Special Education in Contemporary Society An Introduction To Exceptionality 6Th Edition Gargiulo Test Bank Full Chapter PDF

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Gargiulo and Bouck, Special Education in Contemporary Society

SAGE Publishing, 2017
Special Education in Contemporary Society An

Introduction to Exceptionality 6th Edition
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Chapter 5: Assistive Technology

Test Bank
Multiple Choice
1. Tools that help educators and students create products efficiently and effectively are
considered ______.
a. medical technology
b. productivity technology
c. information technology
d. instructional technology
Ans: B
Learning Objective: Discuss what makes a technology an assistive technology for
students with disabilities.
Cognitive Domain: Knowledge
Answer Location: Technology in Education
Difficulty Level: Easy
2. ______ developed an assistive technology planner for use by teachers, parents, and
students to actively participate in assistive technology planning and decision-making on
an IEP team.
a. National Assistive Technology Research Institute (NATRI)
b. Wisconsin Assistive Technology Initiative (WATI)
c. Matching Person and Technology (MPT)
d. University of Kentucky Assistive Technology (UKAT) Toolkit
Ans: A
Learning Objective: Explain how assistive technology can benefit students with
disabilities.
Answer Location: Assistive Technology Decision Making
Instructor Resource
3. ______ most commonly refers to when no tool or device is actually used.

a. No-tech
b. Low-tech
c. Mid-tech
d. High-tech
Ans: A
Learning Objective: Describe the difference between low-tech, mid-tech, and high-tech
assistive technology.
Answer Location: Assistive Technology Categorization
4. Graphic organizers are an example of

a. no-tech assistive technologies
b. low-tech assistive technologies
c. mid-tech assistive technologies
d. high-tech assistive technologies
Ans: A
5. Speech-to-text is an example of
Ans: D
6. Calculators are an example of

Ans: C
Instructor Resource

7. The most recently available data from the National Assessment of Educational
Progress (NAEP) which assesses grade 4 suggest that ______ percent of fourth
graders scored below a basic level which denotes partial master of prerequisite
knowledge and skills that are fundamental for proficient work.
a. 27
b. 30
c. 35
d. 40
Ans: A
Learning Objective: Identify assistive technology devices that support students with
disabilities across content-area instruction.
Cognitive Domain: Comprehension
Answer Location: Devices and Tools: Reading
Difficulty Level: Medium
8. One example of lo-tech assistive technology for reading is

a. books on CD
b. highlighter tape
c. text-to-speech
d. reading pen
Ans: B
Learning Objective: Describe the different purposes of assistive technology.
Answer Location: Devices and Tools: Reading
9. An example of mid-tech assistive technology for writing is

a. handheld spell checkers
b. raised lined paper
c. pencil grips
d. word prediction
Ans: A
Answer Location: Devices and Tools: Writing
10. An example of low-tech assistive technology for mathematics is

a. graph paper
b. calculators
c. virtual manipulatives
d. computer-assisted instruction
Ans: A
Instructor Resource

Answer Location: Devices and Tools: Mathematics
11. An example of high-tech assistive technology for mathematics is

a. graph paper
b. calculators
c. virtual manipulatives
d. concrete manipulatives
Ans: C
12. ______ are less assistive and more instructional technologies that support students
with and without disabilities in mathematics.
a. Calculators
b. Computer-assisted instruction
c. Virtual manipulatives
d. Curriculum-based instruction
Ans: B
disabilities across content-area instruction.
13. ______ is the study and practice of facilitating learning and improving performance
by creating, using, and managing technological processes and resources.
a. Medical technology
b. Educational technology
c. Productivity technology
d. Information technology
Ans: B
students with disabilities
14. Examples of “repurposing” technology include all of the following except this:
a. Social media to teach writing skills
b. Cell phone to contact a parent
c. iPad as a textbook
Instructor Resource
d. Digital camera for taking pictures of objects and then manipulating the images to
demonstrate
Ans: B
Cognitive Domain: Application
15. An example of assistive technology used for the purpose of mobility is

a. a gait trainer.
b. adjustable-height desks.
c. alternative keyboard.
d. custom wedges.
Ans: A
Answer Location: Devices and Tools
16. One example of medical technology is

a. computer-assisted technology.
b. feeding tubes.
c. inquiry.
d. wheelchair.
Ans: B
17. Recent statistics suggest students are increasingly spending their time outside of
the school with technology, resulting in some calling today’s students the ______.
a. techno-generation kids
b. NextGen kids
c. iGeneration
d. iKids
Ans: C
disabilities.
Answer Location: Assistive Technology
18. An example of information technology is

a. direct instruction.
b. text-to-speech software.
Instructor Resource
c. word processor.
d. the Internet.
Ans: D
disabilities.
19. Despite its value, ______ is an area of struggle for many students.
a. mathematics
b. science
c. vocabulary
d. reading
Ans: D
disabilities across the content-area instruction.
20. ______ are typically found in elementary and secondary classrooms and are
considered an evidence-based practice for educating students with disabilities.
a. Calculators
b. Number lines
c. Multiplication charts
d. Concrete manipulatives
Ans: D
21. ______ supports students with disabilities in the acquisition of life skills.
a. Self-operating prompting devices
b. Text-to-speech
c. Concrete manipulatives
d. The smartboard
Ans: A
22. Smartphones can be used as

