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World of Psychology Canadian 8Th Edition Wood Solutions Manual Full Chapter PDF
World of Psychology Canadian 8Th Edition Wood Solutions Manual Full Chapter PDF
Manual
CHAPTER 5
LEARNING
TABLE OF CONTENTS
• Learning Objectives
• Lecture Launchers and Discussion Topics
• Classroom Activities, Demonstrations, and Exercises
• Handout Masters
• Web Resources
• Multimedia Library
• MyPsychLab Video Series
LECTURE GUIDE
Learning is any relatively permanent change in behaviour brought about by experience or practice.
Classical conditioning is a type of learning whereby an association is made between two previously
unrelated things. During classical conditioning, a neutral stimulus (tone) is presented shortly before
an unconditioned stimulus (food), which naturally elicits, or brings forth, an unconditioned response
(salivation). After repeated pairings, the conditioned stimulus (tone) by itself will elicit the
conditioned response (salivation).
LO 5.2 Define and explain each of the key elements of classical conditioning including US,
UR, CS, and CR. [5A] (text p. 127)
The unconditioned stimulus (US) is the stimulus that is naturally occurring and produces the reflex,
or involuntary unconditioned response (UR). Both are called “unconditioned” because they are not
learned. The conditioned stimulus (CS) begins as a neutral stimulus (NS), but when paired with
the unconditioned stimulus, eventually begins to elicit the reflex on its own. The reflex response
to the conditioned stimulus is called the conditioned response (CR), and both stimulus and
response are learned.
LO 5.4 Apply classical conditioning theory in a real-world context. [5A] (text p. 130)
o Watson was able to demonstrate that an emotional disorder called a phobia could be learned
through classical conditioning by exposing a baby to a white rat and a loud noise, producing
conditioned fear of the rat in the baby.
o Vicarious conditioning: classical conditioning of a reflex response or emotion by watching
the reaction of another person.
o Conditioned taste aversions occur when an organism becomes nauseated some time after
eating a certain food; the taste then becomes aversive to the organism.
o Some kinds of conditioned responses are more easily learned because of biological
preparedness, which may cause humans to associate certain stimuli with danger to survival.
LO 5.5 Identify and explain the factors that influence classical conditioning. [5A] (text p.
131)
(1) The number of pairings of conditioned stimulus and unconditioned stimulus – the greater the
number of pairings the stronger the conditioned response.
(2) The intensity of the unconditioned stimulus – a conditioned response is stronger if a conditioned
stimulus is paired with a strong unconditioned stimulus.
(3) How reliably the conditioned stimulus predicts the unconditioned stimulus – the neutral stimulus
must reliably predict the occurrence of the unconditioned stimulus in order for a conditioned
response to happen.
(4) The temporal relationship between the conditioned stimulus and the unconditioned stimulus –
conditioning takes place fastest if the conditioned stimulus occurs shortly before the unconditioned
stimulus, but conditioning will not occur if the two stimuli occur at the same time or if the
unconditioned stimulus occurs first.
Operant conditioning is a method for conditioning voluntary responses through the use of
reinforcement and punishment. It is a type of learning in which the consequences of behaviour
tend to modify the behaviour in the future.
LO 5.7 Define and explain each of the key elements of operant conditioning including
reinforcers/reinforcement and punishers/punishment. [5B] (text p. 136)
Behaviour that is reinforced tends to be repeated while behaviour that is ignored or punished is
less likely to be repeated. A reinforcer is anything that strengthens a response or increases the
probability that a response will occur. A primary reinforcer is something like food or water that
satisfies a basic, natural drive. A secondary reinforcer is something that becomes reinforcing only
after being paired with a primary reinforcer. In positive reinforcement, a response is followed by
the presentation of a pleasurable stimulus. In negative reinforcement, a response is followed by
the removal or avoidance of an unpleasant stimulus.
Punishment weakens a response or decreases the probability that a response will occur. In
punishment by application, a response is followed by the application or experiencing of an
unpleasant stimulus, such as a spanking. In punishment by removal, a response is followed by the
removal of some pleasurable stimulus, such as taking away a child’s toy for misbehaviour.
o Continuous reinforcement occurs when each and every correct response is followed by a
reinforcer.
o Partial reinforcement, in which only some correct responses are followed by reinforcement,
is much more resistant to extinction. This is called the partial reinforcement effect.
