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Administrative Law
INTRODUCTION
Previous chapters were concerned primarily with constraints on business arising from court decisions and state
statutes. This unit deals primarily with constraints arising from federal statutes and administrative regulations.
Most administrative agencies are part of the executive branch and are subject to the authority of the president;
some exist as independent regulatory agencies, and their officials cannot be removed without cause. Most agencies
have a broad range of authority that seems legislative, judicial, and executive in nature and that engenders much
controversy. These topics are discussed in this chapter.
ADDITIONAL RESOURCES—
95
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96 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
The Business Law Digital Video Library at www.cengage.com/blaw/dvl offers a variety of videos for group
or individual review. Clips on topics covered in this chapter include the following.
• Real World Legal
Pharzime Corporation, Scene 1—A marketing vice president at a pharmaceutical company tries to gain the
support of a vice president of regulatory affairs for his marketing strategy for a new drug use. The scene
considers the pressure of patent expiration, the regulatory approval process, and legal and ethical strategies
for new drug use.
Pharzime Corporation, Scene 2—A new pharmaceutical sales rep confides his anxiety about an aggressive
marketing strategy for off-label uses of an FDA-approved drug. A veteran sales rep assures him that the strategy
is appropriate. The scene addresses corporate culture, whistleblowing, and the legality and ethics of marketing
drugs for off-label use.
• LawFlix
Cinderella Man—Regulatory agencies; ethics (Scene in which Russell Crowe tries to repay the welfare
money he has received after he is back on his feet financially).
CHAPTER OUTLINE
I. The Practical Significance of Administrative Law
Congress delegates some authority to make and implement laws, particularly in highly technical areas, to
administrative agencies.
ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND—
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 97
American administrative law is a youthful creature. The modern era of administrative law began only about
120 years ago. Administrative agencies, historically, have been created in response to a sudden crisis or
serious social problem. Politics have been a major factor: the government has often met a public demand that
“something be done” by creating a new agency or by expanding the powers of an existing one.
During its early years, the United States was a predominantly rural society with a relatively simple,
nonindustrial economy. As the economy developed and society became more complex, demands for regulation
arose. Near the turn of the nineteenth century, concern over perceived abuses of powerful corporations and
anticompetitive monopolies gave rise to such agencies as the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC). The
ICC was the first governmental organization created in the United States that could accurately be characterized
as a regulatory agency. Created in 1887 to regulate the railroad industry, its initial task focused principally on
setting prices and deciding disputes between competing companies.
A proliferation of regulatory agencies arose during the Great Depression of the 1930s. Most of these
agencies were part of the New Deal legislation that was aimed at stabilizing the economy and reigning in what
were perceived to be excesses of an unregulated market system. For example, in 1934 the Securities and
Exchange Commission was created to administer laws and regulations that govern transactions involving
capital assets (stocks and bonds). Also created in 1934 was the National Labor Relations Board. Initially, its
task was to safeguard unions and their members from employer abuses in the processes of organizing and
collective bargaining, but this task was later amended to include the job of protecting employers and union
members from unscrupulous union behavior whenever it occurred. (These amendments came in the form of
the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 and the Landrum-Griffin Act of 1959.)
Agencies were created or expanded during World War II to mobilize manpower and production, and to
administer price controls and rationing.
Another impetus to the development of administrative law has been technology. As the technical advances
of this century have brought new services and products to consumers, so too new problems have arisen. As
in the past, the government’s response has been to create new agencies. Radio and television broadcasting
and nuclear power are but a few of the new technologies supervised and sometimes promoted by government
agencies.
The 1960s and 1970s saw a subtle shift in the focus of regulation. Earlier regulation was primarily
concerned with economic matters—making the free market work with less uncertainty or at least lessening
some of the discomfort that results when markets work in a dynamic and impersonal way. New regulation
sought to deal with what are principally social issues: health, the environment, poverty, and discrimination. The
same period also witnessed the most rapid rate of growth in regulation. More than a third of all current regulatory
agencies were created between 1970 and 1979, including the Environmental Protection Agency in 1970, the
Occupational Safety and Health Administration in 1970, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission in 1972.
