, loneliness is unhelpful and connectedness matters, whether it is
within family, school or peer groups. These connections are likely to con-
tribute to well-being and optimise performance. And most importantly, good
coping skills can be called into service for the individual and they can be
developed. This in turn may trigger brain and gene activity to achieve desir-
able outcomes for the individual.
Note
1 Hedonic well-being (derived from the Aristotelian Greek word hedemonia, meaning
pleasure) is contrasted with eudaimonic well-being (derived from the Greek word
eudaimonia, to flourish), which is associated with doing good rather than the pursuit of
pleasure.
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8 Anxiety, depression and other
related conditions
Coping is a kind of element or well-being itself. [It] helps people have a happy
healthy state and a positive mindset. Resilience is a psychological strength to
help people to handle hardship and stress from some areas. It helps people
recover after defeat.
(Male, 16 years)
Adam Kellerman, an inspirational young man, a wheelchair tennis champion,

Paralympian and motivational speaker tells the story of overcoming personal
adversity and empowering others to lead a fulfilling life. As an adolescent Adam
loved swimming, running, skiing, ice hockey and, above all, soccer. When, at
the age of 13, Adam was diagnosed with bone cancer he described it as having
lost the ‘love of his life, soccer’. Following ten rounds of chemotherapy and 19
surgeries his hip was fighting infection and he was fighting a major depression.
In 2006, at the age of 16, he was introduced to wheelchair tennis, which started
him on his new life of ability rather than despair. He represented Australia at the
summer Paralympics in London in 2012 and Rio de Janeiro in 2016. He is cur-
rently number one in his sport in Australia and nineteenth in the world. He talks
about overcoming fear, having goals and aspirations and being able to do good
for others, such as introducing the game to Africa, as he is doing in 2017.
Depression is a common illness worldwide. Depression is different from
usual mood fluctuations and short-lived emotional responses to challenges in
everyday life. When it is long-lasting and with moderate or severe intensity,
depression may become a serious health condition. It can cause the affected
person to suffer greatly and function poorly at work, at school and in the family.
At its worst, depression can lead to suicide. Close to 800,000 people worldwide
die every year due to suicide as a result of depression. Suicide occurs throughout
the lifespan and was the second leading cause of death among 15–29-year-olds
globally in 2015 (WHO, 2017a). There is a continuum between feeling down,
being bored, lonely and in the dumps, feeling anxious, being depressed and in
extreme circumstances experiencing despair to the point of resorting to self-harm
or suicide. Anxiety is often a precursor to depression.
Anxiety, depression, related conditions 97
8.1 Anxiety
Anxiety is ‘the tense anticipation of a threatening but vague event, a feeling of
uneasy suspense’ (Rachman, 1998, p. 2). When it comes to defining anxiety as a
disorder the WHO defines anxiety disorders as ‘a group of mental disorders
characterized by feelings of anxiety and fear, including generalised anxiety dis-
order (GAD), panic disorder, phobias, social anxiety disorder, obsessive-
compulsive disorder (OCD) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)’ (2017b,
italics in original). As with depression, symptoms can range from mild to severe.
The duration and severity of symptoms typically experienced by people with
anxiety determines whether they are transitory or long lasting and pathological.
The relationship between anxiety and depression is well documented in that
anxiety is often a precursor to depression, which in turn is often the reaction to
severe anxiety. In two-thirds of major depressive disorder cases anxiety precedes
the depression. Highly anxious adolescents engage in more problem behaviour,
are more disliked by peers, and have poorer self-concept and lower school
achievement. A recent Australian national representative study provides evid-
ence that anxious adolescents are more likely to engage in alcohol and drug
abuse and are at a higher risk of progressing to drug- and alcohol-related prob-
lems (Conway, Swendsen, Husky, He, & Merikangas, 2016). Adolescents who
are vulnerable to unpleasant emotional states are also likely to be involved in
dangerous driving and sexual risk-taking. When the relationship between worry
(one of the coping strategies) and negative feelings and substance use was inves-
tigated, it was suggested that worrying may take the place of substance use as a
means of coping with unpleasant feelings in some adolescents (Shoal, Castaneda,
& Giancola, 2005). This is easy to understand since, according to cognitive theo-
rists, worry has been defined as repeated mental rehearsal of possible dangers or
problems without arriving at a satisfactory solution or resolution. Like substance
abuse, it can be construed as a proactive avoidant behaviour.
While worry is generally one of the non-productive coping strategies, at times
it can serve to mobilise the individual into actions such as studying or working
hard to achieve. Nevertheless, it can reach pathological levels. In its unhelpful
form it can be an avoidance mechanism. It has been identified as a key precursor
of generalised anxiety (Newman, Llera, Erickson, Przeworski, & Castonguay,
2013). When worry is pervasive it is a feature of GAD and in its psychopatho-
logical form it can evoke and sustain negative affect. If co-morbidity is high then
GAD increases the likelihood of mood disorder, panic disorder, post-traumatic
disorder and substance abuse. It can be seen as a problematic compensatory
strategy when those with GAD see it as helpful in distracting the individual from
more emotional topics.
8.2 Self-esteem and anxiety

A recent systematic review by Keane and Loades (2017) provided evidence for
the co-occurrence of low self-esteem and anxiety in young people (aged 18 and
98 Anxiety, depression, related conditions
younger). However, evidence for the value of low self-esteem in predicting the
development of anxiety and depressive symptomatology in adolescence and
emerging adulthood is inconclusive due to the complex and multifaceted rela-
tionship between self-esteem and mental health outcomes. There are various
forms of anxiety experienced by adolescents, namely, generalised anxiety dis-
order, panic disorder, specific phobias, agoraphobia, social anxiety disorder and
separation anxiety disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2017). These
disorders are generally characterised by persistent and excessive fear or anxiety,
which an individual finds difficult to control and it interferes with daily activ-
ities. Typical symptoms experienced may include restlessness, feeling on edge
or easily fatigued, difficulty concentrating, muscle tension or problems sleeping
(American Psychiatric Association, 2017). Anxiety disorders can coexist; for
example, an adolescent may experience both social phobia and separation
anxiety. It is also fairly common for anxiety to occur in conjunction with depres-
sion as depression is often a reaction to severe anxiety. For example, children
who are anxious are more likely to develop depression than children who are
not, and to experience anxiety disorders as adolescents and adults (Rapee &
Spence, 2004). It is well established that anxiety disorders are more common in
girls than in boys (Anderson, 1994; Verhulst, 2001).
Since the 1990s the number of children and adolescents affected by mental
disorders has been the focus of significant interest. Study methods, assessment
procedures and case definitions are all critical factors influencing prevalence
estimates in a given country. The consistency of methods is a major requirement
to test the effect of culture and time on rates of disorders. A recent meta-analysis
of 41 studies between 1985 and 2012 in 27 countries conducted by Polanczyk,
Salum, Sugaya, Caye and Rohde (2015) has estimated a worldwide prevalence
in children and adolescents of: any mental disorder, 13.4 per cent; any anxiety
disorder, 6.5 per cent; any depressive disorder, 2.6 per cent; major depressive
disorder, 1.3 per cent; attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, 3.4 per cent; any
disruptive disorder, 5.7 per cent; oppositional defiant disorder, 3.6 per cent; and
conduct disorder, 2.1 per cent. Studies that differ in these elements provide
results that are not directly comparable and therefore broad conclusions about
the distribution of the disorder and risk factors cannot be drawn. Their results
also suggested that there is no evidence of cross-cultural and temporal variability
in the prevalence of mental disorders in children and adolescents. Nevertheless,
these figures reflect an urgent need for global policies on mental healthcare for
children and adolescents.
8.3 Anxiety sensitivity

The conceptualisation of anxiety has been expanded to include the traditionally
recognised trait anxiety and the newer construct, anxiety sensitivity. Trait
anxiety refers to the stable tendency to attend to, experience and report negative
emotions such as fears, worries and anxiety across many situations and is char-
acterised by a stable perception of environmental stimuli as threatening (Gidron,
2013). Young people with high trait anxiety typically experience their worlds as
more dangerous, exhibit more fears, and experience anxiety in a range of situ-
ations in comparison to young people with low trait anxiety. Anxiety sensitivity
is a cognitive individual difference factor, which involves an enduring fear of
anxiety-related arousal sensations, that arises from the tendency to catastrophise
about those sensations, believing they will have serious psychological, physio-
logical and/or social consequences. (Olthuis, Stewart, McLaughlin, & Watt,
2011). For example, young people with high anxiety sensitivity may fear heart
palpitations because they believe such symptoms lead to cardiac arrest, or they
may fear stuttering when speaking in public because they believe this will lead
to ridicule from others. It has been found that a high level of both trait anxiety
and anxiety sensitivity results in more anxiety symptoms in children and there-
fore may act as a predictor of anxiety disorders in childhood and adolescence
(Jones & Frydenberg, 2003).
Between 10 per cent and 30 per cent of adolescents have been found to
experience anxiety severe enough to impair performance. While low levels of
anxiety can enhance performance, such as that experienced by performers or
athletes, high levels contribute to a range of psychosocial problems. These
include somatic problems, such as sleeping or eating disorders, and relational
difficulties. While anxiety and fear are related, they are different in that trait
anxiety is a predisposition to respond to a threat in a particular way and anxiety
sensitivity is the fear of the symptoms of anxiety where there is a belief that the
anxiety has negative somatic, social or psychological effects. For example, it
could be fear of palpitations, breathlessness or sweatiness. Fear, in contrast, has
a special focus and once the fear stimulus is removed from the individual, the
fear abates. Fear can be a normal reaction to a threat, while clinical fear or
phobia is an excessive reaction, which often anticipates a fear situation. Thus,
fear reactions, including panic attacks and phobias, arise from three fundamental
fears: anxiety sensitivity, fear of negative evaluation, and sensitivity to illness
and injury (Taylor, 1999). Adolescents do have panic attacks, with females
reporting them more frequently than males, and panickers report a higher level
of anxiety (King, Gullone, Tonge, & Ollendick, 1993).
Fear of evaluation and criticism become important in adolescence and there
are gender differences. For example, females have more fears relating to
animals, unknown psychic stress, death, danger and fear of dying, while failure
and criticism are more important for males.
8.4 Parenting style

There is strong evidence that depressed mothers generally have depressed daugh-
ters (Cogan, Riddell, & Mayes, 2004), and parenting style has also been linked
to anxiety and coping behaviour in adolescents. The psychological pressure from
a parenting style perceived to be authoritarian was linked to depersonalisation
and trait anxiety in adolescents. In contrast, a parenting style that was perceived
as warm and authoritative was positively associated with active coping and
n egatively associated with anxiety (Wolfradt, Hempel, & Miles, 2003). This
parenting style is generally recognised as the one associated with better well-
being and adjustment and less school misconduct and substance abuse. These
authors deduced that this warm authoritative parental style operates as a form of
social support and enhances the psychological resource of self-esteem and con-
sequently helps the individual to cope.
8.5 Depression
Depression is a complex yet common mental health disorder, which afflicts more
adolescents than any other form of mental health problem. In Australia, overall
2.8 per cent of children and adolescents aged 4–17 met diagnostic criteria for
major depressive disorder and this had a greater impact on functioning than other
disorders. The prevalence of major depressive disorder was higher in the older
age group (12–17 years): 4.3 per cent of males and 5.8 per cent of females were
found to have major depressive disorder (Lawrence, Johnson, Hafekost, Boter-
hoven De Haan, Sawyer, Ainley et al., 2015). According to the WHO (2017a),
depression is the leading cause of disability worldwide, and is a major contrib-
utor to the overall global burden of disease with more than 300 million people
affected.
There are various types of depressive disorders, the most common being
major depressive disorder, dysthymic disorder and bipolar disorder. Major
depressive disorder is characterised by an overwhelming feeling of sadness,
isolation, a loss of interest and lack of pleasure in activities, and lethargy. Other
symptoms of depression include: altered sleeping patterns; withdrawal from
family, friends, and social situations; poor concentration; indecision; frustration;
tearfulness; headaches; muscle tension; temper outbursts; recurrent thoughts of
death and suicide; and feelings of failure and worthlessness. Although it is
common for adolescents to express several of these symptoms from time to time,
it is a combination of these symptoms which persists over time that may indicate
depression. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (referred
to as DSM-5), which is the official diagnostic system employed by mental health
professionals in America and Australia, specifies that five or more of the symp-
toms listed above must persist for more than two weeks to meet the criteria for
major depressive disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2017b).
The ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural Disorders is an alter-
nate classification and an international resource for mental health professionals
(WHO, 2017b). It lists similar characteristics in its definition of a depressive
episode, such as the individual suffers from lowering of mood, loss of interest
and enjoyment, and reduced energy leading to increased fatigue and diminished
activity. A duration period of at least two weeks, independent of severity, is also
required for a diagnosis.
Dysthymic disorder is a mild form of depression characterised by a chronic
disturbance of mood of at least two years’ duration, whereas major depressive
disorder is an episode of a more intense mood disturbance that, on average, lasts
for seven to nine months (Mental Health: A Report of the Surgeon General,
1999). Bipolar disorder is characterised by the two extreme poles of depressed
mood and mania. When manic, adolescents may be much more energetic, confi-
dent, creative and impulsive. Depression during adolescence often co-occurs
with other mental health problems such as anxiety, substance abuse disorders,
adjustment difficulties compounded with low availability of social support, and
an increased risk of both suicide attempts and non-suicidal self-injury (Tuisku,
Kiviruusu, Pelkonen, Karlsson, Strandholm, & Marttunen, 2014).
The number of young people diagnosed with depression increases dramatic-
ally with the onset of puberty, but depression is much more pervasive and detri-
mental than the typical ‘puberty blues’. A review study by Galaif, Sussman,
Newcomb and Locke (2007) suggested that more than 90 per cent of adolescents
who die by suicide have been diagnosed with at least one psychiatric disorder,
with major depression considered to be the most significant psychiatric risk
factor for suicide among adolescents. This suggests that the immediate and
ongoing effects of depression on adolescents can be devastating. Given that
depression can last for a few months to a few years, it may have a lasting impact
on all aspects of an adolescent’s life, including their relationships with family
members and friends, their school work and how they view themselves and their
place in the world.
The relationship between coping and depression provides an important way
to look at both prevention and intervention for depression. This includes the
building up of both external and intrapersonal resources, such as cognitive
appraisal and cognitive approaches to managing the demands of everyday life so
that the individual can handle circumstances and deal with depression should the
need arise. We know that the way in which young people cope is related to well-
being. It is therefore also reasonable to assume that there is a relationship
between those who cope in non-productive ways and their reported prevalence
of depression. This is indeed supported by the research data.
8.6 Coping and depression

There is a clear association between depression and coping, with adolescents
who are depressed commonly reporting greater use of the less helpful coping
strategies, such as ignoring the problem or keeping problems to oneself.
Although retreating from a problem may be useful in the short term for problems
outside an adolescent’s control, withdrawal is rarely helpful in the long term. For
example, a young person who retreats to her room and listens to music on her
headphones whenever her parents argue may not develop the skills needed to
cope with conflict in later years. Resorting to technology may also be an avoid-
ance strategy, or an adaptive one in some contexts (see Chapter 12 by Lodge).
Moreover, when adolescents call on avoidant strategies, they may use more
damaging means to forget about their concerns, such as turning to alcohol or
drugs. Thus, avoidant coping strategies fall into the category of non-productive
coping, the very type of coping that we wish to minimise. Not only is this type
of coping less likely to bring about a successful resolution of problems, but it
has also been directly related to depression. Although it is difficult to establish a
causal relationship between non-productive coping and depression, there is no
denying the link between the two.
Seiffge-Krenke (2000a), who sought to establish the causal links between
adolescent symptomatology and stress and coping, followed 94 German adoles-
cents and their mothers for three annual assessments of critical life events, daily
stressors and coping styles. Of particular concern was their use of the strategy
labelled withdrawal, which is an avoidant coping strategy that was clearly asso-
ciated with overall symptomatology. This supported the findings of an earlier
study by Seiffge-Krenke and Klessinger (2000), in which long-lasting effects of
avoidant coping were linked with depression – it was clear that all forms of
avoidant coping were linked to high levels of depressive symptoms two years
later. A Norwegian study of 327 adolescents aged 13–16 further revealed that
participants who used a more aggressive coping style, such as getting angry,
venting feelings and letting off steam, were more at risk of developing depres-
sion (Murberg & Bru, 2005). In contrast, participants who sought parental
support were less likely to be depressed. An American study of 931 adolescents
aged 14–19 reported that anger coping was associated with sustained depression
and perceived stress (Galaif, Sussman, Chou, & Wills, 2002). Thus, both avoid-
ant coping and anger are associated with depression.
The relationship between adolescent self-reported coping, teacher evaluations
and depression was examined by Cunningham and Walker (1999). Ninety-four
Year 9 students (40 males and 54 females with an average age of 14.5) at a sec-
ondary school in outer Melbourne were administered the general short form of
the ACS and the Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI) (Kovacs, 1992). Each
of 47 participating teachers completed, for two of the participating students, a
ten-item teacher depression rating scale, derived from the Children’s Depression
Scale (Lang & Tisher, 2004).
A hierarchical regression analysis was used to determine to what extent teach-
ers’ perceptions of depression and self-reported coping strategies predict self-
reported depression. It was found that the non-productive coping style of the
ACS was capable of predicting an additional 38 per cent of the variance in
depression scores above teacher ratings alone. The inclusion of an active coping
style – comprising the strategies, solve the problem, seek social support, phys-
ical recreation, relaxation and focus on the positive – contributed a further 12 per
cent. While the three predictor variables accounted for 60 per cent of the vari-
ance in depression scores, only non-productive and active coping styles remained
significant predictors when all three variables were included. That is, non-
productive coping was a good predictor of depression.
Discriminant function analysis was used to predict two levels of depression,
using the dichotomy high risk or low risk. A variate associated with more non-
productive coping and less active coping, combined with teacher ratings, accu-
rately categorised 89 per cent of adolescents as either high risk or low risk. The
results were cross-validated on an independent sample and support a strong
positive relationship between self-reported depression and non-productive or
avoidant coping styles, and a negative association with an active or problem-
focused coping style. Furthermore, non-productive coping was associated more
strongly with the depressive measure than was active coping, while the converse
held for the positive scale of the CDI.
Another study of 50 adolescents (35 males and 15 females with an average
age of 14) reported an investigation of participants in a brief intervention
program for young people with emotional, behavioural, social and/or psychotic
difficulties (Poot, 1997). Measures used were the Youth Self-Report Scale
(Achenbach, 1988); the ACS (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993); the Beck Depression
Inventory (Beck, 1987); and a self-esteem scale (Coopersmith, 1967). The ana-
lysis produced a two-factor, orthogonal factor solution for 24 young people who
provided complete data on the four measures. The factor analysis accounted for
80.2 per cent of the variance. Poot identified a factor she termed dysfunction,
which accounted for 50 per cent of the variance of the four measures. Dysfunc-
tion was characterised by more reported problems, lower self-concept, greater
depression and the ACS coping style labelled non-productive coping. The load-
ings of the other ACS styles, reference to others and solving the problem, on this
factor were 0.04 and 0.06. The second factor, which Poot called productive
coping, had only two significant loadings, the two ACS coping styles of refer-
ence to others and solving the problem. Poot (1997) identified two coping styles,
a non-productive one associated with dysfunction and a productive one inde-
pendent of dysfunction. This further affirms that there is a direct relationship
between depression and non-productive coping.
In an Australian study that explored the relationship between anxiety and
bullying, using the short form of the ACS, 352 females aged 11 to 17 were
grouped according to high level of victimisation (n = 52) with the rest having
experienced none or a low level of victimisation (Poynton & Frydenberg, 2011).
The results indicated that female adolescents who are frequently victimised use a
more non-productive coping style, more reference to others’ coping style, and
experience higher levels of anxiety when compared with low level victims. They
report having negative thoughts, worrying, nervousness and becoming upset by
things. Furthermore, the findings suggest that non-productive coping – which
includes use of self-blame, ignoring the problem and worrying – can be used to
differentiate between high victims and low victims of bullying and those with
high levels of anxiety and depression.
Particular circumstances may elicit particular styles of coping. For example, a
growing body of literature has focused on identifying the coping strategies used
by victims in response to bullying. Overall, the findings tend to indicate that
victims of bullying use an emotion-focused coping style (Phillips, Lodge, &
Frydenberg, 2006). Additionally, victims of peer aggression tend to adopt
passive avoidant and avoidant methods, including behaviours such as with-
drawal, seeking ways to escape, keeping to oneself and ignoring problems
(Rigby, 2002; Smith, 2004). Other more commonly used strategies include more
aggressive responses, such as fighting back and swearing (Camodeca & Goossens,
2005). There is also evidence that victims engage in self-blame, often seeing
themselves as being responsible for the bullying (Rigby, 2002). Generally in
response to bullying victims use negative maladaptive ways of coping. In a
UK study of 324 students, in the first instance females tended to tell someone
such as an adult, parent, friend or peer supporter and their next most common
strategy was to ignore and endure the problem, hoping it would stop and/or
have a good cry (Naylor, Cowie, & Del Rey, 2001). In a Danish study of
9–13-year-olds students used distancing, self-reliance/problem solving and
seeking social support (Kristensen & Smith, 2003). In an American study of
279 11–13-year-olds there was a positive relationship between victimisation
and anxiety; unsurprisingly girls reported higher anxiety symptoms than boys
(Grills & Ollendick, 2002).
While bullying has been identified as a precursor to anxiety it has also been
postulated that anxious children may already exhibit a vulnerability that makes
them more likely to experience attacks from others. Additionally, anxiety is
often a precursor to depression. Anxiety among victims is prevalent and linked
to the use of non-productive coping strategies.
Do changes in coping generate changes in depressive symptoms? This was
investigated in a short-term longitudinal study of 903 adolescents in Years 6–11,
who were assessed twice within a 12-month period (Herman-Stahl, Stemmler, &
Petersen, 1995). The results indicated that adolescents who used more avoidant
coping strategies reported the greatest number of depressive symptoms, whereas
adolescents who used more approach-oriented coping strategies reported sub-
stantially fewer such symptoms. Importantly, this study found that participants
who altered their coping profiles also had alterations in depressive symptoms
over a 12-month period. Those who went from using approach-oriented to avoid-
ant coping strategies showed an increase in depressive symptoms, whereas those
who went from using avoidant to approach-oriented coping strategies showed a
decrease in depressive symptoms. A vicious cycle may develop in adolescents,
in which depressive symptoms increase non-productive coping, which in turn
has long-term effects on symptomatology, and the cycle continues (Seiffge-
Krenke, 2000b). More promisingly, it appears that high levels of symptomatol-
ogy may be reduced by a reorientation to more productive coping.
In a study of over 1,300 students attending a vocational educational school in
the Netherlands, whose average age was 18, it was found that parental bonding
and cognitive coping are related to a lower prevalence of depressive symptoms
(Kraaij, Garnefski, de Wilde, Dijkstra, Gebhardt, Maes et al., 2003). Adolescents
who reported more negative life events, more parental control, more self-blame,
more rumination and more catastrophising, had significantly higher depression
scores, while adolescents who reported more positive reappraisal had lower
depression scores. Those adolescents who reported a parental bonding style of
low care and high control, labelled ‘affectionless control’, reported more stress
and more depressive symptoms (also see the Ideal Family in Chapter 5).
8.7 Suicide
Since the 1990s suicide has been one of the leading causes of adolescent deaths,
accounting for 1.4 per cent of all adolescent deaths worldwide, and it is estim-
ated that, for each suicide, there are likely to have been more than 20 suicide
attempts (WHO, 2017a). Alarmingly, there are as many as 50 to 100 suicide
attempts for every completed suicide in adolescents (Kennebeck & Bonin, n.d.).
Suicide is now a leading cause of death for young adults and is the second
leading cause among 15–29-year-olds, which represents a massive loss to soci-
eties on a global scale.
A systematic review of the international literature on the prevalence of sui-
cidal phenomena in adolescents, involving a total of 128 studies and a sample of
513,188 adolescents, was conducted by Evans, Hawton, Rodham, and Deeks
(2005). Studies from the following countries were included: North America,
Europe, Australia/New Zealand, Asia, South/Central America, Mexico and
Africa. Their review confirmed that suicidal thoughts and behaviours are relat-
ively common in adolescents, with 20–30 per cent reporting having had suicidal
thoughts. The findings also suggest that approximately 10 per cent of adoles-
cents have attempted suicide, 13 per cent will have engaged in deliberate self-
harm at some time, and 6 per cent will have attempted suicide within a one-year
period. Higher rates of suicidal phenomena were generally found in studies from
North America compared with those from European countries, which is in con-
trast to the depression statistics reported earlier. Rates for suicide attempts in the
previous year and lifetime were 12.6 per cent and 7.7 per cent respectively for
North American studies, and 6.9 per cent and 2.0 per cent respectively for Euro-
pean studies. Both suicidal thoughts and behaviours were found to be more
common in females, with this gender difference reported in almost every study
reviewed. Overall, there appeared to be lower rates of suicidal phenomena in
Asian adolescents compared to White adolescents. The prevalence of suicidal
phenomena for White and Native American adolescents was almost equal, but
the prevalence of recent suicidal ideation appeared to be lower in Hispanic than
in White adolescents (Evans et al., 2005). Prevalence rates highlight the magni-
tude of the problem and compel us to identify risk factors in the diverse settings
so as to inform the development and implementation of preventative programs.
Another US review of adolescent suicide makes the point that since females
are more likely to report suicide ideation and attempts, there is a likelihood that
adolescent males who are at risk could fail to be identified (Langhinrichsen-
Rohling, Friend, & Powell, 2009). Additionally, they point out that there are cul-
tural sensitivities as, for example, Latino and Native American females have
elevated suicide completion rates compared to other adolescents.
According to WHO (2017a), suicidal behaviours among children and adoles-
cents often involve complicated motives, including: depressive moods; emo-
tional, behavioural and social problems; substance abuse; loss of romantic
relationships; inability to cope with academic pressures and other life stressors;
and issues associated with poor problem-solving skills, low self-esteem, and
confused sexual identity. An additional risk factor for adolescent suicide is the
completed suicide of a family member, peer or prominent figure. Among young
people the phenomenon of cluster suicides also exists and has been labelled the
contagion effect, that is, well-publicised attempts or completed suicides can lead
to self-injurious behaviour in related peer groups. This emphasises the import-
ance of implementing preventative measures in schools in the case of a suicide
within the school community. The general experience with universal interven-
tion (see Chapter 11) is that when the entire group receives a program those who
have the greatest need benefit the most.1
A family history of psychiatric illness, along with high levels of family dys-
function, rejection by family, and childhood abuse and neglect increase the
potential for suicide. For example, completed youth suicides have higher rates of
family psychiatric disturbance, reduced family support, past suicidal ideation or
behaviour, disciplinary or legal problems, and access to loaded firearms in the
home. Suicidal ideation and attempted suicide is more common in children and
adolescents who have suffered abuse from peers and adults (WHO, 2006).
Among adolescents aged 16 and over, substance abuse significantly increases
the risk of suicide during times of distress. Mood and anxiety disorders, running
away, and a sense of hopelessness also increase the risk for adolescent suicide
attempts. Adolescent suicide attempts are often associated with a humiliating life
experience, such as school failure, or conflict with a romantic partner. Whilst
there is no evidence for an increased risk of completed suicide following a PTSD
event, increased incidence of prior attempted suicide and prior and current sui-
cidal ideation is associated with PTSD (Krysinska & Lester, 2010).
8.8 Breaking the cycle