▪ In a fixed ratio schedule of reinforcement, a certain number of responses are
required before reinforcement is given.
▪ In a variable ratio schedule of reinforcement, a varying number of responses is
required to obtain reinforcement.
▪ In a fixed interval schedule of reinforcement, at least one correct response must be
made within a set interval of time to obtain reinforcement.
▪ In a variable interval schedule of reinforcement, reinforcement follows a varying
interval of time.
• The variable-ratio schedule provides the highest response rate and the greatest resistance to
extinction.
LO 5.10 Understand the strengths and weaknesses associated with punishment. [5B] (text p.
142)
Punishment generally suppresses rather than extinguishes behaviour; it does not help people develop
more appropriate behaviours; and it can cause fear, anger, hostility, and aggression in the punished
person. A person who uses aggressive punishment, such as spanking, can act as a model for
aggressive behaviour. This will increase aggressive behaviour in the one being punished, an
undesirable response.
Punishment is most effective when it is administered immediately after undesirable behaviour, when
it is consistently applied, and when it is fairly intense.
LO 5.11 Compare and contrast the similarities and differences between classical and operant
conditioning and the factors that influence both. [5C] (text p. 144)
LO 5.12 Define behavior modification and token economy. [5D] (text p. 145)
o Operant conditioning can be used in many settings on both animals and people to change
or modify behaviour. This use is termed behaviour modification and includes the use of
reinforcement and shaping to alter behaviour.
o Token economies are a type of behaviour modification in which secondary reinforcers, or
tokens, are used. Programs can be developed that motivate socially desirable behaviour by
reinforcing it with tokens.
o Many institutions—schools, mental health care hospitals, homes for young offenders,
prisons—have used behaviour modification programs with varying degrees of success.
o Neurofeedback and Treatment of ADD
▪ Biofeedback is the use of feedback about biological conditions to bring involuntary
responses such as blood pressure under control.
▪ Neurofeedback is a modified version of biofeedback in which the person is
connected to an electroencephalograph, a machine that records the brain’s electrical
activity.
▪ Can be integrated into video-game-style programs in order to increase awareness
of one’s own brain activity.
Observational learning is learning by observing the behaviour of others, called models, and the
consequences of that behaviour.
Bandura’s famous Bobo doll experiment demonstrated that young children will imitate the
aggressive actions of a model even when there is no reinforcement for doing so. Bandura
determined that four elements needed to be present for observational learning to occur:
Learning is a topic all students know about as a result of their everyday experiences--the challenge
in this chapter is to impart the language and the principles that we, as psychologists, know to be
important in order to fully understand this area. The opening vignette discusses learning principles
from an episode of a popular television comedy program. Other examples of learning can be
demonstrated through everyday activities as captured in the following story.
Two of our friends have a cat named Missy. Missy’s favorite food is tuna, and she always comes
running when that special treat appears. Some time ago Missy developed the habit of wanting to
be put outdoors at about 3 o’clock in the morning. She got her way by hiding somewhere in the
house before our friends went to bed at night. Then, when the spirit moved her, she would leap
on their bed or scratch on their bedroom door to awaken them. Obviously, they were motivated
to put her out for the rest of the night to get some sleep during the remainder of the night.
Wanting to avoid these unwelcome interruptions, our friends began a nightly ritual—going
through the house looking for the cat and calling her name. She never came when they called her
at bedtime, and they rarely were able to find her. Missy had associated their calling her at that
time with being put outside before she was ready.
After many nights of interrupted sleep, they were desperate for a solution to the problem. Then
one night, when they were opening a can of soup, Missy raced through the house and slid to a
stop in front of her bowl, no doubt expecting delicious chunks of tuna. She had learned to
associate the sound of the can opener with her favorite food.
By applying simple principles of learning, they solved their problem. Now, instead of calling
Missy before bedtime, they simply turn the can opener a few times, and she comes rushing to
her bowl.
• If you were designing the ideal slot machine, how could you apply the principles of learning
to ensure that people play the machine over and over again despite winning very little
money? How does your ideal slot machine compare to lotteries or contests?
• There is no doubt that at least some behaviours in some people can be controlled through
conditioning techniques, both operant and classical. The question then is, “Who controls
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Instructor’s Manual for The World of Psychology, Eighth Canadian Edition
the controllers?” What is to prevent a few powerful individuals from taking advantage of
others by applying behaviour modification techniques? What are the potential abuses
of behaviour modification? How can behaviour modification be used so that everyone—
both controllers and those controlled—is happy?