During the later part of the 1970s, negative feelings about government generally, and the apparent
capriciousness of regulation particularly, created a backlash against bureaucracy. This was especially true with
regard to economic regulation, which seemed to create unreasonable burdens and inordinate costs of
compliance for firms. Most adversely affected seemed to be firms facing increasing competition in the
international arena and small businesses. Because the political climate has always had such a powerful impact
on the formulation of regulatory policy, it is not surprising that this attitude invoked an era of deregulation during
the 1980s. Although the undoing of some regulatory schemes did occur, a tremendous amount of regulation
persists. Some deregulation efforts have been overturned by courts. Because of the precariousness of its fit
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98 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
within the American tripartite scheme of government, administrative regulation has always been politically
controversial. Accordingly, administrative law has always been a particularly controversial area of law. The
controversy is likely to continue for a long time to come.
ADDITIONAL BACKGROUND—
Supreme Court decisions in the 1920s held that Congress could delegate only gap-filling powers to
administrative agencies. In other words, Congress would pass a law expressed in general terms, and the
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website, in whole or in part.
CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 99
agency would fill in the “gaps” by creating regulations to implement the law. This approach was prompted by
the perception that Congress’s ability to oversee directly the implementation of particular laws is limited and
that specialized agencies are better able to regulate areas involving technical questions. The Court extended
great deference to such delegations by Congress.
This attitude changed with the 1929 stock market crash and the onset of the Great Depression. The rapid
disintegration of the national economy caused the unemployment rate to rise to 25 percent, and bank failures,
bankruptcies, and foreclosures became commonplace. Public pressure for government action resulted in the
creation of a number of programs designed to jump-start the economy and reverse its deflationary spiral.
Foremost among efforts to pump up prices and wages was the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA), which
gave the president unprecedented powers to manage the economy through the formulation of “fair-competition”
codes. These codes would be drawn up by trade or industrial groups and become law on the approval of the
president so long as they did not result in the creation of unlawful monopoly power.
A trade group in the poultry industry proposed a “poultry code,” and President Roosevelt approved it. Aaron
and Alex Schechter were wholesale kosher poultry dealers in Brooklyn, New York. They refused to comply
with the code and consequently were charged with violating it. At their trial in federal district court, they argued,
among other things, that the code system of the NIRA violated the Constitution by providing for the delegation
of legislative power by Congress. The court held that the NIRA was not an unconstitutional delegation of power,
reasoning that Congress was simply exercising its traditional authority to establish a general standard and to
delegate authority to enforce it. The Schechters were convicted on eighteen counts; they appealed. a The
appellate court sustained the convictions on all counts but one. Both parties appealed to the Supreme Court.
In Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S. 495, 55 S.Ct. 837, 79 L.Ed. 1570 (1935), the Supreme
Court held that the NIRA’s delegation of legislative power was unconstitutional and that thus the Schechters
were not be liable for violations of the poultry code. The Court characterized the NIRA as “a sweeping
delegation of legislative power,” in which trade associations “may roam at will, and the President may approve
or disapprove their proposals as he may see fit.” The Court explained that the statute did not prescribe
standards for any trade or industry, “to be applied to particular states of fact determined by appropriate
administrative procedure,” but only authorized the making of codes to prescribe them, and did not provide
adequate standards for the making of the codes.
Many legal scholars have viewed Schechter and associated cases of that era as exceptions to the general
tendency of the courts to rubber-stamp delegations of power by Congress. In a series of cases that appeared
in the 1950s, the courts altered their approach to avoid the delegation issue altogether. By the 1970s, the
approach had shifted to ensure the accountability of regulatory agencies to Congress. Using this approach,
the courts considered such things as the nature and scope of the original grant of power by Congress and the
existence of any applicable restrictions on the exercise of that power by the agency. Regardless of the
approach, however, the courts have not invalidated any delegations of powers by Congress to administrative
agencies since the 1930s.
a. Among the counts on which the Schechters were originally convicted was a charge that they sold diseased chickens. It was their
conviction on this charge that gave this case its popular name, the “Sick Chicken Case.”