a. cell phones.
Instructor Resource
b. organizational tools.
c. alarm clocks.
d. all of these
Ans: D
23. A loss of interest by the student because he or she feels “singled out” is referred to
as
a. inadequate self-esteem.
b. a poor attitude.
c. abandonment.
d. oppositional.
Ans: C
disabilities.
Answer Location: Issues With Assistive Technology
24. NaturalReader and Spell Better are examples of mobile technology applications
designed to address issues in
a. mathematics.
b. science terminology.
c. social studies.
d. literacy.
Ans: D
25. Examples of technology that support the writing process include all of the following
except this:
a. Speech-to-text
b. Word prediction
c. Computer-based concept maps
d. Pencil grips
Ans: D
Instructor Resource
26. Kindle, Nook, and iPad are becoming increasingly popular to provide ______
to students.
a. educational games
b. social media
c. e-text
d. puzzles
Ans: C
disabilities.
27. E-readers serve as a ______ assistive technology for students with reading
difficulties.
a. no-tech
b. low-tech
c. mid-tech
d. high-tech
Ans: D
disabilities.
28. When deciding upon assistive technology, IEP teams should always first consider
______ options.
a. no-tech
b. low-tech
c. mid-tech
d. high-tech
Ans: B
29. An example of assistive technology in writing is ______.

a. highlighter tape
b. graph paper
c. portable word processor
d. manipulatives
Instructor Resource
Ans: C
30. Technology of teaching is best described as

a. tools that provide access to resources.
b. tools and devices that support students with disabilities.
c. typically devoid of tools as it refers to instructional techniques.
d. tools and devices used to support and monitor one’s health.
Ans: C
31. A person trained to provide assistive technology services to individuals with

disabilities is a(n)
a. assistive technology technician.
b. assistive technology specialist.
c. augmentative and alternate communication specialist.
d. special education teacher.
Ans: B
Answer Location: Assistive Technology
32. Tools that help educators and students create products efficiently and effectively are
considered
a. productivity technologies.
b. information technologies.
c. instructional technologies.
d. assistive technologies.
Ans: A
Instructor Resource
33. IDEA 2004 mandates that states and their districts pay for all assistive technology
required in an IEP except this:
a. Feeding tubes
b. Braille textbooks
c. Computer programs
d. Cochlear implants
Ans: D
Learning Objective: Understand the legal and legislative aspects of assistive
technology.
Answer Location: History and Legislation of Assistive Technology
34. According to IDEA 2004, assistive technology refers to “any item, piece of
equipment, or product system, whether acquired commercially off the shelf, modified, or
customized, that is used to
a. provide optimum opportunities for individuals with disabilities.”
b. assist individuals with disabilities ages 12–18.”
c. increase, maintain, or improve the functional capabilities of a child with a disability.”
d. provide opportunities for students to avoid homework.”
Ans: C
technology.
35. IDEA 2004 omitted ______ technologies from the definition of assistive
technologies.
a. digital
b. surgically implanted
c. production
d. instructional
Ans: B
technology.
36. The NATRI has developed a(n) ______ for use during the IEP decision-making
process.
a. assistive technology rubric
b. checklist
c. assistive technology planner
d. assistive technology toolkit
Instructor Resource
Ans: C
37. The Student, Environments, Tasks, and Tools (SETT) framework involves all the
following except this:
a. The financial status of the student’s family
b. Identification and consideration of the student’s needs, strengths, and preferences
c. Where the student functions
d. What the student is expected to perform
Ans: A
38. Which of the following would be considered an example of assistive technology?

a. A related service
b. An accommodation
c. An annual goal
d. All of these
Ans: D
Answer Location: Assistive Technology and the IEP
39. IEP teams should consider assistive technology ______ an IEP meeting.
a. at the beginning of
b. prior to
c. before writing goals
d. toward the end of
Ans: D
disabilities.
Answer Location: Assistive Technology and the IEP
40. An example of educational “assistive technology” is

a. feeding tubes.
b. inquiry.
c. wheelchair.
Instructor Resource
d. smartboards.
Ans: C
41. An example of an assistive technology in the early 1800s is

a. talking calculator.
b. hearing aids.
c. Braille.
d. magnification of print.
Ans: C
42. In the 1970s, with the invention of the ______, additional assistive technology
became available to support students with disabilities.
a. digital camera
b. iPod
c. microcomputer
d. text-to-speech software
Ans: C
43. Assistive technology was first included in IDEA with the passage of
a. PL 94-142 in 1975.
b. PL 99-457 in 1986.
c. PL 101-476 in 1990.
d. PL 108-46 in 2004.
Ans: C
technology.
Instructor Resource
44. Symbols, aids, strategies, and techniques used as a supplement or alternative to

oral language are referred to as
a. assistive technology devices.
b. assistive technology services.
c. augmentative and alternative communication.
d. none of these.
Ans: C
45. A disability that prevents an individual from gaining information from printed material
is called
a. verbal disability.
b. vocabulary/receptive disability.
c. comprehension disability.
d. print disability.
Ans: D
technology.
46. A tool for the delivery of instruction is called

a. productivity technology.
b. informational technology.
c. instructional technology.
d. medical technology.
Ans: C
47. Which of the following is not one of the seven purposes for assistive technology as
stipulated by Bryant and Bryant (2003)?
a. Positioning
b. Computer access
c. Composition of written material
d. Adaptive environments
Ans: C
disabilities.
Instructor Resource