• Think of cases in your own life when punishment worked effectively and other cases when
it did not. What were the differences between the two situations? Why did it work in some
cases but not in others? How do your own experiences compare to the discussion in the
text on the circumstances under which aversive control is likely to be most effective? Can
you add new conditions to those listed in the text?
Cases of feral children can be traced back for centuries, at least as far as the celebrated case of
Romulus and Remus. The term feral, in its modern usage, refers to a number of situations: Human
children raised by animals; children surviving in the wilderness; children raised in isolated
confinement; or children raised in confinement with little human contact. Regardless of the
circumstances, children reared under atypical conditions present a unique case of learning.
Carlos Linnaeus first documented cases of feral children based largely on anecdotal evidence.
Colourful figures such as the Hessian wolf-boy (1344), Lithuanian bear-boy (1661), or Irish sheep-
boy (1672) covered both a lot of terrain and much of the animal kingdom, and provided
ammunition for thinkers from Jean-Jacques Rousseau to Francis Gall about the contributions of
nature and nurture to human development. Other notable cases include the Wild Boy of Aveyron,
Kaspar Hauser, and Wild Peter. It wasn’t until the well-known case of the wolf-children of
Midnapore, Kamala and Amala, that structured psychological study of feral children began.
Captured in 1920 by Reverend J. A. L. Singh and a hunting party, Kamala (approximately age 8)
and Amala (perhaps 1½) were seen in the presence of a wolf mother and three cubs, and were
taken as they tried to leave their den. Amala died after a year apart from the wolves, although
Kamala lived until about the age of sixteen. During her eight years living with humans she was
able to understand speech, mastered a vocabulary of 45 words, and could form 2- and 3-word
sentences, in addition to a wide repertoire of gestural communication. These developments did not
take place overnight. For several years Kamala was frightened of humans (uttering shrieks and
cries when they came near) and was largely mute. Through therapeutic massage and dedicated
attention by Mrs. Singh, Kamala grew to become an active, affectionate member of the Singhs’
orphanage.
The case of Anna provides a contrast to Kamala. Born in 1932, Anna was the second illegitimate
child of a rural woman. Unwanted by her parents (they tried unsuccessfully to place her for
adoption) and hated by her grandfather, Anna was kept locked from sight in the attic of the family
home. For 6 years she lived with minimal human contact and subsisted on a diet of cow’s milk.
She could neither walk nor talk and was malnourished. After a few years of institutional care, Anna
was able to speak in phrases and short sentences, although her abilities remained intellectually
delayed. She died on August 6, 1942, at the age of ten.
The challenge to learning is clear in these examples. In many cases feral children are quadruped
and, in most cases, they lack speech. Hence, the challenge of restoring some aspects of behaviour
(e.g., walking upright, not eating from the floor) compound the normal challenges of learning (e.g.,
speech training, interpersonal skills training). In some cases, previous responses must be replaced
by new ones, such as Kamala’s learning to eat from a table, whereas in other cases existing
cognitive processes need to be modified, such as Kaspar Hauser’s rudimentary speech. In all cases
feral children provide food for thought about a variety of issues related to learning, development,
and cognition.
Candland, D. K. (1993). Feral children and clever animals: Reflections on human nature. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Davis, K. (1940). Extreme social isolation of a child. American Journal of Sociology, 45,
554–565.
Gesell, A. (1940). Wolf child and human child: The life history of Kamala, the wolf girl. New
York: Harper.
McNeil, M. C., Polloway, E. A., & Smith, J. D. (1984, February). Feral and isolated children:
Historical review and analysis. Education and Training of the Mentally Retarded, pp. 70–79.
Singh, J. A. L., & Zingg, R. M. (1941). Wolf-children and feral man. New York: Harper & Bros.
Zingg, R. M. (1940). Feral man and extreme cases of isolation. American Journal of Psychology,
53, 487–517.
Impulse buying is a joy to many retailers, but a scourge to many consumers. It is also a behaviour
of great interest to consumer psychologists who want to know why people give in to their impulses.
