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Chapter 04
Choosing Goals for College and Life
Multiple Choice Questions
1. Planning to earn a B average in your first semester is an example of a:
A. Long-range goal
B. Short-term goal
C. Social goal
D. Realistic goal
2. A mid-range goal is considered:
A. A fairly minor accomplishment

B. A remarkable accomplishment when completed early in life
C. A checkpoint on the way to achieving long-term goals
D. None of these are correct
3. An example of a social goal is:
A. Learning to play the guitar

B. Running two miles a day
C. Getting to work on time
D. Visiting your grandparents twice a month
4-1
Copyright © 2016 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
4. When you employ the Backward Planning approach to goal setting, you:
A. Set ambitious but largely unattainable goals

B. Think about your goals in negative terms
C. Start with a specific goal and identify steps that will help you reach that end
D. Establish a detailed life plan that accounts for any problems that may arise
5. No matter what your goals, achieving them requires you to:
A. Not worry about cutting corners

B. Gain knowledge and have strategies
C. Think big and take risks
D. Maintain your sense of humor
6. When you make use of visualization in goal setting, you:
A. Look at the accomplishment of the goal from multiple perspectives

B. Brainstorm solutions to a problem
C. Picture yourself as an elderly person reflecting on your life
D. Picture yourself working through the process of accomplishing your goal
7. In the S.M.A.R.T.E.R method of goal setting, the T (time-sensitive) component refers to:
A. Your overall time management skills

B. The deadline for completing a particular goal
C. The amount of time you will devote to the fulfillment of a goal
D. Ways that you waste time and get off track
8. One mistake that people make when trying to accomplish a goal is:
A. Setting goals that are unachievable

B. Giving up if they falter or make mistakes
C. Failing to have a support system (people who care)
D. All of these are correct
9. The concept of locus of control was advanced by a psychologist named:
A. Howard Gardner
B. Jean Piaget
C. Julian Rotter
D. Carl Rogers
4-2
10. People with an internal locus of control:
A. See themselves as playing an active role in their decisions

B. See events in their lives as a matter of luck, fate, and other influences
C. Tend to have low self esteem
D. Don't give themselves enough credit for their successes
11. A person with ___________ would probably say the following: "I didn't do well on my history quiz.
I never have good luck when it comes to history."
A. an internal locus of control

B. a bad memory
C. an external locus of control
D. no long-range goals
12. According to the textbook, a common myth about setting and achieving goals is:
A. Life is too short to be worrying about the future all of the time
B. People should work on only one goal at a time
C. The only goal in life that really matters is staying healthy
D. All of these are true
13. At many colleges, students are placed on academic probation if:
A. They fail a course

B. They withdraw from a course
C. Their grade-point average (GPA) falls ten or more quality points below a 2.0
D. Their grade-point average (GPA) falls ten or more quality points below a 3.0
14. If you are suspended by your school for academic reasons:
A. You cannot take classes at your college for at least one semester
B. You must reapply for admission to your college at the end of your suspension
C. You cannot transfer credits taken elsewhere (during your suspension) to your college
15. If a student earns an A in a three-credit English course, an A in a four-credit Math course, a B in a