The relationship between depression and non-productive coping is best per-
ceived as a cycle, in which each are maintained by the effects of the other. For
example, an adolescent boy with depression may continue to deal with his peers’
taunts by withdrawing from his classmates and spending lunch breaks on his
own. In turn, the boy’s depressive symptoms may increase, since to avoid the
taunts he has chosen to isolate himself from all of his classmates. This in turn
causes him to feel isolated and disconnected from school. He may choose to
avoid other social situations and activities to avoid being teased, which in turn
leads to more isolation, hopelessness and depression. In this example, it can be
seen that irrespective of whether poor coping initially caused the depression or
the reverse, both coping and depression need to be targeted to break the cycle.
Additionally, a systemic approach to taunting in a peer context needs to be chal-
lenged with an intervention.
When an adolescent is presenting with symptoms of depression, it is helpful
to explore his or her ways of coping to determine how non-productive coping
may be contributing to sustained depression. Depression is characterised by
pessimistic and negative cognitions. Depressed individuals have a tendency to
see the world and their future as bleak and to attribute responsibility for things
that go wrong to themselves and for things that go right to external factors
(Shapiro, Friedberg, & Bardenstein, 2006).
Because depression affects cognition, it can affect how depressed individuals
deal with their problems. Attribution theory, which has been used in research
with depressed individuals, is the study of how individuals explain and assign
cause for events. Significant differences have been found between the attribu-
tions made by non-depressed and depressed individuals, which Shapiro and col-
leagues (2006) have captured along three dimensions: unstable versus stable
attributions; specific versus global attributions; and internal versus external
attributions.
When something goes wrong, non-depressed individuals are more likely to
attribute the misfortune to temporary or unstable factors, whereas depressed
individuals are more likely to attribute the misfortune to comparatively stable
factors. For example, a non-depressed adolescent may attribute failing an unex-
pected science test to having no time to study (a one-off factor), whereas a
depressed adolescent may attribute it to having a terrible science teacher (a relat-
ively stable factor). Non-depressed individuals are also more likely to attribute
negative outcomes to specific causes, whereas depressed individuals tend to
attribute blame to more global causes. For example, a non-depressed adolescent
who does not win a place in a running race may attribute this to the poor running
conditions (a specific cause), whereas a depressed adolescent may attribute this
to a lack of general fitness (a global cause). When good things occur, non-
depressed adolescents are more likely to attribute this to themselves and to be
proud of their achievements, whereas depressed adolescents are more likely to
attribute success to external factors. For example, scoring the winning goal in
basketball may be attributed to one’s ability by the non-depressed adolescent and
to luck by the depressed adolescent. In addition, depressed adolescents tend to
blame themselves for things that go wrong and fail to consider external factors
that may have influenced the outcome.
Attribution theory explains why adolescents who are at risk of depression or
who are currently experiencing depression are more likely to use the non-
productive coping strategy of self-blame. Depressed adolescents can be their
own harshest critic and often see the world and their place in it more negatively
than do their family members and friends.
In order to turn depressive cognitions into coping cognitions, adolescents can
be taught to identify and challenge irrational and negative thoughts. When a neg-
ative event is experienced, a depressed adolescent can be asked to explore his or
her attributions of the outcomes and encouraged to replace stable, global and
internal attributions for unstable, specific and external attributions, with the
outcome being a more realistic and optimistic understanding of an undesired
event.
Other important suggestions for reducing depression include exercise,
positive thinking, activity and remaining socially connected, all of which are
productive coping strategies. In contrast, depression is maintained by sluggish-
ness, negative thinking, inactivity and isolation, which are non-productive
s trategies. Thus, coping with depression is similar to coping with other prob-
lems, and if we help depressed adolescents to use more productive coping strat-
egies and fewer non-productive ones then we are helping them to deal
concurrently with their depression and other types of problems.
It is fairly common for adolescents who have experienced some form of
trauma or loss to experience a bout of depression. However, the goal is for the
depression to improve in time and for general well-being to be restored. The
experience of stressors can lead to maladaptive patterns of coping, especially
during adolescence when young people experience various and numerous stres-
sors, often for the first time. Because emotional regulation and cognitive abilities
are still developing, adolescents may lack the maturity to deal appropriately with
extreme stressors or with multiple stressors simultaneously. Passive and avoid-
ant coping may be called upon, which may have some benefit in the short term
but are never the best ways of dealing with stressors. Such experiences can
trigger a maladaptive pattern of coping in which avoidant coping is selected over
approach-oriented coping. It is therefore important to support adolescents who
have recently experienced negative events, or are currently experiencing such
events, and encourage them to call upon productive coping strategies, such as
social support, problem solving and positive thinking. For example, a young
person grieving over the death of a family member may be encouraged to write a
farewell letter, plant a tree, or create a photo collage in memory of the deceased.
This active approach to coping with loss allows for the expression of emotions,
which facilitates movement through the grief process rather than stagnation.
It is worth exploring adolescents’ use of non-productive coping, even with
adolescents who are not currently experiencing depression, because of the strong
association between depression and avoidant coping. Improvements in coping
may help to buffer against depression. Thus, adolescents’ use of avoidant coping
strategies may form part of the screening for students at risk of depression. In
turn, school-based programs for students at risk of depression should incorporate
coping skills training as part of the overall intervention.
Adolescents who are experiencing depression, who have experienced or are
experiencing high levels of stress, and adolescents who use avoidant coping
strategies as their primary ways of coping are at risk of depression. They are
likely to benefit from coping skills training that promotes the reduction of non-
productive coping strategies and facilitates more productive ways of coping.
Such training can be provided formally and informally. Formal coping skills
programs may be run in schools for groups of students who have been identified
as at risk of depression. Alternatively, coping skills programs may be run for all
students as a universal approach to prevention. Psychologists and school coun-
sellors may also teach adolescents effective coping skills as part of individual
therapy.
Adolescents may learn about coping informally, through observation of how
other people in their social sphere deal with their problems. Parents, teachers,
older siblings and peers are important role models. In particular, parents and
others associated with young people should be cognisant of their own coping
and model effective ways of dealing with problems as they arise. In addition,
parents can explicitly assist their children to deal with their concerns by high-
lighting the ineffectiveness of retreating from problems. An active approach may
not always come naturally to young people and may require the encouragement
and support of carers. Parents should thus be mindful of their reaction to their
children when they come to them with undesirable news. For the adolescent boy
who breaks his mother’s best china bowl, telling his mother about this may
require substantially more courage than concealing the accident. He should be
praised for owning up to the accident, rather than being told off, and then be
encouraged to come up with a workable solution. The boy will be more likely to
deal with future difficult situations in a similar way, which facilitates a pattern of
effective coping responses. In contrast, had the boy experienced a negative reac-
tion, he might be less likely to take responsibility for problems in the future and
turn to more passive ways of dealing with difficulties, which sets up a maladap-
tive pattern of coping responses.
8.9 Prevention of adolescent depression through programs

of instruction
It is important to keep in mind that depression is a complex mental health
problem, which is influenced by a variety of factors, biological, environmental
and psychological. Therefore, preventing depression and treating depressed
adolescents is no easy feat and often involves a multimodal approach and the
collaboration of various individuals, including the adolescent, their parents,
family members, teachers or mental health workers.
Programs that target depressed adolescents have become more common in
schools over the years. While there is a substantial body of research that attests
to the efficacy of such programs, there are also important research findings that
caution us not to perceive them as the sole answer to adolescent depression.
Werner-Seidler, Perry, Calear, Newby and Christensen (2017) conducted a sys-
tematic review of school-based depression and anxiety prevention programs for
young people, which included over 80 studies with over 31,000 students. They
found that school-based prevention programs have a small effect on depression
and anxiety, albeit they have significant prevention effects for 6–12 months post-
program. There was evidence that externally delivered interventions were
superior to those delivered by school staff. It was suggested that the type of pre-
vention and the method of delivery could influence program outcome and hence
further refinements to school-based prevention programs should be made given
their potential to reduce mental health burden (also see Chapter 11).
Chaplin et al. (2006) found support for their intervention to reduce depressive
symptoms. They evaluated the Penn Resiliency Program, which is a widely used
12-session program that targets cognitions and problem-solving skills, similar to
the Problem Solving for Life program used by Sheffield and colleagues (2006)
in their study. The differences are that the Penn Resiliency Program was
delivered every other week for 12 weeks and had only a small-group format.
Leaders also received week-long training, whereas leaders of the Problem
Solving for Life program received only six hours of training. Whether these
differences contributed to the more positive outcomes in Chaplin and colleagues’
study is unclear. It is also possible that there were substantial differences in the
topics covered within each session. Another important difference is that the Penn
Resiliency Program was not restricted to students at risk of depression and there-
fore its ability to reduce depression in individuals with higher levels of depres-
sive symptoms was unclear.
Chaplin and colleagues (2006) were interested in determining whether depres-
sion prevention programs are more effective for girls when run with all-girl groups
in comparison to co-ed groups. In total, there were 200 students aged 11–14 (105
boys and 103 girls) who received the Penn Resiliency Program in groups of 9–14.
The results indicated that both single-sex and co-ed groups equally reduced depres-
sive symptoms, but there were more benefits for single-sex groups, with particip-
ants showing substantially greater reductions in measures of hopelessness and
greater attendance. This study indicated that whether the program was delivered to
all-girls groups or to co-ed groups, it was effective in reducing depressive symp-
toms. Gillham et al. (2012) evaluated the same program as a school-based inter-
vention to 408 middle school children (aged 10–15). They measured the baseline
levels of hopelessness and were therefore able to conclude that the teacher led
interventions were effective for those young people who had an elevated level of
hopelessness in contrast to the rest of the population.
The Best of Coping (BOC) program (Frydenberg & Brandon, 2002a, 2002b,
2007a, 2007b), described and evaluated more extensively in Chapter 12, is a ten-
week coping skills program that introduces adolescents to the language of
coping, assists them to identify their own coping profiles and then encourages
them to reduce their use of non-productive coping strategies in favour of more
productive ones. Although not designed solely for depression prevention, the
BOC program has been shown to reduce depressive symptoms in adolescents at
risk of depression (Bugalski & Frydenberg, 2000; see also Chapter 11). In a
study of 113 adolescents aged 15–17, one-fifth were identified as at risk of
depression. The results indicated that students at risk of depression benefited
more from the intervention than healthy adolescents. Not only were there reduc-
tions in depressive symptoms, but their use of non-productive coping strategies
also significantly reduced over the duration of the program. This supports the
notion that a reduction in non-productive coping leads to a reduction in depres-
sive symptoms. The BOC program is similar to both the Problem Solving for
Life and Penn Resiliency programs in its focus on cognitions and problem
solving, though its focus on coping is more extensive. BOC focuses on discour-
aging use of non-productive coping, while encouraging productive coping
through targeting both cognitions and behaviours. Participants are taught to think
more optimistically and to be assertive. They are also equipped with the skills of
effective problem solving and decision making.
Not all depression prevention programs achieve the same outcomes. In one
Australian study that involved nearly 2,500 students aged 13–15, a number of
independent research teams and 34 schools found that depressive symptoms did
not change as a result of participation in an eight-week universal and/or selective
intervention program (Sheffield et al., 2006). The Problem Solving for Life
program was designed to be delivered in schools by trained teachers and focuses
on cognitive restructuring and problem-solving skills. It seeks to teach students:
the relationship between thoughts, feelings and behaviours; the cognitive tech-
niques to challenge negative thoughts; and effective problem-solving skills. In
comparison to the universal implementation of the program, the intervention for
students at risk of depression consisted of longer sessions and a small-group
format. Overall, no differences were found between the three intervention groups
and the control group over the duration of the study. This was unexpected, as
previous evaluations of the program had shown its efficacy in reducing depres-
sive symptoms in adolescents who are at risk of depression (Spence, Sheffield,
& Donovan, 2003). It was particularly surprising in the more recent 2006 study
by Sheffield and colleagues that adolescents at risk of depression who completed
the program with their classmates and then in a small group did not show a
reduction in depression symptomatology.
The authors suggested several possible explanations for their failure to find
significant effects, including the important notion that school-based programs on
their own may not reduce symptoms of depression and that external environ-
mental factors may also need to be addressed. Moreover, it is worth noting that
this study did not investigate coping. Coping was not a focus of the intervention
and adolescents’ use of coping strategies was not measured. Although problem
solving was a primary focus of the intervention, and is an important coping
strategy, there were many other important aspects of coping that were not
addressed. Given that depressive symptoms are associated with a negative
explanatory style and the use of avoidant strategies, it may have been useful for
the program to include components of coping, including both cognitive appraisal
and coping skills straining (Pilar & Alejandro, 2015).
8.10 The relationship between depression, stress and coping

An American study investigated the relationship between depression, stress and
coping in a high-risk adolescent sample comprising 931 students aged 14–19
(Galaif, Sussman, Chou, & Wills, 2003). Measures of depression, stress and
coping were repeated after 12 months to obtain longitudinal information about
the relationship between these variables. The authors investigated two constructs
of coping: anger coping, which includes behaviours such as getting mad and
getting revenge; and seeking social support. The results indicated that depressed
adolescents reported high levels of stress and were more likely than non-
depressed adolescents to call upon anger coping. Greater stress was associated
with more anger coping and depression. There was also a significant positive
correlation between anger coping and depression, perceived stress and drug use.
Interestingly, when the measures were taken at two time points, depression at
Time 1 significantly predicted greater levels of stress at Time 2, which suggests
that perceived stress is not only a predictor of depression but also a consequence.
Similarly, anger coping at Time 1 was significantly associated with increases in
depression, drug use and stress, and decreases in social support at Time 2. Social
support at Time 1 predicted reductions in anger coping and perceived stress at
Time 2. Overall, this study yielded some important insights into stress, coping
and depression in high-risk youths. It showed that troubled youth do call upon
social supports to deal with their concerns, which is an adaptive means of
dealing with problems, and that they are less likely to react to problems with
anger. In addition, this study revealed that depression can increase perceived
stress. One of the most important findings was that negative outcomes were pre-
dicted from anger coping, with the strongest link between anger coping and
depression. Female adolescents in particular used anger coping to deal with their
depression. Externalising behaviours are more commonly used by boys in the
general adolescent population, which appears not to be the case in high-risk
adolescents. Thus, it may be beneficial for interventions with troubled females
(and males) to include anger management training and the facilitation of more
functional coping strategies. Moreover, adults working with troubled adolescents
should encourage them to obtain support in their social networks, it is important
to assist adolescents to ask for help and to talk about their concerns.
8.10.1 Gender differences

Depression rates in boys and girls is about equal throughout childhood. The
onset of puberty at about age 11 appears to be a pivotal marker for depression,
with many more adolescents than children experiencing depression. Sex differ-
ences in rates of depression arise during adolescence and are maintained into
adulthood. It is estimated that depression is at least twice as common in adoles-
cent females than in adolescent males (Lewinsohn, Pettit, Joiner, & Seeley,
2003). An American study of 1,709 adolescents reported that not only were girls
twice as likely to meet the criteria for at least one major depressive episode, but
they were also more likely to have recurrences of depression (Lewinsohn et al.,
2003). From the total sample, 564 adolescents met the criteria for at least one
depressive episode and were assessed at three points in time: when they were in
secondary school (mean age = 16.6 years); 13 months later; and at age 24. The
results revealed that almost half of all girls, and a quarter of all boys, who met
the criteria for depression at Time 1 experienced at least one more episode of
depression by the age of 24. The gap between males and females increased with
an increasing number of episodes. For example, of those adolescents who experi-
enced three episodes, 79 per cent were female, of those who experienced four
episodes, 88 per cent were female, and only females experienced five or more
episodes.
In spite of these gender differences in prevalence, depressive symptoms were
expressed similarly in adolescent males and adolescent females, except for the
symptoms of crying, tearfulness and weight fluctuations, which were reported
more frequently by girls than by boys. While this study also found that depressive
symptoms did not systematically change with the transition from adolescence to
adulthood, symptoms were shown to vary from episode to episode, making it
difficult to predict the recurrence of depression.
Because recurrences of depression are estimated for one in every two adoles-
cent girls and one in every four adolescent boys who meet the criteria for major
depression, interventions for adolescents with depression should treat the current
depressive symptoms as well as prevent future episodes. A number of reasons
are given for why more females experience depression than males.
One area closely related to sex differences in depression is to do with the
importance individuals place on their relationships with others and how others
perceive them, collectively called social-evaluative concerns. It has been consist-
ently shown that females are more concerned about relationships than are males.
In their paper on social-evaluative concerns during adolescence, Rudolph and
Conley (2005) summarise important research findings which demonstrate that in
comparison to males, females tend to make more psychological investments in
relationships, are more worried about those closest to them, and more commonly
use relationships as a measure of their self-worth. Traditionally, greater social-
evaluative concerns in females have been perceived as a hindrance to well-being,
by creating distress and leading to depression. Rudolph and Conley, however,
sought to investigate not only the costs of social-evaluative concerns in adoles-
cent girls, but also the benefits. Being concerned about relationships may lead to
heightened emotionality and contribute to emotional disturbances such as
depression. On the flipside, it may also lead to prosocial behaviours, such as
greater concern for others, cooperation and empathy and thus more effective
interpersonal relations. To test this, Rudolph and Conley (2005) conducted a
longitudinal study with 474 students with a mean age of 11 (50.2 per cent
female) to assess the outcomes of heightened social-evaluative concerns.
As expected, girls reported higher levels of social-evaluative concerns, such
as ‘I worry about what other kids think of me’, and higher levels of depression
than did boys. Higher levels of social-evaluative concerns were also associated
with higher levels of depression and explained about 70 per cent of the observed
sex differences in depression. These findings clearly showed the negative con-
sequences of particular relational styles, which are most common for girls. The
results also indicated that girls had significantly higher levels of interpersonal
competence than did boys. Moreover, when the buffering effect of depression
was controlled for, higher social-evaluative concerns were associated with
greater interpersonal competence. In summary, this study demonstrated both the
cost and the benefits of social-emotional concerns, which are associated with
emotional distress on the one hand and with interpersonal competence on the
other. Overall, it appears that high levels of social-emotional concerns have more
costs than benefits, with depression suppressing the link between concerns and
interpersonal competence. Rudolph and Conley extended their study by demon-
strating that a moderate level of social-emotional concerns may be optimal
because it is not predictive of depression (whereas a high level is) and may still
have many of the interpersonal benefits.
A reduction in social-evaluative concerns may assist adolescent girls to cope
with their depression and may also be an important component of depression
prevention. The following is a list of strategies that may assist adolescent girls
and boys to moderate their social-evaluative concerns:
• Help the adolescent to notice, value and appreciate her/his personal

strengths, attributes and achievements.
• Help the adolescent explore her/his own relationship needs and to inves-
tigate whether her needs are being met.
• Teach the adolescent that our perceptions of an event may not be what
actually happened. For example, an adolescent may perceive a group of
students laughing as gossiping about her/him, whereas the reality may be
that they were laughing at a joke. There are an infinite number of ways of
viewing the same situation. Rather than interpreting something someone
says or does as a reflection of her/his own negative worth, an adolescent
could be taught to evaluate the evidence, to provide various accounts of the
event and to come up with an interpretation that is realistic and optimistic.
• Teach the adolescent that, ultimately, we are all responsible for our own
happiness. While it is appropriate to be concerned and interested in our
family members’ and friends’ well-being, we cannot make or break
someone’s happiness.
• Help the adolescent to gain a realistic perspective of human relations. We
cannot expect to like and want to be friends with everyone we meet. Nor
can we expect everyone to like us and want to be our friend. At the same
time, however, no one has the right to harm another person. Everyone
has the right to feel safe and respected.
• Help the adolescent to be her/his own best friend. This means using
positive affirmations, a healthy lifestyle, pursuing her/his own goals and
interests, spoiling herself/himself from time to time and patting herself/
himself on the back.
8.11 Rumination
A style of regulating emotions called rumination (overthinking) is a feature of
coping that increases vulnerability to depression and perpetuates and exacerbates
negative mood (Lyubomirsky, Layous, Chancellor, & Nelson, 2015). Rumina-
tion is a risk factor not only for depression but also for a related range of con-
ditions such as anxiety, substance abuse and eating disorders. There are different
types of rumination, such as ‘pondering and brooding’ which capture the over-
thinking and the prolonged nature of thinking negative thoughts. Essentially
rumination is a mental habit.
It is generally known that self-disclosure and discussing with friends leads to
close relationships, and similarly it is known that focusing on negative topics
leads to emotional difficulties. A study of 608 third-, fifth-, seventh- and ninth-
graders by Rose (2002) examined a new construct, co-rumination, which refers
to extensively discussing and revisiting problems, speculating about problems,
and focusing on negative feeling. The study found that co-rumination was related
to high-quality close friendships and aspects of depression and anxiety. Girls
reported co-ruminating more than boys and consequently had more positive
friendships and also more internalising symptoms. Given that depression can be
contagious, co-ruminating or keeping company with those who are stressed and
depressed can be debilitating.
Adolescent girls generally use more emotion-related coping, experience
greater depression and are likely to be more ruminative (Li, DiGiuseppe, & Froh,
2006). One factor that is likely to contribute to an adolescent girl’s greater vul-
nerability to stress is how they cope.
When considering care for depression and suicide risk, Asarnow and Miranda
(2014) offered a range of interventions, some psychosocial, some a combination
of psychotherapeutic and psychopharmacological, and combined cognitive
behaviour therapy (CBT) (roughly 15 sessions) and medication, with evidence
that combined treatment was superior to medication alone.
When it comes to treatment a developmental training approach is recom-
mended (Garber, Frankel, & Herrington, 2016). The authors detail the critical
cognitive techniques, such as recognising types of thoughts, cognitive restructur-
ing, emotion understanding, assertiveness, problem solving and social problem
solving, to name a few. These require wide-ranging cognitive developmental
skills, including social and emotional ones.
8.12 Self-harm
Self-harm is an indicator of suicidal risk, although there is self-injury that is non-
suicidal. Nock (2010) notes that self-injury such as cutting and carving is most
prevalent amongst adolescents and young adults and is occurring at an ‘alarming
rate’, with prevalence amongst studies varying at 13–45 per cent. This is
considerably higher than other disorders, such as: anorexia and bulimia (<2 per
cent); panic disorder (<2 per cent); OCD (<3 per cent); and borderline person-
ality disorder (2 per cent) (American Psychiatric Association, 2000).
The self-harm ranges from mild to severe in the non-suicidal sphere and in
the suicidal sphere there is ideation, planning and attempt. The age of onset is
thought to be between 12–14 years. The review delivers the bad news that
there is no evidence-based prevention or intervention program. Nevertheless,
coping skills provide a way forward. When it comes to teaching coping skills
the longitudinal study on adolescent coping confirmed that it is important to
arm young people with those skills prior to the mid-adolescent years (Fryden-
berg & Lewis, 2000).
Self-harm is a frequently reported occurrence among depressed adolescents.
It has often been associated with poor problem-solving skills. The concept of
deliberate self-harm is contested in that there are a number of terms that include
self-mutilation, self-destructive behaviour, self-wounding, or self-cutting,
attempted suicide or para-suicide (Best, 2006). In the United States the term
‘suicide attempter’ is used, while in Europe ‘deliberate self-harm’ is the pre-
ferred term in relation to suicide. Some would even include anorexia and bulimia
as self-harming practices. Because there is no agreed definition, prevalence data
are not readily available. A series of interviews conducted with teachers and
other related professionals in the United Kingdom found that one school profes-
sional reported self-harm in five or six out of the 30 young people they were
working with, while a senior teacher in an independent girls’ school reported
seven or eight girls as self-harming in a population of 380 (Best, 2006). Since
there is generally secrecy around these activities, what is reported is thought to
be the tip of the iceberg. Data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Chil-
dren Annual statistical report showed that 10 per cent of 14–15-year-olds
reported self-harm in the previous 12 months with more than a quarter of girls in
the study said they had thoughts of self-harm and 15 per cent had acted upon
those thoughts, compared to 8 per cent of boys (Daraganova, 2017). What is
clear is that the majority of young people who engage in self-harming behavi-
ours are not disclosing and may never seek help or support.
When it comes to other forms of coping, in an adult population self-mutilators
saw themselves as having less control over problem-solving options and using
more avoidant coping (Haines & Williams, 2003). Similarly, in a large study of
6,020 15–16-year-olds who responded to an anonymous self-reported question-
naire conducted in England, young people who had deliberately self-harmed in
the past year, interestingly, did not identify themselves as having more serious
problems than other adolescents. They were less likely to ask for help from
family members or teachers but were more likely to get help from their friends.
Generally, they employed more avoidant strategies and were less likely to focus
on dealing with the problems they were confronted with (Evans et al., 2005).
8.13 Summary remarks

Anxious adolescents engage in more problem behaviour and have poorer self-
concept. This is concerning as about 10–30 per cent of adolescents experience
anxiety severe enough to impact performance. There is a trajectory from anxiety
to depression in adolescence through to depression in adulthood. There is a con-
nection between anxiety experienced by adolescents and parenting styles that are
authoritarian. Anxiety and depression rates are widespread but are lower in
Western and Asian countries than in Eastern Europe, a finding that may be
attributed to the political climate.
Depression affects more adolescents than any other mental health problem.
The incidence is concerning given the relationship between depression and sui-
cidal behaviour. Depressed adolescents are generally pre-disposed to resort to
unhelpful methods of coping and there is a direct relationship between depres-
sion and the use of non-productive coping strategies. Additionally, long-term
avoidance of problems can be detrimental. Sex differences in depression arise in
adolescence with depression twice as common in females. This is likely to be
linked to the fact that girls place greater importance on social-evaluative
c oncerns. The good news is that positive changes in coping can affect a reduc-
tion in depressive symptoms.
A large-scale international review reported that thoughts of suicide are relat-
ively common in adolescents, with higher rates of suicidal phenomena in North
American studies compared to European studies. Additionally, a significant
number of young people admit to being engaged in self-harm. It is important to
ascertain the degree to which adolescents view these behaviours as genuine
coping responses. For example, eating disorders can be construed as a form of
self-harm and also manifest as non-productive coping. While risky behaviour is
complex, and in general terms is the fearlessness of damage to oneself, it can
also be construed as a form of non-productive coping.
Intervention should focus on breaking the cycle of depression and negative
coping and should include an analysis of cognitions and attributions. Attributions
explain the relationship between depression and negative coping. Coping skills
training may also serve as a buffer against depression for non-depressed adoles-
cents. The universal delivery of programs is a promising way of achieving this as
it creates a culture of coping in the wider community rather than merely targeting
at-risk individuals. The jury is still out on the success of these approaches, with
mixed findings for the reduction of depressive symptoms. However, since there is
also a strong link between anger coping and depression, there is also support for
anger management training as part of coping skills development.
Note
1 Universal programs are ones which are suitable for a general rather than a targeted
population.
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9 Coping with diverse conditions
Well-being is looking after yourself which includes mental, physical and emo-
tional health.
(Female, 17.5 years)
The prevalence of depression and the challenges it presents has been widely
reported and considered in Chapter 8. There is frequently co-morbidity or co-
occurrence between depression, anxiety and related conditions such as eating
disorders. This chapter address some co-morbidity conditions such as eating dis-
orders, boredom, loneliness and chronic illness.
9.1 Eating disorders

Anorexia nervosa, along with other eating disorders, is closely associated with
depression. There is some evidence to suggest that anorexia may lead to depres-
sion and vice versa, yet how this occurs is not entirely clear. Nevertheless, co-
morbidity between depression and eating disorders is prevalent (Blinder,
Cumella, & Sanathara, 2006).
There are three common types of eating disorder: anorexia nervosa, bulimia
nervosa, and binge eating disorder. The DSM-5 provides the diagnostic criteria
for these three types, which have several common characteristics, such as an
extreme fear of being fat, distorted body image and serious disturbances in
eating behaviour (Eating Disorders Victoria, 2017).
9.1.1 Anorexia nervosa

