The historical background of the text revolves around the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 in the Philippines.

The
incident, as described by Dr. T.H. Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino scholar and historian, was a mutiny by
native Filipino soldiers and laborers of the Cavite arsenal. The mutiny was a response to the harsh
policies implemented by Governor and Captain-General Rafael de Izquierdo, who abolished their
privileges of exemption from paying the annual tribute and forced labor.

The loss of these privileges sparked resentment among the soldiers and laborers, leading to a violent
uprising on the night of January 20, 1872. During the mutiny, the commanding officer of the Cavite
arsenal and several Spanish officers were killed. However, the Spanish troops from Manila swiftly
suppressed the uprising, and the mutineers were dealt with harshly.

The Cavite Mutiny was later magnified by Spanish officials and friars, who portrayed it as a revolt for
Philippine independence. This narrative served their interests in maintaining Spanish sovereignty and
their own power in the colony. The conservative element in the Philippines used the mutiny as an
opportunity to argue against any changes to the colonial modus vivendi, claiming that a vast conspiracy
was underway to overthrow Spanish rule.

The Spanish authorities responded with repressive measures, leading to widespread persecution and
punishment of Filipinos. Many prominent Filipinos, including priests, lawyers, and councilmen, were
sentenced to death or life imprisonment. The Spanish government aimed to instill fear and prevent any
future attempts at secession.

The Cavite Mutiny also had significant consequences for the power dynamics between the Spanish
government and the religious orders, particularly the friars. The mutiny strengthened the friars'
influence in the Philippines, as they were seen as defenders of Spanish sovereignty. This influence
extended throughout the islands, with the friars exerting control over civil government and the direction
of the university.

The mutiny and its aftermath deepened the divide between the Filipinos and the Spaniards, especially
the friars. It exacerbated racial and political tensions, with even minor disagreements being framed as
acts of hostility towards the Spanish nation. The wounds inflicted by the unjust punishments and
persecutions were not easily healed, and the discontent among the Filipino population continued to
grow.

Overall, the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 played a significant role in shaping the relationship between the
Filipinos and the Spanish colonial authorities. It highlighted the grievances of the Filipino people, their
aspirations for material and educational advancement, and their desire for fair treatment and justice.
The mutiny also set the stage for future resistance against Spanish rule and the fight for Philippine
independence.

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The historical background of the text revolves around the Spanish version of the Cavite Mutiny of 1872.
The account was written by Jose Montero y Vidal, a Spanish historian, in his book Historia General de
Filipinas. However, it is worth noting that Dr. T.H. Pardo de Tavera criticized Montero y Vidal's version as
biased and mischievously partial.

According to Montero y Vidal, the mutiny was sparked by the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the
laborers of the Cavite arsenal, such as exemption from tribute payments. However, he argued that there
were other underlying causes for the uprising. He attributed the mutiny to the influence of the Spanish
revolution, the propaganda against monarchical principles, the dissemination of democratic and
republican ideas, and the criminal policies of Governor Izquierdo, who was sent by the Revolutionary
government to govern the Philippines.

Montero y Vidal claimed that a conspiracy had been brewing since the time of Governor La Torre, with
Filipino Spaniards and native priests playing significant roles. He alleged that the plan involved
assassinating officers, the Governor, and the friars, with the ultimate goal of attaining independence.
The firing of rockets during a local festival in Sampaloc was mistaken as the signal to revolt, leading to
the mutiny on the night of January 20, 1872.

In response to the mutiny, Spanish forces were dispatched to Cavite, and after failed attempts at
surrender, an assault was launched on the rebels' position on January 22. Many rebels were killed, while
others were captured. Subsequently, several individuals, including Filipino priests, lawyers, and
councilmen, were arrested and sentenced to death or imprisonment.

The council of war, responsible for the cases related to the mutiny, passed death sentences on forty-one
rebels, which were later carried out. Additional individuals were sentenced to death or imprisonment in
the following months. The Audiencia also suspended several men from the practice of law.

Governor Izquierdo had requested the deployment of Spanish troops for the defense of the fort, as most
of the troops in Manila were natives. Consequently, the native regiment of artillery was dissolved, and
an exclusively Peninsular artillery force was created.

Overall, Montero y Vidal's version of the Cavite Mutiny portrayed it as a seditious movement aimed at
overthrowing Spanish rule. He emphasized the involvement of Filipino Spaniards and native clergy in the
conspiracy, while downplaying the grievances and aspirations of the Filipino people.

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The historical background of the text is the official report of Governor Rafael Izquierdo on the Cavite
Mutiny of 1872. Governor Izquierdo sent this report to the Spanish Minister of War, providing his
account of the mutiny and attributing its causes to various groups, including the native clergy, mestizos,
native lawyers, and intellectuals.

According to Governor Izquierdo's report, the instigators of the mutiny protested against the
government's perceived injustices, such as the non-payment of provinces for their tobacco crop and
usury practices in handling finance documents. They also protested the imposition of tribute payments
and personal service on the workers of the Cavite arsenal, who were previously exempted.

The report states that the instigators used superstitions and promises of wealth, employment, and ranks
in the army to seduce the native troops into joining the rebellion. They planned to establish a
government led by a priest, with Jose Burgos or Jacinto Zamora, parish priests of S. Pedro of Manila, as
potential leaders. The Spaniards, including the friars, were to be executed, while foreigners would be
respected.

The mutiny had affiliations with regiments of infantry and artillery, as well as many civilians, mestizos,
indios, and ilustrados (educated individuals) from the provinces. The plan was to set fire to the district of
Tondo in Manila, seize Fort Santiago with the help of the artillery and part of the infantry, and inform
the rebels in Cavite of their success. However, the rebels in Bacoor failed to make the planned signals
due to the vigilance of the Spanish navy.

Governor Izquierdo mentioned that there had been rumors of a junta or center in Manila since 1869,
which sought followers and had connections with Madrid. Newspapers with advanced ideas, such as El
Eco Filipino, were distributed in Manila and criticized the local situation.

Governor Izquierdo acknowledged receiving anonymous letters and had taken precautions to prevent
any uprising. He had limited forces at his disposal but believed he could suppress any rebellion.

Overall, Governor Izquierdo's report portrayed the mutiny as a planned uprising instigated by various
groups and influenced by external ideas. He emphasized the role of the native clergy, mestizos, and
intellectuals in organizing the mutiny and presented himself as prepared to handle the situation.