three-credit History course, and a D in two-credit health course, that student's grade-point
average will be:
A. 3.55
B. 3.33
C. 3.25
D. 3.00
4-3
True / False Questions
16. A short-term goal is one that must be completed within a year.
True False
17. A mid-range goal is a checkpoint that people complete on the way to achieving a long-range
goal.
True False
18. Graduating from college with B+ average in your major area of study can be considered an
academic goal.
True False
19. Deciding to lose ten pounds is an example of a personal goal.
True False
20. Saving money to take a vacation next summer is an example of a long-term goal.
True False
21. A social goal focuses on your relationships with others (classmates, friends, family).
True False
22. If your high school grades weren't as high as you had hoped, you shouldn't set high academic
goals for yourself in college.
True False
23. S.M.A.R.T.E.R is an organized and purposeful way of identifying and fulfilling goals.
True False
24. The S in the S.M.A.R.T.E.R system stands for sensible.
True False
25. It is preferable to state goals in positive terms, highlighting what you want to achieve rather than
what you want to avoid.
True False
26. Writing out your goal and posting it in a visible spot (a refrigerator or mirror, for example) will help
you stay focused on your task.
True False
27. In general, it's a good idea to avoid Backward Planning.
True False
4-4
28. The act of visualization is really the same as daydreaming.
True False
29. Visualizing a goal is only the first step in achieving it.
True False
30. Since you alone are responsible for achieving your goals, there's not much to be gained by
getting advice on goal setting from others.
True False
31. Rewarding yourself for accomplishing a short-term goal will serve as motivation to meet other
goals.
True False
32. Nothing positive can ever come from mistakes.
True False
33. Locus of control is defined as an individual's perception of the causes of events (good or bad) in
his or her life.
True False
34. People with an internal locus of control are likely to hold more negative views of the world.
True False
35. If a student with an external locus of control failed an exam, he or she would probably say,
"There's no point in studying harder next time. I'm going to continue to fail."
True False
36. It is fairly easy to change your locus of control.
True False
37. Awareness is the first step in altering your locus of control.
True False
38. As a new college student, you should set new and higher goals for virtually every area of your
life.
True False
39. Maintaining balance in your life can be a goal in itself.
True False
40. Once you have set a goal, you should remain committed to it no matter what.
True False
4-5
41. If a student who was registered for three courses at your college received one A, one B, and one
C, you could be sure that the student's average was a B.
True False
42. At most colleges, grades of NC (no credit), P (pass), and W (withdraw) are not computed into a
student's grade-point average.
True False
43. If a student on academic probation fails to raise his or her grade-point average to an acceptable
minimum (usually 2.0), that student will probably be suspended.
True False
44. A student who has been suspended from college for academic reasons can automatically resume
coursework following the end of his or her suspension.
True False
45. If you lose a scholarship because you have failed to maintain the required grade-point average,
you can easily reclaim the award once your grades have picked up.
True False
Short Answer Questions
46. Why is it important for people to have goals?
47. Give three examples of short-term goals. What is the time frame for accomplishing these goals?
4-6
48. What are mid-range goals and why are they important to have?
49. What is the difference between personal goals and academic goals?
50. What is S.M.A.R.T.E.R? What do the letters stand for?
51. What are the advantages to taking a S.M.A.R.T.E.R approach to setting goals?
4-7
52. What is the Backward Planning method of goal setting?
53. What is Visualization?
54. Why is it important to keep a record of your successes?
55. Discuss five tips for making goals a reality.
4-8
56. Explain the concept of locus of control.
57. How do people with an internal locus of control differ from those with an external locus of
control?
58. How could you begin to change your locus of control?
59. What are two common myths about setting and achieving goals?
4-9
60. What would you say to a classmate who says that everyone should strive for a perfect grade-
point average in college?
61. Why is it important to celebrate your successes?
62. What is the traditional grading system at most colleges? Include in your answer the meaning of
the NC, P, I, and W grades.
63. What are Quality Points?
4-10
64. What are the differences between academic probation and academic suspension?
65. What are the consequences of having your grade-point average drop below your college's
acceptable minimum?
4-11
Chapter 04 Choosing Goals for College and Life Answer Key
Multiple Choice Questions
1. Planning to earn a B average in your first semester is an example of a:
A. Long-range goal
B. Short-term goal
C. Social goal
D. Realistic goal
A short-term goal is one that can be accomplished in a relatively short period of time—during
one's college years, for example.
Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
Learning Outcome: 04-01 How to identify goals
Topic: Identifying Goals
2. A mid-range goal is considered:
A. A fairly minor accomplishment

B. A remarkable accomplishment when completed early in life
C. A checkpoint on the way to achieving long-term goals
D. None of these are correct
For many people, mid-range goals (e.g. graduating from college, buying a home, and starting
a family) are steps on the path to long-term goals.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
4-12
3. An example of a social goal is:
A. Learning to play the guitar

B. Running two miles a day
C. Getting to work on time
D. Visiting your grandparents twice a month
Social goals are those that focus on your relationships with people. Visiting grandparents
would be an example of a social goal.

Blooms: Understand
Difficulty: 1 Easy
4. When you employ the Backward Planning approach to goal setting, you:
A. Set ambitious but largely unattainable goals

B. Think about your goals in negative terms
C. Start with a specific goal and identify steps that will help you reach that end
D. Establish a detailed life plan that accounts for any problems that may arise
The Backward Planning method begins with end goal and identifies the activities that must be
completed to accomplish it.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 2 Medium
Learning Outcome: 04-02 How to set goals
Topic: Setting S.M.A.R.T.E.R. Goals
5. No matter what your goals, achieving them requires you to:
A. Not worry about cutting corners

B. Gain knowledge and have strategies
C. Think big and take risks
D. Maintain your sense of humor
Reaching a goal often requires you to become knowledgeable about the expectations and
demands of the task at hand. It also requires you to develop a plan or strategy (or several
strategies) to accomplish the desired goal.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
4-13
6. When you make use of visualization in goal setting, you:
A. Look at the accomplishment of the goal from multiple perspectives

B. Brainstorm solutions to a problem
C. Picture yourself as an elderly person reflecting on your life
D. Picture yourself working through the process of accomplishing your goal
When you visualize a goal, you actively see yourself completing the steps that will result in the
fulfillment of that goal.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
7. In the S.M.A.R.T.E.R method of goal setting, the T (time-sensitive) component refers to:
A. Your overall time management skills

B. The deadline for completing a particular goal
C. The amount of time you will devote to the fulfillment of a goal
D. Ways that you waste time and get off track
If you write S.M.A.R.T.E.R. goals that are positive, you will want to achieve them rather than
try to avoid them. Positive goals are more inspiring.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
8. One mistake that people make when trying to accomplish a goal is:
A. Setting goals that are unachievable

B. Giving up if they falter or make mistakes
C. Failing to have a support system (people who care)
All are important considerations when you set out to accomplish a goal.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
4-14
9. The concept of locus of control was advanced by a psychologist named:
A. Howard Gardner
B. Jean Piaget
C. Julian Rotter
D. Carl Rogers
In the 1950s, Julian Rotter suggested that behavior can be explained by whether a person has
internal or external expectations about who or what causes events to occur.