Anorexia nervosa is characterised by low body weight and a preoccupation with
restricting calorie intake because of an intense fear of being fat. According to the
DSM-5 criteria, to be diagnosed as having anorexia nervosa a person must display:
• Restriction of energy intake relative to requirements, leading to a signifi-

cantly low body weight in the context of age, sex, developmental trajectory,
and physical health. Significantly low weight is defined as a weight that is
Coping with diverse conditions 123
less than minimally normal or, for children and adolescents, less than mini-
mally expected.
• Intense fear of gaining weight or of becoming fat, or persistent behaviour
that interferes with weight gain, even though at a significantly low weight.
• Disturbance in the way in which one’s body weight or shape is experienced,
undue influence of body weight or shape on self-evaluation, or persistent
lack of recognition of the seriousness of the current low body weight.
The DSM-5 further classifies anorexia into two subtypes, namely, the restrict-
ing type and the binge-eating/purging type, which depends on whether weight
loss occurs solely through dieting, fasting and/or excessive exercise or through a
combination of the above, including binge eating or purging behaviour, such as
self-induced vomiting (American Psychiatric Association, 2017).
Anorexia nervosa mainly affects adolescent girls and young adult women,
with females ten times more likely than males to develop the disorder. Approxi-
mately 1 per cent of adolescent females and women meet the diagnosis of ano-
rexia nervosa. It is estimated that around 70 per cent of people with anorexia will
recover, but it often takes some years for maintenance of a healthy weight and
normal eating patterns to be established. For those who do not recover, death
may result, which is most often through suicide or due to secondary complica-
tions, such as cardiac arrest. A meta-analytic review of 36 studies by Arcelus,
Mitchell, Wales and Nielsen (2011) confirms that anorexia nervosa has the
highest mortality rate of any psychiatric disorder, with one out of five deaths
from suicide and a standardised mortality ratio (SMR) of 5.86.1
9.1.2 Bulimia nervosa

Bulimia nervosa is characterised by frequent episodes of binge eating followed
by inappropriate compensatory behaviours such as self-induced vomiting, and
sometimes other forms of calorie-reducing behaviour such as laxative use or
excessive exercise. The DSM-5 criteria for bulimia nervosa is as follows:
Recurrent episodes of binge eating. An episode of binge eating is character-

ised by both of the following:
• Eating, in a discrete period of time (e.g. within any 2-hour period), an

amount of food that is definitely larger than most people would eat
during a similar period of time and under similar circumstances.
• A sense of lack of control over eating during the episode (e.g. a feeling
that one cannot stop eating or control what or how much one is eating).
• Recurrent inappropriate compensatory behaviour in order to prevent
weight gain, such as self-induced vomiting, misuse of laxatives, diuret-
ics, or other medications, fasting, or excessive exercise.
• The binge eating and inappropriate compensatory behaviours both
occur, on average, at least once a week for three months.
• Self-evaluation is unduly influenced by body shape and weight.
• The disturbance does not occur exclusively during episodes of Ano-
rexia Nervosa.
(APA, 2017)
Like people with anorexia nervosa, individuals with bulimia have a desire to be
thin and are severely dissatisfied with their body weight and shape. However, an
important difference is that people with bulimia are often not underweight,
because the purging is their compensatory behaviour for consuming a great
many calories. Nonetheless, the recurrent purging behaviours cause serious
physical damage. Extreme emotions are brought on by the binging and purging:
at one extreme there is guilt and disgust for the amount of food eaten; and at the
other, a great sense of relief after purging.
Bulimia nervosa, like anorexia nervosa, primarily affects adolescent girls and
young adult women, with nine out of ten sufferers being female. Bulimia nervosa
is slightly more common than anorexia nervosa, with estimates that between 1
and 2 per cent of people have the disorder. Complete recovery from bulimia
nervosa and suicide rates are comparable to that reported for anorexia nervosa,
yet the overall mortality rate is lower with an SMR of 1.93 (Arcelus et al.,
2011).
9.1.3 Binge eating disorder

Binge eating disorder (BED) was included in DSM-5 as its own category of
eating disorder. It is characterised by recurring binging episodes marked by feel-
ings of lack of control and is associated with marked distress. The diagnostic cri-
teria for BED in DSM-5 are as follow:
Recurrent episodes of binge eating. An episode of binge eating is character-

ised by both of the following:
• Eating, in a discrete period of time (e.g. within any two-hour period),

an amount of food that is definitely larger than most people would eat
during a similar period of time and under similar circumstances.
• A sense of lack of control over eating during the episode (e.g. a feeling
that one cannot stop eating or control what or how much one is eating).
The binge eating episodes are associated with three or more of the
following:
• eating much more rapidly than normal

• eating until feeling uncomfortably full
• eating large amounts of food when not feeling physically hungry
• eating alone because of feeling embarrassed by how much one is eating
• feeling disgusted with oneself, depressed or very guilty afterward
• marked distress regarding binge eating is present
• binge eating occurs, on average, at least once a week for three months.
Binge eating is not associated with the recurrent use of inappropriate compensa-
tory behaviours as in bulimia nervosa and does not occur exclusively during the
course of bulimia nervosa or anorexia nervosa methods to compensate for
overeating, such as self-induced vomiting.
Note: Binge eating disorder is less common but much more severe than
overeating; it is associated with more subjective distress regarding the eating
behaviour, and commonly with other co-occurring psychological problems.
Binge eating disorder is more common than either anorexia nervosa or
bulimia nervosa. It is estimated that in the general population, 3 per cent of
college students and 5 per cent of obese people meet the diagnosis for binge
eating disorder. At any given time, 10 per cent or more of late adolescent and
adult women report symptoms of eating disorders. Although these symptoms
may not satisfy full diagnostic criteria, they do often cause distress and impair-
ment. Interventions with these individuals may be helpful and may prevent the
development of more serious disorders.
Eating disorders are closely associated with other mental health problems, such
as depression, anxiety and OCDs. Co-morbidities for eating disorders were inves-
tigated in a large study of 2,438 female inpatients (Blinder et al., 2006). The results
indicated that 97 per cent of the inpatients had a co-morbid diagnosis with at least
one other mental health problem. The most common co-morbidity (94 per cent)
was with mood disorders, mostly major depressive disorder. Anxiety was also rel-
atively common (56 per cent), followed by substance use (22 per cent). Whereas
the prevalence of mood disorders and anxiety were equal over the different types
of eating disorders, substance use was more common in patients with bulimia
nervosa and OCD was more common in patients with anorexia nervosa. The
authors concluded that co-morbidity in eating disorders is best represented by a
rank-ordering model of mood, anxiety and substance use disorders.
Eating disorders are prevalent in communities where food is abundant. In
reviewing the many possible causes of an eating disorder Polivy and Herman
(2002) noted: socio-cultural factors, such as the media’s promotion of the ‘body
ideal’ and the possible influence of peers; family factors, such as the excessive
closeness or enmeshment within the family, parents being critical of body shape
and size and being excessively controlling of the adolescent, leading to a strong
will to establish autonomy; and esteem factors, where there is dissatisfaction
with the self and particularly with body size and shape. The family factors have
been extended to include additional risk factors, such as lack of parental caring,
parental expectations about body shape and size, sexual and physical abuse.
There are also problems of identity and control, the co-occurrence with mood
disorders and cognitive factors such as obsessive thoughts and rigid thinking pat-
terns. With such a range of complex possible causes and risk factors it is not sur-
prising that there has not been a universally accepted treatment that has been
deemed to be effective.
What does this all mean in the context of coping? Regardless of the under-
lying causes of eating disorders – which may be societal, in that a thin body ideal
is promoted through media and adult role models, or situational, in that it may
represent attempts to manage conflict in the family and achieve control over
oneself or others – the important thing is to acknowledge that these are non-
productive forms of coping. Some intervention approaches are directed at assist-
ing the individual to gain insight into their motives and the causes of their eating
disorder. Other types of interventions have been evaluated with randomised con-
trolled trials and there is evidence that CBT is an effective treatment for bulimia
nervosa (Hay & Bacaltchuk, 2001); while CBT delivered via the Internet has
demonstrated good outcomes (Heinicke, Paxton, McLean, & Wertheim, 2007).
Since coping skills in a general sense are taught through a CBT framework
where the individual makes changes in their cognitions and actions, it could be
helpful to include structured coping skills training within an intervention
program. Minimally, it should be helpful to decrease non-productive coping and
increase productive coping, as well as identify alternative forms of support and
finding substitutes, within the context of a management program. Finally, a sys-
tematic approach can take account of both these approaches and include the
expectation that there will be changes in the circumstances and relationships of
those experiencing an eating disorder.
9.1.4 Prevention
Going beyond a coping framework Stice, Shaw and Marti (2007) conducted a
meta-analytic review of prevention programs related to eating disorders. The
authors considered empirically established risk factors for eating pathology,
which have predicted future pathology in multiple studies, such as: elevated
perceived pressure to be thin from family, peers, and the media; internalisation
of the thin-ideal espoused for women from Western culture; body mass; body
dissatisfaction; and negative affect. They found ‘that interventions that reduce
thin-ideal internalization, body dissatisfaction and negative affect result in
consequent reduction in eating disorder symptoms’ (p. 209). In 66 studies
reviewed they found that 51 per cent of eating disorder prevention programs
reduced risk factors and 29 per cent reduced current or future eating pathol-
ogy. Not surprisingly, prevention programs delivered by trained intervention-
ists were more effective than those delivered by endogenous providers such as
teachers. This meta-analytic review provides limited support for the conclu-
sion that brief single-session programs are less effective than longer multi-
session programs, in that the latter only produced significantly stronger
intervention effects for one of the six outcomes. Moreover, program content
that focused on attitudinal change (such as dissonance-induction2) was found
to produce larger effects in program outcomes than those that were just based
on psychoeducational content.
9.2 Coping with boredom
A headline in a local newspaper read ‘Boredom kills: Boredom in the suburbs’.
It was accompanied by a photograph of young people lounging around outside
a suburban shopping mall in the middle of the day. Boredom has been linked
to a number of problem behaviours such as Internet addiction, higher rates of
dropping out of school, and delinquency (Skues, Williams, Oldmeadow, &
Wise, 2016). It is often associated with depression – if not a result of it, it may
contribute to it (Spaeth, Weichold, & Silbereisen, 2015). When young people
completed a face-to-face interview and diary entries over two weeks it was
found that when they were autonomous and self-determined they were less
bored (Caldwell, Darling, Payne, & Dowdey, 1999). However, the role of
parents was found to be important. For example, lack of autonomy in social
control situations, that is, having to go to an event, and perceived parental
monitoring were negatively associated with boredom. In trying to understand
why low levels of parental monitoring were associated with boredom in
13-year-olds these authors explained that young people of this age were in the
process of achieving some freedom in decision-making, so they may not have
construed parental control as restrictive. Alternatively, parents who facilitate
and monitor activities may play a part in alleviating the boredom of these
young people. Having a lack of something to do was associated with higher
levels of boredom.
Adolescents who are active producers of their own development are healthier
and more productive. The findings of these authors are consistent with the long-
held understanding that intrinsic motivation and self-determination are hallmarks
of leisure and are antithetical to the experience of boredom.
9.3 Loneliness and coping

Loneliness can be defined as a state of negative, unpleasant or distressing affect,
related to one’s social needs not being met by the quantity, or especially the
quality, of one’s social relationships (Houghton, Hattie, Carroll, Wood, &
Baffour, 2016). The clinical significance of loneliness has been well docu-
mented, including adverse mental health outcomes for the adolescent which can
lead to suicidal behaviour for some young people (Gallagher, Prinstein, Simon,
& Spirito, 2014; Heinrich & Gullone, 2006), The long-term impact of loneliness
can be chronic or even pathological, marking this as a major mental health
concern. In fact, researchers have concluded that loneliness increased likelihood
of mortality by 26 per cent and it was predicted that loneliness will reach epi-
demic proportions by 2030 (Holt-Lunstad, Smith, Baker, Harris, & Stephenson,
2015; Linehan, Bottery, Kaye, Millar, Sinclair, & Watson, 2014).
Feelings of loneliness are highest during adolescence and a recent study of
2,000 Finnish 12- to 18-year-olds by Lindfors, Solantaus and Rimpelä (2012)
found that ‘fear of future loneliness’ is cited as the major concern for this sample
of adolescents.
Houghton and colleagues (2016) in their study of 1,143 Australian adoles-
cents from Grades 5 to 10, examined the different dimensions of loneliness
(friendship loneliness, positive and negative attitude to solitude, isolation) and
their associations with positive mental well-being in adolescents. They found
that a positive attitude to solitude and the quality of friendships, such as ‘having
true friends who can be trusted, who can be turned to for support, and who will
stand by you’ have significant positive association with positive mental well-
being in adolescents (Houghton et al., 2016, p. 61). On the other hand, negative
association was found between isolation and positive mental well-being,
showing that a lack of friends can give rise to stress, which causes psychological
states (negative self-talk and other related cognitions and attributional states) and
loneliness. Gender and age effects were observed in this study, with females
reporting lower levels of both friendship-related loneliness and positive attitudes
to solitude than males. Having friends who can be trusted and turned to, and who
can be relied on, are more important during early adolescence (highest levels of
friendship-related loneliness along with the lowest levels of isolation were
experienced in Grade 5), but this becomes less important with increasing age.
The lowest levels of friendship related loneliness and highest levels of isolation
were reported in Grade 10 (ages 15–16 years).
Loneliness is a cost of not having relationships and is a major source of
unhappiness and depression. There are many reasons why people are lonely,
including the fact that they lack friends because they do not have the social skills
to initiate and sustain relationships. Weiss (1974) suggested that there are two
kinds of loneliness, corresponding to two different social needs: ‘emotional lone-
liness’ is when there is a lack of a close attachment, such as in marriage; and
‘social loneliness’ when there is lack of a network of friends. This has been
strongly supported in later research. Loneliness is deemed to be the most pre-
valent in the adolescent years. While in some respects loneliness during adoles-
cence may be normative in that the period is one of transition and change in
terms of roles, relationships and identity, persistent feelings of loneliness are not
normative (Heinrich & Gullone, 2006). Thus, loneliness can occur if the adoles-
cent has unrealistic expectations of his or her social relationships or the requisite
social skills have not been developed.
Loneliness is also a risk factor for problem behaviours such as problem
Internet use and gaming addiction (Skues et al., 2016). Therefore, the protec-
tive role and importance of social support as both a resource and a mechanism
for coping are significant. Although loneliness is a common experience during
adolescence, there are preventative and buffer factors that we can help indi-
viduals to cultivate during their development. Students who have low self-
esteem have higher levels of both emotional and social loneliness. In contrast,
students who have good social coping skills (i.e. good social networks or able
to utilise their social networks) tend to have lower levels of both intimate and
social loneliness. Other skills, such as empathy and perspective taking, were
also found to be significantly and positively related to emotional coping
(greater ability to accept and express a range of emotions), and social coping
(with connection to and use of supportive social networks) (McWhirter,
Besett-Alesch, Horibata, & Gat, 2002).
9.4 Chronic illness

Adolescent coping is an important resource when young people are required to
deal with a chronic illness. The prevalence rates are rather large in that 1:4
young people in the United States suffer from a chronic health problem. An Aus-
tralian study identified that 12 per cent of people younger than 18 have a chronic
condition (Sawyer, Drew, Yeo, & Britto, 2007). There are a range of chronic ill-
nesses that young people have to live with, such as diabetes, cancer and chronic
pain. In Chapter 11 a coping skills intervention for young people with diabetes is
reported. In this chapter a more general review of coping and chronic illness is
considered. Compas, Jaser, Dunn and Rodriguez (2012) reviewed four studies
on coping with diabetes, ten studies on coping with chronic pain and four studies
on coping with cancer.
Each chronic illness has unique features which require an illness-specific
adaptation. When reviewing the literature on chronic illness and coping efforts
Compas et al. (2012) found that while in many circumstances the illness itself is
not controllable, in general terms a control-based coping approach was utilised.
Three approaches to coping were considered, namely: active coping, when the
source of the stress and the related emotions are managed; secondary control
coping, when the situation is accommodated to; and disengagement and passive
coping, when there are efforts to avoid or deny the stress. Overall, secondary
control coping was found to be most successful, while disengagement coping
was associated with poor adjustment. Unsurprisingly, findings for active control
were mixed as there is differing capacity to control particular chronic illness
conditions, and these factors are often entirely outside the individual’s remit of
control.
Controllability is a key consideration in chronic illness, as is adherence, par-
ticularly in relationship to diabetes and asthma. Diabetes is a condition with
numerous stressors, including diet, injections, insulin reaction, glucose monitor-
ing and HbA1c monitoring.3 When the reviewers considered four studies on
coping, both active and secondary control coping (the latter including cognitive
restructuring strategies) were associated with positive social and behavioural
adjustment in adolescents (Compas et al., 2012). It was also found that the role
of parents was especially important in coping with diabetes. For example,
adolescents who perceived their mothers as uninvolved had poorer adherence to
metabolic control than those who perceived their mothers as collaborative. In
general terms, a collaborative parental style is likely to achieve more positive
outcomes in any parent–adolescent relationship.
The use of spiritual support is a coping strategy that is not frequently used
by most adolescents in a contemporary context but those young people who do
use it generally report benefits. Consistent with research into spiritual coping
in adults, young people with chronic illness use spiritual coping strategies
(Cotton, Grossoehme, & McGrady, 2012). Not all spiritual coping is helpful
and there is a negative aspect to it when outcomes are considered as a punish-
ment. In a study of spiritual coping in adolescents with the chronic illnesses of
cystic fibrosis, an inherited disorder of the respiratory system, and diabetes, it
was found that measures taken at two time points, two years apart, positive
spiritual coping resulted in fewer symptoms of depression and less negative
spiritual coping over time, regardless of the illness (Reynolds, Mrug, Hensler,
Guion, & Madan-Swain, 2014). When it comes to cystic fibrosis, life expect-
ancy has increased in recent years due to better management of lifestyle and
daily care. This is similar in the management of diabetes adherence, and life-
style matters. In both conditions, there is a degree of controllability. But in
some circumstances young people resort to spiritual support and it seems to
provide a buffer to depression.
Compas et al. (2012) reported four studies that considered the experience of
chronic pain that is generally perceived by the individual as uncontrollable. The
four studies showed that secondary control coping, which included acceptance,
cognitive reappraisal and distraction, was associated with lower levels of somatic
complaints. Secondary control coping was associated with lower levels of
anxiety. However, one of the studies reviewed found that ‘accommodative’
coping was related to higher levels of somatic symptoms. In contrast, studies
have consistently shown that passive coping, behavioural disengagement, self-
isolation, catastrophising, denial, avoidance and wishful thinking have been
associated with somatic complaints. The findings regarding primary control
coping were mixed. Once again, parents play an important role in how young
people deal with chronic pain. In this regard, parents who reinforced the pain by
giving special privileges or symptom-related talk to the adolescents expressed
greater somatic complaints. Young people who used avoidant coping, such as
catastrophising and disengagement, reported more depressive symptoms, while
self-reliant copers who used accommodation strategies such as acceptance and
self-encouragement reported fewer depressive strategies.
When considering the four studies on coping with cancer, Compas et al.
(2012) noted that emotion-focused coping was associated with lower symptoms
of depression. It seems that in situations relating to cancer and other chronic con-
ditions it is better to express emotions rather than to internalise the frustrations.
Also, they cited a study involving four groups of young people who were identi-
fied by one of four personality styles, namely, high anxious, low anxious,
‘repressors’ (that is, defensive/low anxious) and defensive/high anxious. They
found that the repressors reported significantly lower depression symptoms than
the other groups. In one study of adolescent survivors of paediatric leukaemia,
primary and secondary control coping were negatively associated with more
behavioural and emotional problems.
Overall, when the reviewers summarised the findings of the 16 studies, they
found that in ten of them secondary control/accommodative coping was related
to better adjustment. Disengagement or passive coping was related to poorer
adjustment.
Theoretically there are numerous co-morbidities to depression that adolescents
have to deal with. Health-related conditions such as chronic illness and chronic
pain, and body image related eating disorders, are considered co-morbidities.
The more unhelpful psychosocial situations, such as boredom and loneliness, tax
the adolescent’s resource pools, particularly those relating to social support and
coping resources. Social support along with coping skills are resources that need
to be developed. When it comes to chronic illness a whole host of factors need to
be taken into account when developing coping skills. In Chapter 11 a coping
skills intervention program for adolescents with a diagnosis of diabetes is used
illustratively to highlight the importance of targeting populations with interven-
tions that are both age and situation appropriate. Most significantly, our experi-
ence in intervention research shows that interventions need to include
situation-specific information, particularly as it relates to health and chronic
illness, as participants always want to learn as much as possible about their
current circumstance. While it is well documented that young people with
chronic illnesses do generally have resources to cope and can utilise extra-
ordinary resources in some circumstances, there are other factors in the adoles-
cent years that can be construed as contributing to risk and resilience.
Notes
1 SMR is a ratio between the observed number of deaths in the study group and the
number of deaths that would be expected (matched by age and sex-specific rates). If
the ratio of observed:expected deaths is greater than 1.0, there are more deaths in the
study population than would be expected in the general population.
2 A form of CBT used for management of depression that works on the premise that
depression-prone individuals tend to focus on their own inadequacies rather than exter-
nal circumstances. The therapy focuses on individuals changing their own behaviours
so that they receive positive reinforcement and that creates a dissonance with their own
cognitions and emotions. It puts the individual in an active rather than a passive posi-
tion. Change is positive and dissonance is changed to consonance.
3 HbA1c refers to glycated haemoglobin, which identifies average plasma glucose
concentration.
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10 Adolescent risk
To the extent that adolescence is associated with developmental alterations in

prefrontal cortex, limbic brain areas, and the dopamine input to these regions,
concomitant developmental alterations in various motivated behaviours might
also be expected. Alterations in the incentive value attributed to stimuli could
underlie many of the behavioural alterations seen in adolescents, increasing the
importance of social reinforcement derived from peers and provoking the pursuit
of new potentially rewarding stimuli, a quest that may lead to increases in drug
use and other risk-taking behaviours.
(Spear, 2000a, p. 113)
10.1 Transition
As noted in Chapter 7, the majority of young people traverse the period of
adolescence with relative ease as the major cognitive changes occur alongside
the neurochemical, hormonal, steroidal and structural changes in the body and
brain (Spear, 2000b). However, there is a great deal more that impacts this stage
of development, namely the social and cultural context in which the young
person operates.
Much of the focus of neuropsychological research into adolescence revolves
around the transient neurological changes that predispose adolescents to behave in
particular ways, especially in regard to their heightened risk-taking and novelty-
seeking, the growing independence from family and associated increased peer-
affiliation, and their emotional volatility and negative affectivity. For all too long,
these behaviours have been explained with the common conception of hormonal
changes, yet around the 1990s it was acknowledged that there is little evidence to
support this element of folk wisdom (Susman, Inoff-Germain, Nottelmann,
Loriaux, Cutler, & Chrousos, 1987). The research picture is far more complex and
involves multiple influences from changes in the type and levels of steroids and
hormones, shifts in neurophysiology and brain chemistry, and changes in sleep
patterns, cardiology and reactivity, all of which operate in bidirectional and multi-
directional interactions with the physical and social environment.
What has been recognised is that the period of transition from childhood to
adulthood involves multiple gradual events and changes that are distinct from
Adolescent risk 135
puberty, which is more simply the attainment of sexual maturation. Puberty is
but one of the multiple transitions of adolescence, and is often considered the
signal for its onset, though there is some evidence to support the position that
adolescence commences with ‘adrenarche’ (an increased secretion of androgens
from the adrenal glands), which precedes puberty, rather than with ‘gonadarche’
(the pubertal increase in gonadal hormones associated with the process of sexual
maturation) (Spear 2000b).
Given the length of this period, it is not surprising that a wide range of radical
changes occur, including those that are physiological, hormonal, cognitive, onto-
genetic and behavioural. Each of these changes serves some form of evolutionary
purpose, which may be as simple as helping the adolescent survive the transition
from childhood to adulthood, to gaining the necessary skills to leave the parental
home and live independently, as well as gradually developing increasing levels
of abstract reasoning skills.
There is an ever-growing awareness that development is more than biological
factors related to genetic, neurological and sexual maturation. It is the interplay
of genes, brain and maturation in the context in which individuals find them-
selves, be it home, school or community. Along with the predisposing factors
that are linked to personal and familial history, there are a host of risk and pro-
tective elements that impact development.
10.2 Risk factors

Adolescent adaptation and coping can be conceptualised as a series of risk and
protective factors. It is possible to identify these factors in a broad sense, through
research that has focused on young people’s health and well-being. Risk factors
can be defined as challenges for the individual and the community to deal with.
In addition to temperament and biological predispositions, they include factors
such as poverty, divorce and parent mental health. Protective factors, on the
other hand, include temperament, a supportive family and external supports.
Some young people overcome the impediments produced by these risk factors
through support, and a range of educational and communal resource provisions.
There is generally a confluence of circumstances that work together to produce
risk or protection for the individual. For example, research has shown that
adolescent family relationships could have a role in determining adult mental
health (Berg, Kiviruusu, Karvonen, Rahkonen, & Huurre, 2017).
10.2.1 Parental separation and divorce

When it comes to divorce (a life transition experienced by as many as one in
three or one in two young people in many Western communities), some children
show resilience, while others show developmental delays. Long-term effects
appear to relate more to the child’s developmental status, gender and tempera-
ment, qualities of the home, parenting environment, and the resources and
support systems available to the adolescent, rather than to aspects of the divorce
136 Adolescent risk
or separation per se (Hetherington & Elmore, 2002; Hetherington, 2003). Never-
theless, there is emerging evidence that once the initial disruption has passed,
adaptation depends on how parents relate to each other and what relationships
occur subsequent to divorce, such as whether parents remarry. Post-divorce
adjustment is different for boys and girls, with males being more troubled after
divorce. There are indications that positive parent–child relationships can ameli-
orate the negative effects of divorce for both parents and children (Hetherington,
2003).
In reviewing 35 years of studying families who have experienced divorce,
Hetherington (2003) acknowledges that there is considerable agreement in the
research literature in the USA that children in divorced or remarried families are
at increased risk for developing psychological, behavioural, social and academic
problems, in comparison to those who are in non-divorced, two parent families.
The author notes that it is not the inevitability of adverse outcomes but the diver-
sity of adjustment of the parents and the children in response to the dissolution
of marriage. Hetherington summarises the key findings from three longitudinal
studies. As a response to shifts in life situation the immediate aftermath of a
parental divorce or remarriage is anger, resentment, demandingness, confusion,
non-compliance, anxiety and depression. But these behaviours diminish after a
two-year period. About 20–25 per cent of children in divorced families display
behavioural and emotional problems and that figure is compared to the 10 per
cent of non-divorced families. This means that 75–80 per cent of children in
divorced families are functioning in the normal range. While conduct disorders
decline in adulthood, alcoholism and trouble with the law remain higher in chil-
dren of divorce. Hetherington does point out that there is diversity in adjustment
and that makes prediction of outcomes difficult.
Generally, conflicts are part of everyday life. What is important is how con-
flicts are resolved between parents and children and between parents and parents
in any family. The role of family support, including the importance of social
support from the extended family for parents and children, such as a supportive
grandfather and grandmother (the latter especially where the mother is living
with the grandmother), contributes to positive adjustment. Family support and
adult support are better than peer support. Often, changed routines associated
with a more ‘chaotic’ lifestyle have implications for adjustment in both home
and school settings. Thus, there are suggestions that where school and home sup-
ports work in tandem, in particular where there is trauma or major disruption in
the family, the collaboration provides the best support for the young person.
10.2.2 The impact of individual characteristics