1. Executive Controls
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100 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
The executive branch exercises control over agencies through the president’s powers to appoint federal
officers and through the president’s power to veto enabling legislation or congressional attempts to
modify an existing agency’s authority.
2. Legislative Controls
Congress exercises authority over agency power through enabling legislation and subsequent leg-
islation. Congress can restrict or expand agency power substantively, limit or increase it through
funding, or set time limits. Congress can investigate an agency. Individual legislators may affect
agency policy through attempts to help their constituents deal with agencies. The Administrative
Procedure Act (APA) of 1946 and other laws also act as a check on agency power.
3. Judicial Controls
The APA provides for judicial review of most agency decisions. According to the exhaustion doctrine,
a party must have used all potential administrative remedies before filing a suit.
CASE SYNOPSIS—
The United States Supreme Court reversed and remanded. “A court is not to substitute its judgment for that
of the agency” and should “uphold a decision of less than ideal clarity if the agency's path may reasonably be
discerned.” An agency must show good reasons for a new policy. “But it need not demonstrate to a court's
satisfaction that the reasons for the new policy are better than the reasons for the old one; it suffices that the
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 101
new policy is permissible under the statute, that there are good reasons for it, and that the agency believes it
to be better.” Here, it was “reasonable to determine that it made no sense to distinguish between literal and
nonliteral uses of offensive words” when “a safe harbor for single words would likely lead to more widespread
use of the offensive language.”
..................................................................................................................................................
In its reasoning, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit cited uses by “the top leaders of our
government . . . of these expletives in a manner that no reasonable person would believe referenced sexual
or excretory organs or activities.” What were these uses? The court cited President Bush's remark to British
Prime Minister Tony Blair that the United Nations needed to “get Syria to get Hezbollah to stop doing this shit”
and Vice President Cheney's widely-reported “Fuck yourself” comment to Senator Patrick Leahy.
Should an administrative agency be locked into its first interpretation of a statute? Why or why not? No. A
settled, or consistent, course of conduct indicates an agency's judgment that, in following that course, it is
carrying out the policies in its enabling statute. An agency is not locked into its first interpretation of a statute,
however. It can change course, adopting a new, even entirely inconsistent position. On the challenge to such
a change in this case, the lower courts asked for a reasoned analysis to justify it. Why? Because an agency's
failure to reconcile conflicting precedents may be held to fall short of the requirement of reasoned decision-
making, and the agency’s change in course might then be ruled arbitrary and capricious.
Did the lower appellate court reject the agency’s reasons for its actions because the court disagreed with
those reasons? No. The court explained that it rejected the agency’s reasons for its change of course because
those reasons had no support in the record. The agency “has failed to set forth the required reasoned
explanation because its proffered rationale remains unsupported by any record evidence.” The court also noted
that the agency’s “rationale is disconnected from the actual policy implemented.”
Today, children are likely to be exposed to indecent language in various media far more often than they
were in the 1970s, when the FCC first began to sanction indecent speech. How should this affect the
government’s regulation of broadcasts? The answers to this question given by the Second Circuit Court of
Appeals and the United States Supreme Court, respectively, are illustrative. The Court of Appeals argued that
the greater likelihood that today’s children would hear indecent speech from other media sources supported
less (not more) stringent regulation of broadcast programs. According to the Court of Appeals, the
Commission’s decision was “devoid of any evidence that suggests a fleeting expletive is harmful,” and the
Commission certainly did not establish “that this harm is serious enough to warrant government regulation.”
The Supreme Court, however, reached just the opposite conclusion. According to the Supreme Court, “the
Commission could reasonably conclude that the pervasiveness of foul language, and the coarsening of public
entertainment in other media, such as cable,” justified a more stringent regulation of broadcast programs—so
as “to give conscientious parents a relatively safe haven for their children.”