48. An iPad is considered

a. no-tech.
b. low-tech.
c. mid-tech.
d. high-tech.
Ans: D
49. Highlighter strips would be categorized as

a. no-tech.
b. low-tech.
c. mid-tech.
d. high-tech.
Ans: B
50. An example of assistive technology used for seating and positioning might be
a. a wheelchair.
b. custom wedges.
c. a gait trainer.
d. an alternative keyboard.
Ans: B
51. An example of assistive technology for the purpose of recreation and leisure is
a. Braille playing cards.
b. a pencil grip.
c. a ReadingPen.
d. a hearing aid.
Ans: A
Instructor Resource
52. One of the most common technologies to consider for students who struggle with
reading is _________.
a. highlighter pens
b. picture symbols
c. text-to-speech software
d. books on CD
Ans: A
disabilities.
53. In which content would you most likely use raised paper?
a. Reading
b. Writing
c. Mathematics
d. Science
Ans: B
54. Social studies and science instruction is often dominated by

a. mathematics concepts.
b. vocabulary activities.
c. comprehension activities.
d. literacy-based activities.
Ans: D
55. The design of curriculum materials, instructional activities, and evaluation

procedures that can meet the needs of learners with widely varying abilities and
backgrounds is called
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oath in heaven. He calmly and bravely heard the voice of doubt and
fear all around him; but he had an oath in heaven, and there was not
power enough on earth to make this honest boatman,
backwoodsman, and broad-handed splitter of rails evade or violate
that sacred oath. He had not been schooled in the ethics of slavery;
his plain life had favored his love of truth. He had not been taught
that treason and perjury were the proof of honor and honesty. His
moral training was against his saying one thing when he meant
another. The trust which Abraham Lincoln had in himself and in the
people was surprising and grand, but it was also enlightened and
well-founded. He knew the American people better than they knew
themselves, and his truth was based upon this knowledge.
Fellow citizens, the fourteenth day of April, 1865, of which this is
the eleventh anniversary, is now and will ever remain a memorable
day in the annals of this republic. It was on the evening of this day,
while a fierce and sanguinary rebellion was in the last stages of its
desolating power; while its armies were broken and scattered before
the invincible armies of Grant and Sherman; while a great nation,
torn and rent by war, was already beginning to raise to the skies loud
anthems of joy at the dawn of peace, it was startled, amazed, and
overwhelmed by the crowning crime of slavery—the assassination of
Abraham Lincoln. It was a new crime, a pure act of malice. No
purpose of the rebellion was to be served by it. It was the simple
gratification of a hell-black spirit of revenge. But it has done good
after all. It has filled the country with a deeper abhorrence of slavery
and a deeper love for the great liberator.
Had Abraham Lincoln died from any of the numerous ills to
which flesh is heir; had he reached that good old age of which his
vigorous constitution and his temperate habits gave promise; had he
been permitted to see the end of his great work; had the solemn
curtain of death come down but gradually—we should still have been
smitten with a heavy grief, and treasured his name lovingly. But
dying as he did die, by the red hand of violence, killed, assassinated,
taken off without warning, not because of personal hate—for no man
who knew Abraham Lincoln could hate him—but because of his
fidelity to union and liberty, he is doubly dear to us, and his memory
will be precious forever.
Fellow citizens, I end as I begun, with congratulations. We have
done a good work for our race to-day. In doing honor to the memory
of our friend and liberator, we have been doing highest honors to
ourselves and those who come after us; we have been fastening
ourselves to a name and fame imperishable and immortal; we have
also been defending ourselves from a blighting scandal. When now it
shall be said that the colored man is soulless, that he has no
appreciation of benefits or benefactors; when the foul reproach of
ingratitude is hurled at us, and it is attempted to scourge us beyond
the range of human brotherhood, we may calmly point to the
monument we have this day erected to the memory of Abraham
Lincoln.
west india emancipation.