When considering the individual characteristics that contribute to coping, Prior,
Sanson, Smart and Oberklaid (2000) draw on a longitudinal study of tempera-
ment in the Australian context, the Australian Temperament Project. In that
research, the relationship between temperament and coping was investigated in a
variety of risk conditions, such as family disadvantage, parental disruption,
Adolescent risk 137
chronic illness, handicap, war and social disadvantage. Overall, they were able
to demonstrate that the seeds of adolescent difficulties were made evident in
children’s temperaments in their early years but that temperament can be modi-
fied through experience, such as the type of parenting that the children received.
The risk conditions were there for many children. However, building better rela-
tional and schooling experiences were likely to mitigate the impact of a range of
risk factors.
10.2.3 The impact of poverty

For a child who is born into poverty, the living conditions often mean these chil-
dren’s nutritional, developmental, cognitive, social, emotional and literacy needs
are not being met sufficiently (Petrick, 2014). These areas enable students to
have greater probability to drop out of school. The deleterious effects of poverty
and school dropout have been pointed out. For example, Lansford, Dodge, Pettit
and Bates (2016) in their study found that adolescents who dropped out of high
school were at an elevated risk of problems in multiple domains (being arrested,
fired, or on government assistance, using illicit substances, having poor health)
during adulthood. They also found that individuals from lower socio-economic
status (SES) families in their kindergarten years had more negative outcomes at
age 27 than individuals from higher SES families. Lower SES in childhood also
exacerbates the negative outcomes associated with dropping out. Similar to this
finding, another study concluded that high school dropouts have higher long-
term rates of marijuana use disorder and smoking in adulthood than high school
graduates (Reingle Gonzalez, Salas-Wright, Connell, Jetelina, Clipper, &
Businelle, 2016).
High-risk behaviours are associated with relationship concerns that affect sex,
peers and parents and involve health-compromising behaviours as a strategy for
coping with stress. The implications are that young people need to be taught
non-risky ways to deal with stress.
10.2.4 Peer influence

When it comes to overcoming negative peer influences, Dornbusch, Erickson,
Laird and Wong (2001) found that more time with parents, especially on week-
ends, is associated with less delinquency. Furthermore, proximity to ethnic
culture was found to be important. That is, when adolescents have closer ties to
their traditional ethnic cultures, they are less likely to be involved in delinquent
behaviour.
10.2.5 Impact of war

As noted in Chapter 4, the fact that in 2016 alone there were 65.3 million people
experiencing dislocation and displacement, half of whom are children and a sub-
stantial number of adolescents, makes it a stark reality that vast numbers of
138 Adolescent risk
young people worldwide have experienced war and the impact of war through
displacement (UNHCR, 2016).
War-related outcomes have been studied widely, given the range of locations
where young people have experienced war-related trauma. For example, in Sierra
Leone since 1991, young people have suffered violence that includes torture,
murder of families, friends and neighbours, and some being forced to carry arms
as child soldiers. When researchers interviewed young people in the refugee camps
post-war, three coping strategies stood out as protective, namely, maintaining an
intact sense of purpose, effective control of traumatic memories and protection
against ‘destructive’ social isolation (Kline & Mone, 2003). Fayyad, Cordahi-
Tabet, Yeretzian, Salamoun, Najm and Karam (2017) used a sample of 710 Leba-
nese adolescents who had experienced war trauma and examined a broad range of
individual, family, school and social protective factors related to resilience. They
found that those who used problem-solving skills, engaged in leisure activities and
hobbies, and had supportive parents and teachers were less likely to develop
PTSD. In a Bosnian sample of 15–19-year-old adolescents, Howell et al. (2015)
found that exposure to post-war trauma reminders, family conflict and disengage-
ment (e.g. denial, blocking out) were predictive of PTSD.
While it is difficult to compare one traumatic experience to another, be it war
or natural disaster, how individuals cope is person, situation and context
dependent. The importance of how others in the community cope, particularly
adults, and the resources that are made available and utilised is most relevant.
Nevertheless, the three examples cited above, which spanned different times and
locations, illustrate that in the main young people have the strategies to cope and
generally access helpful coping strategies such as building relationships, finding
purpose and meaning, and utilising social support. As with other traumatic
experiences, war is a risk factor for adolescent well-being and longer-term
adjustment. The reality is that the risk factors can be mitigated by resiliency
factors and a management of the post-trauma experience.
10.3 Protective factors

Protective factors such as personality, temperament and intelligence can be
intrinsic, and factors such as a caring family, mentors and a good school experi-
ence may be extrinsic while providing strong attachments. A trio of protective
factors relating to individual differences between children, such as temperament,
supportive family relationships and supportive relationships outside the family,
act as a buffer or protection against developmental stresses. For example, secure
attachment in childhood can serve as a buffer against stressful life events and
remain stable across significant portions of the lifespan of individuals (Waters &
Merrick, 2000). Recent neurological studies also highlight the long-term impact
of the quality of early care (having secure attachment with primary caregivers
who are broadly positive and responsive to the infant’s emotional needs) on the
neural systems supporting emotion regulation in adulthood (Moutsiana, Fearon,
Murray, Cooper, Goodyer, Johnstone et al., 2014).
Adolescent risk 139
In considering resilience, Masten, Hubbard, Gest, Tellegen, Garmezy, &
Ramirez (1999) reported that resilient adolescents who were high on adversity
had much in common with low adversity competent peers, including average or
better IQ, parenting and psychological well-being. That is, better intellectual
functioning and parenting resources were associated with good outcomes. Com-
petence in the context of adversity was supported by IQ and parenting scores as
markers of adaptational systems. Thus, both inherent personal characteristics and
family circumstances are indicators of good functioning.
Prior (1999), citing her team’s longitudinal study, The Australian Tempera-
ment Project, points out that the ability to cope (using social competence as an
index of coping) is a stable quality that was found to be associated with tempera-
ment in three groups of teens: those who are coping well; those who are coping
in an average way; and those who are not coping. Coping is associated with
cooperation, assertion, self-control, responsibility and empathy. Between the
ages of ten and 14, during which time the groups had experienced the same
number and types of adverse circumstances, those with poor coping skills always
cope worse and those with good coping skills always cope better. However, the
following family characteristics play a part: smaller families; less closely spaced
children; absence of separation from the primary caretaker during infancy; and
close attachment with at least one caregiver who gives positive attention and
provides a positive role model. Thus, there are factors additional to the stable
trait-like characteristics that militate for and against good coping.
10.4 Adolescent risk-taking

Adolescent risk-taking is of critical concern for parents, counsellors and teach-
ers, though it must be said that most adolescents experience this increase in reck-
lessness and novelty seeking as a transient ‘phase’. Moreover, there are many
potential gains from this behaviour, including: the exploration of adult behaviour
and privileges; mastery of developmental tasks and hierarchical challenges; and
gains in self-esteem and peer acceptance. It could well be said that some degree
of adolescent risk-taking is normal, if not actually adaptive, assuming that the
adolescent moderates the number and intensity of these activities and manages
to avoid the negative consequences (Spear, 2000b).
Risk-taking could also be associated with novelty-seeking and sensation-
seeking in that it satisfies curiosity and the adrenalin high, which may result in the
need to seek new, increasingly risky pursuits, as a way of providing heightened
levels of adrenalin.1 But the negative consequences mentioned above can also be
significant in the long-term, for example, in respect to the use of alcohol: ‘with
each year of delay in onset of alcohol use, the odds of dependence decreased by
14% while the odds of abuse decreased by 8%’ (Spear, 2000b, p. 427). Longitud-
inal studies in Australia and New Zealand have found similar links between both
early onset and levels of drinking and increased chances of high risk usage in adult
life (Kim, Mason, Herrenkohl, Catalano, Toumbourou, & Hemphill, 2016). This
becomes more significant when the rates of adolescent drug use are considered.
140 Adolescent risk
In the United States the 2016 Monitoring the Future study reported preval-
ence rates for substance use, mental disorders, antisocial behaviour and delin-
quency, and that 13 per cent of eighth, 20 per cent of tenth, and 31 per cent of
twelfth graders have tried cigarettes and over 10 per cent of twelfth graders had
smoked cigarettes in the previous month. The use of marijuana/ hashish for the
same age cohorts was reported to be 21, 42 and 58 per cent respectively, with
2.5 per cent of high school seniors reporting the use of cocaine (Johnston,
O’Malley, Miech, Bachman, Schulenberg, 2016). Mental disorders increased in
adolescents, with one in five adolescents reporting mental health problems in the
USA. A striking 50 per cent of adult disorders have their onset during or before
adolescence (Greenberg & Lippold, 2013). Antisocial behaviour and delin-
quency are a major concern for law enforcement personnel, with homicide being
the second leading cause of death for 10–24-year-olds in the United States, with
86 per cent of victims being male (Greenberg & Lippold, 2013).
When it comes to adolescent risk that is exemplified by substance use and
antisocial behaviour there is often the accompanying problem of co-variation,
that is, one problem is linked to another and there is likely to be more than one
behaviour present, that is, co-morbidity. For example, there is often depression
associated with substance abuse and/or delinquency. Delinquent behaviours are
highly correlated with early sexual debut, school dropout and violence in the
United States. Increases in the use of alcohol are related to increases in illegal
drug use and delinquency. A study of rates for use of marijuana, alcohol and cig-
arettes in populations of adolescents in Australia and the USA found that Aus-
tralian youth used alcohol and cigarettes at higher levels than same aged youth
in the USA, though marijuana use levels were lower (Beyers, Toumbourou, Cat-
alano, Arthur, & Hawkins, 2004).
In the United Kingdom a large-scale cross-sectional study of a school-based
population (n = 407) was employed to test the relations between personality (telic
–serious-minded, planning oriented, arousal avoiding – and paratelic – playful,
here-and-now oriented, arousal seeking – dominance), coping style (productive,
non-productive and reference to others) and engagement in health risk behavi-
ours (violence, sadness and suicidality, substance misuse and physical inac-
tivity). Three factors were identified: Factor 1, regular tobacco use, binge
drinking, marijuana use and hard drug use (substance misuse); Factor 2, viol-
ence, hopelessness and sadness, suicide attempt; and Factor 3, physical inac-
tivity. Analysis indicated that adolescents with high scores on negativistic
dominance strongly predicted engagement in health risk behaviours. Adolescents
with high scores on productive coping style and reference to others and low
scores on non-productive coping style, were less likely to engage in health risk
behaviours. Coping style was found to mediate the relationship between state
dominance and violence, sadness and suicidality (Cogan & Schwannauer, 2011).
Looking at coping in a self-reflective way increases self-awareness and may
reduce reliance on risk-taking behaviour.
We know that adolescents participate in potentially health compromising
behaviours such as: drug and alcohol misuse (Miller, Naimi, Brewer, & Jones,
Adolescent risk 141
2007); unprotected sex (Siebenbruner, Zimmer-Gembeck, & Egeland, 2007);
gang violence (Cepeda & Valdez, 2003); dangerous dieting (Rafiroiu, Sargent,
Parra-Medina, Drane, & Valois, 2003); running away (Thrane, Hoyt, Whitbeck,
& Yoder, 2006); delinquent acts (Hewitt, Regoli, & Kierkus, 2006); and self-
harm (Best, 2006). In the United Kingdom, United States and Australia young
people participate in a wide range of risk-taking behaviours, including activities
that contribute to injury, tobacco, alcohol and other drugs, sexual practices that
lead to unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Generally, risk
taking can also be part of typical adolescent behaviour (Steinberg, 2010).
The fact that adolescents engage in risky behaviours such as substance
abuse, unprotected sex or driving hazardously, has been well documented. One
study that explored adolescents’ perception of risk vulnerability to personal
behaviours (e.g. binge drinking, unprotected sex) and natural hazards (e.g. torna-
does, hurricanes, lightning) reported that adolescents were less likely than young
adults to perceive themselves as invulnerable to risks (Millstein & Halpern-
Felsher, 2002).
This goes against traditional theory that describes adolescence as a period
marked by a sense of personal invincibility to threats, harms and challenges. On
the contrary, younger adolescents perceived greater risks than did older ones,
who in turn perceived greater risks than young adults. To explain such results
the authors invoked research on the development of meta-cognitive skills and
information processing and an increase in social knowledge and awareness.
Perhaps young adolescents perceive more risk from natural hazards and risky
behaviours than do older adolescents and young adults because they have been
educated about the adverse outcomes that may arise but have not yet realised
that adverse outcomes are not the norm. Further, egocentric thinking, a charac-
teristic of adolescence, may have young people placing a higher risk judgement
on the likelihood that something bad will happen to them as opposed to other
people, which in turn buffers the illusion of invulnerability.
The finding that adolescents perceive themselves to be more vulnerable to
risks than adults has implications for how best to intervene with young people.
While we do not want adolescents engaging in risky behaviours, we also do not
want them to be overly fearful of natural hazards and, at the extreme, to view the
world as unsafe and dangerous. When it comes to reducing risk-taking behavi-
ours, Millstein and Halpern-Felsher (2002) suggest interventions that accentuate
the meaning and impact of negative outcomes, rather than the probability of their
occurrences. For example, having a young adult who is paraplegic as a result of
a car accident speak at a school assembly, may help adolescents to realise the
devastation that can result from speeding.
10.5 Coping with stress

The litany of changes occurring during the extensive adolescent period, albeit
that the changes may represent developmental milestones, has a significant
impact on the adolescent’s ability to deal with stress associated with the risk
142 Adolescent risk
factors mentioned earlier in this chapter. Adolescence is considered a period in
development when both the type of stressors adolescents experience and how
they respond to stress are in a constant stage of change, that is, neural matura-
tion and changes in hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis reactivity and stress
responsiveness happen simultaneously in the ‘teenage brain’, making them par-
ticularly vulnerable to stressors (Romeo, 2013). Romeo also claimed that the
perturbations of the maturing adolescent brain may contribute to the increase in
stress-related psychological dysfunctions, such as anxiety, depression and drug
abuse, often observed during this stage of development. According to Spear
(2000b) stress itself is characterised as a state of homeostatic threat and, thus,
adolescence is almost by definition a highly stressed stage of life. Yet, once
again, most adolescents negotiate this period of life without significant psycho-
logical problems (for example, clinical depression rates are comparable with
those found amongst adults). Around 10 per cent of adolescents across the
globe reported having self-harmed (Hawton, Saunders, & O’Connor, 2012).
However, rates of psychopathology do increase markedly in this period of life,
but only up to adult levels. This said, if one sets aside clinical levels of dis-
orders the story changes. What appears most significant is the number rather
than the nature of stressors. It is the sheer number of stressors that overwhelm
an adolescent’s coping abilities and lead to more negative outcomes such as
increased levels of drug abuse and risk of suicide. This is a bidirectional rather
than linear/causal link. That is, substance abuse can both be a result of depres-
sion or a cause and contributor to depression. Furthermore, the sleep depriva-
tion associated with adolescence may be both a stressor and a stress
recovery-inhibitor by affecting the ability for cortisol readjustment to return to
healthy baseline levels.2 This is a significant issue given that cortisol levels are
potentially already vulnerable to hyper (over) and hypo (under) responsivity
during this period (Spear, 2000b).
Coping involves the coordination of a number of processes, most importantly
those linked to an individual’s essentially involuntary stress reactivity levels and
their ability to regulate purposeful actions which may moderate or enhance stress
reactivity (Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2008). Moreover, certain stressors are
seen as more controllable, such as those derived from an adolescent’s academic
studies, while others are seen to be outside the individual’s control, such as those
stemming from interpersonal relationships, leading to the use of differing coping
strategies in each circumstance. In the former, an adolescent will more often use
problem-solving strategies, while for the latter they tend to resort to emotion-
focused strategies. This variation in perceived levels of stress and coping
responses can also be influenced by factors such as gender, with boys tending to
favour physical recreation and keeping fit, while girls tend to turn to their peers
for social support, as well as resorting to less productive strategies, such as
wishful thinking and activities that reduce their levels of tension (Zimmer-
Gembeck & Skinner, 2008).
Gender is not the only factor influencing reactions to stress and the selection
of coping strategies by adolescents. Factors such as ethnicity, the age of the
Adolescent risk 143
adolescent, the national setting, socio-economic status of the family and the fam-
ily’s past experiences with coping all play a part (see Chapter 4).
Many of these approaches have been greatly influenced by less medically
inspired models of individual health that seek to balance the neuropsychological
approach. While the neuropsychological perspective on adolescence allows for
greater depth of insight into the physiological, neurochemical and ontogenetic
factors affecting adolescence, it needs to be balanced with other perspectives that
consider the experience of adolescent life.
Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) have pointed out that the neurophysi-
ological perspective stems from a tradition of psychology that has as its focus
the ‘disease model’ of psychology, which has its limitations and has to be
counterbalanced. The theorists, psychologists and educationalists linked to what
is commonly known as the Positive Psychology movement (see Chapter 1)
believe that the disease model needs to be complemented by an approach that
seeks to investigate how to build an individual’s capacities and experiences,
rather than focus on illness and treatments. The focus shifts to prevention rather
than cure, with an emphasis on the ‘human strengths’ that can act as buffers to
psychological illness, strengths such as: ‘courage, future mindedness, optimism,
interpersonal skill, faith, work ethic, hope, honesty, perseverance, and the capa-
city for flow and insight’ (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000, p. 7). Thus, the
management of stress is an important aspect that influences the use of risky or
non-risky coping strategies.

It is clear that as the adolescent life stage is approached there are risk factors
inherent in biological development, personal history and in the social context in
which the individual finds him or herself. It is not possible to consider adoles-
cent risky behaviours without considering the social context and the antecedents
of that behaviour. The emphasis needs to be on those aspects of development
that are known to be protective. For that reason alone, it is important to think of
adult coping, that is, the coping of parents, teachers and mentors as role models
and facilitators of coping skills development. The provision of coping skills
development in the pre-adolescent years provides the resiliency resources as a
preparation for the adolescent years. If we cannot change biology, then building
personal capacity is the next best thing. In addition to adult role models, peers
play a significant part, so skill building in a peer-related context, such as the
school, is all important so as to maximise positive peer influence and minimise
peer influenced risky behaviour. Moreover, coping skills can be taught through
structured programs, clinical interventions and self-reflective practice.
Notes
1 Adrenaline is a hormone and a neurotransmitter that increases the heart rate, constricts
blood vessels, dilates air passages and participates in the ‘fight or flight’ response of
144 Adolescent risk
the sympathetic nervous system. Risky behaviour can increase the production of the
hormone that provides an ‘adrenalin rush’ or ‘high’.
2 Cortisol is produced by the adrenal gland and is known as the ‘stress hormone’ as it is
secreted at higher levels during the response to stress. Small increases in cortisol have
some positive effects, such as quick bursts of energy, but the body needs to be able to
return to equilibrium.
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11 Learning to cope
I use the ACS with adolescents who appear to have trouble thinking of ways of
coping with stress. So I get them to do the scale because 1) it helps me under-
stand what they already do and what I could teach them and 2) it helps them to
get ideas of what coping with stress actually means.… I think that by doing the
questionnaire itself it helps them to see that all these different types of activities
can actually be a means of coping with stress.
(Louisa Hoy, clinical psychologist)
There are numerous ways to learn to cope. Clinicians, counsellors, well-being

teachers and related professionals use various approaches that they find helpful in
the professional contexts in which they operate. Some of the approaches are indi-
vidual clinical or coaching-focused interventions, and others involve group parti-
cipation. This chapter focuses on four major approaches. The first details ways in
which a measurement tool like the ACS and ACS-2 can be best utilised in direct
contact with individuals or groups to generate self-exploration; the second reports
on programs that have been implemented and evaluated; and the third details a
clinical case study that illustrates how the ACS-2 profile can be used in conjunc-
tion with a battery of clinical tools. Finally, mindfulness is presented as a way of
utilising a more recent approach that is becoming increasingly widespread, and
which captures an Eastern philosophical orientation that provides a helpful way of
dealing with stress and coping in a range of circumstances.
11.1 Coping resources

The adolescent years have been described as being exemplified by a series of
ongoing stresses, whether developmental or socially determined. For example,
stresses experienced by parents in the workplace can be reflected in conflict in
the family, parental illness, substance abuse or poverty. For the adolescent, there
are additional stresses, such as academic pressures or peer-related conflict
(Compas, 2009; Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2008). Nevertheless, with the
passage of time young people deal with their circumstances as they build a rep-
ertoire of coping skills, strategies and resources that potentially enable them to
manage these stresses.
148 Learning to cope
Coping skills development is impacted by a host of factors such as tempera-
ment, environmental context, physiological determinants, social relationships
and personal experiences (Compas, 2009; Skinner & Zimmer-Gembeck, 2009;
Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2008). It is common for the source of stresses and
the buffers that may aid in the amelioration of their effects to derive from the
same origins. For example, families, peer groups and school settings. A par-
ticular situation can have a significant impact on how an adolescent responds to
stressors, builds his or her capacities, and marshals their resources.
Additionally, the ways in which adolescents appraise the potential impact of
the stresses and evaluate their capacities to deal with them, determines the
coping strategies used and the subsequent outcome of the stressful life experi-
ences. The lessons from past experiences and how effective an adolescent per-
ceives himself or herself to be at coping play their part (Skinner &
Zimmer-Gembeck, 2009; Lewis & Frydenberg, 2007). Through such cognitive
appraisal, an individual determines if a particular experience is relevant to his or
her personal well-being and, if so, in what way. Such appraisal is divided into
two forms: primary and secondary. The former determines if the individual has
anything at stake (i.e. self-esteem, or physical risk to self or others); and the
latter determines what, if anything, can be done to overcome or prevent the harm
or improve the outcomes (see Chapter 2).
These, though, are far from the only mitigating factors involved in coping.
Not only is adolescence a period in which individuals build wider and deeper
networks of social relationships with peers and adults other than parents (which
represent fundamental sources of information and emotional consolation), it is
also the time of life in which they develop an increasingly complex set of cogni-
tive strategies, such as abstract reasoning and hypothetical thinking, that they
will utilise in managing their own emotions and coping responses (Compas,
2009). These developing skills and growing networks are important considera-
tions for those seeking to help adolescents to cope. There is limited value in
teaching certain coping strategies to an individual who has not yet developed the
capacities and resources to understand or implement them. Research into how
adolescents experience, react to, think about and cope with stressful events in a
particular context is a vital prerequisite for the creation of appropriate interven-
tions, regardless of whether they are targeted at helping adolescents avoid stress
experiences, teaching them to appraise the experiences that are stressful, or
attempting to assist them to improve their capacity to cope in an adaptive manner
through the use of cognitive strategies and interpersonal resources.
Stressful experiences are stressful because they threaten or challenge our
sense of self-efficacy and control. They influence our feelings of autonomy and
our place in groups to which we seek to belong. There are also three central ele-
ments in adolescence, paralleling their development of self-identity: increased
levels of emotional, behavioural and personal autonomy; a growing involvement
in peer groups; and an increase in non-parental relationships (Zimmer-Gembeck
& Collins, 2003).
Learning to cope 149
11.2 Using the adolescent coping scale for interventions
One of the key benefits of using the ACS (see Chapter 3) as a self-help instru-
ment is that it enables young people to understand their own coping behaviour,
how effective each coping response is both in a general and in a specific situ-
ation. The insights gained subsequently assist individuals to make changes to
their coping actions. The young person may decide to expand or change his or
her coping repertoire and utilise strategies that they consider more likely to lead
to desired outcomes.
Groups of young people could be similarly influenced with regard to the use
of coping strategies that are preferred by males (e.g. accept things as they are) or
by females (e.g. seeking social support). That is, what works for boys in many
contexts, such as seeking physical recreation and accepting one’s best efforts,
could also be adopted more frequently by girls. Boys, on the other hand, could
consider their use of strategies favoured by girls, such as utilising the support of
others. Young people’s evaluations of their own coping, particularly in regard to
differences between ages and genders, is generally consistent with what is to be
found in the reported research. Young people see the benefits of productive
coping strategies and are skilled in identifying which these are, though a sub-
stantial minority are still willing to both use and provide support for less positive
strategies. For example, a substantial minority of young people still identify
strategies such as self-blame as helpful when the research would cast doubt on
such an evaluation (Lewis & Frydenberg, 2004).
11.2.1 Identifying and using productive strategies

The coping strategies identified by adolescents as most productive include
solving problems, seeking relaxing diversions, working hard, focusing on the
positive, seeking the support of friends and the use of physical recreation. Identi-
fied as less or non-productive are strategies such as self-blaming, giving up,
ignoring problems, worrying and wishful thinking. The process of increasing an
adolescent’s awareness of which coping strategies they use, and which they do
not use, is a vital step in them developing an understanding of their own coping
style (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2009). By becoming self-aware and self-conscious
regarding their coping, adolescents have not only taken a critical step in their
cognitive and personal development, they have also initiated a process of self-
evaluation through which they can build greater self-efficacy and improved
resilience.
This process does require a simultaneous effort to use more productive strat-
egies and fewer non-productive strategies, the former being associated with less
emotional, behavioural, and substance abuse issues, while the latter being gener-
ally associated with poor adaptation and increased mental health problems for
adolescents (Lewis & Frydenberg, 2004). This effort needs to be simultaneous
because there is evidence that non-productive strategies can hinder the effective-
ness of productive coping strategies. It is important, therefore, for those working
with adolescents to encourage and support them to ‘reduce their reliance on
strategies that they know to be ineffective and to facilitate greater use of strat-
egies that are effective’ (Lewis & Frydenberg, 2004, p. 39). An important first
step in this process is building the ‘pool’ of resources from which an adolescent
can draw, be they aspects of self, such as problem-solving skills or self-esteem,
or aspects of an adolescent’s environment, such as access to a supportive social
network or to the advice of professionals. In this way they may bolster their
resolve to use productive strategies and reduce their use of non-productive
strategies.
Moreover, how students cope can be taken into account when career plans are
made. When students examine their personal coping repertoire, their style of
coping may be more consistent with the requirements of some career paths. For
example, in areas of work involving people, strategies relating to social support
may be very helpful, while for science-based careers excessive use of fantasising
may not be helpful. The review of an individual’s coping style may enable more
appropriate matching of career aspirations and coping orientation. Where
changes are desired with regard to coping or career aspirations this can be done
in the context of a counselling relationship.
11.2.2 Understanding links to mental health issues

In general, a comprehensive picture of adolescent coping such as that provided by
the ACS-2 is recommended for a number of reasons. There is growing awareness
of the link in adolescents between inadequate coping responses to coping and
stress, which contributes to a range of psychosocial problems, including poor aca-
demic performance, conduct problems, anxiety, depression, suicide, eating dis-
orders and violence (Lewis & Frydenberg, 2004; see also Chapters 4 and 8). In
this respect, the ACS-2 can be used as an instrument of research to establish the
ways in which individuals or populations of students cope in different contexts
and circumstances. This type of scale can have applications in clinical practice,
for instance, the instrument can be used to help understand adolescents’ behaviour
within the context of a counselling relationship. In a counselling situation, the
opportunity is presented for students to examine in greater depth their own coping
repertoire. Such self-evaluation is central to initiating change both for the students
themselves and for external counsellors. With this supported development of self-
awareness as an initial step, programs for cognitive behavioural change and for
monitoring students’ behaviour can be designed by counsellors in conjunction
with the adolescent and tailored to their individual needs.
11.2.3 Maintaining well-being in an educational context

Finally, in an educational context, a measure of coping such as the ACS-2 can be
used by educators to enhance their understanding of student behaviour in a class
or group setting. By collecting data from a class or group of students, a profile of
student coping behaviour can be obtained which could include information such
as how often a strategy is used. That information can subsequently be used to
encourage change that leads to improvements in student coping, well-being, con-
nectedness to peers and improve self-esteem. If we were to consider coping in
terms of thriving, surviving or going under, the impact of the coping strategy
used on factors such as well-being and school-connectedness is significant
(Frydenberg, Care, Freeman, & Chan, 2009). For boys particularly, use of pro-
ductive strategies can mean the difference between surviving and thriving, and
use of non-productive strategies the difference between surviving and going
under (Lewis & Frydenberg, 2004). Adolescents need the tools to build an
effective coping repertoire. They need guidance in understanding and evaluating
the efficacy of their own coping styles, and they need support in using produc-
tive strategies and in resisting the temptation to use non-productive strategies.
This is critical if an adolescent is to avoid dysfunctional coping and to optimise
their well-being.
11.3 Coping programmes

Teaching coping skills provides the opportunity for young people to focus on
what they do to deal with their circumstances and what they might do differ-
ently. In addition to the individual approaches that are used in clinical, counsel-
ling or coaching contexts, there are numerous programs related to coping skills
that have been reported in the literature and are available in the marketplace. The
experience with one structured program utilising the constructs of the ACS is
discussed in this chapter with reference to the applications and evaluations that
have been conducted.
From years of experience using the ACS as a way of both assessing and
teaching coping skills, its constructs were utilised as a platform from which to
develop a number of coping skills programs: The Best of Coping (BOC; Fryden-
berg & Brandon, 2007a, 2007b); a CD-ROM version called Coping for Success
(Frydenberg, 2007); and a volume, Think Positively: A course for developing
coping skills in adolescents (Frydenberg, 2010). The principle that underscores
these programs is that we can all do what we do better. If we do not like how we
cope in certain contexts we can learn new strategies. It is possible to enhance
and develop one’s coping if we have a framework within which to do that. Thus,
the programs are universal in that they are suitable for all students and young
people rather than just those with specific needs (suggested modules are listed in
Figure 11.1). Instructors generally bring their own experience and adaptations to
the sessions. The programs are used with all students in some circumstances and
in other situations they are used with a group of students with an identified need,
such as young people with learning difficulties, those experiencing a specific
condition, such as diabetes, or young people with social difficulties. In some cir-
cumstances the program can be offered to an entire classroom of students and
those with, for instance, dyslexia are given additional booster sessions.
In a series of studies Frydenberg, Bugalski, Firth, Kamsner and Poole (2006)
set out to assess the usefulness of The Best of Coping (Frydenberg & Brandon,
1: The language of coping

Aim: To introduce the concept of coping, explore individual styles and facilitate an
understanding of the various coping strategies.
2: Positive thinking
Aim: To facilitate an awareness of the connection between thoughts and feelings
and to introduce basic skills in thought evaluation and change thinking.
3: Strategies that don’t help

Aim: To raise awareness of the ineffective coping strategies that people use and to
explore some productive alternatives.
4: Getting along with others

Aim: To explore and practise aspects of communicating and listening.
5: Asking for help

Aim: To raise awareness of the importance of reaching out to others and to available
networks and supports.
6: Dealing with conflict

Aim: To explore conflict in your life and how to resolve conflicts.
7: Problem solving
Aim: To learn and practise the six-step problem-solving model.
8: Social problem solving

Aim: To deal with situations in relationships. Handling and avoiding teasing, rejection
and so on.
9: Decision making
Aim: To teach students how to make considered decisions through evaluating
options.
10: Coping in the cyber world

Aim: To create awareness of the risks and benefits of the cyber world and how to
manage it.
11: Goal setting

Aim: To build awareness about the relationship between goals and achievement and
to explore and set individual achievable goals.
12: Time management

Aim: To evaluate how we spend our time and learn to manage it in an effective way.
The 12 modules listed are an extension of those in the BOC program and are deemed to be
useful in a wide range of contexts. Modules that cover these areas can be developed by practi-
tioners for a range of different settings and can be offered in different groupings. For example,
modules 1–3 can be used to facilitate coping with a particular illness or particular circumstances,
such as leaving school, entering the workforce and so on.
Figure 11.1 Revised coping modules.