Blooms: Remember
Difficulty: 1 Easy
Learning Outcome: 04-03 How locus of control affects learning
Topic: Locus of Control
10. People with an internal locus of control:
A. See themselves as playing an active role in their decisions

B. See events in their lives as a matter of luck, fate, and other influences
C. Tend to have low self esteem
D. Don't give themselves enough credit for their successes
People with an internal locus of control are generally more optimistic. They attribute their
decisions to themselves and they take responsibility for the consequences of their actions.

Blooms: Understand
11. A person with ___________ would probably say the following: "I didn't do well on my history
quiz. I never have good luck when it comes to history."
A. an internal locus of control

B. a bad memory
C. an external locus of control
D. no long-range goals
People with an external locus of control see outcomes (e.g. success on tests) as depending
upon luck and other outside influences. They don't see themselves as having much control
over their lives.

Blooms: Understand
4-15
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CHAPTER XLV.
ASSASSINATION OF ALY.
A.H. XL. A.D. 661.
The theocratic Separatists were sorely

troubled at the prospects of Islam. It was Three Khârejite fanatics
not that raids and robbery, dissension and conspire to assassinate Aly,
Muâvia, and Amru. a.h. XL.
strife, had been the order of the day. That a.d. 661.
they could bear, for bloodshed was more
tolerable than apostasy. To the Khârejite, the cessation of war
brought with it no peace of mind. A settled government was the ruin
of his hopes. Aly having come to terms with Muâvia, there was no
longer room to expect that the ungodly kingdoms of the earth would
be overthrown, and the reign of righteousness established in their
stead. Thus the theocratic party brooded over the blood that had
been shed in vain upon the plain of Nehrwân and other fields of
battle, and for the present abandoned themselves to despair. Many
took refuge from the godless tyranny (as they called it) prevailing all
around, in the sacred precincts of the Hejâz, where they might
lament freely with one another over the miserable fate of Islam. As
three of these thus mourned together, a gleam of hope suddenly
shot across their path. ‘Our blood need not have been thus shed in
vain; let each of us kill one of the three oppressors of the Faithful;
Islam may yet again be free, and the reign of the Lord appear.’ It was
one of the band of regicides that spoke; and so, as in the case of
Othmân, but under another guise and urged by bolder hopes, the
three again conspired against the State. The fatal resolve once
taken, details were speedily arranged. Aly and Muâvia both must fall;
and Amru also, not only as the godless Arbitrator, but also as the
likeliest successor to the throne left vacant by the other two. Each
was to dispose of his fellow, as he presided at the morning service,
on the same Friday when, in the month of Ramadhân, the cathedral
Mosques of Kûfa, Damascus, and Fostât would be thronged with
fasting worshippers. They dipped their swords in a powerful poison;
and separated from one another, swearing that they would either
fulfil the task or perish in the attempt. Amru
escaped. He was sick that day, and the Amru escapes.
captain of his guard, presiding in the
Mosque at prayers, fell a victim in his stead.[561] At Damascus,
Muâvia was not so fortunate.[562] The blow
fell upon him, and was near to being fatal. Muâvia
recovers.
wounded, but
His physician declared that his life could be
saved only by the cautery, or by a potent draught that would deprive
him of the hope of further progeny. He shrank from the cautery, and
chose the draught. The remedy was effectual, and he survived.
At Kûfa things turned out differently.
The conspirator Ibn Muljam, one of the Aly attacked by assassins in
the Mosque of Kûfa.
Egyptian regicides, was able there to gain
two desperate accomplices from the Beni Taym. The tribe, deeply
imbued with the fanaticism of the day, had suffered severely in the
massacre of Nehrwân, and ever since had nursed its resentment
against the Caliph. Ibn Muljam loved Catâm, a beautiful maid of the
same tribe, who having on that fatal day lost her father, her brother,
and other near relatives, was roused thereby to a savage ardour.
‘Bring me,’ said the maid to her lover, ‘the head of Aly as my dower;
if thou escapest alive, thou shalt enjoy me as thy guerdon here; if
thou perish, thou shalt enjoy better than me above,’ So she
introduced him to Werdân, a warrior burning with the same spirit of
revenge, and also to another accomplice, named Shuhîb, On the
appointed morning, the latter, with Ibn Muljam, lay in wait on either
side of the door leading into the crowded Mosque; if their blows