Extract from a speech delivered by Frederick Douglass in Elmira,
N. Y., August 1, 1880, at a great meeting of colored people, met to
celebrate West India emancipation, and where he was received with
marked respect and approval by the president of the day and the
immense crowd there assembled. It is placed in this book partly as a
grateful tribute to the noble transatlantic men and women through
whose unwearied exertions the system of negro slavery was finally
abolished in all the British Isles.
A. Lincoln
Mr. President:—I thank you very sincerely for this cordial
greeting. I hear in your speech something like a welcome home after
a long absence. More years of my life and labors have been spent in
this than in any other State of the Union. Anywhere within a hundred
miles of the goodly city of Rochester, I feel myself at home and
among friends. Within that circumference, there resides a people
which have no superiors in point of enlightenment, liberality, and
civilization. Allow me to thank you also, for your generous words of
sympathy and approval. In respect to this important support to a
public man, I have been unusually fortunate. My forty years of work
in the cause of the oppressed and enslaved, has been well noted,
well appreciated, and well rewarded. All classes and colors of men,
at home and abroad, have in this way assisted in holding up my
hands. Looking back through these long years of toil and conflict,
during which I have had blows to take as well as blows to give, and
have sometimes received wounds and bruises, both in body and in
mind, my only regret is that I have been enabled to do so little to lift
up and strengthen our long enslaved and still oppressed people. My
apology for these remarks personal to myself, is in the fact that I am
now standing mainly in the presence of a new generation. Most of
the men with whom I lived and labored in the early years of the
abolition movement, have passed beyond the borders of this life.
Scarcely any of the colored men who advocated our cause, and who
started when I did, are now numbered among the living, and I begin
to feel somewhat lonely. But while I have the sympathy and approval
of men and women like these before me, I shall give with joy my
latest breath in support of your claim to justice, liberty, and equality
among men. The day we celebrate is preëminently the colored
man’s day. The great event by which it is distinguished, and by which
it will forever be distinguished from all other days of the year, has
justly claimed thoughtful attention among statesmen and social
reformers throughout the world. While to them it is a luminous point
in human history, and worthy of thought in the colored man, it
addresses not merely the intelligence, but the feeling. The
emancipation of our brothers in the West Indies comes home to us
and stirs our hearts and fills our souls with those grateful sentiments
which link mankind in a common brotherhood.
In the history of the American conflict with slavery, the day we
celebrate has played an important part. Emancipation in the West
Indies was the first bright star in a stormy sky; the first smile after a
long providential frown; the first ray of hope; the first tangible fact
demonstrating the possibility of a peaceable transition from slavery
to freedom of the negro race. Whoever else may forget or slight the
claims of this day, it can never be other to us than memorable and
glorious. The story of it shall be brief and soon told. Six-and-forty
years ago, on the day we now celebrate, there went forth over the
blue waters of the Carribean sea a great message from the British
throne, hailed with startling shouts of joy and thrilling songs of praise.
That message liberated, set free, and brought within the pale of
civilization eight hundred thousand people, who, till then, had been
esteemed as beasts of burden. How vast, sudden, and startling was
this transformation! In one moment, a mere tick of a watch, the
twinkle of an eye, the glance of the morning sun, saw a bondage
which had resisted the humanity of ages, defied earth and heaven,
instantly ended; saw the slave-whip burnt to ashes; saw the slave’s
chains melted; saw his fetters broken, and the irresponsible power of
the slave-master over his victim forever destroyed.
I have been told by eye-witnesses of the scene, that, in the first
moment of it, the emancipated hesitated to accept it for what it was.
They did not know whether to receive it as a reality, a dream, or a
vision of the fancy.
No wonder they were thus amazed, and doubtful, after their
terrible years of darkness and sorrow, which seemed to have no end.
Like much other good news, it was thought too good to be true. But
the silence and hesitation they observed was only momentary. When
fully assured the good tidings which had come across the sea to
them, were not only good but true; that they were indeed no longer
slaves, but free; that the lash of the slave-driver was no longer in the
air, but buried in the earth; that their limbs were no longer chained,
but subject to their own will, the manifestations of their joy and
gratitude knew no bounds, and sought expression in the loudest and
wildest possible forms. They ran about, they danced, they sang, they
gazed into the blue sky, bounded into the air, kneeled, prayed,
shouted, rolled upon the ground, embraced each other. They
laughed and wept for joy. Those who witnessed the scene say they
never saw anything like it before.
We are sometimes asked why we American citizens annually
celebrate West India emancipation when we might celebrate
American emancipation. Why go abroad, say they, when we might
as well stay at home?
The answer is easily given. Human liberty excludes all idea of
home and abroad. It is universal and spurns localization.
“When a deed is done for freedom,

Through the broad earth’s aching breast
Runs a thrill of joy prophetic,
Trembling on from East to West.”
It is bounded by no geographical lines and knows no national