Source: Frydenberg, 2010.
2007a, 2007b) for young people ‘at risk’. A recent report on the Child and
1
Adolescent Survey of Mental Health and Well-being, based on more than 76,000
Australian families, revealed that the prevalence of any mental disorder for
adolescents (12–17 years) was 14.4 per cent, with anxiety disorders (7 per cent),
ADHD (6.3 per cent) and major depressive disorder (5 per cent) being the top
three most prevalent disorders (Lawrence, Johnson, Hafekost, Boterhoven De
Haan, Sawyer, Ainley et al., 2015). Additionally, students with a low academic
performance are associated with higher levels of psychological problems, such
as depression, anxiety and stress, than high-achieving students and they are more
likely to encounter a range of problems and stressors (Safree, Yasin, & Dzulkifli,
2011; Zach, Yazdi-Ugav, & Zeev, 2016).
Three separate studies were conducted.
11.3.1 Study 1
The first study (Bugalski; Frydenberg et al., 2006, p. 97) was discussed in
Chapter 8 as a depression prevention program. It comprised of a sample of 115
students (57 males; 56 females) aged 15–17. The students were divided into
three groups: at risk toward depression; not that vulnerable to depression; and
resistant to depression. Students deemed to be at risk of depression were identi-
fied using the criteria determined by the Children’s Attribution Styles Question-
naire (Thompson, Kaslow, Weiss, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1998) and the Perceived
Control of Internal States Questionnaire (Pallant, 2000). Using a pre-test–
post-test design, students completed the ACS. All three groups completed the
Best of Coping program. There was a significant decrease post-program in the
level of non-productive coping reportedly being used by the at-risk group com-
pared to the resilient group. The at-risk group reported a decrease in the use of
worry and wishful thinking.
11.3.2 Study 2
Study two (Firth; Frydenberg et al., 2006, p. 100) comprised of a sample of 98
participants (aged 12–16) who had some form of a specific learning disability.
Participants were divided into four groups, according to the nature of the inter-
vention: group 1 received an adapted coping program; group 2 received the
teacher feedback program and the adapted program; group 3 received teacher
feedback only; and group 4 was the control group. Additionally, there was a
two-month follow-up of the program.
The adapted coping program group (group 1) reported post-program:
increased use of productive coping, particularly in the strategies of work hard
and focusing on solving the problem; and a decrease in non-productive coping,
such as giving up or using tension reduction strategies, such as taking drugs.
These positive findings were maintained at a two-month follow-up. While the
other three groups made some gains in the use of working hard and solving the
problem, these findings were not maintained at follow-up.
11.3.3 Study 3
Study three (Kamsner; Frydenberg et al., 2006, p. 102) participants comprised of
112 students (13–17 years of age) who were deemed to be performing poorly
academically and were enrolled in a special literacy program. These students
subsequently participated in the BOC program. In the pre-test analysis, female
students showed a great use of tension reduction, not cope and self-blame. Fol-
lowing the ten-session program that was modified for this group, post-test results
for males showed a significant increase in invest in close friends and a signi-
ficant decrease in use of wishful thinking. In contrast, females reported an
increased usage of tension reduction. While there was a trend for females to
decrease their reliance on self-blame and not cope, these results were not signi-
ficant in the analysis.
Overall, the implications of these findings are that it is possible to facilitate
the development of coping skills in young people, particularly those at risk of
depression or those who have learning disabilities. However, the findings are not
always consistent and may be related to the particular needs and characteristics
of a population of young people. It is possible to help young people to appraise
their circumstances in different ways and help to build up their coping resources.
Nevertheless, there are resources over and above coping skills, such as teacher
and parent support that remain important, particularly for certain populations.
Where it is both desirable and possible to impact the context in which the young
person finds him or herself it could also be appropriate to change, for example,
school or peer group. While resourcing individuals is most likely to pay divi-
dends in both the short and long terms, it cannot be considered as the only means
of intervention.
11.3.4 Coping for success

In this technological age skills development may be more appropriately
approached in online formats. Following development of the pencil and paper
version of the BOC program it was possible to incorporate similar learning
objectives into a CD-ROM version of the program, Coping for Success (Fryden-
berg, 2007). A comparison of the two formats was assessed and reported by
Panizza and Frydenberg in 2006. The purpose of that study was to examine three
different methods of administering the Best of Coping program; 1) teacher facil-
itated only; 2) teacher and additional support (e.g. psychologist/counsellor); and
3) computer administration (Coping for Success CD-ROM). The 222 Year 8
(13–14 years of age) students from a large secondary school in the western
region of metropolitan Melbourne were assigned to one of the three groups.
The findings showed that a change in coping style over time was observed in all
three groups, suggesting that an intervention made an impact on the overall coping
strategies for adolescents. More specifically, there was a decrease in non-productive
coping for all three groups. Mean changes were observed in reference to others
from students who participated in the group that had the teacher supported by a
trainee psychologist and with a computer-based approach. The findings suggest that
when students have a professional administering the program they are more inclined
to seek professional help. There was a decrease for solving the problem in the
supported-teacher and teacher-only group but not for the computer group. This may
be due to the fact that the teachers may have focused less on problem solving as a
psychological skill than did the psychologist running the computer-based program.
Overall, the conclusion was drawn that programs implemented by a professional
such as a psychologist are more likely to yield successful results. In addition, it was
possible to demonstrate that computer-based learning also provides positive out-
comes in coping strategies.
11.3.5 Low resourced adolescence

Two further studies evaluated the efficacy of the coping skills program in
different populations, one metropolitan and one rural (Frydenberg, Eacott, &
Clark, 2008). The first study (Clark, p. 11) examined the impact of coping skills
training on a population of senior secondary school students, ranging in age from
15 to 18, with a mean age of 16.8, who were deemed to have few resources. It
had been established in previous studies that adolescents who have access to few
resources are more likely to use non-productive coping strategies and are par-
ticularly vulnerable to stress (McKenzie & Frydenberg, 2014; Wojcik, McKen-
zie, Frydenberg, & Poole, 2004). This is all the more so for senior school
students who face many stressors in their final years of high school while trying
to complete their studies, such as high expectations by parents, teachers and
society, as well as other factors, including socio-economic status, trauma or
illness (physical or mental) (Metilkovic, 2007). Out of 206 (75, Male; 131,
Female) students from Year 11 (n = 101) and 12 (n = 105) from a senior second-
ary government school in metropolitan Melbourne, Australia, students who
scored in the lowest quartile of the modified version of the CORE were classi-
fied as in the lowest resourced group (n = 52) (McKenzie & Frydenberg, 2014).
This select population was placed into either the ‘experimental’ (n = 38) or the
‘wait list’ (n = 14) (control) group. The experimental group completed the
Coping for Success CD-ROM.
The findings revealed that the experimental group reported a significant
increase in the use of solve the problem coping style and a significant reduction
in non-productive coping. The experimental group indicated an increase in their
knowledge and understanding of coping strategies. Students also reported that
they would recommend the Coping for Success program to other senior high
school students. This study demonstrates that such programs are not skewed
toward one particular adolescent age group but can be used in most year groups
within secondary settings.
The second of these studies (Eacott, p. 11) was conducted in a rural setting
with two cohorts of students aged 15–16 years, 50 in 2006 and 60 in 2007.
Again, of particular interest in that study were those students who were low in
resources. This group made particular gains in being able to turn to others for
professional help when required. Six months following the students’ participation
in the ten-session CD-ROM version of the coping skills program the at-risk group
maintained their reduction in non-productive coping but felt they would benefit
from further intervention. Over 80 per cent of the students indicated that it is
helpful to be reminded of the coping skills that they had learned 12 months earlier.
11.3.6 Young people with diabetes

Serlachius, Scratch, Northam, Frydenberg, Lee, & Cameron (2014) evaluated
the cognitive behaviour–based BOC program to improve glycaemic control
and psychosocial well-being in adolescents with type 1 diabetes. A total of 147
adolescents aged 13–16 were randomised to the intervention (n = 73) or
standard care (n = 74). The primary outcome was glycaemic control at three
and 12 months post-randomisation, and secondary measures were stress, self-
efficacy and quality of life. Mixed-effects regression models were used to
assess differences in means between groups at each time point. There was little
evidence of differences in glycaemic control between groups. However,
psychosocial well-being improved in the intervention group compared to the
control group.2
Another particular group, young refugees, many of whom had experienced
trauma and violence (UNHCR, 2015), were considered to have benefited from
coping skills support (Cameron, Frydenberg, & Jackson, 2011; see Chapter
4). Research into the effectiveness of school-based interventions for students
with refugee backgrounds has been limited (Tyrer & Fazel, 2014). Multi-
modal creative expression and CBT interventions have shown promising
effects for young refugees in schools (Birman, Ho, Pulley, Batia, Everson,
Ellis et al., 2005). The majority of interventions studied to date have focused
on the processing of traumatic events to aid psychological healing. These
interventions have been found to be somewhat effective in helping young
refugees to recover from past events; however, the Cameron, Frydenberg and
Jackson (2011) study highlighted how young refugees who have experienced
trauma may also benefit greatly from support in dealing with the everyday
stressors of school life. Such an approach would allow practitioners to support
both an increase of more productive coping strategies and a decrease in non-
productive coping strategies.
When considering the important role social support plays in building the
resilience of young refugees and how young refugees who are experiencing
significant mental health problems are not likely to seek support (Colucci,
Minas, Szwarc, Guerra, & Paxton, 2015), it seems that universal prevention
approaches are promising, particularly as we know that many young people from
refugee backgrounds who have experienced trauma utilise non-productive
coping strategies. Such approaches aim to facilitate self-awareness and caring
relationships with others through teaching social, emotional and psychological
skills, conflict resolution education, coping programs and positive education.
There have not been comprehensive studies into the efficacy of these approaches
for refugee students to date but what we learned about refugee young people and
coping in Chapter 4 indicates that coping skills development is a worthwhile
endeavour and using a universal approach could have multiple benefits in pro-
moting social cohesion in educational settings.
11.4 A clinical case example using the ACS-2

Jason, a 13-year-old lives with his mother, father and elder sister. He was
referred to the clinician because of his anxiety and symptoms of OCD. Jason
loves sports, especially cricket, Australian football and soccer. He has an
encyclopaedic knowledge of sports facts. His mother describes him as a shy,
quiet and sensitive person. Jason was diagnosed with global developmental
delay at the age of three as he failed to meet normal developmental milestones
in terms of his language, toileting, gross motor skills and fine motor skills. He
has a history of anxiety and a history of being severely withdrawn at school.
Jason, over the previous year, had been displaying oppositional behaviour at
home, refusing to comply with requests, not engaging in homework and had
made threats to run away. His parents were concerned that Jason was
currently not eating at school or prior to school, and that this may be anxiety
related.
Jason completed the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (4th edition)
and achieved a full-scale IQ score of 88, putting him on the 21st percentile,
below average range. He also completed the Behavioural Assesment System for
Children (3rd edition) (BASC-3) (Reynolds & Kamphaus, 2015).3
In the adaptive scales of the BASC-3 there were three ‘at-risk’ areas and one
clinically significant area. The at-risk areas were: relations with parents (a
positive regard towards parents and feelings of being held in esteem by them);
interpersonal relations (the perception of having good social relationships and
friendships with peers); and self-reliance (confidence in one’s ability to solve
problems, a belief in one’s personal dependability and decisiveness). The clinic-
ally significant area was self-esteem (feelings of self-esteem, self-respect and
self-acceptance).
In terms of his clinical profile, Jason’s results indicated that he was at risk in
term of his anxiety and social withdrawal. In terms of his adaptive profile,
Jason’s results indicated that he was at risk in term of his leadership and
activities of daily living.
As part of the battery of tests, Jason also completed the ACS-2, first to gauge
his use of coping strategies and then as a way of utilising his coping profile to
provide opportunities for engagement in discussions about the coping skills he
utilises in different situations, what he finds helpful and what he finds unhelpful
(see Figure 11.2).
The ACS-2 was used here as a clinical and educational instrument for the
individual to be able to reflect on their own coping behaviour by measuring
the usage and helpfulness of coping strategies in general and specific situations.
The ACS-2 assessed the 20 coping strategies listed in Table 11.1.
120
100
80
Percentage
60
40
20
0
SocSupport
Work
Worry
WishThink
SocAc
Self-blame
KeepSelf
Spirit
FocPos
ProfHelp
Relax
PhysRec
ActUp
Humor
NotCope
Accept
Ignore
Friends
Solvprob
TensRed
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Useage % Helpfulness %
Figure 11.2 Jason’s coping strategies profile.
11.4.1 Jason’s coping profile

There are some notable discrepancies in Jason’s coping profile as measured by
the ACS-2, which can be divided into two categories.
There are coping strategies that Jason uses more frequently but does not find
very helpful. These strategies are the ones he might consciously try to use less
often and be encouraged by others to use less frequently, these include:
• Worry
• Wishful thinking
• Self-blame
• Keep to self
• Ignore the problem.
Coping strategies that Jason uses less frequently, but that he finds quite
helpful when he does use them are:
• Work hard and achieve

• Social action
• Focus on the positive
• Seek professional help
• Physical recreation
Table 11.1 Adolescent Coping Scale, 2nd edition (ACS-2)
1 Social Support An inclination to share the problem with others and

enlist support in managing it
2 Work hard and achieve Commitment, ambition to achieve well and
industry
3 Worry Concerns about the future in general terms, or more
specifically, concern with future happiness
4 Wishful thinking Hope and anticipation of a positive outcome
5 Social action Letting others know what is of concern and
enlisting support by writing petitions or
organising activities such as meetings or rallies
6 Self-blame An individual seeing themselves as at fault for
causing the concern or worry
7 Keep to self An individual’s withdrawal from others and wish
to keep concerns to themselves
8 Seek spiritual support Prayer and belief in the assistance of a spiritual
leader or lord
9 Focus on the positive A positive and cheerful outlook brought about by
focusing on the good things in one’s life
10 Seek professional help Use of a professional adviser, such as a teacher or
counsellor
11 Seek relaxing diversions Relaxation in general rather than sport,
characterised by items that describe leisure such
as watching TV, reading and painting
12 Physical recreation Playing sport and keeping fit
13 Act up An attempt to make oneself feel better by
damaging things or being a nuisance
14 Humour Entertaining others
15 Not coping An individual’s inability to deal with the problem
and the development of psychosomatic
symptoms
16 Accept one’s best efforts An acceptance that one has done one’s best and
therefore there is nothing further to be done
17 Ignore the problem A conscious blocking out of the problem and
resignation coupled with an acceptance that there
is no way of dealing with it
18 Invest in close friends Engaging in a particular close relationship
19 Focus on solving the Tackling the problem systematically by learning
problem about it, taking into account different points of
view or positions
20 Tension reduction An attempt to make oneself feel better by letting
off steam, crying, screaming, using alcohol,
cigarettes or drugs
• Humour
• Accept one’s best efforts
• Invest in close friends.
These are the coping strategies that Jason needs to be encouraged to use more
often.
It was reported that Jason experienced marked social-emotional difficulties
and clinically poor self-esteem. Jason appeared to struggle to express his
thoughts and feelings when spoken to. It was suggested that he be given time to
collect his thoughts before he gives an answer to a question. At school Jason was
extremely socially withdrawn. There was evidence of a pattern of symptoms
consistent with a diagnosis of Social Anxiety Disorder (Social Phobia), which is
an anxiety disorder identified by the presence of marked fear or anxiety about
one or more social situations in which one is exposed to possible scrutiny by
others. Additionally, there was a diagnosis of OCD of moderate severity. OCD
is an anxiety-based disorder that is marked by the presence of: (1) obsessions –
recurrent and persistent thoughts, urges or images that are experienced as intru-
sive or unwanted; and (2) compulsions – repetitive behaviours or mental acts
that an individual feels driven to perform in response to an obsession or accord-
ing to rules that must be applied rigidly. Jason appeared to be much more
severely affected by compulsions. It was recommended that he undergo treat-
ment for his social anxiety and OCD. In addition to the clinical recommenda-
tions of counselling, cognitive behaviour therapy and family therapy, Jason was
encouraged to continue to use the coping strategies he found helpful. A coping
skills approach also provides an opportunity to rehearse skills that he can utilise
in a school situation. According to his own self-report, Jason was not suffering
any clinically significant symptoms of anxiety, depression or anger, and nor was
he exhibiting disruptive behaviour. Jason did have a much lower than average
self-concept. However, developing more of the productive coping skills should
be an asset in terms of raising his self-esteem.
Jason’s case is illustrative of the importance of considering coping skills in a
broader context, with a range of assessment and intervention tools that may
facilitate coping.
11.5 Mindfulness and compassion training

There has been an increasing interest in recent years in introducing the concept
of mindfulness to young people and adults across ages from preschool to the
elderly. For adolescents it offers a ‘new direction’ for intervention. Mindful-
ness programs are common in school and community settings as a way of
achieving well-being. At the core of mindfulness is simplicity and is it con-
sidered to increase ‘distress tolerance’ and reduce ‘emotional automatic inter-
ference’ (Broderick & Frank, 2014). In the adolescent years mindfulness
activities are often focused on relaxation and reflection. Given that adoles-
cence is a period of developmental plasticity, mindfulness can be construed as
a developmental contemplative science to advance our understanding of the
mind-body system (Roeser & Pinela, 2014). There is growing evidence that
mindfulness is associated with reduced stress, improved well-being and health,
enhanced academic performance (Romeo, 2010), and prosocial behaviour
(Roeser & Pinela, 2014).
11.5.1 What is mindfulness?
In simple terms, mindfulness is the conscious awareness and focus on the
present moment, and non-judgemental focusing on the unfolding of the event,
moment by moment. It is about observing one’s experiences, sometimes the
internal thoughts and emotions, without evaluating or judging each experience.
In short, it is about staying in the present rather than dwelling on the past or
thinking about future events. Many of the specific techniques and practices
derive from the Asian contemplative tradition which generally forms part of
Buddhist meditation practices. Mindfulness is generally attributed to Gautama
Siddhartha, the Buddha, who lived about 2,600 years ago. Jon Kabat-Zinn
(2005) is one of the pioneers in mindfulness in North America. It should be
noted that mindfulness can be taught without any reference to its spiritual
origins.
The elements of mindfulness are:
1 observing one’s experiences

2 describing them
3 acting with awareness
4 not judging the inner experience
5 not reacting to the experience.
These five elements require attention and reflection and need to be adapted to the
age, developmental and commitment level of the individual, that is, develop-
mental appropriateness. Breathing exercises, for example, can be executed for
30–40 minutes by an adult but an adolescent may do it for shorter periods, at
least in the initial phases of engaging in the mindful experience. Props can also
be used, such as a hoop for recognising which part of the body is being touched
and what that feels like. Similarly, a soft object can be placed on a part of the
body and breathing can move the object up and down. Reflecting on food,
whether it is hot or cold, sweet or sour, hard or soft and the smells and colours in
the garden. What thoughts, images or feelings do the objects and the situations
evoke? A body scan can be used to help identify emotions and reactions. Where
do particular emotions occur? In which part of the body is it experienced? How
is it represented physically in, for example, a frown or a smile? What does it feel
like? Mindfulness can be incorporated into everyday life or in a school setting in
different ways, such as a few minutes of silence, mindful listening to music or
effective journaling, to mention a few options.
11.5.2 Cultivating mindfulness attitudes

The following attitudes are represented in the mindfulness literature and
represent an orientation for healthy interpersonal relationships in all settings, be
it family, friendship or workplace. Mindfulness often incorporates compassion
practice, promoting empathy and perspective taking.
• Non-judging – do no harm, curiosity, acceptance.
• Patience – let things unfold as they need to.
• Beginner’s mind – curiosity about exploring the nature of your mind;
seeing; thinking.
• Trust – faith in your own deepest experience, not what your mind thinks
but in that deeper non-verbal, non-conceptual place of knowing, trust in
yourself, your intuition and your abilities.
• Non-striving – the state of not doing anything, just simply accepting that
things are happening in the moment just as they are supposed to. Note:
Chinese word for busy equals heart-killing; and mindfulness emphasises
slowing down.
• Acceptance – completely accepting your thoughts, feelings, sensations,
and beliefs, and understanding that they are only simply those things.
Remember, life is a way of being; being awake to the actual experience
of your life on a moment-by-moment basis.
• Non-attachment–thoughts are experiences like clouds or weather moving
through the sky. It is the awareness that is important not the object of
awareness (breath, thought, sensation, event and so on).
Activity 1 – Mindfulness of senses

For example, savouring food:
Take a piece of sultana, a jelly bean, a grape or a small piece of chocolate.
Notice the texture, the smell of it and then slowly explore it as you put it in your
mouth. Savour the taste, texture and enjoyment before finally swallowing it.
Activity 2 – Mindfulness of body

For example, breathing – listening to sounds:
This exercise is best done with eyes closed in a setting that is pleasant and dis-
traction free. It is also helpful to sit comfortably on the ground with legs crossed.
The outdoors provides an opportunity to listen and hear a wide range of sounds.
In this activity, you are encouraged to be conscious of your breathing, to make it
comfortable, not too long and not too short. Following a focus on breathing, you
are then encouraged to listen for sounds and smells in the environment. Follow-
ing the activity, you are encouraged to have a conversation or reflect on the
experience. How easy or difficult was it to focus on breathing alone, noting
sounds and smells, and how enjoyable was the experience?
Activity 3 – Mindfulness of self

For example, identifying emotions in the body:
In this exercise a person is encouraged to identify emotions, such as happy, sad,
excited, anxious, angry, calm and so on (the emotions can also become more
complex – inhibited, conflicted, tortured, euphoric etc. – as appropriate) and
where each of these emotions is being experienced. The individual is encouraged
just to observe the emotion, identify its location and accept it without judgement.
If a particular emotion is experienced often, especially if it is troublesome, then
there can be a focus on that emotion.
As the field of mindfulness has blossomed in popularity resources have
become available in print or online so that skill development for oneself or for
instructing others is now readily available. Mindfulness practices are com-
plementary to coping skills development and should be considered an additional
way of achieving well-being.