should fail, Werdân, stationed outside, was in the confusion to rush
upon Aly, and complete the work. At the time appointed, the Caliph
entered the Mosque calling aloud as usual, To prayers, ye people! To
prayers! Immediately he was set upon on either hand. Shuhîb’s
sword fell upon the lintel; but Ibn Muljam wounded the Caliph
severely on the head and side. He was seized. The other two fled;
one was cut to pieces, the other escaped in the tumult. Aly was
carried into the palace, but retained strength sufficient to question
the assassin, who was brought before him. Ibn Muljam declared
boldly, that the deed had been forty days in contemplation; and
during all that time he had prayed without ceasing to the Lord, ‘that
the Wickedest of mankind might meet his fate.’ ‘Then,’ replied Aly,
‘that must have been thyself.’ So saying, he turned to his son,
Hasan, and bade him keep the assassin in close custody: ‘If I die, his
life is forfeited to justice, and he shall be slain for the deed he hath
done; but see,’ said he, ‘that thou mutilate him not, for that was
forbidden by the Prophet.’ During the day Omm Kolthûm went into
the assassin’s cell and cursed him, adding, what no doubt she was
fain to believe, ‘My father shall yet live.’ ‘Then, Lady,’ replied the
fanatic, ‘whence these tears? Listen. That sword I bought for a
thousand pieces, and a thousand more it cost to poison it. None may
escape a wound from it.’
It soon became evident that the wound indeed was mortal. They
asked the Caliph whether if he died, it was his will that Hasan, his
eldest son, should succeed to the throne.
Still true to the elective principle, Aly Aly’s death. 17 Ramadhân,
answered: ‘I do not command this, neither a.h. XL. Jan. 25, a.d. 661.
do I forbid it. See ye to it.’ Then he called Hasan and Hosein to his
bedside, and counselled them to be steadfast in piety and
resignation to the will of God, and to be kind to their younger brother,
the son of his Hanifite wife. After that he wrote his testament, and
continuing to repeat the name of the Lord to the end, so breathed his
last. When they had performed the funeral obsequies, Hasan
arraigned the assassin before him. Nothing daunted, Ibn Muljam
said: ‘I made a covenant with the Lord before the holy House at
Mecca, that I would slay both Aly and Muâvia. Now, if thou wilt, I
shall go forth and kill the other, or perish in the attempt. If I succeed,
I will return and swear allegiance unto thee.’ ‘Nay,’ said Hasan, ‘not
before thou hast tasted of the fire.’ He was
put to death, and the body, tied up in a Ibn Muljam put to death.
sack, was committed to the flames.[563]
Tradition, strange to say, is silent, and
opinion uncertain, as to where the body of Aly’s burial-place unknown.
Aly lies. Some believe that he was buried
in the cathedral Mosque at Kûfa, others in the palace.[564] Certainly,
his tomb was never, in early times, the object of any care or
veneration. The same indifference attached to his memory
throughout the realm of Islam, as had attached to his person during
life, and it was not till that generation had passed away that the
sentiment of reverence and regard for the husband of the Prophet’s
daughter, and father of his only surviving progeny, began to show
itself.
Aly died about sixty years of age. His
troubled and contested reign had lasted His family.
but four years and nine months. For a time
(like Mahomet himself) he had been content with a single wife, the
Prophet’s daughter Fâtima, by whom he had three sons and two
daughters, the progenitors of the Synd race—the nobility of Islam.
[565] After she died, he took many women into his harem, both free
and servile; by whom he had, in all, eleven sons and fifteen
daughters. Aly was a tender-hearted father. In his old age, a little girl
was born to him, with whose prattle he would beguile his troubles; for
he had her always on his knee, and doted on her with a special love.
[566]
In the character of Aly there are many

things to commend. Mild and beneficent, Forbearance and
he treated the rebel city of Bussorah, when magnanimity of Aly.
prostrate at his feet (as Mahomet had done the ungrateful city of his
birth) with a generous forbearance. Towards the theocratic fanatics,
who wearied his patience by incessant intrigue and insensate
rebellion, he showed no vindictiveness. Excepting Muâvia (the man
of all others whom he ought not to have estranged) he carried his
policy of conciliation to a dangerous extreme. In compromise indeed,
and in procrastination, lay the failure of his
Caliphate. With greater vigour, spirit, and Procrastination and
compromise, his failings.
determination, he might have maintained
the integrity of the empire and averted the schism which for a time
threatened the existence of Islam, and is felt in its debilitating
influences to the present day.
Aly wise in counsel.