limitations. Like the glorious sun of the heavens, its light shines for
all. But besides this general consideration, this boundless power and
glory of liberty, West India Emancipation has claims upon us as an
event in this nineteenth century in which we live, for rich as this
century is in moral and material achievements, in progress and
civilization, it can claim nothing for itself greater and grander than
this act of West India Emancipation.
Whether we consider the matter or the manner of it, the tree or
its fruit, it is noteworthy, memorable, and sublime. Especially is the
manner of its accomplishment worthy of consideration. Its best
lesson to the world, its most encouraging word to all who toil and
trust in the cause of justice and liberty, to all who oppose oppression
and slavery, is a word of sublime faith and courage—faith in the truth
and courage in the expression.
Great and valuable concessions have in different ages been
made to the liberties of mankind. They have, however, come not at
the command of reason and persuasion, but by the sharp and
terrible edge of the sword. To this rule West India Emancipation is a
splendid exception. It came, not by the sword, but by the word; not
by the brute force of numbers, but by the still small voice of truth; not
by barricades, bayonets, and bloody revolution, but by peaceful
agitation; not by divine interference, but by the exercise of simple,
human reason and feeling. I repeat, that, in this peculiarity, we have
what is most valuable to the human race generally.
It is a revelation of a power inherent in human society. It shows
what can be done against wrong in the world, without the aid of
armies on the earth or of angels in the sky. It shows that men have in
their own hands the peaceful means of putting all their moral and
political enemies under their feet, and of making this world a healthy
and happy dwelling-place, if they will faithfully and courageously use
them.
The world needed just such a revelation of the power of
conscience and of human brotherhood, one that overleaped the
accident of color and of race, and set at naught the whisperings of
prejudice. The friends of freedom in England saw in the negro a
man, a moral and responsible being. Having settled this in their own
minds, they, in the name of humanity, denounced the crime of his
enslavement. It was the faithful, persistent, and enduring enthusiasm
of Thomas Clarkson, William Wilberforce, Granville Sharpe, William
Knibb, Henry Brougham, Thomas Fowell Buxton, Daniel O’Connell,
George Thompson, and their noble co-workers that finally thawed
the British heart into sympathy for the slave, and moved the strong
arm of that Government in mercy to put an end to his bondage.
Let no American, especially no colored American, withhold a
generous recognition of this stupendous achievement. What though
it was not American, but British; what though it was not Republican,
but Monarchical; what though it was not from the American
Congress, but from the British Parliament; what though it was not
from the chair of a President, but from the throne of a Queen, it was
none the less a triumph of right over wrong, of good over evil, and a
victory for the whole human race.
Besides: We may properly celebrate this day because of its
special relation to our American Emancipation. In doing this we do
not sacrifice the general to the special, the universal to the local. The
cause of human liberty is one the whole world over. The downfall of
slavery under British power meant the downfall of slavery, ultimately,
under American power, and the downfall of negro slavery
everywhere. But the effect of this great and philanthropic measure,
naturally enough, was greater here than elsewhere. Outside the
British Empire no other nation was in a position to feel it so much as
we. The stimulus it gave to the American anti-slavery movement was
immediate, pronounced, and powerful. British example became a
tremendous lever in the hands of American abolitionists. It did much
to shame and discourage the spirit of caste and the advocacy of
slavery in church and state. It could not well have been otherwise.
No man liveth unto himself.
What is true in this respect of individual men, is equally true of
nations. Both impart good or ill to their age and generation. But
putting aside this consideration, so worthy of thought, we have
special reasons for claiming the First of August as the birthday of
negro emancipation, not only in the West Indies, but in the United
States. Spite of our national Independence, a common language, a
common literature, a common history, and a common civilization
makes us and keeps us still a part of the British nation, if not a part
of the British Empire. England can take no step forward in the
pathway of a higher civilization without drawing us in the same
direction. She is still the mother country, and the mother, too, of our
abolition movement. Though her emancipation came in peace, and
ours in war; though hers cost treasure, and ours blood; though hers
was the result of a sacred preference, and ours resulted in part from
necessity, the motive and mainspring of the respective measures
were the same in both.
The abolitionists of this country have been charged with bringing
on the war between the North and South, and in one sense this is
true. Had there been no anti-slavery agitation at the North, there
would have been no active anti-slavery anywhere to resist the
demands of the slave-power at the South, and where there is no
resistance there can be no war. Slavery would then have been
nationalized, and the whole country would then have been subjected
to its power. Resistance to slavery and the extension of slavery
invited and provoked secession and war to perpetuate and extend
the slave system. Thus in the same sense, England is responsible
for our civil war. The abolition of slavery in the West Indies gave life
and vigor to the abolition movement in America. Clarkson of England
gave us Garrison of America; Granville Sharpe of England gave us
our Wendell Phillips; and Wilberforce of England gave us our
peerless Charles Sumner.
These grand men and their brave co-workers here, took up the
moral thunder-bolts which had struck down slavery in the West
Indies, and hurled them with increased zeal and power against the
gigantic system of slavery here, till, goaded to madness, the
trafficers in the souls and bodies of men flew to arms, rent asunder
the Union at the center, and filled the land with hostile armies and
the ten thousand horrors of war. Out of this tempest, out of this
whirlwind and earthquake of war, came the abolition of slavery, came
the employment of colored troops, came colored citizens, came
colored jurymen, came colored congressmen, came colored schools
in the South, and came the great amendments of our national
constitution.
We celebrate this day, too, for the very good reason that we
have no other to celebrate. English emancipation has one advantage
over American emancipation. Hers has a definite anniversary. Ours
has none. Like our slaves, the freedom of the negro has no birthday.
No man can tell the day of the month, or the month of the year, upon
which slavery was abolished in the United States. We cannot even
tell when it began to be abolished. Like the movement of the sea, no
man can tell where one wave begins and another ends. The chains
of slavery with us were loosened by degrees. First, we had the
struggle in Kansas with border ruffians; next, we had John Brown at
Harper’s Ferry; next, the firing upon Fort Sumter; a little while after,
we had Fremont’s order, freeing the slaves of the rebels in Missouri.
Then we had General Butler declaring and treating the slaves of
rebels as contraband of war; next we had the proposition to arm
colored men and make them soldiers for the Union. In 1862 we had
the conditional promise of a proclamation of emancipation from
President Lincoln, and, finally, on the 1st of January, 1863, we had
the proclamation itself—and still the end was not yet. Slavery was
bleeding and dying, but it was not dead, and no man can tell just
when its foul spirit departed from our land, if, indeed, it has yet
departed, and hence we do not know what day we may properly
celebrate as coupled with this great American event.
When England behaved so badly during our late civil war, I, for
one, felt like giving up these 1st of August celebrations. But I
remembered that during that war, there were two Englands, as there
were two Americas, and that one was true to liberty while the other
was true to slavery. It was not the England which gave us West India
emancipation that took sides with the slaveholder’s rebellion. It was
not the England of John Bright and William Edward Forster, that
permitted Alabamas to escape from British ports, and prey upon our
commerce, or that otherwise favored slaveholding in the South, but it