Are window displays especially important in catching the shoppers attention and eliciting their
spending behaviour? Or, is it those clever commercials that reel in the customers? The field of
consumer psychology addresses these questions and many others. As you might guess, researchers
in this field are in demand by advertisers, manufacturers, and retailers who want advice on how to
capture the attention of potential customers and get people to open their wallets.
Consumer psychologists have shown that many advertising techniques are based on principles of
conditioning, whether advertising executives realize it or not. For example, Gerald Gorn (1982)
showed that associating an item with pleasant stimuli induces people to like the item itself. Gorn
had college students view slides of either a beige or blue pen. During the presentation, half the
students heard a song from a recent popular movie and half heard a selection of classical cultural
music from a culture they were not as familiar with. Later, students were allowed to choose one of
the pens. Almost three-fourths of those who heard the popular music chose a pen that was the same
colour as the one they had seen in the slides. An equal number of those who heard the classical
cultural music chose a pen that differed in colour from the one they had seen. This is an instance
of classical conditioning: the music was an unconditioned stimulus for internal responses
associated with pleasure or displeasure, and the pens became conditioned stimuli for similar
responses. You can see why television commercials often pair products with music, attractive
people, or other appealing stimuli.
Advertising is not the only influence on spending. Credit cards, as some of us know all too well,
have a power of their own. Handing over your card to a sales person is immediately rewarded by
the delivery of a desired item into your hands; the payment is not due until much later. Thus,
through a process of operant conditioning, credit card use becomes more likely. Even the mere
presence of a credit card increases the likelihood and magnitude of spending. When a card is
repeatedly paired with the responses involved in spending, it becomes a stimulus for “spending
behaviour.” Through a process of classical conditioning, it may also come to elicit positive
emotional responses (Feinberg, 1986).
Retailers may use this information to attract customers, say, by displaying signs of the credit cards
they accept. But, a knowledge of conditioning principles can also help consumers control their
spending. To avoid impulse buying, credit cards can be left at home. To reduce susceptibility to
commercials, turn down the sound. But, perhaps the most effective inhibitor of that impulse to
“buy, buy, buy” is to think of Pavlov and Skinner.
Animals have consistently played a prominent role in learning and conditioning experiments, from
Edward Thorndike’s cats to Edward Tolman’s rats to the disobedient menagerie of Marian and
Keller Breland. Included in this list are some very famous pigeons who almost helped the national
defense.
B. F. Skinner worked at the University of Minnesota during the second World War. Interested in
applying the principles of operant conditioning to the war effort, Skinner trained pigeons to peck
at discs which had moving pictures of enemy targets displayed on them. The pecking served to
close electronic circuits, which in turn formed a self-regulating system. Although this is no great
feat in itself – these actions faithfully follow the most basic rules of operant conditioning –
Skinner’s vision was to install his pigeons, discs, and circuits in gliders packed with explosives.
The idea was to have the pigeons peck on cue to manipulate the circuits, which in turn would keep
the glider on its kamikaze course toward an enemy target; a neat, tidy bombing run, with no loss
of human life.
The Defense Department declined Skinner’s help, even though he demonstrated to top scientists
that the homing device withstood electronic jamming, the apparatus was inexpensive to build, and
the basic set-up could be applied to a range of enemy targets. In the present era of Star Wars
weaponry, stealth bombers, and combat guided by virtual reality, perhaps a pigeon bombardier
wouldn’t seem so far-fetched.
Hergenhahn, B. R., & Olson, M. H. (1993). An introduction to theories of learning (4th ed.).
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Consider this type of learning. A man who calls himself Orpheus tells you that he has the power
to make the sun rise by singing to it. Being, by now, scientifically skeptical, you demand a
demonstration of this environmental control. Orpheus begins to sing at about 5 A.M. and soon the
sun rises. He can repeat this demonstration for you daily, showing that his response is always
followed by this change in the environment. You now suggest another test: omit the singing and
see if the sun still comes up. Orpheus must reject such a test.
The consequence of his not singing would surely be the sun’s not rising, and for the sake of the
world, he dare not risk such a dire consequence.