Aly was wise in counsel, and many an
adage and sapient proverb has been attributed to him. But, like
Solomon, his wisdom was more for others than for himself. His
career cannot be characterised otherwise than as a failure. On the
election of Abu Bekr, influenced probably by Fâtima, who claimed
and was denied a share in her father’s property, Aly retired for a time
into private life. Thereafter we find him taking part in the counsels of
Abu Bekr and his successors, and even performing the functions of
chief judicial officer. But he never asserted the leading position,
which, as the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, might have been
expected of him; nor is there aught (excepting party-coloured and
distorted tradition) to show that this was due to any other cause than
his own easy and inactive temperament.
There is one indelible blot on the The blot upon his escutcheon.
escutcheon of Aly—the flagrant breach of
duty he was guilty of towards his sovereign ruler. He had sworn
allegiance to Othmân, and by him he was bound to have stood in his
last extremity. Instead, he held ignobly aloof, while the Caliph fell a
victim to red-handed treason. Nor can the plea avail that he was
himself in the hands of the insurgents. Had there been a loyal will to
help, there would have been a ready way. In point of fact, his attitude
gave colour to the charge even of collusion.[567] And herein Aly must
be held accountable not only for a grave dereliction of duty, but for a
fatal error, which shook the stability of the Caliphate itself, as he was
not long in finding to his cost.
There is no trace whatever, in the
history of those times, of the extravagant Divine Imâmate, a late
claims made in later days for Aly and his fiction.
family. Clearly none of these were regarded during their lifetime with
any respect or veneration beyond that which was due to their
relationship with the Prophet.[568] On the contrary, we find that even
in their own capital and provinces, there prevailed towards them an
utter want of enthusiasm and loyalty, amounting at times to positive
disaffection. The fiction of the Divine Imâmship was a reaction from
the tragedy at Kerbala (to be told below) and the cruel fate of the
Prophet’s descendants. And the superstition, fostered by Alyite and
Abbasside faction, soon formed a powerful lever which was skilfully
and unscrupulously used in the busy canvass to overthrow the
Omeyyad dynasty.
CHAPTER XLVI.
HASAN SUCCEEDS ALY.—ABDICATES IN FAVOUR OF MUAVIA.
A.H. XL., XLI. A.D. 661.
When they had committed Aly, we know

not where, to his last home, the people, Hasan succeeds his father
following the example of Cays ibn Sád, Aly. Ramadhân, a.h. XL. Jan.
a.d. 661.
whose influence at the Court of Baghdad
continued undiminished, did homage, as it were by common
consent, to Hasan, the departed Caliph’s eldest son. But Hasan was
a poor-spirited creature, more intent on varying the charms of his
ever-changing harem than on the business of public life, and
altogether unworthy of his descent as the grandson of the Prophet.
[569]
It was, therefore, now Muâvia’s

opportunity for asserting his title to the But, attacked by Muâvia, and
whole Moslem empire. Already, in mobbed by his own troops,
accordance with Amru’s verdict at the Arbitration, he was recognised
as Caliph throughout Syria and Egypt.[570] Resenting the succession
of Hasan to his father’s power at Kûfa, Muâvia at once gathered a
powerful army and marched to invade Irâc. No sooner was this
intelligence received, than the men of Kûfa, impatient at the prospect
of falling under the rule of Syria, rallied beneath their new Caliph’s
standard, and an army forty thousand strong was ready to repel the
attack.[571] But Hasan had no stomach for the war. Sending forward
his vanguard of twelve thousand men under the brave and faithful
Cays, he followed himself irresolutely; and, with the bulk of his army,
rested at Medâin amidst the luxurious gardens of the old Persian
Court.[572] While thus ignobly holding back, the report gained
currency at Medâin that Cays had been defeated on the plains of
Mesopotamia, and slain. An émeute ensued. The troops rose
mutinously upon the Caliph. They rushed into his sumptuous
pavilion, and plundered the royal tents even to the carpets. A project
was set on foot to seize his person, and, by delivering him up to
Muâvia, thus make favourable terms. The faint-hearted Caliph,
alarmed at these demonstrations, took refuge in the Great White
Palace, a more congenial residence for him than the martial camp;
and, trusting no longer to his fickle and disloyal people, sent letters
to Muâvia offering to submit. Hasan agreed
to abdicate and retire to Medîna, on abdicates in favour of Muâvia
condition that he should retain the contents July, a.d. 661.
of the treasury, five million pieces; that he should receive for his
support the revenues of a Persian district; and further, that the
imprecation against his father should be dropped from the public
prayers. Muâvia granted the first two requests; and as for the third,
he consented that no prayer against Aly should be recited within
hearing of his son. The truce was ratified accordingly on the 24th day
of Rabî I.
After a brief and inglorious reign of only five or six months,
Hasan, with his household and belongings, retired to the Hejâz. The
people of Kûfa, we are told, wept at their departure. But Hasan left
them without regret. It was a race, he said, in whom no trust could be
reposed, and who had set purpose neither for good nor for evil.[573]
Cays, whose ability and prowess were
worthy of a better cause, remained for Cays submits to Muâvia.
some little while longer in the field. But at
length, having obtained terms for all his soldiers who had been
fighting on the side of Aly, and there being no longer any master left
to fight for, he laid down his arms and recognised Muâvia as
supreme.[574]
Thus, at last, Muâvia was able to make
a triumphal entry into Kûfa. Having Muâvia sole and undisputed
Caliph.
received the homage of that city and of the
Eastern provinces, he returned to Syria sole and undisputed Caliph
of Islam; and Damascus thenceforth became the capital of the
empire.
The imprecations against the memory
of Aly, his house, and his adherents, still Continued imprecation
formed part of the public service at against the house of Aly.
Damascus. The curse, indeed, continued to be so used throughout
the whole period of Omeyyad ascendency.[575]
CHAPTER XLVII.
SOME BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES.
A.H. XL.-L.
Before passing on to the brief