was the England which had done what it could to prevent West India
emancipation.
It was the tory party in England that fought the abolition party at
home, and the same party it was, that favored our slaveholding
rebellion.
Under a different name, we had the same, or a similar party,
here; a party which despised the negro and consigned him to
perpetual slavery; a party which was willing to allow the American
Union to be shivered into fragments, rather than that one hair of the
head of slavery should be injured.
But, fellow-citizens, I should but very imperfectly fulfil the duty of
this hour if I confined myself to a merely historical or philosophical
discussion of West India emancipation. The story of the 1st of
August has been told a thousand times over, and may be told a
thousand times more. The cause of freedom and humanity has a
history and destiny nearer home.
How stands the case with the recently emancipated millions of
colored people in our own country? What is their condition to-day?
What is their relation to the people who formerly held them as
slaves? These are important questions, and they are such as trouble
the minds of thoughtful men of all colors, at home and abroad. By
law, by the constitution of the United States, slavery has no
existence in our country. The legal form has been abolished. By the
law and the constitution, the negro is a man and a citizen, and has
all the rights and liberties guaranteed to any other variety of the
human family, residing in the United States.
He has a country, a flag, and a government, and may legally
claim full and complete protection under the laws. It was the ruling
wish, intention, and purpose of the loyal people after rebellion was
suppressed, to have an end to the entire cause of that calamity by
forever putting away the system of slavery and all its incidents. In
pursuance of this idea, the negro was made free, made a citizen,
made eligible to hold office, to be a juryman, a legislator, and a
magistrate. To this end, several amendments to the constitution were
proposed, recommended, and adopted. They are now a part of the
supreme law of the land, binding alike upon every State and Territory
of the United States, North and South. Briefly, this is our legal and
theoretical condition. This is our condition on paper and parchment.
If only from the national statute book we were left to learn the true
condition of the colored race, the result would be altogether
creditable to the American people. It would give them a clear title to a
place among the most enlightened and liberal nations of the world.
We could say of our country, as Curran once said of England, “The
spirit of British law makes liberty commensurate with and
inseparable from the British soil.” Now I say that this eloquent tribute
to England, if only we looked into our constitution, might apply to us.
In that instrument we have laid down the law, now and forever, that
there shall be no slavery or involuntary servitude in this republic,
except for crime.
We have gone still further. We have laid the heavy hand of the
constitution upon the matchless meanness of caste, as well as the
hell-black crime of slavery. We have declared before all the world
that there shall be no denial of rights on account of race, color, or
previous condition of servitude. The advantage gained in this respect
is immense.
It is a great thing to have the supreme law of the land on the side
of justice and liberty. It is the line up to which the nation is destined
to march—the law to which the nation’s life must ultimately conform.
It is a great principle, up to which we may educate the people, and to
this extent its value exceeds all speech.
But to-day, in most of the Southern States, the fourteenth and
fifteenth amendments are virtually nullified.
The rights which they were intended to guarantee are denied
and held in contempt. The citizenship granted in the fourteenth
amendment is practically a mockery, and the right to vote, provided
for in the fifteenth amendment, is literally stamped out in face of
government. The old master class is to-day triumphant, and the
newly enfranchised class in a condition but little above that in which
they were found before the rebellion.
Do you ask me how, after all that has been done, this state of
things has been made possible? I will tell you. Our reconstruction
measures were radically defective. They left the former slave
completely in the power of the old master, the loyal citizen in the
hands of the disloyal rebel against the government. Wise, grand, and
comprehensive in scope and design, as were the reconstruction
measures, high and honorable as were the intentions of the
statesmen by whom they were framed and adopted, time and
experience, which try all things, have demonstrated that they did not
successfully meet the case.
In the hurry and confusion of the hour, and the eager desire to
have the Union restored, there was more care for sublime
superstructure of the republic than for the solid foundation upon
which it could alone be upheld. They gave freedmen the machinery
of liberty, but denied them the steam to put it in motion. They gave
them the uniform of soldiers, but no arms; they called them citizens,
and left them subjects; they called them free, and almost left them
slaves. They did not deprive the old master class of the power of life
and death which was the soul of the relation of master and slave.
They could not of course sell them, but they retained the power to
starve them to death, and wherever this power is held, there is the
power of slavery. He who can say to his fellow-man, “You shall serve
me or starve,” is a master, and his subject is a slave. This was seen
and felt by Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, and leading stalwart
Republicans, and had their counsels prevailed the terrible evils from
which we now suffer would have been averted. The negro to-day
would not be on his knees, as he is, abjectly supplicating the old
master class to give him leave to toil. Nor would he now be leaving
the South as from a doomed city and seeking a home in the
uncongenial North, but tilling his native soil in comparative
independence. Though no longer a slave, he is in a thraldom
grievous and intolerable, compelled to work for whatever his
employer is pleased to pay him, swindled out of his hard earnings by
money orders redeemed in stores, compelled to pay the price of an
acre of ground for its use during a single year, to pay four times more
than a fair price for a pound of bacon, and be kept upon the
narrowest margin between life and starvation. Much complaint has
been made that the freedmen have shown so little ability to take care
of themselves since their emancipation. Men have marvelled that
they have made so little progress. I question the justice of this
complaint. It is neither reasonable, nor in any sense just. To me, the
wonder is, not that the freedmen have made so little progress, but,
rather, that they have made so much; not that they have been
standing still, but that they have been able to stand at all.
We have only to reflect for a moment upon the situation in which
these people found themselves when liberated: consider their
ignorance, their poverty, their destitution, and their absolute
dependence upon the very class by which they had been held in
bondage for centuries, a class whose every sentiment was averse to
their freedom, and we shall be prepared to marvel that they have
under the circumstances done so well.
History does not furnish an example of emancipation under
conditions less friendly to the emancipated class, than this American
example. Liberty came to the freedmen of the United States, not in
mercy but in wrath; not by moral choice but by military necessity; not
by the generous action of the people among whom they were to live,
and whose good will was essential to the success of the measure,
but by strangers, foreigners, invaders, trespassers, aliens, and
enemies. The very manner of their emancipation invited to the heads
of the freedmen the bitterest hostility of race and class. They were
hated because they had been slaves, hated because they were now
free, and hated because of those who had freed them. Nothing was
to have been expected other than what has happened, and he is a
poor student of the human heart who does not see that the old
master class would naturally employ every power and means in their
reach to make the great measure of emancipation unsuccessful and
utterly odious. It was born in the tempest and whirlwind of war, and
has lived in a storm of violence and blood. When the Hebrews were
emancipated, they were told to take spoil from the Egyptians. When
the serfs of Russia were emancipated, they were given three acres
of ground upon which they could live and make a living. But not so
when our slaves were emancipated. They were sent away empty-
handed, without money, without friends, and without a foot of land to