When the environmental consequences are vital for an individual or a group, a superstitious
response is extremely resistant to extinction. This is true for two reasons. First, as in the case of
Orpheus, the risk involved in not making the response, if the connection were a causal one, would
be greater than the gain in knowledge from finding out that one’s behaviour was not producing the
effect. Second, if the individual believes the superstition is valid, omitting the “necessary” act
might produce other changes in his or her behaviour that would directly affect the event in
question. This is often seen among students who have a special pen or pair of jeans that they always
use for taking final exams. If the pen is lost or the filthy jeans are thrown out by an exasperated
parent, they may indeed do poorly on the exam because of expectation of failure and distracting
thoughts about “their luck running out.”
The development of such superstitions can be demonstrated easily in the laboratory. A hungry
pigeon is confined to a box with a feeding mechanism that automatically dispenses a pellet of food
every 15 seconds, regardless of what the pigeon does. Whatever response the pigeon happens to
be making when the food is delivered then becomes a reinforced response, and the probability of
its occurrence is increased. Different stereotyped behaviour patterns are likely to emerge in
different subjects—turning counterclockwise, turning in a circle several times before going to the
food dispenser, jerking the head in one direction, as well as other “bizarre” movements.
Rorey B. was a preschool child of average intelligence who was a “behaviour problem.” He
screamed, fought, disobeyed, and bossed others both at home and school, although he was only
four years, eight months of age. His parents were concerned over this obviously undesirable
behaviour that they expected to get even worse as he got older. “He continually told other children
what to do and how to play, and enforced his demands with punches, kicks, and slaps,” they
reported.
Observation of Mrs. B’s interaction with her son revealed three things: (a) she reinforced this
undesirable behaviour with excessive attention; (b) she did not program consequences in a
consistent fashion; and (c) the relationships between the undesirable behaviour and any negative
consequences was unclear because she frequently used lengthy explanations before applying the
sanctions.
The behavioural psychologists who consulted with Mrs. B taught her to arrange three types of
contingencies: punishment, extinction, and reward.
• Extinction: Less serious forms of undesirable behaviour were ignored so that they would
have no reinforcing consequences—a contingency.
To demonstrate the effectiveness of mother as behaviour therapist, the psychologists first observed
Rorey’s behaviour for a period of time—a baseline period—and then instructed Mrs. B to carry
out her behavioural contingency management program. This sequence was repeated a second time.
Rorey’s aggressive and disobedient behaviour was dramatically changed by manipulating their
consequences. His parents and neigbours commented that Rorey behaved like a “different child.”
During the first baseline period, Rorey followed only about 30 percent of instructions given him,
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Chapter 5: Learning
but a week later he was following three-fourths of them. On some days, Rorey never misbehaved
at all, even resisting striking back when another child hit him. As Rorey’s problem behaviour
declined, his mother commented more favorably about him; she felt she was a more effective
mother and showed more affectionate concern for her son.
Zeilberger, J., Sampen, S., & Sloane, H. (1968). Modification of a child’s problem behaviours in
the home with the mother as therapist. Journal of Applied Behaviour Analysis, 1, 47–53.
Lecture/Discussion: The Cat’s Out of the Bag! ... er, Box! [5B]
Edwin Guthrie is chiefly known for one idea in behaviourism: the principle of one-trial learning.
Guthrie held that learning was complete – that is, an association between a stimulus and a response
was at its strongest – after only one pairing of the stimulus and response.
The way he set about testing his idea was to use a variant of Thorndike’s puzzle box. Guthrie
modified the box by placing a long, thin rod vertically in it, wired so that each time a cat rubbed
against it the door to the box would spring open, allowing the animal to exit. Guthrie noted that
among some 800 cats each had a stereotyped way of rubbing the rod, which was repeated trial after
trial, even in absence of reinforcement. He took this as evidence for one-trial learning; the response
was full-blown from the first trial, and it was not modified over trials.
Being a good behaviourist, Guthrie made careful observations of the laboratory animals and stuck
to fairly straightforward, objective testing conditions. But being a good behaviourist, Guthrie
assumed that species-specific behaviour would not play a major role in the experiment’s outcomes.
Like Clark Hull, for example, Guthrie was interested in demonstrating a principle of learning,
regardless of whether it was demonstrated by a cat, rat, chimpanzee, or human. Unfortunately, cats
exhibit a stereotyped greeting response when in the presence of a conspecific (which, for most
domestic cats, includes humans). That is, they rub against their fellow cat as it passes by or, in the
case of greater distances, they rub against a more convenient object, such as a tree, furniture, or
Uncle Harry’s leg. As Guthrie and his laboratory assistants observed the cats, then, it is not
remarkable that they all showed highly stereotyped behaviour; they did what
cats do.