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102 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
FCC? Explain. The fact that it is now easier for broadcasters to bleep out offending words was one of the
reasons given by the Federal Communications Commission for expanding the scope of the Commission’s
enforcement activity. Because of this technology, broadcasters can air an otherwise desirable program without
worrying about violating the Commission’s ban on indecent speech—simply by bleeping out the objectionable
words. Thus, in the Commission’s view, the technological advances support a more stringent enforcement
policy. It is hard to imagine that the greater ease with which indecent speech can be removed from a broadcast
could support a less stringent enforcement policy. Indeed, neither the Second Circuit Court of Appeals nor the
Supreme Court disagreed with this element in the Commission’s reasoning.”
Recent cases involving the courts considered the application of the arbitrary and capricious standard to
agency actions include the following.
• Modesto Irrigation District v. Gutierrez, __ F.3d __, 2010 WL 3274499 (9th Cir. 2010) (National Marine
Fisheries Service (NMFS) sufficiently recognized and explained its decision to depart from its past practice of
applying its own policy and to instead apply a policy developed by NMFS with the Fish and Wildlife Service in
determining whether to list populations of West Coast steelhead as a threatened species).
• Air Transport Association of America, Inc. v. National Mediation Board, __ F.Supp.2d __, 2010 WL
25272685 (D.D.C. 2010) (a new rule issued by the National Mediation Board, providing that, in representation
disputes, a majority of the valid ballots that are actually cast would determine the craft or class representative,
without requiring that a majority of the craft or class participate in the election, was not arbitrary and capricious).
• Handley v. Chapman, 587 F.3d 273 (5th Cir. 2009) (Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) complied with the
Administrative Procedure Act when it reclassified felon-in-possession convictions to be categorically ineligible
for early-release incentives—the BOP's actions constituted a policy change, the BOP had the statutory
authority, there was an obvious public safety rationale for the change, the agency's path could be readily
discerned from its prior rules, program statements, and consistent litigation position, and, by changing course,
the BOP sought to apply its regulation with uniformity).
• Water Quality Insurance Syndicate v. United States, 632 F.Supp.2d 108 (D.Mass. 2009) (For wholesalers
that sold electricity in regions where they had market power but electricity was ultimately used in regions where
they did not have market power, Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) sufficiently explained policy
change applying point-of-sale test to ensure that wholesalers sold electricity at cost-based rates).
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 103
and through the president’s veto powers. The legislative branch has the power to create and fund agencies,
and the authority to investigate the implementation of the laws and the agencies that it has created. Individual
legislators may also affect agency policy through their “casework” activities. Congress has the power to “freeze”
the enforcement of most federal regulations before the regulations take effect. Other legislative checks on
agency actions include the Administrative Procedure Act, the Freedom of Information Act, and other laws.
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104 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
A. RULEMAKING
In enabling legislation, Congress confers an agency’s power to make rules.
2. Comment Period
Interested parties can express their views on a proposed rule in writing or, if a hearing is held, orally.
The agency must respond to any significant comments that bear directly on the proposed rule by either
modifying its final rule or explaining why it did not change it.
B. INVESTIGATION
During the rulemaking process, an investigation obtains information about a certain individual, firm, or
industry to avoid issuing a rule that is arbitrary and capricious and instead is based on a consideration of
relevant factors. After final rules are issued, agencies conduct investigations to monitor compliance.
2. Subpoenas
There are two basic types of subpoenas: the subpoena ad testificandum (an ordinary subpoena,
compelling a witness to appear at a hearing) and the subpoena duces tecum (compelling an individual
or organization to hand over books, papers, records, or documents). Agency demands are limited by—
• The purpose of an investigation (an improper purpose is harassment).
• The relevancy of the information being sought.
• The specificity of the demand for testimony or documents.
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 105
• The burden of the demand on the party from whom the information is sought.
To determine whether an employer is complying with the standards, an OSHA inspector can enter a
workplace at any reasonable time. The employer may refuse to permit the inspector to enter, but a refusal only
postpones the inevitable—the inspector can obtain a search warrant and return.