stand upon. Old and young, sick and well, were turned loose to the
open sky, naked to their enemies. The old slave quarter that had
before sheltered them, and the fields that had yielded them corn,
were now denied them. The old master class in its wrath said, “Clear
out! The Yankees have freed you, now let them feed and shelter
you!”
Inhuman as was this treatment, it was the natural result of the
bitter resentment felt by the old master class, and in view of it, the
wonder is, not that the colored people of the South have done so
little in the way of acquiring a comfortable living, but that they live at
all.
Taking all the circumstances into consideration, the colored
people have no reason to despair. We still live, and while there is life
there is hope. The fact that we have endured wrongs and hardships,
which would have destroyed any other race, and have increased in
numbers and public consideration, ought to strengthen our faith in
ourselves and our future. Let us then, wherever we are, whether at
the North or at the South, resolutely struggle on in the belief that
there is a better day coming, and that we by patience, industry,
uprightness, and economy may hasten that better day. I will not
listen, myself, and I would not have you listen to the nonsense, that
no people can succeed in life among a people by whom they have
been despised and oppressed.
The statement is erroneous and contradicted by the whole
history of human progress. A few centuries ago, all Europe was
cursed with serfdom, or slavery. Traces of this bondage still remain
but are not easily visible.
The Jews, only a century ago were despised, hated, and
oppressed, but they have defied, met, and vanquished the hard
conditions imposed upon them, and are now opulent and powerful,
and compel respect in all countries.
Take courage from the example of all religious denominations
that have sprung up since Martin Luther. Each in its turn, has been
oppressed and persecuted.
Methodists, Baptists, and Quakers, have all been compelled to
feel the lash and sting of popular disfavor—yet all in turn have
conquered the prejudice and hate of their surroundings.
Greatness does not come to any people on flowery beds of
ease. We must fight to win the prize. No people to whom liberty is
given, can hold it as firmly and wear it as grandly as those who
wrench their liberty from the iron hand of the tyrant. The hardships
and dangers involved in the struggle give strength and toughness to
the character, and enable it to stand firm in storm as well as in
sunshine.
One thought more before I leave this subject, and it is a thought I
wish you all to lay to heart. Practice it yourselves and teach it to your
children. It is this, neither we, nor any other people, will ever be
respected till we respect ourselves, and we will never respect
ourselves till we have the means to live respectably. An exceptionally
poor and dependent people will be despised by the opulent and
despise themselves.
You cannot make an empty sack stand on end. A race which
cannot save its earnings, which spends all it makes and goes in debt
when it is sick, can never rise in the scale of civilization, no matter
under what laws it may chance to be. Put us in Kansas or in Africa,
and until we learn to save more than we spend, we are sure to sink
and perish. It is not in the nature of things that we should be equally
rich in this world’s goods. Some will be more successful than others,
and poverty, in many cases, is the result of misfortune rather than of
crime; but no race can afford to have all its members the victims of
this misfortune, without being considered a worthless race. Pardon
me, therefore, for urging upon you, my people, the importance of
saving your earnings; of denying yourselves in the present, that you
may have something in the future, of consuming less for yourselves
that your children may have a start in life when you are gone.
With money and property comes the means of knowledge and
power. A poverty-stricken class will be an ignorant and despised
class, and no amount of sentiment can make it otherwise. This part
of our destiny is in our own hands. Every dollar you lay up,
represents one day’s independence, one day of rest and security in
the future. If the time shall ever come when we shall possess in the
colored people of the United States, a class of men noted for
enterprise, industry, economy, and success, we shall no longer have
any trouble in the matter of civil and political rights. The battle
against popular prejudice will have been fought and won, and in
common with all other races and colors, we shall have an equal
chance in the race of life.
Do I hear you ask in a tone of despair if this time will ever come
to our people in America? The question is not new to me. I have tried
to answer it many times and in many places, when the outlook was
less encouraging than now. There was a time when we were
compelled to walk by faith in this matter, but now, I think, we may
walk by sight. Notwithstanding the great and all-abounding darkness
of our past, the clouds that still overhang us in the moral and social
sky, the defects inherited from a bygone condition of servitude, it is
the faith of my soul that this brighter and better day will yet come.
But whether it shall come late or come soon will depend mainly upon
ourselves.
The laws which determine the destinies of individuals and
nations are impartial and eternal. We shall reap as we sow. There is
no escape. The conditions of success are universal and
unchangeable. The nation or people which shall comply with them
will rise, and those which violate them will fall, and perhaps will
disappear altogether. No power beneath the sky can make an
ignorant, wasteful, and idle people prosperous, or a licentious people
happy.
One ground of hope for my people is founded upon the returns
of the last census. One of the most disheartening ethnological
speculations concerning us has been that we shall die out; that, like
the Indian, we shall perish in the blaze of Caucasian civilization. The
census sets that heresy concerning us to rest. We are more than
holding our own in all the southern states. We are no longer four
millions of slaves, but six millions of freemen.
Another ground of hope for our race is in the progress of
education. Everywhere in the south the colored man is learning to
read. None now denies the ability of the colored race to acquire
knowledge of anything which can be communicated to the human
understanding by letters. Our colored schools in the city of
Washington compare favorably with the white schools, and what is
true of Washington is equally true of other cities and towns of the
south. Still another ground of hope I find in the fact that colored men
are strong in their gratitude to benefactors, and firm in their political
convictions. They cannot be coaxed or driven to vote with their
enemies against their friends.
Nothing but the shot-gun or the bull-dozer’s whip can keep them
from voting their convictions. Then another ground of hope is that as
a general rule we are an industrious people. I have traveled
extensively over the south, and almost the only people I saw at work
there were the colored people. In any fair condition of things the men
who till the soil will become proprietors of the soil. Only arbitrary
conditions can prevent this. To-day the negro, starting from nothing,
pays taxes upon six millions in Georgia, and forty millions in
Louisiana. Not less encouraging than this is the political situation at
the south.
The vote of the colored man, formerly beaten down and stamped
out by intimidation, is now revived, sought, and defended by
powerful allies, and this from no transient sentiment of the moment,
but from the permanent laws controlling the action of political parties.
Transcriber’s Notes
Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made
consistent when a predominant preference was found in the
original book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced
quotation marks were remedied when the change was
obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.
Illustrations in this eBook have been positioned between
paragraphs and outside quotations. In versions of this eBook
that support hyperlinks, the page references in the List of
Illustrations lead to the corresponding illustrations.
Pages 410 and 413: “See Note” was printed at the bottom
of page 409, but wasn’t referenced on any page. The note on
page 413 was not referenced on that page. Both of these
omissions were corrected in a later printing of the same
edition of this book, and Transcriber has adjusted both notes
to be consistent with those corrections.
The last few chapters of the original book did not begin
with drop-cap letters; this ebook follows that format.
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Chapter 5: Assistive Technology