remainder of this work, I purpose to notice Biographical notices.
shortly the sequel of one or two of the
leading men still left at Aly’s death upon the stage.
Hasan, the short-lived Caliph, retired to
Medîna, where, with ample means to Hasan, son of Aly, poisoned
gratify his ruling passion, he lived in ease by his wife.
and quietness, giving no further anxiety to Muâvia. He survived eight
years, and met his death by poison at the hand of one of his wives. It
was a not unnatural end for ‘Hasan the Divorcer;’ but Alyite tradition
would have us to believe that the lady was bribed by the Caliph to
commit the crime, and thus exalt the libertine to the dignity of a
martyr.[576] Of his brother Hosein, we shall hear more anon.
Amru remained in the government of
Egypt till his death, a.h. 43. He died Amru.
seventy-three years of age, and penitent,
we are told, for all his misdeeds. His life was one of the most
eventful in this history. No man influenced more than he the fortunes
of the Caliphate. Brave in the field, astute in counsel, coarse and
unscrupulous in word and action, it was mainly to Amru that Muâvia
owed his ascendency over Aly, and the eventual establishment of the
Omeyyad dynasty. He was four years Governor of Egypt under
Omar; he continued in the same post a like period under Othmân,
who by his recall in an evil hour made him his enemy; and, finally
reappointed by Muâvia on the defeat of Mohammed son of Abu Bekr,
he was still at his death the Governor of Egypt. One of his sons
succeeded him, but not for any lengthened period.[577]
The vicissitudes in the career of
Moghîra were hardly less surprising than in Moghîra appointed Governor
that of Amru. Clever and designing, he of Kûfa.
survived the disgrace of his fall at Bussorah, and rose again to
influence at court. He was eventually placed by Muâvia in the most
difficult and coveted post of the empire, the government, namely, of
the no longer regal Kûfa, to which was added the northern district of
Persia. By his shrewd and firm administration, he held under strict
control that fickle and restless city, still betrayed ever and anon into
theocratic outbursts, or (the new trouble of the empire) into
treasonable demonstrations in favour of the race of Aly.
But, perhaps, the service of greatest
value which Moghîra rendered to his Ziâd, Governor of Southern
Persia, gives in his adhesion
sovereign, was that he induced Ziâd, now to Muâvia. a.h. XLII. a.d.
holding powerful command in the south of 662.
Persia, to tender his allegiance. The son of
a vagrant bond-woman, whom Abu Sofiân before his conversion
chanced to meet at Tâyif, Ziâd had overcome, by the faithful and
diligent application of his high abilities, the disadvantage of servile
birth. His merits as Chancellor of the Treasury at Bussorah had been
recognised by Omar, and he had risen both under Othmân and Aly
to the most important commands in Bussorah and Southern Persia.
Eloquent in address, and powerful in administration, he was by far
the ablest statesman of the day. Firmly attached to the cause of Aly,
he retained his animosity towards Muâvia, even after Hasan’s
abdication; and as Governor of Istakhr (Persepolis) was a thorn in
the side of the Caliphate. Moghîra, who had not forgotten that he
owed his escape from the capital charge of adultery to the partial
evidence of Ziâd,[578] maintained friendly relations with him, and in
the forty-second year of the Hegira was deputed by Muâvia to the
magnificent viceregal court of Istakhr, and there persuaded him to
tender his submission. Under a safe-conduct, he appeared before
the Caliph at Damascus, and presented, in token of his adhesion, a
purse of a thousand golden pieces. He was dismissed with every
token of honour, and confirmed in his Persian government.
Not long afterwards a curious episode
in his history disturbed the equanimity of Muâvia declares Ziâd, as son
the Moslem public. Muâvia formally of Abu Sofiân, his brother.
a.h. XLV.
recognised Ziâd as the son of his own
father Abu Sofiân, and therefore as his brother. The open
acknowledgment of the relationship created a serious scandal
throughout Islam, because it was held to contravene the law of
legitimacy, and still more because it made Omm Habîba, one of the
‘Mothers of the Faithful,’ and daughter also of Abu Sofiân, to be the
sister of an adulterous issue. Even the Beni Omeyyad, Muâvia’s own
kinsfolk, were displeased at the affront put upon the purity of their
blood. But the feeling passed away when it was seen that a pillar of
iron strength had been gained to the Omeyyad side.[579] In the year
45 a.h., Ziâd was made Governor of
Bussorah, and of the whole of Southern Ziâd appointed Governor of
Persia, from the Straits of Omân to the Bussorah,
Kûfa.
and eventually of
river Indus. His strong hand fell heavily on