Coping is like breathing, an automatic response that can be managed differently in
different contexts. We know that breathing can be learned and different approaches
to breathing can be utilised in different circumstances (Broderick & Frank, 2014).
Training can be effective. Capacities can be increased and appropriate applications
can make all the difference in circumstances where a high level of performance is
required, whether it be an artistic, musical or physical challenge. Coping too can
be learned. In the context of everyday life there is imitation, unconscious learning
or social learning from role models such as parents, teachers or coaches. Beyond
the social or unconscious learning context there are deliberate attempts to teach
coping skills to individuals and groups. Schools provide a unique opportunity for
such learning to take place. Clinicians, counsellors and coaches use coping skills
instruction with individuals, families or other groups. While there are family
differences in coping, some of which is to do with age, gender and circumstance, it
has always been found helpful to learn the language of coping across the adult and
youth population. If you can name it you can tame it. Coping language provides
the tools for conversations that can be had to facilitate reflection and growth.
The coping concepts have been incorporated into programs that can be
offered in a scripted format or more flexibly. On the whole it has been found that
such programs work, whether they are pencil and paper, online or self-help. The
ideas can be incorporated into the social–emotional learning curriculum. Our
research indicates that those young people who have a greater need are likely to
benefit most from a universal program. That is, in a class group those most high
on depression are likely to have the greatest need for coping skills development
and are likely to gain most from such an intervention.
There are groups of young people who require a targeted approach. The
example provided in this chapter is a program for young people who are living
with diabetes. A universal approach is adapted for that particular population. One
of the key features of an adapted program is that it can include extensive informa-
tion that is appropriate to the group. In the case of young people with diabetes, it
was about cutting-edge research and practice that related to the condition.
A clinical case study was presented in this chapter to illustrate how a coping
skills assessment can be included in a battery of tests and while multiple forms
of assessment contribute to a composite picture of the individual, the coping
skills profile can be used to work with young people with a wide range of abilities.
Finally, mindfulness is introduced as a complementary intervention that
brings into focus how coping skills can be combined with new approaches to
health and well-being. There is no more striking new development in the world
of the adolescent than that represented by the tsunami of social media and tech-
nology in the Western world. There are both benefits and risks that social media
provides. Social media and technology reflect the rapid progress and change to
which the adolescent has to adapt. Coping skills are an important resource but
not the only one. Technology has the capacity to promote performance and facil-
itate coping skills development, but there are inherent risks.
Notes
1 The Frydenberg et al. (2006) study is also described in Chapter 8 in relation to depres-
sion prevention.
2 The trial is registered with the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry
(ACTRN12608000368336).
3 The BASC-3 is a comprehensive set of rating scales that can provide insight and under-
standing into the behaviours and emotions of children and adolescents.
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12 Technology and social media
The good and the bad
Dr Jodie Lodge
Each cohort of teens has a different space that it decides is cool. It used to be the
mall [… now] social network sites like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram are the
cool places.
(Boyd, 2014, p. 5)
Almost all young people are online, with the Internet now integral to all areas of
their educational and social involvement (Childwise, 2016; European Commis-
sion, 2015; Lenhart, 2015). Furthermore, the growth of portable devices con-
tinues to shape the way young people access the Internet (ACMA, 2016;
Childwise, 2017; OfCom, 2016). For many, the modern multiple-screen house-
hold is now commonplace, and includes Internet-connected devices such as
smartphones, tablet computers, laptops, desktop computers and handheld game
devices (ABS, 2016; Brand & Todhunter, 2015). Similarly, social media, a very
active and fast-moving concept, is now best characterised as an ‘experience’,
accessed across multiple devices and websites (Henderson & de Zwart, 2014). In
Australia, the vast majority (95–100 per cent) of young people 8–17 years of age
are engaging on a daily basis with social media via a computer or mobile phone
(ACMA, 2013). Elsewhere the trend is similar, with more than nine out of ten
young people in the UK, USA, Denmark, Sweden, Portugal, Finland, Latvia,
Lithuania, Luxembourg, Hungary and the Netherlands, going online for much of
the day (European Commission, 2015; Lenhart, 2015; OfCom, 2016). As such,
the distinction between young people’s online and offline lives no longer exists.
Studies support this and have shown how online and offline life are intimately
linked (Beltagui & Schmidt, 2015).
Typically, young people view the Internet as empowering, as a means to
explore and make connections with others, and an opportunity to find out about
the environment in which they live (Clarke & Hitchenor, 2014; OECD, 2017).
While this presents great opportunities for innovation, learning and creativity,
emerging evidence is raising concerns about the potential implications for the
mental health of some young people (George, Russell, Piontak, & Odgers, 2017).
Parents are also concerned with issues of online privacy and with how media
exposure and content may influence the healthy development of their children
(Madden, Lenhart, Cortesi, Gasser, Duggan, & Smith, 2012). Some studies report
the negative effects for young people as increased exposure to harm, social isola-
tion, depression and cyberbullying (Best, Manktelow, & Taylor, 2014). However,
in an ‘always on’ digital world, it is accepted that monitoring a young person’s
entire digital life is impossible. For that reason, studies have attempted to better
understand young peoples’ online protective or risk-coping behaviours that occur
in response to risk exposure, rather than attempting to prevent exposure (Dürager
& Livingstone, 2012; Shin, Huh, & Faber, 2012; Wisniewski, Kumar Ghosh,
Rosson, Xu, & Carroll, 2017). That is to say, it is the ways in which young people
respond to or choose to cope with negative online experiences that, at the end of
the day, influence whether or not they are bothered/harmed by their online experi-
ence (d’Haenens, Vandonink, & Donoso, 2013).
12.1 Opportunities and benefits

Social media has many potential positive influences on young people’s lives,
such as: increasing opportunities to acquire knowledge and learn new skills;
facilitating supportive relationships; enabling safe identity experimentation; and,
promoting a sense of belonging and increased self-esteem (Best et al., 2014;
Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007). Young people themselves recognise the
value of opportunities to connect online and, for many, social media plays an
important role in their lives (Best et al., 2014; Ellison et al., 2007). Across
OECD countries, 88 per cent of 15-year-olds agreed that the Internet was a great
resource for obtaining information, while a similar proportion (84 per cent) also
recognised the importance of the Internet for social networks (OECD, 2017).
Young people are actively engaging online. They are using digital devices to
get information for schoolwork, understand changes in their health and sexual-
ity, and learn about the news and current events (Lenhart, Purcell, Smith, &
Zickuhr, 2010). They are taking part in a wide range of online activities, includ-
ing streaming videos, listening to music and using games-related material
(ACMA, 2016; Childwise, 2016). However, much of their online activity con-
sists of talking with people via email, instant messaging, and chat rooms (Nad-
karni & Hofmann, 2012); with social media being the most dominant online
activity for young people in Australia and elsewhere (ABS, 2016; Lenhart et al.,
2010).
12.1.1 Educational outcomes

Researchers suggest that young people today learn in new ways using social
media and that educators should embrace these new platforms (Henderson,
Snyder, & Beale, 2013). Within the classroom, social media can be used to
enhance students’ collaboration on group tasks (Liu, Liu, Chen, Lin, & Chen,
2011; Pifarre & Fisher, 2011). Social media can also extend opportunities for
formal learning across geographical contexts by sharing information about cul-
tures and promoting collaborative work, including in remote locations (Collin,
Technology and social media 169
Rahilly, Richardson, & Third, 2011). The Linking Latitudes program is one
example, involving schools from both the Northern Territory and Tasmania –
two very different geographical locations within Australia. Students from these
schools used instant messaging, Skype, email, blogs and wikis to share informa-
tion about their cultures and to work collaboratively on projects. They also used
podcasts, videos and still images to capture the work they were doing (TCEO,
2010).
Social media also facilitates informal learning. It can engage young people in
learning activities and support peer-to-peer learning of knowledge and skills
(Collin et al., 2011). Some students are using social media to connect with one
another on homework projects. For example, in a study of Australian secondary
school students, learning outcomes in physics were found to improve by incorp-
orating social media through after-school chat sessions, as one component in a
series of lessons designed around a website, Getsmart (Chandra & Watters,
2012).
Social media can increase young people’s positive attitudes toward education
(Mao, 2014). However, digital literacy is considered essential to leveraging the
benefits as an educational tool. Digital literacy refers to the ability to access,
understand and create content using digital media (Buckingham, 2006). Research
shows that where access and skills are promoted, digital technology and social
media can enhance the interactions of young people with their teacher, particu-
larly marginalised students, and can increase their confidence in educational
activities (Collin et al., 2011). Importantly, teachers are identified as central to
the effective implementation of social media as a learning tool – through careful
planning, task design, the exercise of authority, and the ability to represent social
media as educational rather than just leisure and communication (Henderson et
al., 2013).
12.1.2 Supportive relationships

The communities and social interactions young people form online can be
invaluable for bolstering and developing young people’s self-confidence and
social skills. Specifically, social media use is associated with enhanced relation-
ship quality and intimacy (Ellison et al., 2007; Grieve, Indian, Witteveen, Tolan,
& Marrington, 2013; Reich, Subrahmanyam, & Espinoza, 2012). It can help
young people feel more connected to their friends’ emotions and daily lives, and
also offers young people a place to receive support during difficult times
(Lenhart, 2015; Reich et al., 2012). Despite the potential for global networking,
it seems that most young people’s contacts are local (Wang & Edwards, 2016);
and much of their social media communication focuses on everyday events
related to school, mutual friends, and upcoming activities with already existing
friends (Reich et al., 2012).
Social media is a useful tool for young people to make, maintain or build
upon real world interpersonal relationships. Through social media, young people
can maintain and extend existing offline friendships (Hall, 2016; Reich et al.,
2012). In fact, most young people’s use of social media is ‘friendship-driven’
(Mizuko, Horst, Bittanti, Boyd, Herr-Stephenson, Lange et al., 2008). Friendship
has been seen as central in research on adolescents, as having more friends and
higher quality friendships has been linked to better adjustment and fewer social
problems (Waldrip, Malcolm, & Jensen-Campbell, 2008). Social media allows
young people to stay connected to friends, make new friends, share pictures and
exchange ideas (Schurgin O’Keeffe & Clarke-Pearson, 2011). There is also evid-
ence to suggest that playing online games can reinforce a sense of friendship and
connectedness for young people, especially boys (Lenhart, Duggan, Perrin,
Stepler, Rainie, & Parker, 2015). Others have found that digital gaming can act
as a motivator for new friendship formation in school (Eklund & Roman, 2017).
Young people see their use of social media as a normal and healthy form of
communication (Lenhart et al., 2015). They communicate with each other using
a variety of tools, such as chatting, sending private messages, leaving public
comments on posts, linking to content from other sources, and sharing photos
and videos (Nadkarni & Hofmann, 2012). Instant messaging (IM), often referred
to as chat, is highly popular with young people. Research suggests that young
people engage in IM to be ‘with’ friends – mainly talking to friends from their
daily life and rarely with those they meet online (Quinn & Oldmeadow, 2013).
More than two in five young people in the USA say they use messaging apps
such as Kik and WhatsApp to spend time with friends (Lenhart et al., 2015).
The quality of social relationships in adolescence is important for long-term
health. Research shows that high-quality close friendships in adolescence is asso-
ciated with better health in young adulthood (Allen, Uchino, & Hafen, 2015).
Through social media, young people are making social connections and creating
stronger bonds with people they already know. Young people themselves report
the social connection of social media as very important to their social well-being
and that it helps them stay connected to their peer group (McMillan & Morrison,
2006). A UK study found that the primary use of nearly all social media tools by
young people aged 11–16 were for positive relationship-building behaviours
within already existing relationships (Wang & Edwards, 2016).
12.1.3 Identity formation

The Internet provides a setting for identity experimentation as young people seek
to understand how they fit into the world around them. Research has shown that
social media is especially attractive to young people as a means to construct their
social identities (Oberst, Wegmann, Stodt, Brand, & Cha-marro, 2017). Adoles-
cence is often the first time that young people consciously sort through who they
are and what makes them unique. For many young people, the online realm is an
exciting yet relatively safe place to construct, experiment with, and present the
‘self ’ in a social context (Subrahmanyam & Smahel, 2011). Young people use
social media to experiment with their identity, to test others’ reactions, to over-
come shyness, and to exchange information to speed up relationship develop-
ment (Valkenburg, Schouten, & Peter, 2005).
For many young people, sharing personal information and receiving feedback
on social media is central to identity formation (Shapiro & Margolin, 2014). On
social media young people can generate content themselves, which allows for
self-expression both explicitly through self-disclosure and implicitly through
word usage (Orehek & Human, 2017). Young people can personalise their pro-
files and feeds with images, videos and words that express who they are and how
they identify with the world around them. Social media profiles and status
updates often serve as a form of social identity and are managed accordingly
(Davis, 2013; Valkenburg et al., 2005).
Online, young people engage in selective self-presentations (Walther, Liang,
DeAndrea, Tong, Carr, Spottswood et al., 2011). Research has found that how a
young person thinks about, evaluates or perceives her/himself, is associated with
experimentation online. Specifically, those adolescents reporting more regular
experimenting with online self-presentations, and presenting idealised versions
of self, tended to be younger and have a less stable sense of self. In contrast,
older adolescents and those with a more stable self-concept presented themselves
more consistently across different communication contexts, including their
offline self-presentation (Fullwood, James, & Chen-Wilson, 2016).
Social media use allows young people to show different sides of themselves
that they cannot show offline (Lenhart et al., 2015). Self-expression on social
media may provide an opportunity to share aspects of themselves with less fear
of rejection or disapproval than face-to-face interactions with their close social
network (Bargh, McKenna, & Fitzsimons, 2002). In one example, sexual
minority adolescents reported social media as a means of self-expression and a
context in which to express their sexual orientation more comfortably than in
person (Craig & McInroy, 2014).
12.1.4 Sense of belonging and self-esteem

Social media can foster a sense of belonging and self-esteem through opportun-
ities to interact with others who share similar values, beliefs and interests (Davis,
2014). According to Baron (2010) social media can provide a sense of connect-
edness, a feeling of being ‘plugged in’ to a unit larger than oneself, and of being
super-connected. Social media can allow young people to experiment and find
legitimacy for their political, ethnic, cultural or sexual identity (Collin et al.,
2011). They can join ‘groups’ reflecting aspects of their identity that they wish
to explore or deepen. For example, studies have found that social media can help
young people who are sexually and gender diverse to meet people and learn from
each other, creating a sense of belonging to a broader community (Hillier & Har-
rison, 2007). In other examples, social media can be a powerful medium in
which to help young people embrace their own cultural identity and belonging.
This was seen in the production of music videos in the Identity Matters series
with Indigenous students from Catholic Education across Queensland, Australia
(Arnold, 2017). The series reflects the student’s culture and what it means to
them being an Indigenous Australian. The music videos were created with a
professional songwriter, music producer and filmmaker working throughout
regional Australia and are featured on social media such as YouTube and
Facebook.
Social media also plays a significant role in connecting young people to com-
munities and information that might not be available elsewhere (Pascoe, 2011).
Social media provides opportunities to better engage young people in healthcare
delivery, health education and health policy (Wong, Merchant, & Moreno,
2014). It can also provide an opportunity to identify and support those at risk
(Christensen, Batterham, & O’Dea, 2014). Previous studies have also examined
the use of social media in political engagement (Vromen, Xenos, & Loader,
2015). Worldwide, social media has driven a revolution in young people being
able to express their political identity, where they may not be politically engaged
through traditional methods (Orehek & Human, 2017; Vromen et al., 2015). In
one example, survey results from a Korean study found that social media had
played an integral role in the mobilisation of young people for political demon-
strations (Seongyi & Woo-Young, 2011).
12.2 Challenges and risks

Online risks faced by young people are complex. There are many risks and they
are constantly evolving. For example, livestreaming, a recently emerging trend,
has new implications for young people’s well-being, such as the potential for
their actions to be recorded and posted online without their consent (UK Safer
Internet Centre, 2017). Risks also tend to vary from country to country, and the
potential consequences vary according to factors such as the young person’s age
and resilience (Livingstone, Haddon, Görzig, & Ólafsson, 2011). Adolescence is
typically a period of development associated with a heightened vulnerability to
risk taking, due to higher inclinations to seek excitement and relatively immature
capacities for self-control (Steinberg, Albert, Cauffman, Banich, Graham, &
Woolard, 2008). Moreover, some young people appear to be more susceptible to
experiencing harm as a consequence of exposure to online risks than others
(George et al., 2017).
In general, cyberbullying is highlighted as one of the most problematic areas
for young people online, particularly in places like Australia, Canada, the UK,
and the USA (Australian Government Office of the Children’s eSafety Commis-
sioner, 2016; Fahy, Stansfeld, Smuk, Smith, Cummins, & Clark, 2016; Ranney,
Patena, Nugent, Spirito, Boyer, Zatzick et al., 2016; Sampasa-Kanyinga & Ham-
ilton, 2015). In recent times, the potential effects of sexting have also appeared
on the research agenda, as have concerns with Internet addiction (Ho, Lwin, &
Lee, 2017; Van Ouytsel, Van Gool, Ponnet, & Walrave, 2014).
12.2.1 Cyberbullying
Cyberbullying involves the use of electronic media with the intention of causing
harm, humiliation, suffering, fear and despair for the individual who is the target
of aggression. Cyberbullies can be anonymous. It can occur at school, but most
commonly cyberbullying behaviours occur outside of school (Tokunaga, 2010).
It is well established that there is a large overlap between involvement in tradi-
tional bullying and cyberbullying (Antoniadou, Kokkinos, & Markos, 2016;
Lazuras, Barkoukis, & Tsorbatzoudis, 2017). That is, cyberbullying is more
likely to occur among traditional bullies than non-bullies. Similarly, cybervic-
timisation is more likely to occur among victims of traditional bullying than non-
victims. Furthermore, victims of traditional bullying may change role and
become cyberbullying perpetrators (Lazuras et al., 2017).
Emerging studies highlight as key concerns the high volume of cyberbullying
incidents in school, increased personal information disclosure on social media,
peer influences and the safety of the school environment for both bully and
victim (Alim, 2016). However, prevalence estimates vary widely. According to
one review, a significant proportion of children and adolescents (20–40 per cent)
have been victims of cyberbullying, with females and sexual minorities seem-
ingly at higher risk (Aboujaoude, Savage, Starcevic, & Salame, 2015). Another
review reported that cyberbullying prevalence in general populations of US
adolescents between the ages 10–19, ranged from 3 per cent to 72 per cent
(Selkie, Fales, & Moreno, 2016). Previous studies in the UK suggest that 20–40
per cent of young people will have at least one cyberbullying experience during
their adolescence (Smith, Mahdavi, Carvalho, Fisher, Russell, & Tippett, 2008).
In a 2016 study, more than one in five young people in the UK reported that
someone had posted an image or video online to bully them (UK Safer Internet
Centre, 2017). Others indicate that up to 50 per cent of school-aged children
experience bullying via technology (Mishna, Cook, Gadalla, Daciuk, &
Solomon, 2010). Australian studies report victimisation rates for cyberbullying
of young people ranging from around 6 per cent to over 40 per cent (Katz,
Keeley, Spears, Taddeo, Swirski, & Bates, 2014). The Australian Communica-
tions and Media Authority found that cyberbullying increased with age, up to
14–15 years old (ACMA, 2013). Specifically, the proportion of respondents who
reported being cyberbullied ranged from 4 per cent of 8–9-year-olds up to 21 per
cent of 14–15-year-olds. More recent research from the Australian Government
Office of the Children’s eSafety Commissioner (2016) found that in the 12
months to June 2016, 19 per cent of young people aged 14–17 were cyberbul-
lied. Of further concern, studies suggest that most young people have been
involved in or have witnessed online victimisation and bullying. For example, a
study of US adolescents found that 88 per cent reported being a witness to online
cruelty, with 21 per cent of those reporting participating in the bullying (Lenhart
et al., 2010).
Survey research conducted in Australian schools identify common cyber-
bullying behaviours such as students receiving threatening, abusive and/or
bullying emails, social networking messages, telephone calls and/or texting/IMs
(54.9 per cent); and cyberbullying behaviour where the offender is anonymous
(including websites or social networks that allow anonymous posting and emails
and/or other messaging from an unknown person) (36.2 per cent). Girls are
reported to be more likely to exclude people from social media groups and to
spread false rumours about others, whereas boys are more likely to post offen-
sive material on social media pages, send abusive emails and indulge in coercive
sexting (Commonwealth of Australia, 2014). More recent research with Austral-
ian young people aged 14–17 reported the most common cyberbullying behavi-
ours as: being socially excluded (43 per cent); called names (39 per cent);
receiving repeated unwanted online messages (38 per cent); and having lies or
rumours spread about them (36 per cent) (Australian Government Office of the
Children’s eSafety Commissioner, 2016). In one review, a large number of
young people cited relationship issues as the reason for cyberbullying, with girls
most often being the recipients (Hamm, Newton, Chisholm, Shulhan, Milne,
Sundar et al., 2015). Facebook, and to a much lesser extent Instagram, are identi-
fied as the main networks being used for cyberbullying behaviours reported to
schools (Commonwealth of Australia, 2014). In these cases, something negative
is uploaded, and then ongoing comments and ‘likes’ contribute to the spread of
the bullying across a wider audience.
Involvement in cyberbullying is predictive of significant psychological and
behavioural health problems among adolescents (Kowalski, Giumetti, Schroeder,
& Lattanner, 2014). Across studies, there is a consistent relationship between
being cyberbullied and depression in young people (Hamm et al., 2015). Cyber-
bullying victimisation has been found to cause discomfort, depression and
anxiety in Greek adolescents (Antoniadou & Kokkinos, 2013). UK research
identified cyberbullying victimisation as a risk factor for future depressive symp-
toms, social anxiety symptoms and below average well-being among young
people aged 12–13 (Fahy et al., 2016). In fact, cyberbullying victimisation has
been shown to have stronger associations with depressive symptoms and suicidal
ideation than in-person bullying (Messias, Kindrick, & Castro, 2014). Cyber-
bullying victimisation has also been associated with substance use and problem-
atic Internet use in adolescents (Gámez-Guadix, Orue, Smith, & Calvete, 2013).
In a Canadian study, cyberbullying victimisation was found to mediate the rela-
tionships between the use of social media with psychological distress and suicide
attempts (Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015). Similarly, in a study of young
people presenting to a US hospital emergency department, cyberbullying victim-
isation was found to correlate strongly with PTSD, which was also strongly
associated with depressive symptoms and suicidality (Ranney et al., 2016).
In the context of cyberbullying, young people seem reluctant to speak out. In
one Australian study, more than one in four victims of cyberbullying did not
seek support from others (Price & Dalgleish, 2010). Victims seem to use
emotion-focused coping strategies, such as emotional expression, depressive
coping and avoidance in daily life, more than other young people (Völlink,
Bolman, Eppingbroeck, & Dehue, 2013). Knowledge about the effectiveness of
different coping strategies is widely lacking to date, especially with respect to
actual cybervictimisation. Early work in Australia found poor well-being in
cyberbullied girls (11–17-year-olds) who used apprehensive (i.e. excessive
worry, tension reduction and self-blame) and avoidant (i.e. ignoring, keeping it
from others and not seeking help) styles of coping (Lodge & Frydenberg, 2007).
Others have found that emotional ways of coping – such as crying or acting out
of anger, shame, fear, or being upset – worsen victimisation (Kochenderfer-Ladd
& Skinner, 2002). Emotion-focused coping has also been associated with more
health complaints and depressive feelings (Völlink et al., 2013). These findings
are important, as the use of various coping strategies is strongly related to levels
of emotional well-being (Lazarus, 2006).
12.2.2 Sexting
Sexting offences by young people in Australia and the USA have increased
(Fisher, Sauter, Slobodniuk, & Young, 2012; Wolak & Finkelhor, 2011). Sim-
ilarly, a follow-up from 2010 to 2013 in five EU countries, including the UK,
found an increase in young people reporting seeing sexually explicit images, in
particular adolescent girls (ICT Coalition, 2014). Within the literature, the term
sexting has been used to describe: the electronic distribution of text messages,
own photos or own videos with sexual content (Kopecký, 2014); sending sexual
images and sometimes sexual texts on electronic devices (Mitchell, Finkelhor,
Jones, & Wolak, 2012); and as the electronic exchange of sexually suggestive
messages (i.e. sexts), mainly depicting nude or semi-nude pictures (Ringrose,
Gill, Livingstone, & Harvey, 2012). Social media are included in the number of
platforms and tools that enable the dissemination of these materials. In a recent
Spanish study, WhatsApp (64 per cent) was cited as the most common network
through which sext images are passed around (Villacampa, 2017).
The degree of sexting among young people varies. In England, Norway and
Bulgaria, 28–38 per cent of young people aged 14–17 reported sending sext
messages (Wood, Barter, Stanley, Aghtaie, & Larkins, 2015). Similar prevalence
rates (36 per cent) are reported among 17-year-old Spanish adolescents (Gámez-
Guadix, de Santisteban, & Reset, 2017). However, national studies in the Aus-
tralian context suggest that the practice of sexting may be more widespread. In
2010 a study of young people found that 59 per cent had sent sexually sugges-
tive emails or messages to others (Understanding Teenagers, 2010). In a more
recent national survey of Australian young people between the ages of 13 and
18, 49 per cent of boys and girls reported having sent a sexual image or video,
while 67 per cent of respondents had received a sexual image (Lee, Crofts,
McGovern, & Milivojevic, 2015). In the UK, a survey of young people found
that almost half (45 per cent) of 13–17-year-olds had seen nude or nearly nude
photos of someone they know being shared around their school or local com-
munity (UK Safer Internet Centre, 2017).
Among older adolescents, sexting often occurs within the context of flirting,
romance or sexual relations, whereas younger adolescents engage in sexting to
explore their sexual identities (Campbell & Park, 2013; Lee et al., 2015;
Lippman & Campbell, 2014). Some research puts forward sexting as a new way
through which adolescents express their sexuality (Kerstens & Stol, 2014;
Lippman & Campbell, 2014). That is, sexting is seen as part of the communication
between young people in romantic relationships. However, the transient nature
of adolescent relationships has also been suggested to increase the likelihood of
sexted images being disseminated beyond the intended audience, potentially
resulting in subsequent psychological distress (Lenhart, 2009).
Several studies found sexting to be an indicator of risk behaviour rather than
a sign of healthy psychosexual development (for a review, see Van Ouytsel,
Walrave, Ponnet, & Heirman, 2015). Sexting has been associated with risky
sexual behaviour, impulsivity, substance use and low self-esteem among young
people in the USA (Temple, Donna Le, van den Berg, Ling, Paul, & Temple,
2014; Ybarra & Mitchell, 2014). Using data from 25 European countries, sexting
was also linked with emotional problems and alcohol use in young people aged
11–16 (Sevcíkova, 2016). Other health-related risks associated with sexting
include depression and cyberbullying victimisation (Rice, Gibbs, Winetrobe,
Rhoades, Plant, Montoya, & Kordic, 2014; Van Ouytsel et al., 2015). Sexting
has resulted in significant emotional distress, school suspension, depression and
suicide in the more extreme cases (Chalfen 2009; O’Keefe, Clarke-Pearson, &
Council on Communications and Media, 2011; Van Ouytsel et al., 2014).
Gender differences are evident. Research has identified girls as particularly at
risk, as they often feel pressured or coerced to send sexual images or ‘sexts’
(Ringrose et al., 2012; Walker, Sanci, & Temple-Smith, 2013). Recent research
with Dutch adolescents indicated that a sexy self-presentation in social media by
adolescent girls predicted their willingness to sext (van Oosten & Vandenbosch,
2017). One review concluded that girls often faced more negative experiences
and outcomes of sexting compared to boys (Cooper, Quayle, Jonsson, & Svedin,
2016). Boys are often positively valued for participating in sexting behaviour
and have higher peer status and popularity than those who do not engage in
sexting (Ringrose et al., 2012). Australian data on young people’s attitudes and
concerns about sexting also highlight the gender paradox, where girls’ self-
portraits were viewed as ‘provocative’ while boys’ naked or semi-naked pictures
were understood as ‘jokes’ (Albury, Crawford, Byron, & Mathews, 2013).
Research suggests that boys send images in the hope of collecting return images
from girls who feel compelled or pressured into responding, an exercise known
as ‘fishing’ (Lee et al., 2015; Ringrose et al. 2012).
12.2.3 Internet addiction