Bruce Moore and Susan Studdard illustrated this point in a simple experiment. Cats were placed
in puzzle boxes that had long, thin, vertical rods, but this time rubbing the rods triggered no doors.
Moore and Studdard also varied whether a person was present or not as the cats meandered through
the box. They discovered, quite simply, that when a person was present the bar was rubbed, and
when a person was not present, the bar was not rubbed. As Guthrie observed, the rubbing itself
was quite stereotyped, befitting an innate feline response.
Guthrie, E. R., & Horton, G. P. (1946). Cats in a puzzle box. New York: Rinehart.
Leahey, T. H., & Harris, R. J. (1993). Learning and cognition (3rd. ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice Hall.
Moore, B., & Studdard, S. (1979). Professor Guthrie and felis domesticus, or: Tripping over the
The first mate, Mr. Menzies, was a man of wide experience and
knowledge. He was a great powerful man, a thorough old sea-dog,
with a face and fist like a prize-fighter. He was never happy unless
paddling about the deck up to his waist in salt water; all his clothes
were white with brine. He was always on the alert, and never caught
napping, in fact, he slept with his eyes open, which perhaps
accounts for it. Well I remember the first time I went to his room to
call him, and the fright he gave me. Opening the door gently, I was
going to call him, when I saw him lying in his berth with his eyes wide
open. Thinking he was awake, I closed the door and went forrard
without speaking. At eight bells he did not appear to relieve the
second mate, so I went aft again to his room, and after turning his
lamp up I found he was lying in the same position looking straight at
me with his eyes wide open, but the eyes had a glazed, dull
appearance about them. I began to feel quite nervous. Speaking
quietly I said:
“It has gone eight bells, sir.”
He never moved, but lay there with his eyes wide open. I gave one
jump and was out on deck trembling like a leaf. Rushing up the poop
ladder, I said to the second mate:
“Oh, sir, please go to Mr. Menzies, I think he’s dead.”
In a moment he had sprung down the ladder, and was at the
mate’s room.
“Mr. Menzies,” he called out loudly, as he opened the door—the
mate woke at once.
“Hello, what’s up? What does this mean why are you off the poop,
Mr. Ross,” he asked?
The second mate ran up on deck again, and caught me by the
scruff of the neck, and was just about to strike me for telling him
falsely, as he thought, when the captain stepped out of the
companion on deck. Seeing the action of the second mate, he called
out:
“Here Mr. Ross, what’s this about, what has the lad done?”
“He told me a lie, sir, when I sent him to call the mate.”
“I did not,” I retorted, “I’m not in the habit of telling lies, I told you I
thought the mate was dead.”
Just then Mr. Menzies came on the poop and asked what was the
reason the second mate came off the poop at night to call him.
The second mate then told him what I had said.
“Oh is that so!”
Turning to me he said:
“When you come to call me in future, knock at the door loudly, you
need not come in. Now go to your berth.”
I did so at once, for I was rather upset, it being my first experience
of anything in the shape of a blow since coming to sea.
After I left the poop, the mate explained to the captain and second
mate that he often slept with his eyes wide open he had been told,
and no doubt it had given the lad a start. For my part, I took care that
I never went into his room again to call him.
The second mate, Mr. Ross, was a young officer of athletic build,
inexperienced, hot-headed, and stubborn as a mule. Overwhelmed
with a sense of the dignity of his position, he thought the only way to
impress a sailor was by knocking him down—a bad principle at any
time, (perhaps some of his ancestors had been slave-drivers, and
the taint clung.) He considered it quite beneath him to let a sailor
explain anything to him. The man might have far greater experience,
and might possibly be able to teach him far more than he knew, but
he would never admit he was wrong, and was continually calling the
men duffers and loafers. For instance, one of his Frenchmen had
been twelve years boatswain in the French navy, and no duffer could
hold that post, neither was he a loafer, for a harder working man I
never sailed with. George, the Greek, had for years been acting
second mate and boatswain in American ships, and it is well known
that a man may be a duffer when he joins an American ship, but they
will make a sailor of him before he leaves her. And so it was with
most of our crew, they were fairly willing workers, but their
knowledge of the Queen’s English was very limited and the second
mate had not patience to try and explain to them, although the mate
had no trouble with them at all. The second mate’s arbitrary and
tyrannical ways were causing a bitter feeling to spread amongst the
men, and I heard many a smothered threat from them, growing
louder after each outburst on his part, vowing to be even with him
some day when he least expected it.