the restless population of Bussorah: the city was patrolled
incessantly by an armed police of a thousand men. None might
venture abroad at night on pain of death; and so ruthless was the
order, that an unlucky Arab, who had wandered unawares into the
precincts of the town, was tried and deliberately executed for the
involuntary offence. Both at the Mosque and the palace, and
whenever he went abroad, Ziâd was attended in Oriental guise by
silver-sticks and lictors, and a body-guard of five hundred soldiers
waited at his gate. The supremacy of law, or, as it might perhaps be
called, the reign of terror, was new at Bussorah, but it effectually
repressed rebellion; and the same may also be said of Kûfa, to
which, on Moghîra’s death, Ziâd was translated. This stern
administration was but a foretaste of the hard and cruel régime
which, later on, found its climax in the bloody rule of Hajjâj; the son
of Yusûf.
In the fiftieth year of the Hegira, we are
told that Muâvia entertained a project for Design of removing
Mahomet’s pulpit to
removing the pulpit and staff of the Prophet Damascus.
from Medîna, the rebellious scene of
Othmân’s murder, to Damascus, now the capital of Islam. But the
impious project was, by Divine interposition, checked. For, ‘on its
being touched, the pulpit trembled fearfully, and the sun was
darkened, so that the very stars shone forth, and men were terrified
at the prodigies.’ The tradition is significant of the superstitious
regard in which everything connected with the Prophet’s person was
held. It is not unlikely that Muâvia did entertain the sacrilegious
design; but, if so, he was dissuaded from it by Abu Horeira, who
urged that where the Prophet had placed his pulpit and his staff,
there they should remain. And so they were left as relics in the Great
Mosque hard by the dwelling-place of Mahomet.[580]
CHAPTER XLVIII.
YEZID APPOINTED HEIR APPARENT.—HEREDITARY
NOMINATION BECOMES A PRECEDENT.
A.H. LVI. A.D. 676.
The election of a Caliph on each

recurring succession, excepting only that Precedents for nomination or
of Omar, had been followed by the risk of election to the Caliphate.
serious perils to the peace of Islam. The choice was supposed to be
a privilege vested in the inhabitants of Medîna—‘Citizens,’ as well as
‘Refugees;’ but the practice had been various, and the rule had been
oftener broken than observed. The Prophet himself nominated no
one. Abu Bekr may be said to have been chosen by acclamation.
[581] Abu Bekr, on his death-bed, named Omar his successor. And
Omar, establishing yet another precedent, placed the nomination in
the hands of Electors. It is true that on the two last-named
occasions, the choice was ratified by the homage of Medîna; but that
was little more than the formal recognition of an appointment already
made. At the fourth succession, the election of Aly, though carried
out under the compulsion of insurgent bands, resembled somewhat
the popular election of the first Caliph. Then followed the
unsuccessful rebellion of Talha and Zobeir, based on the allegation
that homage had been extorted from them under pressure. After that,
ensued the struggle between Muâvia, the de facto sovereign of
Syria, and Aly, which ended in the irregular recognition of Muâvia as
Caliph upon the so-called Arbitration of Dûma, and in the double
Caliphate. On the death of Aly, who (we are told) declined to
nominate a successor, his son Hasan was elected, not, as
heretofore, by the people of Medîna, but by the citizens of Kûfa. And,
finally, we have the first example of abdication, when Hasan
resigned his rights into the hands of Muâvia, and left him sole Caliph
of Islam.
Whatever the rights of Medîna originally
may have been, circumstances had now The initiative in election no
materially altered the only practical means longer at Medîna.
of exercising them. Having been abandoned as the seat of
government, the privilege of choosing a Caliph, or of confirming his
nomination, however much it may have vested by prescription in the
citizens of Medîna, had become an anachronism now. The
succession, as in the case of Hasan, followed necessarily, and at
once, upon the death of the reigning Caliph, and Medîna could only
ratify what had taken place elsewhere. The functions of the citizens
of Medîna were thus, from the course of events, transferred to the
inhabitants of the seat of government, wheresoever it might be.
Again, that which had happened after
the election of Aly, might happen again at Danger surrounding each
succession.
any fresh accession to the throne. Zobeir
and Talha raised the standard of revolt on the plea that their oath
was taken under compulsion; while between Aly and Muâvia, there
followed a long and doubtful contest. The internecine struggle had
imperilled the existence of Islam. Not only had the ranks of the
Faithful been seriously thinned by the blood shed on either side; but,
from without, enemies might at any moment have taken advantage
of the strife. Muâvia, in point of fact, made a truce with the Byzantine
Court while the civil war impended. But if a similar opportunity again
offered, the foes of Islam might not be so forbearing, and a fatal
wound might be inflicted thus upon the empire torn by intestine
conflict.
Influenced by such considerations, as well, no doubt, as by the
desire of maintaining the Caliphate in his own line, Muâvia
entertained the project of declaring his son, Yezîd, to be the Heir
Apparent. By securing thus an oath of
fealty to his son throughout the Moslem Muâvia’s design to nominate
world, he would anticipate the event of his his son Heir Apparent.
own decease, and thus prevent the peril of a contested election
when it did occur. Ziâd, summoned to advise, was favourable to the
design, but enjoined deliberation, and a preliminary cautious
canvass throughout the provinces. He also counselled Yezîd, who
was devoted to the chase and careless of public affairs, to amend
his ways in preparation for the throne, and show before the people a
character more fitted for the high dignity in store for him. Moghîra
likewise was strongly in favour of the scheme.[582] But it was not till
both these counsellors had passed away, that Muâvia found himself
in a position to proceed with the design.
So soon as Muâvia felt secure of
adequate support, and especially that Yezîd declared Heir
Medîna would not resent the invasion of its Apparent. a.h. LVI. a.d. 676.
elective privilege,[583] provision was made that deputations from all
the provinces, and also from the chief cities, should present
themselves before the Caliph at Damascus. These, received in state,
affected to press the nomination; and accordingly, without further
ceremony, the oath of allegiance was taken by all present to Yezîd
as next successor to the Caliphate. Syria and Irâc, having without
demur tendered their homage to the same effect, Muâvia set out for
the Hejâz, followed by a retinue of a thousand horse, ostensibly to
perform the Lesser Pilgrimage, but in reality to obtain the assent of
the Holy Cities to what had been enacted at Damascus and
elsewhere. The leading dissentients at
Medîna were Hosein the second son of Mecca and Medîna forced to
Aly, the son of Zobeir, Abd al Rahmân son swear allegiance.
of Abu Bekr, and the son of Omar. Muâvia received them roughly as
they came out to meet him on his entry into the city; and so, to avoid
further mortification, they departed at once for Mecca. The remainder
of the citizens ratified the nomination of Yezîd, and took the oath
accordingly. Continuing his progress, and having arrived at Mecca,
Muâvia carried himself blandly towards the people of the Holy City
during the first few days of his visit, which were occupied with the
rites of pilgrimage. But as the time of departure drew nigh, he stood
up to address them on his errand; and although his speech was
gilded with many plausible assurances that the privileges of the
Sacred places would be religiously respected, there was at the first
no response. Then arose Abdallah son of Zobeir, and boldly said that
the oath of homage to an Heir Apparent would be opposed to all the
precedents of Islam. To such cavils, the Caliph, in answer, urged the