Problematic Internet use or Internet addiction in young people has become a
serious public health problem in some countries (Li, Newman, Li, & Zhang,
2016; Vigna-Taglianti, Brambilla, Priotto, Angelino, Cuomo, & Diecidue 2017).
Internet addiction can be defined as uncontrollable use of the Internet that results
in excessive time consumption or social dysfunction (Smahel, Brown, & Blinka,
2012). Caplan (2010) defines Internet addiction as a loss of control over the use
of the Internet, a cognitive preoccupation with its use and continued use, despite
the negative consequences. Within the literature it is also frequently referred to
as compulsive use or problematic Internet use (Meerkerk, van Den Eijnden,
Franken, & Garretsen, 2010). There appear to be at least three subtypes of Inter-
net addiction: excessive gaming-gambling; sexual preoccupations (cybersex);
and socialising or social networking (social media), including email and messag-
ing (Weinstein & Lejoyeux, 2010).
While Internet addiction is not currently recognised as a disorder in the
DSM-5 used by health professionals for diagnosis, Internet gaming disorder was
included in the DSM-5 appendix of disorders for further consideration and study
(Kuss, Griffiths, & Binder, 2013). Similarly, terms such as Facebook Depression
have been commonly acknowledged as a medical concern among adolescents
(O’Keefe et al., 2011). Recent studies have found that young peoples’ constant
connectivity is associated with poor mental health among at-risk adolescents,
resulting in poorer self-regulation and increases in conduct problem symptoms
(George et al., 2017; McBride, 2017). Research with 15-year-olds also reports
that using the Internet for more than six hours a day has: a negative relationship
with life satisfaction; a greater risk of disengagement from school; and is associ-
ated with higher reports of being bullied (OECD, 2017). Furthermore, young
people themselves are also expressing concern. For example, in a UK study of
11–17-year-olds, 46 per cent of girls and 36 per cent of boys reported their
online behaviour as addictive (Clarke & Hitchenor, 2014). Specifically, online
video games and social media, together with smartphones, have become the
main focus of these concerns.
A strong link has been found between generalised Internet addiction and
social media addiction (Montag, Błaszkiewicz, Sariyska, Lachmann, Andone,
Trendafilov et al., 2015). Social media addiction involves being unable to control
one’s social media use and using it to such an extent that it interferes with other
life tasks (Ryan, Chester, Reece, & Xenos, 2014). Studies report the extensive
use of social media mobile applications as a significant predictor of addiction
(Salehan & Negahban, 2013). A UK study found that 5–16-year-olds were
checking their smartphones 20 times a day on average, while 31 per cent of
young people reported that they felt compelled to check their device every few
minutes (Childwise, 2017). In the USA, 24 per cent of 13–17-year-olds report
they go online ‘almost constantly’ (Lenhart, 2015).
While young people are online for much of the day, this online activity is
increasingly private, with young people using the Internet in their bedrooms or
on a smartphone – a phenomenon sometimes referred to as ‘bedroom culture’
(Bovill & Livingstone, 2001). In the UK almost 70 per cent of young people
report taking their device to bed (OfCom, 2016). The trend is similar elsewhere
in Europe, with two in three (64 per cent) young people aged 9–16 accessing the
Internet from their own bedroom on a daily basis (Mascheroni & Ólafsson,
2014). In Australia, almost one in five young people are accessing the Internet
on their mobile phone between 10pm and midnight (ACMA, 2016).
Spending time on social media has been associated with psychological dis-
tress, suicidal ideation and suicide attempts in some vulnerable adolescents
(Sampasa-Kanyinga & Hamilton, 2015). Young people with addiction often
suffer loss of control, feelings of anger, symptoms of distress, social withdrawal,
and familial conflicts (Cerniglia, Zoratto, Cimino, Laviola, Ammaniti, &
Adriani, 2017). A range of concerns among young people have been reported,
including low academic performance, poorer physical health and hostile behavi-
oural patterns (Bélanger, Akre, Berchtold, & Michaud, 2011; Kelley & Gruber,
2013). Cross-sectional studies report: co-morbidity affective disorders (including
depression); anxiety disorders (generalised anxiety disorder, social anxiety dis-
order); and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) (Weinstein & Lejo-
yeux, 2010).
Emerging research links multiple risk exposure profiles with adolescent Inter-
net addiction (Li, Li, Zhao, Zhou, Sun, & Wang, 2017). Excessive online chat-
ting is considered one important contributor to developing Internet addiction
(van Zalk, 2016). Social anxiety has also been associated with compulsive Inter-
net use. For example, in a sample of Italian high-school students, social anxiety
disorder was identified as both a risk factor and a frequent co-morbid disorder of
Internet use disorder (Taranto, Goracci, Bolognesi, Borghini, & Fagiolini, 2015).
Oberst and colleagues (2017) argue that intervening and mediating variables,
such as the fear of missing out (FoMO), could explain the relationship between
mental health problems and problematic social media or smartphone use. For
example, young people who spend a lot of time online may start to miss their
online interactions when they are not online, which may lead to even more
excessive online use and the development of symptoms such as anxiety. Using a
mobile phone to access social media and addictive behaviour seem to be
important correlates of FoMO (Fuster, Chamarro, & Oberst, 2017).
Specifically, FoMO refers to the apprehension that one is either not in the
know or is out of touch with some social events, experiences and interactions
(Przybylski, Murayama, DeHaan, & Gladwell, 2013). One in two Australian
adolescents are reported to experience FoMO, with those frequently connected
to social media (i.e. five or more times a day) being significantly more likely to
experience aspects of FoMO (APS, 2015). Emerging research suggests that
14–17-year-olds with relatively high FoMO, not only have a relatively high
number of parent-reported social media accounts, but also report the highest
number of anxiety and depressive symptoms (Barry, Sidoti, Briggs, Reiter, &
Lindsey, 2017). Others report that, for girls, feeling depressed seems to trigger
higher social media use, while, for boys, anxiety triggers higher social media
involvement (Oberst et al., 2017). Being connected with and being accepted by
one’s peers is of greatest importance in adolescence (Desjarlais & Willoughby,
2010). As such, FoMO may be one of the mechanisms implicated in young peo-
ple’s excessive social media use (Oberst et al., 2017; Przybylski et al., 2013).
12.3 Risk-coping behaviours and digital resilience

Most young people benefit from experiencing some degree of risk as it enables
them to develop the resilience to deal with risks online (Livingstone & Smith,
2014). Digital resilience has been defined as a process to harness resources to
sustain well-being in relation to the Internet and digital technologies. It is
described as an ongoing process rather than a fixed trait, one that promotes com-
petence and positive outcomes, and incorporates parents, community and support
networks (Przybylski, Mishkin, Shotbolt, & Linington, 2014). Byron (2008)
argued that building resilience is a core objective of supporting young people’s
ability to manage online risks, alongside efforts to reduce the availability and
accessibility of harmful material online.
As young people learn how to cope with online challenges, they develop
digital resilience and are able to transfer negative emotions into positive (or
neutral) feelings. Research suggests that most young people do not feel bothered
and respond in a positive (proactive) way to risky online experiences (Living-
stone et al., 2011). Specifically, studies have found that young people who used
risk-coping behaviours, such as talking to someone or taking proactive, problem-
solving approaches when confronted with a problem, tended to be less upset
about a negative online experience than young people who took a more fatalistic
or passive approach (d’Haenens et al., 2013). Importantly, a higher level of
digital literacy is related to the use of online coping strategies aimed at solving
the problem (Vandoninck, d’Haenens, & Roe, 2012).
Studies suggest that coping strategies used by young people depend on the
online risks they encounter (Soldatova & Rasskazova, 2016). However, few
studies have looked at different types of online risks and how young people deal
with them. Most of the published studies use data from the EU Kids Online II
project (2009–2011) – a cross-national European comparative study designed to
examine children’s and parents’ experiences and practices regarding use, risk
and safety online. For example, d’Haenens and colleagues (2013) found that
when confronted with online bullying or sexting, young people higher in self-
efficacy used more proactive coping strategies. In contrast, young people with
low self-efficacy and more psychological difficulties were more vulnerable
online and experienced stronger negative feelings. They tended to use passive
coping strategies, such as going offline for a while or simply hoping the problem
would go away. In another body of work, victims of cyberbullying reported
using similar coping strategies to respond to their online and offline tormentors.
Common behavioural strategies included seeking social support, ignoring/
blocking and finding a creative or expressive outlet (Davis, Randall, Ambrose, &
Orand, 2015). A recent study found young people with problematic Internet use
scored higher on rumination and lower on self-care (McNicol & Thorsteinsson,
2017). What is clear is that most young people use a combination of coping
strategies when responding to online risks, and most strategies used by young
people tend to exclude adult involvement (d’Haenens et al., 2013; Staksrud &
Livingstone, 2009).
We know that quality parent–child interactions and supportive parenting con-
tribute generally to the healthy development of young people. Research also
affirms that supportive and enabling parenting is the most crucial factor in
encouraging digital resilience in young people (Przybylski et al., 2014). In one
study, parental warmth was associated with lower cyberbullying, both as victims
and perpetrators (Elsaesser, Russell, Ohannessian, & Patton, 2017). Mediation
that is based on parent–child open discussion and bilateral dialogue has also
been found to be more effective than mediation based on restriction and control
(Elsaesser et al., 2017; Wright, 2017). Furthermore, parental restriction and use
of filters has been found to negatively correlate with resilience and positive out-
comes in young people (Przybylski et al., 2014).
High-quality parent–child relationships are exemplified by mutual communi-
cation, high levels of emotional support and satisfaction with the relationship.
They involve open parent–child discussion of issues related to social media use
and consumption, which provide young people with opportunities to develop
critical thinking skills (Fujioka & Austin, 2002). For example, researchers advo-
cate that as part of a broader conversation about sex and relationships, it is
imperative that parents talk to their children about sexting (Tran, 2012).
Research conducted into effective approaches to sexuality education, body image
and drug education also highlight critical thinking as a key skill for health
(Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger, 2011).
Parents cannot safeguard their adolescents from all negative online experi-
ences without also limiting their potential for positive experiences, which may
support their development. Instead, balancing preventative parental strategies
with reactive strategies may be the best option for protecting young people
online, while still allowing them to learn and benefit from their online experi-
ences (Wisniewski et al., 2017). Specifically, d’Haenens and colleagues (2013)
put forward several recommendations for building digital resilience in young
people. These include:
• Encouraging open communication, both at home and at school;

• Showing young people how to use online proactive coping strategies
(e.g. delete messages, block contacts, report providers) from an early age,
taking into account developmental factors such as interest in sexuality;
• Helping young people tackle their psychological problems and build self-
confidence;
• Building parents confidence by promoting Internet access and use;
• Promoting a positive attitude towards online safety and proactive coping
strategies among peer groups;
• Encouraging teachers to provide active support to young people to
promote Internet use and safety;
• Encouraging a parental monitoring or mediating approach for developing
online resilience.

This chapter has given insight into some of the ways in which young people are
engaging online, the devices they use and the services and activities that draw
them online. It highlights the opportunities that the Internet offers for learning;
easy access to important information; attempting new social skills; broadening
relationships and supports; and a context for healthy identity exploration (Best et
al., 2014; Lenhart et al., 2010). Importantly, evidence demonstrates that digitally
literate adolescents – those with the ability to access, understand and create
content using digital media – benefit the most (Przybylski et al., 2014).
While the majority of studies to date report either mixed (positive and neg-
ative) or no effect(s) of social media on adolescent well-being (see review in
Best et al., 2014), the changing pace of technology means that the way young
people interact with social media is continuing to evolve, which in turn creates
new risks (e.g. livestreaming). However, predictors of risk are not predictors of
harm. Instead, psychological difficulties tend to be predictors of both risk and
harm. That is, some young people seem to be more vulnerable. Specifically,
online and offline vulnerability are related to each other, in that having psycho-
logical problems offline are related to having more difficulties online (Lazuras et
al., 2017). Furthermore, patterns of online use can be linked to patterns of online
risks and harm, especially if cyberbullying, sexting, Internet addiction or other
risk-taking behaviours are present (Hasebrink, Görzig, Haddon, Kalmus, & Liv-
ingstone, 2011).
Digital technology is now embedded in all spheres of life, and there is little to
be gained from delineations of good or bad. Instead, learning to cope with
changes, events and situations in their lives is now essential for young people
growing up in a digital environment. Studies demonstrate the importance of
resilience online and the link to positive and active online engagement among
young people (Przybylski et al., 2014). Harnessing, expanding and promoting
coping skills online may hold the key for overcoming the issues of concern.
Further research into the effectiveness of coping strategies is important, as the
use of particular forms of coping are strongly related to the emotional well-being
of an individual (Lazarus, 2006).
In sum, good parenting, the development of digital literacy skills, and allow-
ing young people to take risks and develop coping strategies in the online world,
are the foundations for building digital resilience in young people. Central to this
concept of resilience is the ability to respond positively and cope with risks
encountered online. More focus must be given to building young people’s digital
resilience, rather than focusing only on protecting them from risky content. This
approach will encourage young people to reach their full psychological potential
and get the best outcomes from the online world.
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13 Final thoughts
So where does all this leave us? Coping can be conceptualised. It is a robust con-
struct that can accommodate emerging theories and understanding of young peo-
ple’s lives. It is both a useful theoretical model that provides research insights
and a helpful heuristic device for use in clinical interventions, whether individual
or group. There are direct programs of instruction and self-paced programs that
can readily be adapted to contemporary interactive technologies.
Stress is part of everyday life and coping is how we deal with stress. Just as
there are stresses that are particular to different contexts and stages of develop-
ment, so is coping contextually, culturally and developmentally determined. The
basic appraisal theory of coping has been complemented by resource theory,
which emphasises that coping is not only about how an individual appraises the
situation, but it is also about what resources are available to the individual in
their particular context. Additionally, there are proactive and anticipatory coping
strategies that enable an individual to be planful and organised in the way they
cope with predictable situations.
While there is no right or wrong coping, since the situation determines the
best strategies that are available to the individual at the time, nevertheless there
are helpful and unhelpful ways to deal with the stresses of everyday life. If we
do not like how we are coping we can learn to cope differently. This can be done
through self-reflection or evaluation of one’s own coping efforts, through feed-
back and guidance from others or through a program of instruction. In some cir-
cumstances trial and error also works.
Coping can be meaningfully integrated into contemporary theories and philo-
sophical orientations. It is a good fit with the positive psychology movement,
which focuses on capacity rather pathology. Emotional intelligence is an
important aspect of helpful coping. Understanding one’s own emotions and that
of others is a central feature of healthy relationships. Mindset and a belief in
one’s capacity to grow and change is part of the coping process, as is grit and
perseverance.
In a recent cover story run by the APA Monitor on maximising children’s
resilience, the key messages were about identifying young people at risk, early
intervention for children and adolescents and significantly supporting the parents
and families, that is, supporting the social structure in which most young people
Final thoughts 193
spend their childhood and adolescence (Weir, 2017). There are some sobering
statistics on young people’s vulnerabilities to stress and depression, as we have
cited throughout this volume, but there are also hopeful signs on the horizon.
The story focuses heavily on the fact that family and relationships matter.
Citing a study by Taylor and Conger (2017) that supported single mothers with
CBT plus enhanced social support as likely ways to improve single mothers’
coping skills and support systems. In that study the interventions for low-income
fathers was somewhat more disappointing, highlighting that interventions need
to be tailored, with individual and communal responsibilities being addressed.
Social emotional learning (SEL) is another approach that is likely to pay long-
term dividends. It has been convincingly demonstrated by a meta-analysis of more
than 200 studies, that children who participated in evidence-based SEL programs
achieved gains of more than 11 percentile points compared to those who did not
(Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor, & Schellinger 2011). While there is
general support for programs that target resilience, self- and social-awareness and
decision making the authors acknowledge that some traumatised young people
whose brain development may have been derailed by hardship would need more
tailored approaches. There is hope in that we have become aware of the import-
ance of social emotional skills, both in the context of education and of community
life in general. Coping skills are a critical component of SEL.
As was highlighted in Chapter 7, Fisher (2016) points to how neuroscience
may be helpful in targeting what mechanisms are missing or not performing in
optimal ways. That knowledge should facilitate the development of personalised
targeted interventions. For example, children from high adversity backgrounds
often have trouble learning from their mistakes. Using family-based interven-
tions, Fisher showed that the patterns of brain activity could change – neuro-
science working alongside conventional family intervention techniques.
Longitudinal studies have much to offer in our understanding of time in
context when it comes to adolescent development. The Australia Temperament
Project, the first major project of its kind in Australia, followed 15 waves of
2,443 families from the 1980s over a 30-year period and demonstrated that tem-
perament matters (Vassallo & Sanson, 2013). Prior (1999) noted that children
who had agreeable personalities as infants continued to be effective copers in
adolescence. Temperament is relatively stable and includes sociability, reactivity
and persistence. Children with a more difficult temperament often have adjust-
ment problems in childhood and beyond, particularly if there are risks in various
aspects of a child’s life. The good news is that temperament, like coping, can be
modified by experiences such as style of parenting, with a warm understanding
parental style being an asset.
The report, Pathways from Infancy to Adolescence (Prior, Sanson, Smart, &
Oberklaid, 2000), summarised the first 18 years and demonstrated that genetics
matter, temperament in infancy is an important predictor of coping and adjust-
ment in later years. Engaging infants were likely to be more agreeable in later
years. But overall many experiences of childhood and adolescence, such as
strong relationships, help young people achieve successful outcomes when they
194 Final thoughts
become adults. Relationships, interpersonal at all levels, and those exemplified
by school connectedness and belonging, matter. The report also emphasised the
importance of not only early identification of those children who have difficulties
in their learning but also the need to provide assistance with the development of
social emotional skills. Adolescents with higher levels of anxiety and depression
are more likely to have been shy and irritable as babies and toddlers and to have
had more difficult relationships with parents and friends. Anxiety problems need
to be addressed early as they are not likely to pass with the mere passage of time.
From that project clear insights emerged about the impact of temperament and
personality on coping.
Rates of high antisocial behaviour increased from early adolescence, peaked
in mid/late adolescence, and then reduced in early adulthood. The relevant
factors included personality characteristics such as: volatile temperament; acting
out behaviours; family issues, such as lack of warmth; friendships with antiso-
cial peers; and lower valuing of the school experience. The Pathways study iden-
tified several important transition periods, namely, the start of primary school,
the start of secondary school and the period immediately after secondary school.
When it comes to coping. it is recommended providing the skills to young
people in the early adolescent years, so as to equip them with a broad range of
helpful coping resources before the middle years of high school. Similarly, it is
advisable to provide booster input at the latter stage of schooling in preparation
for the more challenging and serious final examination period, and also for the
successful transition to adulthood.
A promising result to date from the American context is the ongoing review
of the Kauai study of 1955 by Emmy Werner and Ruth Smith, which followed
children through to adolescence and adulthood. It is the longest standing US
longitudinal study conducted on the Hawaiian island of Kauai, in which 698
children born in 1955 were followed until they were aged 60 in the 21st Century
(Werner, 2005a). Despite nearly one-third of the population having lived in
impoverished conditions, about one-third thrived notwithstanding their many
setbacks. Resilient participants had a well-developed sense of efficacy and sup-
portive relationships. Most significantly, two-thirds of at-risk children had turned
their lives around by the age of 40 (Werner, 2005b). What turned lives around
were things such as continuing educational opportunities, the right partners, reli-
gious community and recovery from illness.
As with the research and insights in the Australian longitudinal study (The
Australian Temperament Project – Prior, Sanson, Smart, & Oberklaid, 2000),
the findings are supported by Werner and Smith’s research. Such longitudinal
studies were able to focus not on the pathology but on what determines resili-
ence. Protective factors in the formative years, as in the Australian study, were
a cheerful agreeable temperament, a sociable personality, advanced language
and motor development, better reading and problem-solving abilities. The pro-
tective factors in the family included having at least one competent, emotion-
ally stable person. Although they have grandparents and siblings, resilient
children are particularly good at ‘recruiting’ surrogate parents and siblings.
Final thoughts 195
Resilient boys tend to come from homes where there is structure and rules.
Resilient girls seem to emphasise independence and receive reliable support
from caregivers. The community also provided protective factors such as caring
neighbours, mentors or youth leaders and so on.
Lauri McCubbin has taken up the study, and followed up the cohort at age 60
(Weir, 2017). She found that many who had maintained a happy stable life had
drawn support from their cultural heritage. They could draw meaning from
adversity. McCubbin goes on to say that, ‘There isn’t a formula that blesses or
dooms a child. Resilience is a process and we can help clients change at any
point in the lifespan’ (p. 46). The most significant turning point in adulthood was
continuing education and the associated opening of opportunities. The youth
who made a successful adaptation in adulthood despite adversity relied on
sources of support from within the family and the community. Coping skills
provide protective buffers.
We get a glimpse from Chapter 12 in which the good and the bad of the Inter-
net and social media activity is documented comprehensively by Jodie Lodge.
We know that Internet use can become an addiction. It is also a tool for cyber-
bullying, an experience noted by almost half of the adolescent population. The
changing landscape makes links to depression and rumination and highlights
new ways of thinking about how to skill young people to avoid unhealthy use of
the Internet. There is no room for complacency.
The prevention approaches suggested include all that we know about good
parent–child relationships and the skills of critical thinking that are part of the
problem-solving approach. As Lodge points out, promoting coping skills online
would be an appropriate and helpful approach that needs to be developed for
resilience in general but more particularly for digital resilience.
All in all, we are in an ongoing process of social change, with developments
in neuroscience and genetics in particular and technology in general and all the
related impacts on human development. Despite the uncertainty of projecting
into the future we know that people matter, relationships and belonging matter
and adolescents, as with adults, can be facilitated to adapt and change in requisite
ways to cope so as to achieve resilience and flourish in their respective and inter-
connected worlds.
The good news, consistent with the positive psychology perspective, is that
there is always possibility for change. While longitudinal studies such as the
Kauai study and the Australian Temperament Project are able to provide
insights, the reality is that each cohort of adolescents grows up at different times
and in different settings. Much has been written about the Millennials, who were
a cohort between 1980–2000. The issues that they had to deal with are somewhat
different from those that the cohort born at the turn of the century have had to
deal with. The Internet, social media and the possibility of less – and less secure
– work with robots in their lives, and possible extensive leisure time at their dis-
posal, makes one cautious about prediction but, nevertheless, longitudinal studies
give us reason to feel that with the right input and support adolescents will con-
tinue to thrive and flourish.
196 Final thoughts
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Index
Page numbers in bold denote tables, those in italics denote figures.
academic achievement, as predictor of aggressive coping style 102–3