3. ______ most commonly refers to when no tool or device is actually used.

4. Graphic organizers are an example of

6. Calculators are an example of

Answer Location: Assistive Technology Categorization

8. One example of lo-tech assistive technology for reading is

9. An example of mid-tech assistive technology for writing is

10. An example of low-tech assistive technology for mathematics is

Learning Objective: Describe the different purposes of assistive technology.

11. An example of high-tech assistive technology for mathematics is

15. An example of assistive technology used for the purpose of mobility is

16. One example of medical technology is

18. An example of information technology is

22. Smartphones can be used as

Difficulty Level: Easy

29. An example of assistive technology in writing is ______.

30. Technology of teaching is best described as

31. A person trained to provide assistive technology services to individuals with

38. Which of the following would be considered an example of assistive technology?

40. An example of educational “assistive technology” is

41. An example of an assistive technology in the early 1800s is

44. Symbols, aids, strategies, and techniques used as a supplement or alternative to

46. A tool for the delivery of instruction is called

Cognitive Domain: Application

48. An iPad is considered

49. Highlighter strips would be categorized as

54. Social studies and science instruction is often dominated by

55. The design of curriculum materials, instructional activities, and evaluation

west india emancipation.

“When a deed is done for freedom,

It is bounded by no geographical lines and knows no national

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