When an OSHA inspector arrives, he or she must show official credentials, including identification with a
serial number and his or her photograph. Normally, an inspector will explain the purpose of a visit and give the
employer a copy of any employee complaints.
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106 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
The OSHRC may grant the employer a temporary variance for up to a year (which may be renewed twice)
or a permanent variance. The employer must show that it cannot make a correction because of a lack of
personnel, materials, equipment, or a need to alter facilities. The employer must also show that what it is doing
is safe and healthful.
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 107
3. Search Warrants
• In most instances, a physical search for evidence must be conducted under the authority of a
search warrant.
• Warrants are not required to conduct searches in highly regulated industries. Sometimes, a statute
permits warrantless searches of certain types of hazardous operations, such as mines. A
warrantless inspection in an emergency is normally considered reasonable.
C. ADJUDICATION
Most administrative actions are resolved through negotiated settlements at their initial stages, without
formal adjudication.
1. Negotiated Settlements
A settlement is an appealing option to firms for two reasons (regulated industries often do not want to
appear to the agency to be uncooperative, and litigation can be very expensive) and to agencies for
one reason (agencies thereby conserve their own resources).
2. Formal Complaints
A complaint is a public document, and a press release may accompany it. If the party against whom
the complaint is made and the agency cannot agree on a settlement, the case goes before an
administrative law judge (ALJ).
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108 UNIT TWO: THE PUBLIC ENVIRONMENT
• An ALJ must be unbiased. The APA requires that the ALJ be separate from the agency’s
investigative and prosecutorial staff; prohibits private communications with any party to an agency
proceeding; and protects the ALJ from arbitrary agency disciplinary actions.
4. Hearing Procedures
Hearing procedures vary from agency to agency. Disputes are often resolved through informal
proceedings. A formal hearing resembles a trial in many respects: The parties can use extensive
discovery; during the hearing, the parties may give testimony, present other evidence, and cross-
examine adverse witnesses. Much more information, including hearsay, can be introduced as evidence
during an administrative hearing, however.
5. Agency Orders
Either party may appeal the ALJ’s decision to the board or commission that governs the agency. If the
party against whom the complaint was filed is dissatisfied with the commission’s decision, it may appeal
the decision to a federal court of appeals. If no party appeals (or if review is denied), the ALJ’s decision
is the final order.
CASE SYNOPSIS—
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CHAPTER 5: ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 109
chosen specialty. In addition to the instruction, the doctors spend fifty to eighty hours a week caring for patients.
Mayo filed a suit in a federal district court, asserting that the Treasury Department’s rule was not valid. The
court agreed, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit reversed. Mayo appealed.
The United States Supreme Court affirmed. FICA does not define student nor does it state whether a
medical resident qualifies as a student. Congress gave the Treasury Department the authority to make rules
with respect to the enforcement of the Internal Revenue Code. The full-time employee rule was issued after
notice-and-comment procedures, on a reasonable determination that imposing Social Security taxes on
residents would further the purpose of the statute. The doctors were “the kind of workers that Congress intended
to both contribute to and benefit from the Social Security system.”
..................................................................................................................................................
Should the courts defer entirely to the decisions of administrative agencies on all matters within the
agencies’ purview? Why or why not? No. To always and entirely defer to administrative agencies would be to
accede too much power to the agencies. The judicial branch can review the laws that Congress enacts and the
orders that the executive branch issues, and those bodies can exercise control in various ways over the rulings
and the personnel of the courts. Under our governmental system of checks and balances, it is only reasonable
that the decisions of agencies should likewise be subject to some review.
Many students have to work full time to pay for their education. Is it fair to require them to pay FICA taxes
when they would not have to do so if they worked only thirty hours per week? Explain. It might seem somewhat
unfair to make students who work forty hours a week pay into FICA, while those who work less time are not
required to pay FICA taxes. Nevertheless, there are many benefits to working full time (it may qualify employees
for health insurance, sick days, and family leave, for instance). In addition, as the Court pointed out, “regulation,
like legislation, often requires drawing lines.” The Court reasoned that “focusing on the hours an individual
works and the hours [she or] he spends in studies is a perfectly sensible way of accomplishing that goal.” In the
Court’s view, it is clearly fair to distinguish between full-time workers who study and students who work less
than forty hours per week. Furthermore, the Court noted that exemptions to taxation should be construed
narrowly, so that most workers will contribute to and benefit from the Social Security system.