Another thing I found out before we had been long at sea, and that
was that the crew were a lot of confirmed gamblers, and every
minute they could spare was spent in playing cards for stakes. I have
since watched an English crew gamble day by day and night by night
for weeks together, and never an angry word from the loser, but not
so with these men, they were like perfect demons while playing, their
eyes gleamed with the gambling fever, fairly starting out of their
heads, one hand meanwhile played with the sheath knife in their belt,
and the moment a man began to lose he at once accused the others
of cheating, and the end was a fight. They cannot stand a losing
game. When they come to blows they generally grip the blade of
their knife, leaving about half an inch of the blade protruding, and
always cut downwards, or across the face, and arms, making
superficial wounds that are rarely mortal or even dangerous, but are
horribly disfiguring. When things got to this stage, Old George the
Greek and the big Frenchman would step in and quieten them. The
officers very seldom had to interfere, which was, perhaps, just as
well.
One night, while running through the south-east trade winds, the
weather was very unsettled and squally, and a hard-looking squall
rose up to windward. Mr. Menzies saw it, and called out to stand by
the royal and top-gallant halliards. The watch were in the forecastle
playing cards, and did not hear him. The man on the look-out heard
the mate, and stamped his feet on the deck, but the watch were too
intent on their game, and either did not, or would not hear him.
Seeing no one stirring about the deck, and the squall rising fast, the
mate sang out to the man at the wheel, “Keep her off, hard up!” and
then, rushing along the deck into the forecastle he seized the
Spaniards by their throats, and fairly flung them out on the deck. Just
at that moment the squall struck the ship with all sail set, and she
heeled over until the lee rail was under water. I thought the masts
would have gone over the side, but the helm being up the vessel
rushed through the water like a frightened deer. But thank God there
was no sea running, or it would have been disastrous. All hands now
rushed on deck as fast as they could at the angle the ship was lying
over. The captain sprang to the wheel, but the helmsman had
already got it hard over, and the ship was paying off before the wind.
The royal and small stay sails had all blown to ribbons. As the ship
swung off before the wind, she came upright again—by this time the
squall had passed over. The mate and second mate then set to with
their fists and belaying pins, and laid about the four men who should
have been on deck, and in a few minutes the deck was like the floor
of a slaughter house with blood.
The captain came along the deck afterwards and ordered all
hands to stop on deck until the torn sails were replaced. This was
done in sullen silence, and the watch on deck, all cut and bruised
with the blood running from their heads and faces, were sent aloft to
send down the old sails and bend the new ones. By the time this was
done it was four a.m.
But our troubles were not yet over—one of the Turks standing by
me as the new sails were set, swore he would knife the mate for
striking him. I told him to be careful of what he said, or he would get
himself into trouble, if he had been on deck, as he should have been
when the mate called, the sails would not have been lost, and there
would have been no cause for the mate to strike him. No sooner had
I said this than he struck me in the mouth and knocked me down, as
I sprang up again I seized him by the ankles and jerked his feet from
under him. Down he fell, striking his head violently against the
hatchcombing. He lay where he fell, senseless.
The other one made a move towards me, knife in hand, but the
mate came along the deck just then and caught hold of him. On
learning the cause of the row, he put him in irons. The insensible
man was carried aft, and it was seen he had a severe scalp wound.
The captain dressed it, and the man on slowly coming to his senses
was locked in a spare room until later on in the day.
I told the mate that the Turk threatened to knife him. He smiled
and told me not to be alarmed as he was not. “I have sailed with
those sort of men before” he said, and taking a six chambered
revolver from his hip pocket, he showed it to me, remarking at the
same time, “I am prepared for them one and all.”
Strange though it may seem, from that day we had no trouble with
them. They all seemed to pull together. Old George the Greek, in
some way, got complete control over them. He was the most
powerful man on board, standing six feet two in his stockings and
built in proportion, with a long bristling moustache, and hair as white
as snow. He was sixty years of age, the strongest and most active
man on board, and withal, in his bearing and manner a courteous
gentleman. I often thought what a model he would have made for a
picture of a brigand chief.