adult well-being 74–5 agoraphobia 98
academic buoyancy, vs academic resilience alcohol 59, 97, 101, 139–41, 176
78–9 Altman, J. 32
acceptance 92, 130, 162 amygdala 89–90
adaptation, cultural context 93 anger coping 102, 111–12
adaptive coping strategies, examples of 6 anger management training 112
ADHD see attention deficit hyperactivity anorexia nervosa 122–5; DSM-5 criteria
disorder 122–3; mortality rates 123; prevalence
adolescence: changes in the view of as a 115; relationship with depression 122;
cohort 1; as characteristically stressful as self-harming practice 116; subtypes
time of life 142; characteristics 123
associated with effective coping 18; the anticipatory coping 22–3, 192
concept 1; Siegel’s view 92–3; WHO anxiety 97–100; anxiety sensitivity 98–9;
definition 89 association with academic performance
adolescent appraisal process 19 153; co-morbidity conditions 122 (see
Adolescent Coping: Advances in Theory also boredom; chronic illness; eating
Research and Practice (Frydenberg) 2 disorders; loneliness); gender differences
Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS): aims and 98, 104; panic attacks and 99; parenting
basis 34; clinical benefits 147; conceptual style and 99–100; relationship with
groupings 45; cultural perspectives 45; depression 97–8; relationship with drug/
development of the CSA and 34–6; alcohol-related problems 97; self-esteem
maintaining well-being in an educational and 97–8; typical symptoms 98; WHO
context 150–1; as a self-help instrument definition 97
149–51; short form 36–41 appraisal: adolescent appraisal process 19;
Adolescent Coping Scale-2 (ACS-2) 159; association with coping 18–19;
clinical applications 150; clinical importance of the process 91
benefits 150; clinical case example Arcelus, J. 123
157–60; coping strategies 37–40 Aristotle 6
adrenarche 135 Asarnow, J.R. 115
adult coping: relationship with adolescent Asperger syndrome 53–4
coping 31, 35; variables impacting on Aspinwall, L.G. 22–3
35 attachment: association between grit and 9;
adversity, the price of 93 childhood attachment as buffer against
age: and brain development 90; and use of stress 138; importance for
non-productive coping strategies 45 connectedness 59; relationship with self-
aggression 48–9 image 21
198 Index
attention deficit hyperactivity disorder brain: changes during transition to
(ADHD) 68, 98, 153, 178 adolescence 134; development 87–90;
attribution theory 107 emotion regulation role 90; rewiring the
autism spectrum disorders 68; assessing brain 90; role of learning 89; the social
coping skills of young persons with 53–4 brain 90–1; see also neuroscience
autonomy 62, 125, 127, 148 The Brain that Changes Itself (Doidge) 89
avoidant coping: comparison with Bronfenbrenner, U. 2, 85, 86
proactive coping 23; cultural and gender Bugalski, K. 151
comparisons 66; examples of 64; bulimia nervosa 122–6; DSM-5 criteria
methods 103; and parental relationships 123; mortality rates 124; prevalence
64; relationship with coping ability 115; as self-harming practice 116
34–5; relationship with cyberbullying bullying: coping strategies used in
174; relationship with mental health 18, response to 103–4; cyberbullying and
102–4, 108, 130; relationship with self- real-world coping strategies 48; gender
harming 116; technology and 101 differences 48; impact of technology on
prevalence of 47–8; relationship
Baron, N.S. 171 between anxiety and 103; see also
Bates, J.E. 137 cyberbullying
belonging: relationship with mental health Byron, T. 179
78; social media and sense of 171–2; see
also school belonging Calear, A.L. 109
benefit-finding 24, 67 Cameron, F.J. 156
Berger, R. 68 Cameron, G. 156
Best of Coping (BOC) (Frydenberg & cancer, coping strategies 130
Brandon): assessment 151; focus 110; Care, E. 69
influence on coping strategies 154; and career planning, role of coping style 150
learning to cope with diabetes 156–7; Caye, A. 98
methods of administration 154; the cerebral palsy 68
program 110; underlying principle 151 Chambers, C.T. 33
Billings, A.G. 15 Chan, E. 69
binge drinking 141 Chaplin, T.M. 109–10
bipolar disorder 100–1 Child and Adolescent Survey of Mental
Blount, R.L. 33 Health and Well-being 153
Boekaerts, M. 23 Children’s Attribution Styles
borderline personality disorder 115 Questionnaire 153
boredom 76, 127; relationship with Christensen, H. 109
depression 127 chronic illness 137; challenges faced by
Borowsky, I. 59 adolescents diagnosed with 52; coping
boys: anxiety 98, 104, 178; attitudes with 129; prevalence rates 129; and
around sexting 175–6; concerns around spiritual coping 129–30; see also
addictive online behaviour 177; coping diabetes
strategies 48, 66, 142; depression chronic pain, coping strategies 130
112–13; externalising behaviours used cigarettes/smoking 137, 140
by 112; influence of BOC on coping Cogan, N. 66
strategies 154; likely cyberbullying cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) 115,
behaviours 174; online gaming and 126, 160
connectedness 170; post-divorce cognitive restructuring 111, 129
adjustment 136; productive vs non- cognitive techniques, examples of 115
productive coping strategies 149, 151; Cohen, L.L. 33
self-harm 116; triggers for higher social Cole, S.W. 92
media use 178; use of physical communal coping 21–2, 87
recreation as a coping strategy 45 communication: family 68; role of in
Boys Play Sport and Girls Turn to Each connectedness 59; role of social media
Other (Frydenberg & Lewis) 45 170; sexting as part of 175–6
Index 199
Compas, B. 129–30 cultural perspectives: adaptation 93;
competence, the meaning of 16 Adolescent Coping Scale (ACS) 45;
confirmatory factor analysis 33 avoidant coping 66; coping strategies
Conger, R.D. 193 45–6; family 59–61, 65–6; gender
Conley, C.S. 113 differences 66; impact of proximity to
connectedness: determining the means of ethnic culture on delinquent behaviour
achievement 59; relationship with well- 137; leisure time 61; physical recreation
being and resilience 73; role of social 45–6; professional help 64; resilience
media 170, 171; see also school 93; sexual development 59–60; social
connectedness; social connectedness support 66; spiritual support 64; stress
conscientiousness 8, 93 65–6; suicide/suicidal ideation 105
conservation of resources (COR) theory Cunningham, E. 102
20–2, 46 cyberbullying: anonymity 173; common
Conservation of Resources Evaluation behaviours 173–4; coping strategies
(CORE) 46 174–5; gender differences 173–4; main
Cooper, C. 32 networks 174; prevalence 48, 173;
coping: cognitive behavioural approaches sexting and 176; by victims of
20; communal coping 21–2, 87; core traditional bullying 173
families of 33; defining 17–19; early cystic fibrosis 130
approaches 14–16; functions 24;
learning to cope 147–64 (see also daily hassles 15, 26
learning to cope); measurement of dangerous dieting 141
31–41 (see also measurement of dangerous driving, adolescent anxiety and
coping); proactive coping 20–2, 22–5, 97
48 (see also proactive coping); delinquent behaviours 141
relationship with well-being 47, 75; depression 100–16; attribution theory 107;
research history 14–16; resilience as a breaking the cycle of non-productive
proxy for 7; resource theories 20–1; the coping and 106–9; co-morbidity
role of appraisal 18–19; theoretical conditions 122 (see also boredom;
issues 25–6; theoretical understandings chronic illness; eating disorders;
16–17; transactional model 17, 23 loneliness); cyberbullying as risk factor
Coping for Success (Frydenberg) 151, 174; gender differences 112–14;
154–5 negative relationship between proactive
coping instruments, development of 33 coping and 24; prevalence 100;
Coping Scale for Adults-2 (CSA-2) 31–2, prevention program 153; prevention
34, 36; coping strategies 37 through instruction 109–11; problem-
coping scales, Aldwin’s review 31 solving and alleviation of 75;
coping skills: influencing factors 148; relationship with academic performance
likely outcome of enhancing 47; 153; relationship with anxiety 97–8;
personal resources 24; relationship with relationship with boredom 127;
resource availability 46; teaching see relationship with coping 101–4, 111–14;
teaching coping skills relationship with stress 111–14;
coping strategies: of ACS-2 and CSA-2, rumination as a risk factor for 114–15;
37–40; adaptive vs maladaptive 6; basic self-harm and 115–16; substance abuse
types 32; categorisations 33; cultural and 140; and suicide 105–6; symptoms
comparisons 45–6; effective 18; Garcia’s 100; types of depressive disorders 100
review 33; gender differences 142, 149 DeRidder, D. 32
coping styles: common 34–5; developing Devine, K.A. 33
adolescent understanding of 149; d’Haenens, L. 179–80
matching career aspirations and 150 diabetes 68, 151; assessing coping skills of
cortisol levels 142 young persons with 52–3; learning to
co-rumination 114–15 cope with 156–7; role of parents 129;
creativity, and novelty seeking 93 stressors 129; and the use of spiritual
Csikszentmihalyi, M. 3–4, 143 support 130
200 Index
digital resilience, definition 178 ethnic culture, impact of proximity to on
disability, depression as cause of 100 delinquent behaviour 137
discipline, inconsistent 69 eudaimonic well-being 91
‘disease model’ of psychology 143 eustress, vs distress 14–15
distress, eustress vs 14–15
distress tolerance, mindfulness and 160 Facebook Depression 177
Dodge, K.A. 137 family: autonomy support 62; and children
Doidge, N. 89, 92 with special needs 67–9; comparisons of
dopamine 88, 134 parent and child coping styles 63–5;
Dornbusch, S.M. 137 cultural context 59–61, 65–6;
Down syndrome 68 development role 58–61; examples of
Duckworth, A. 9 familial stressors 33; family activities
Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and and well-being 61; fears around
Development Study (New Zealand) 74 ‘traditional family life’ 58; gender
Dunn, M.J. 129 differences in coping behaviour 63–4;
Dweck, C. 79–81 the ideal family 61–2; and parental
dysfunction: characteristics 103; indicators mental health 66–7; patterns of coping
26 62–9; resilience-shaping role 20–1; see
dysthymic disorder 100 also parents
fathers, influence on psychological well-
eating disorders 17, 122–6; binge eating being of adolescent children 64
disorder 124; causes and risk factors Fazel, M. 50, 52
125–6; common types 122; fear of missing out (FoMO) 178
co-morbidities 125; contagion effect 17; fight-or-flight, gendered perspective 15
dangerous dieting 141; prevention Firth, N. 151
programs 126; risk factors 114, 126; Fisher, P.A. 193
treatment options 126; see also anorexia 500 Family Study 61
nervosa; bulimia nervosa Folkman, S. 9, 15, 17, 19, 25, 32–3
Ebata, A. 25 Fraillon, J. 5, 74
ecological approach: basis of resilience Fredrickson, B.L. 91
according to 87; Bronfenbrenner’s Freeman, E. 69
proposal 85–7; development systems 86; Freud, S. 14
relationship with neuroscience and friends/friendship: as coping strategy 16,
epigenetics 85–6, 87 25, 47, 149, 169; co-rumination and
Edgar, D. 59 115; friendship-related loneliness 128;
Edge, K. 32 role of self-disclosure 114; and social
education, proactive coping in 23–5 media 170
effective functioning 5, 74 Frydenberg, E. 32, 34, 46, 48, 64, 76, 151,
efficacy: having friends as an aspect of 25; 156
importance of belief in one’s 47;
relationship with resilience 16, 194 Galaif, E.R. 101
egocentric thinking 141 gang violence 141
Elliott, E.S. 80 Garcia, C. 33
Elvevåg, B. 89 Garmezy, N. 139
emotion regulation 89–90, 108, 138 Gavidia-Payne, S. 68
emotional adolescent, challenge of the Gencoz, T. 75
myth 90 gender differences: anxiety 98–9, 104;
emotional automatic interference 160 bullying 48; children’s post-divorce
emotional intelligence, the concept 9–10 adjustment 136; consistency in reporting
entity theory of intelligence 80–1 45; coping strategies 142, 149;
epigenetics 92; definition 85, 91; co-ruminating 115; cultural context 66;
neuroscience and 91 cyberbullying behaviours 173–4;
epilepsy 68 depression 112–14; eating disorders
Erickson, K.G. 137 123; fears and phobias 99; fight-or-flight
Index 201
15; interpersonal competence 113; panic Hubbard, J.J. 139
attacks 99; parent-child comparisons of human behaviour, determining factors 87
coping behaviour 63–4; relationship human strengths, examples of 143
between coping and well-being 47; human stress response, gendered
relaxation 45, 48; reporting 45; self- perspective 15
harming 116; sexting 176; social
evaluation 114; suicidal thoughts and Identity Matters (Arnold) 171
behaviours 105; triggers for higher ignoring problems 40–1, 53
social media use 178; wishful thinking incremental theory of intelligence 80–1
142 instant messaging 48, 168–70
generalised anxiety disorder 97–8, 178 intellectual disability/developmental delay
Gest, S.D. 139 68
Giallo, R. 68 intelligence, entity and incremental
Giedd, J. 89 theories 80–1
Gillham, J.E. 110 Internet: time spent by young people on
girls: anxiety 98, 104; attitudes around 61; see also cyberbullying; mobile
sexting 176; coping strategies 48, 66, phones; social media; technology
142, 174–5; coping with bullying 48; internet addiction 176–8
depression 112–13; influence of BOC internet gaming disorder 177
on coping strategies 154; likely interpersonal competence, gender
cyberbullying behaviours 173; post- differences 113
divorce adjustment 136; risk of Ireland, M. 59
cyberbullying 173; self harm 116;
triggers for higher social media use 178; Jaaniste, T. 33
use of non-productive coping strategies Jackson, A. 156
45 Jaser, S.S. 129
giving up 36 Johnson, D.W. 22
goals: association with grit 9; mastery- vs Johnson, F.P. 22
performance-oriented 80–1; proactive
coping and 23, 25, 48 Kabat-Zinn, J. 161
Goleman, D. 10 Kamsner, S. 151
gonadarche 135 Kauai study 194
Greenglass, E. 22–4 Keane, L. 97
grief, productive coping strategies 108 keeping to self 53
grit 8–9 Kellerman, Adam 96
Guyer, A.E. 90 Khalid, R. 19
Kik 170
Halpern-Felsher, B.L. 141 Klessinger, N. 102
Hamid, P. 66 Knoll, N. 22
happiness: Aristotle on 6; the concept 4–5; Kobasa, S.C. 15
Seligmann’s recommendation 4
Hayutin, L.G. 33 Lade, L. 64
health education, role of social media 172 Laird, J. 137
hedonic well-being 91 Lansford, J.E. 137
helplessness 81 Latack, J.C. 32
Herman, C. 125 Lazarus, R. 9, 17–20, 25, 32–3, 40, 91
Hetherington, E. 136 learning, as an aspect of coping under
Hobfoll, S.E. 20–2, 25, 32, 46, 87 stress 89–90
Hong, P.Y.P. 8 learning to cope 147–64; Coping for
Houghton, S. 128 Success program 154–5; coping
How Children Succeed: Grit, Curiosity programmes 151–7; coping resources
and the Hidden Power of Character 147–8; with diabetes 156–7; identifying
(Tough) 8 and using productive strategies 149–50;
Howell, K.H. 138 low resourced adolescence 155–6;
202 Index
learning to cope continued potential implications of social media
maintaining well-being in an 167–8; relationship between self-esteem
educational context 150–1; mindfulness and 98; relationship with levels of
and compassion training 160–3; revised belonging 78
coping modules 152; understanding Millstein, S.G. 141
links to mental health issues 150; using mindfulness: cultivating mindfulness
the adolescent coping scale 149–51, attitudes 161–3; elements of 161; and
157–60 (see also under Adolescent relaxation 160
Coping Scale) mindset, and well-being 79–81
Lee, K.J. 156 mindsight, Siegel’s term 92–3
Lee, P.D. 74 Miranda, J. 115
leisure time, cultural differences 61 Mitchell, A.J. 123
leukaemia 130 mobile phones 1, 48, 167, 177–8
Leung, C. 66 Moore, S. 60
Lewis, R. 32, 34, 46, 64 Moos, R. 15
Life Events Checklist (LEC) 51 Moos, T. 25
Lindfors, P. 127 motivation 48, 73, 78–9
Linking Latitudes program 169 Muldoon, O.T. 19
livestreaming, implications for young
people’s well-being 172 Naseem, Z. 19
Loades, M. 97 National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent
Locke, E.M. 64 Health (USA) 59
Locke, T.F. 101 National Survey of Mental Health and
Lodge, J. 195 Well-being (Australia) 5, 74
loneliness: clinical significance 127; Neale, J. 19
defining 127; dimensions of 128; as risk Nechvatal, J.M. 89
factor for adolescent well-being 91–2; negative thinking 19, 107, 111, 114
as risk factor for problem behaviours Nelson, E.E. 90
128; see also social isolation neuroscience (neurobiology): and the
Lyons, D.M. 89 adolescent brain 87–90; definition 85;
and epigenetics 91; role of learning in
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) 87–91 changing the brain 89; and the social
maladaptive coping 6, 32, 53, 78–9, 108–9 brain 90–1
Manzi, P.A. 19 Newby, J.M. 109
marijuana 137, 140 Newcomb, M.D. 101
Marsh, H.W. 78 Niekkerud, H. 62
Marti, C.N. 126 Nielsen, S. 123
Martin, A.J. 78–9 Nock, M.K. 115
Masten, A.S. 7–8, 139 non-productive coping: age and use of 45;
mastery 67, 81 breaking the cycle of depression and
maturation 89, 135 106–9; most prevalent strategies 53;
Mayer, J.D. 9 negative associations 18, 47, 69, 76; as
Mayes, G. 66 predictor of depression 102–3; reactive
McClelland, S. 60 aggressive personalities and 49;
McCubbin, L. 195 reducing use of 149–50, 154–6;
measurement of coping: the ACS and the relationship with depression 101–2;
CSA 34–6; anomalies 25; relationship with parental mental illness
generalisability of findings 32; 66; strategies identified as 149;
instruments 32; measuring effectiveness strategies used by reactive aggressive
of a strategy 41; short form of the ACS children 49
36–41; see also under Adolescent Northam, E.A. 156
Coping Scale not coping 36, 154; examples of 49;
mental health: non-productive strategies parent-child comparisons of coping style
and 149; Polanczyk et al.’s study 98; 63, 65
Index 203
novelty seeking, creativity and 93 group level requirements 3; happiness
4–5; individual level requirements 3;
Oberklaid, F. 136 interrelationship between coping and
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) 97, key constructs 10; pillars 3; related
115, 125, 157, 160; symptoms 160 concepts 2; resilience 6–8; Seligman’s
O’Driscoll, M. 32 role in the movement 2–3; socio-
Offer, S. 61 ecological model 2–3
Ogul, M. 75 positive thinking 19, 107; effectiveness
optimism 9 149; relationship with self-efficacy 75
post-traumatic growth model 67–8
panic attacks 99 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
panic disorder 97–8, 115 89–90, 97, 138; association with suicide/
Panizza, M. 154 suicidal ideation 106; cyberbullying as
parents: avoidant coping and parental risk factor 174
relationships 64; comparisons of parent poverty 135, 137, 147
and child coping 63–5; lifelong impact prefrontal cortex (PFC) 88–9, 92, 134
of parenting 62; mental health 66–7; preventive coping 22–4
role of in coping with diabetes 129; role Prior, M. 136, 139, 193
of parenting style 99–100; separation proactive coping 20–2, 22–5, 48; adult
and divorce 135–6; see also family orientation 25; comparison with
Parsons, A. 75 avoidant coping 23; in education 23–5;
Pathways from Infancy to Adolescence negative relationship between
(Prior, Sanson, Smart, & Oberklaid) depression and 24; related concepts 24
193–4 problem behaviours, loneliness as risk
Pearlin, L.I. 15 factor for 128
peer influences 137, 173 problem-solving: effectiveness 149; family
Penn Resiliency Program 110 approach 68; Penn Resiliency Program
Perceived Control of Internal States 109–10; positive associations 18;
Questionnaire 153 Problem Solving for Life program
Perry, Y. 109 110–11; relationship with self-efficacy
personal proficiency network (PPN) 79 46–7, 75; relationship with well-being
Pettit, G.S. 137 75; role in facilitating growth in families
phobias 89, 97–9 68; role of emotional intelligence 9;
physical recreation: cultural differences Turkish study findings 75; use of as a
45–6; gender differences 45, 142; coping strategy 45
prevalence as a coping strategy 53; as productive coping: associations of coping
productive coping strategy 149 styles 18; availability of resources and
physical stressors, examples of 33 69; examples of 107–8; identifying and
Pitzer, J. 79 using productive strategies 149–50;
Polanczyk, G.V. 98 impact of non-productive strategies on
political identity, role of social media 172 effectiveness 149–50; most prevalent
Polivy, J. 125 strategies 53; and reduction of
Pollard, E.L. 74 depressive symptoms 104, 108;
Poole, C. 64, 151 relationship with well-being 44, 69, 76;
Poot, A.C. 103 and school connectedness 76; and stress-
Positive Active Coping 36 related growth 68
positive affect: the concept 4–5; as a professional help: cultural differences 64;
coping strategy 67; relationship to well- gender differences 48; parent-child
being 74 comparisons of coping style 63–4
positive psychology: association with well- protective factors 138–9; against parental
being 5–6; the concept 3–5; mental illness 66; against suicide risk
Csikszentmihalyi’s role in the 59; for developmental milestones 60;
movement 4; and the disease model 143; examples of 59, 135, 138, 194–5
emotional intelligence 9–10; grit 8–9; psychoanalytic movement 15
204 Index
psychological stressors, examples of 33 risk factors: defined 135; delinquent
psychology, developments in the field of 2 behaviours 140; for eating pathology
puberty 1, 26, 60; as pivotal marker for 114, 126; examples of 135; mitigating
depression 112; relationship with 138; parental separation and divorce
depression 101; as signal for onset of 135–6; peer influences 137; poverty
adolescents 135 137; for problem behaviours 128; role of
temperament 137; substance use 140;
Ramirez, M. 139 war 137–8
reactive coping 22 risk-taking 139–41
refugees: Australian research 51; benefits Rodriguez, E.M. 129
of coping skills development 156–7; Rohde, L.A. 98
coping strategies 49–52, 138; mental Romeo, R.D. 142
health risks 50 Rose, A.J. 114
Reich, J.W. 7 Rudolph, K.D. 113
relaxation: diabetes and 53; effectiveness rumination 75, 104, 114–15, 179, 195
149; gender differences 45, 48; running away 141
mindfulness and 160; optimism and 35; Rutter, M. 6
parent-child comparisons of coping style
63; prevalence as a coping strategy 53 Salovey, P. 9
religion/spirituality: chronic illness and Salum, G.A. 98
129–30; cultural context 64; negative Sanson, A. 136
aspects 130; parent-child comparisons school belonging: the concept 76–8;
of coping style 63–4; refugee influencing themes 77–8; positive
adolescents’ use of as coping strategy correlates 77
51; relationship with internalising school connectedness: association with
behaviours 51; use of as a coping reduction in suicidal ideation 73;
strategy 46 benefits for young refugees 50;
resilience 73–82; and academic coping contributing factors 77; definition 76;
78–9; basis of under the ecological positive relationship with well-being
approach 87; the concept 6–8; vs coping and 75; relationship with coping styles
8; cultural context 93; developing digital and well-being 47; role of productive
resilience 178–80; historical perspective coping strategies 76; well-being and 76
6; Masten’s thesis 7–8; as a proxy for Schooler, C. 15
coping 7; relationship between grit and Schwarzer, C. 32
9; relationship with levels of adversity Schwarzer, R. 22–3, 32
139; role of family in shaping 20–1; role Scratch, S.E. 156
of positive affect in family stress context search for meaning 18, 24, 93
67; role of psychological resiliency Seiffge-Krenke, I. 102
factors 91; understanding of coping self-blame: gender differences 45, 48, 154;
styles and 149; Zautra and Reich’s perception of as helpful strategy 149;
definition 7 relationship with depression 104, 107
Resnick, M.D. 59 self-disclosure 66–7, 114, 171
resources: basic types 20; building 150; self-efficacy 22; influence of stress on 148;
coping resources 147–8; examples 5, predictors for 75; as protective factor
16–17, 24; family provision 60; loss and 179; role in healthy development 61;
gain ‘spirals’ 21; relationship with understanding of coping styles and
coping style 46, 155–6; resource gain 149
20–1; resource theories of coping 20–1; self-esteem: anxiety and 97–8; relationship
Revised Resources Questionnaire 69; with social isolation 128; role of
types of 20 parenting style 99–100
Riddell, S. 66 self-harming 96, 115–16, 141
Rimpelä, A. 127 self-reporting, questions around the
risk, perception of by young adolescents accuracy of 32
141 Seligman, M. 2–3, 143
Index 205
Selye, H. 14 role of emotional intelligence 10;
sense-making 24 self-esteem and belonging 171–2; social
sensory impairment 68 media addiction 177
Serlachius, A. 156 social stressors, examples of 33
sexting 175–6 social support: building resilience of young
sexual development, cultural context refugees through 156; cultural and
59–60 gender comparisons of coping style 66;
sexual identity, relationship with suicide/ gender differences 45, 142; parenting as
suicidal ideation 106 a form of 100; prevalence as a coping
sexual minorities, risk of cyberbullying strategy 53
173 social withdrawal 157, 177
sexual orientation, social media and social-evaluative concerns, suggested
expression of 171 moderation strategies 114
sexual risk-taking, adolescent anxiety and societal stressors, examples of 33
97 socio-ecological model of coping 2–3
Shapiro, J.P. 107 Solantaus, T. 127
Shaw, H. 126 Spear, L.P. 142
Sheffield, J.K. 111 spheres of influence 87
Sherwood, H. 32 spiritual support see religion/spirituality
sibling relationships, and children with Steele, J. 79
special needs 67–9 steeling effects, of stress 6
Siegel, D. 92 Stice, E. 126
Silk, J.S. 90 Stone, A.A. 19
Simons, L.E. 33 stress: associated psychosocial problems
Skinner, E. 32–3, 79 150; association with academic
sleep deprivation 142 performance 153; contribution of
Smart, D. 136 exposure to resilience 6–7; coping with
smartphone use 167, 177–8 141–3; cultural differences in adolescent
Smith, R. 194 experience of 65–6; eustress vs distress
social acceptance, parent-child 14–15; examples of stressors 33;
comparisons of coping styles 65 learning as an aspect of coping under
social adversity, epigenetic responses 91 89–90; response types 15; Selye’s
social anxiety disorder 97–8, 160, 178 description 14; stress-related growth in
social cohesion 157 families 67–8
social connectedness, and the path to well- stressful conditions, categories of 26
being in adulthood 74 student well-being: Fraillon’s definition 5;
social emotional learning (SEL) 193 measuring 74
social evaluation: age differences 90; substance abuse 141; association with
gender differences 114 depression 142; contagion effect 17; and
social isolation: adolescent epigenetic the risk of suicide 106
responses 91–2; see also loneliness substance use: cyberbullying as risk factor
social media 167–81; challenges and risks 174; negative outcomes 140
172–8; cyberbullying 172–5; Sugaya, L.S. 98
educational outcomes 168–9; and suicide: contagion effect 106; prevalence
expression of sexual orientation 171; 105; risk factors 106
identity formation 170–1; importance of suicide/suicidal ideation: cultural context
digital literacy 169; Linking Latitudes 105; cyberbullying as risk factor 174;
program 169; merging of boundaries 61; gender differences 105; relationship
opportunities and benefits 168–72; with loneliness 127; school
potential implications for mental health connectedness and reduction in 73;
167–8; prevalence 167; relationship self-harm as indicator of 115; social
building role 169–70; risk-coping media and 177
behaviours and digital resilience support seeking 45
178–80; role in connectedness 170, 171; Sussman, S. 101
206 Index
T1DM see diabetes well-being 73–82; the concept 4, 5–6, 74;
Taubert, S. 23 contributing factors 77; eudaimonic
Taylor, S. 15, 22–3 well-being 91; family activities and 61;
Taylor, Z.E. 193 and family socio-emotional climate 69;
teaching coping skills: benefits of 78; Best having fun with friends as an indicator
of Coping 110; CBT framework 126; of 25; hedonic well-being 91; impact of
coping in the cyber world 48; depression isolation on 128; impact of parent-child
108; eating disorders 126; as preparation relationships 62; loneliness as risk factor
for adolescence 45, 115; Problem for 91–2; maintaining in an educational
Solving for Life 111 context 150–1; measuring 5, 74; mindset
technology 167–81; and avoidant coping and 79–81; most common characteristics
101; impact on prevalence of bullying 5; multidimensional model 5, 74;
47–8; internet addiction 176–8; sexting parenting style and 100; predictors of
175–6; see also cyberbullying; Internet; well-being in adulthood 74; relationship
mobile phones; social media between productive coping and 44, 69,
Tellegen, A. 139 76; relationship with academic
temperament, relationship with coping achievement 75; relationship with
136–7, 139 coping 47, 75; relationship with positive
tend-and-befriend, as stress response 15 affect 74; relationship with school
tension reduction: examples of 49; gender connectedness 47, 76; required factors
differences 45, 154; prevalence as a for achieving 3
coping strategy 53 Werner, E.E. 194
Think Positively: A course for developing Werner-Seidler, A. 109
coping skills in adolescents WhatsApp 170, 175
(Frydenberg) 151 wishful thinking: accommodation role 34;
thriving 67 gender differences 142; parent-child
Tolman, D. 60 comparisons 63–5; and somatic
Tough, P. 8 complaints 130
trait anxiety 98–9 Wong, C.A. 137
transactional model of coping 17, 23 working hard: effectiveness 149;
Tyrer, R.A. 52 relationship with self-efficacy 75; use of
as a coping strategy 45
Ungar, M. 93 workplace, role of emotional intelligence
United Nations High Commissioner for 10
Refugees (UNHCR) 49 World Health Organisation (WHO):
unprotected sex 141 definition of adolescence 89; definition
of anxiety disorders 97; on depression
Van Loon, L.A. 67 and disability 100; on suicidal behaviour
Videon, T.M. 64 105–6
violence 50, 59, 138, 156 worry: definition 97; parent-child
comparisons of coping style 63, 65;
Wales, J. 123 relationship with anxiety disorders 97
Walker, G. 102
war 137–8 Yue, X. 66
Ways of Coping (Folkman/Lazarus) 32
Weinberger, D. 89 Zautra, A.J. 7
Weiss, T. 68 Zimmer-Gembeck, M.J. 64

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Adolescent Coping

Erica Frydenberg is an educational, clinical and organisational psychologist

Also in this series:

Social Networks in Youth and Adolescence

ISBN: 978-1-138-05570-4 (hbk)

1 Positive psychology and related constructs 1

3 The measurement of coping 31

4 Coping: What we have learned 44

5 Family coping: Culture and context 58

6 Well-­being and resilience 73

7 An intersect: Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics 85

9 Coping with diverse conditions 122

10 Adolescent risk 134

11 Learning to cope 147

13 Final thoughts 192

I am delighted to be able to write a Foreword to this excellent book. First pub-

My most sincere appreciation and acknowledgements go to Professor John

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

Adolescence is a period of transition from childhood to adulthood. In recent

1.1 The socio-­ecological model

1.2 Positive psychology

1.6 Emotional intelligence

1.7 Summary remarks

Coping is a method of helping oneself deal with certain problems. My main

2.1 Early approaches

2.2 Theoretical understandings

2.3 Defining coping

2.3.1 The role of appraisal

Figure 2.1 Adolescent appraisal process.

2.4.1 Resource loss and gain spirals

2.5 Communal coping

2.6 Proactive coping

2.6.1 Proactive coping in education

2.7 Some theoretical issues

2.8 Summary comments

Coping is being able to deal with problems; resilience is to keep on trying. My

Measurement is a key feature of psychological research and practice. It is a first

3.1 Reviews of coping

3.2 The ACS and the CSA

3.3 The short form of the ACS

Productive 11 coping strategies, including Eight coping strategies

Social Support (SocSup) is

Physical Recreation (PhysRec)

Keep to Self (KeepSelf) is

3.4 Measuring effectiveness

3.5 Concluding remarks

My main concern is failing at school or losing a family member. To cope, I read;

Productive coping Non-productive coping Reference to others

Solving a problem Worry Seeking social support

4.1 Age and gender

4.2 Cross-­cultural studies

4.3 Coping resources

4.4 Problem solving and coping

4.5 Well-­being and coping

4.7 Proactive coping

4.8 Refugee adolescents and their coping

• Incidences of bullying and having few friends are strongly associated

Australian research involving interviews with young refugees highlighted issues

4.9 Special groups of young people

4.9.1 Type 1 diabetes

4.9.2 Autism spectrum disorder

‘I try and ignore it.’ ‘I just accept that it’s happening’

1 Positive psychology and related constructs 1

3 The measurement of coping 31

4 Coping: What we have learned 44

5 Family coping: Culture and context 58

6 Well-being and resilience 73

7 An intersect: Ecology, neuroscience and epigenetics 85

9 Coping with diverse conditions 122

10 Adolescent risk 134

11 Learning to cope 147

13 Final thoughts 192

1.1 The socio-ecological model

4.2 Cross-cultural studies

4.5 Well-being and coping

• Incidences of bullying and having few friends are strongly associated

Well-being is a kind of feeling and it makes our lives more colourful.

Well-being is a feeling of being comfortable, healthy and happy.

Emotional well-being items

Non-productive coping items

1 school-based relationships and experiences

It is axiomatic that the development of coping, self-regulation and emotion regu-

• Microsystem: The individuals and institutions closest to the individual

In the mid-1980s, in response to research starting to over-emphasise context and

• Process: Proximal processes or the interaction between a person and their

The bio-ecological systems model adds to our understanding of human devel-

8.2 Self-esteem and anxiety

• Help the adolescent to notice, value and appreciate her/his personal

• Eating, in a discrete period of time (e.g. within any two-hour period),