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Bendix paced back and forth, perspiration shining wetly on his face in
the light from the overhead bulb. "It's not fair," he said huskily. "It's not
a true election. It doesn't represent anything." He looked at
Kimmensen desperately. "It's not fair, Joe!"
Kimmensen sighed. "All right, Jem. I assume you brought the
necessary equipment—the screwdriver, the insulation, and so forth?"
CHAPTER VII
Until, hours later, orange flowers burst in the valley below. He came
erect, not understanding them for a moment, and then he ran out to
the patio, leaning over the parapet. On the faint wind, he heard the
distant sound of earth and houses bursting into vapor. In the valleys,
fire swirled in flashes through the dark, and against the glare of
burning trees he saw bobbing silhouettes of planes. Men were far too
small to be seen at this distance, but as firing stabbed down from the
planes other weapons answered from the ground.
Suddenly, he heard the flogging of a plane in the air directly
overhead. He jumped back, reaching for his weapon, before he
recognized Jem Bendix's sportster. It careened down to his landing
stage, landing with a violent jar, and Bendix thrust his head out of the
cabin. "Joe!"
"What's happening?"
"Messerschmidt—he's taking over, in spite of the election! I was
home when I saw it start up. He and his followers're cutting down
everybody who won't stand for it. Come on!"
"What are you going to do?"
Bendix's face was red with rage. "I'm going to go down there and kill
him! I should have done it long ago. Are you coming with me?"
Why not? Kimmensen grimaced. Why wait to die here?
He clambered into the plane and buckled his seat belt. Bendix flung
them up into the air. His hands on the wheel were white and shaking
as he pointed the plane along the mountain slope and sent them
screaming downward. "They're concentrated around the office
building, from the looks of it," he shouted over the whine of air. "I
should have known he'd do this! Well, I'm League President, by God,
and I'm going to settle for him right now!"
If you don't kill us first, Kimmensen thought, trying to check over his
weapon. Bendix was bent over the wheel, crouched forward as
though he wanted to crash directly into the plaza where Kimmensen
could see running men.
They pulled out of the dive almost too late. The plane smashed down
through the undergrowth behind the office building. Bendix flung his
door open and jumped out while the plane rocked violently.
Kimmensen climbed out more carefully. Even here, in the building's
shadow, the fires around the plaza were bright enough to let him see.
He pushed through the tangled shrubbery, hearing Bendix breaking
forward ahead of him. Bendix cleared the corner of the building. "I
see him, Joe!"
Kimmensen turned the corner, holding his weapon ready.
He could see Messerschmidt standing in a knot of men behind the
wreckage of a crashed plane. They were looking toward the opposite
slope, where gouts of fire were winking up and down the
mountainside. Kimmensen could faintly hear a snatch of what
Messerschmidt was shouting: "Damn it, Toni, we'll pull back when I—"
but he lost the rest. Then he saw Bendix lurch out of the bushes ten
feet behind them.
"You! Messerschmidt! Turn around!"
Messerschmidt whirled away from the rest of the men, instinctively,
like a great cat, before he saw who it was. Then he lowered the
weapon in his hand, his mouth jerking in disgust. "Oh—it's you. Put
that thing down, or point it somewhere else. Maybe you can do some
good around here."
"Never mind that! I've had enough of you."
Messerschmidt moved toward him in quick strides. "Listen, I haven't
got time to play games." He cuffed the weapon out of Bendix's hand,
rammed him back with an impatient push against his chest, and
turned back to his men. "Hey, Toni, can you tell if those
Northwesters're moving down here yet?"
Kimmensen's cheeks sucked in. He stepped out into the plaza,
noticing Bendix out of the corners of his eyes, standing frozen where
Messerschmidt had pushed him.
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