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Solution Manual for Choosing Success 2nd Edition

by Atkinson Longman ISBN 0078020948

Choosing Goals for College and Life

Multiple Choice Questions

1. Planning to earn a B average in your first semester is an example of a:

2. A mid-range goal is considered:

A. A fairly minor accomplishment

3. An example of a social goal is:

A. Learning to play the guitar

A. Set ambitious but largely unattainable goals

5. No matter what your goals, achieving them requires you to:

A. Not worry about cutting corners

6. When you make use of visualization in goal setting, you:

A. Look at the accomplishment of the goal from multiple perspectives

A. Your overall time management skills

A. Setting goals that are unachievable

9. The concept of locus of control was advanced by a psychologist named:

A. See themselves as playing an active role in their decisions

A. an internal locus of control

13. At many colleges, students are placed on academic probation if:

A. They fail a course

14. If you are suspended by your school for academic reasons:

15. If a student earns an A in a three-credit English course, an A in a four-credit Math course, a B in a

16. A short-term goal is one that must be completed within a year.

19. Deciding to lose ten pounds is an example of a personal goal.

24. The S in the S.M.A.R.T.E.R system stands for sensible.

27. In general, it's a good idea to avoid Backward Planning.

29. Visualizing a goal is only the first step in achieving it.

32. Nothing positive can ever come from mistakes.

36. It is fairly easy to change your locus of control.

37. Awareness is the first step in altering your locus of control.

39. Maintaining balance in your life can be a goal in itself.

Short Answer Questions

46. Why is it important for people to have goals?

50. What is S.M.A.R.T.E.R? What do the letters stand for?

53. What is Visualization?

54. Why is it important to keep a record of your successes?

55. Discuss five tips for making goals a reality.

58. How could you begin to change your locus of control?

61. Why is it important to celebrate your successes?

63. What are Quality Points?

Multiple Choice Questions

1. Planning to earn a B average in your first semester is an example of a:

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2. A mid-range goal is considered:

A. A fairly minor accomplishment

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

A. Learning to play the guitar

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

A. Set ambitious but largely unattainable goals

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

5. No matter what your goals, achieving them requires you to:

A. Not worry about cutting corners

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

A. Look at the accomplishment of the goal from multiple perspectives

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

A. Your overall time management skills

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

A. Setting goals that are unachievable

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

10. People with an internal locus of control: