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Wittgenstein and Kripke On The Nature of Meaning
Wittgenstein and Kripke On The Nature of Meaning
Wittgenstein and Kripke On The Nature of Meaning
Ar ticI e
Wittgenstein and Kripke on the Nature
of Meaning
PAUL HORWICH
I begin by asking what exactly Kripke's sceptical conclusion is. Just how
are we supposed to interpret the thesis that attributions of meaning do
not correspond to facts-or, as he puts it, that
ghosts, phlogiston, and the lumiferous ether, are nothing but illusion. For
in that case we would be forced to abandon our ordinary practice of
meaning attribution. The moral might perhaps be put as follows. Strictly
speaking Kripke is not denying that statements attributing meaning may
be true or false, and that when they are true then there is a fact correspond-
ing to the statement. His view is rather that there are no facts of a
certain sort-we could call them ‘genuine facts’-regarding meaning; and
moreover that this is surprising and important. For we are very tempted
to think that the facts of meaning are of this special sort and, for this
reason, we are content to employ claims about meaning in linguistics and
psychology.
In accordance with this view of the matter, a second possible construal
of the sceptical conclusion is that it denies, not the existence of meaning,
but rather that meaning is a purely personal affair. This idea-that ’mean-
ings are not in the head’-is familiar from the work of Hilary Putnam3
and Tyler Burge4. It implies that if Jones means addition by ’plus’ then
there is no fact solely about Jones-no intrinsic characteristic of Jones
alone-in virtue of which this is the case. This construal of Kripke’s thesis
employs the old, but hard to explicate, distinction between intrinsic and
relational properties. Roughly speaking, the intrinsic properties of an
object are those, like ‘being spherical’ and ’being an electron’, that make
reference to no other object; whereas relational properties, like ’being one
mile from the Earth’s surface’ or ‘being taller than average’, do require for
their possession the existence of other objects.
Now philosophers have occasionally used ‘non-existent’ to mean ‘non-
intrinsic’. For example, it is sometimes said that there is no such property
as rednes-where the intention is to claim that a statement of the form
’X is red’ is not simply about X, the thing in itself, as one might at first
suppose, but is really about relations between the thing and people. For
it might be thought that ’X is red’ means something like ‘X would produce
such and such sensations in such and such circumstances’. Similarly, the
content of Kripke’s sceptical conclusion about meaning could be taken as
the claim that meaning a certain thing by a word is not an intrinsic
property of a person.
It is tempting to think that this is precisely what Kripke has in mind.
Many of his formulations suggest it: for example,
we must give up the attempt to find any fact about me in virtue
of which I mean ’plus’ . . . (p. 108)
Hilary Putnam, The Meaning of ‘Meaning’.In K. Gunderson (ed.), Language, Mind and
Knozuuledge: Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science VIZ. Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 1975.
Tyler Burge, Individualism and the Mental. In P. French, T. Ueling and H. Wettstein
(eds.), Midwest Studies in Philosophy, Volume 4. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1979, 72-121.
108 Mind 6 Language
Wittgenstein’s sceptic argues that he knows of no fact about an
individual that could constitute his state of meaning plus . . . (p.
39)
the sceptic holds that no fact about m y past history-nothing that
was ever in my mind, or in m y external behavior establishes that I
meant plus . . . (p. 13)
[emphasis added]
Moreover at the very end of his essay Kripke considers the idea that the
meaning of a word might be constituted by facts about its use within a
linguistic community, and he rejects it, complaining that
Let us adopt this interpretation and ask why Kripke thinks that attributions
of meaning are not rendered true or false by natural facts. In particular,
what is supposed to be wrong with the view (which, pace Kripke, would
seem to be Wittgenstein’s actual view) that the meaning of a word is its
communal use? Somewhat surprisingly, Kripke does not give this idea a
great deal of explicit a t t e n t i ~ nIt. ~comes up in a rather implausible form,
right at the end of his essay; and is dismissed with the claim that it can
be refuted by generalizing certain earlier arguments that were deployed
against a different theory:-namely that what an individual means by a
word consists in facts about how he alone is disposed to use it. Let us
review these arguments to see if they really do undermine the community-
use theory of meaning.
Kripke’s first objection to the dispositional account of meaning is, as he
puts it, that
And if this is going to be eventually admitted, then it should not have been
insisted at the beginning that facts of meaning must have the character of
instructions. Therefore, if the dispositional theory is entirely adequate
except for failing to accommodate the intuition that meanings provide
guidance, then the proper conclusion is not that meanings are not dispo-
sitions, but a strengthened conviction that the naive intuition of guidance
should not be taken too literally.
But is the dispositional theory otherwise adequate? Kripke’s second
This criticism of Kripke is also made by Colin McGinn in his Wittgenstein on Meaning,
Oxford: Blackwell, 1984.
Wittgenstein and Kripke on the Nature of Meaning 111
criticism is that such an account leaves no room for the possibility that
someone might use a word incorrectly. For if a person’s meaning consists
in what he is disposed to say, then what he does say (being the actualized
part of what he is disposed to say) must be perfectly in accordance with
his meaning. For example, if in normal circumstances someone is asked
to add 68 to 57 and gets 115 we want to judge that he has made a m i s t a k e
perhaps he has forgotten to carry. But according to the dispositional
account we must judge, it seems, that he has not made a mistake at all,
but rather that he means by the world ’plus’ some weird function whose
value for arguments 68 and 57 truly is 115.
Against this objection it is tempting to argue that the relevant dispo-
sitions must (and can) be characterized so as to make allowances for
mistakes. Provisos against the speaker being tired, distracted, or intoxi-
cated may be built in to the dispositional analysis:-viz. ’ S means plus by
“plus” if and only if S would say such and such, provided he is not tired,
drunk, . . . etc.’. Thus the possibility of error is accommodated. However,
it will be pointed out, in response to this move, that our normal ways of
identifying mistakes (and conditions likely to produce mistakes) involve
reference to community opinion: our criterion for ’going wrong’ is diver-
gence from what is generally said. Therefore the modified dispositional
analysis, once made complete and explicit, will involve facts about the
speaker’s linguistic surroundings.
We must allow that this response has considerable force against the
individualistic theory: namely, that what a person means is determined
solely by the dispositions of that person. It highlights the fact that
(ordinarily, and subject to certain conditions) individuals are said to mean
by a word whatever that word means in the linguistic community they
belong to-even when their own usage is to some extent improper. It
remains to be seen however whether an analogous objection will work
against the community-use theory.
Certain ways of using the word ‘plus’ are regarded by the community
as correct and certain ways incorrect. And individuals who are sufficiently
in accordance with these standards to qualify as speakers of the language
are said to be mistaken when their behavior violates the norms. Thus, the
identification of meaning with communal use has no difficulty in allowing
for the existence of individual errors. But is it going to be possible for the
community as a whole to be wrong? The answer, it seems to me, is that
this is indeed a problem for some use theories, but not for all. For example,
consider a theory that Kripke mentions:-that
The dispositions for the use of ‘plus’ that constitute its meaning are the basic ones-
those which, together with the meanings of other expressions, will provide a complete
account of our deployment of the word. The set of such basic uses will be somewhat
indeterminate: its boundaries will be unclear. But this simply mirrors the fact that it
often is unclear whether some new deployment of a word amounts to a change in its
meaning or not.
The present response to Kripke’s fourth argument involves a certain ‘deflationary’
theory of predicate satisfaction: namely, that the determination of extension by meaning
is fully characterized by the schema, ’x means F-ness + the extension of x is the set
of F’s’. This point of view (together with parallel accounts of truth and reference) is
elaborated and defended in my Truth, Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.
Wittgenstein and Kripke on the Nature of Meaning 115
that it applies to the set of F’s; but neither need provide any alternative
specification of what it applies to.
A final argument against the use theory, apparently given some weight
by Kripke (pp. 774, is based on the idea that we should abandon the
traditional conception of the meaning of a sentence as consisting of its
truth conditions in favour of a conception of meaning as consisting of
assertibility conditions, i.e. circumstances of appropriate use. The implicit
line of thought appears to be that since the meaning of the sentence ’Jones
means plus by ”plus”’ is given by its assertibility conditions, we should
not expect it to have any non-trivial definitional analysis. That is to say,
we should not expect there to be any collection of more basic facts-e.g.
facts about usage-in virtue of which it is true or false.
The trouble with this reasoning is that it does not quite take us to the
supposed conclusion:-namely that there are no facts to which attributions
of meaning correspond. We may concede the superiority of ’assertibility
conditions‘ over ’truth conditions’ as the central notion in terms of which
meaning should be explicated. But all we are entitled to infer from this
concession is that attributions of meaning need not-as far as their own
meaningfulness is concerned-have non-trivial truth conditions. It does
not follow that they do not have such truth conditions. On the contrary,
excellent reason to believe that they do have them is provided by an
examination of the very assertibility conditions that Kripke suggests.
Now I would like to turn to the question of what bearing Kripke’s line of
thought has on linguistics and psychology. He maintains that there is
something wrong with theories that would explain an individual’s
behavior by hypothesizing that the individual is following (perhaps
unconsciously) a certain set of rules. The alleged problem with such theor-
ies can be derived from Kripke’s sceptical conclusion about meaning. For
insofar as a rule is followed, it must exert some causal influence; so it must
have some sort of formulation. Therefore a rule is some sentence-like object
together with an interpretation. Therefore the rule one is following
depends on the meaning one gives to the formulation of the rule. Therefore,
if no facts correspond to meaning this rather than that by the formulation
of the rule, then no facts correspond to following this rule rather than that
one. But scientific explanations are restricted to statements that purport to
express facts. So if there are no facts in virtue of which a person follows
this or that rule, then attributions of definite rule following should not
appear in science.
In evaluating this position it is a good idea to consider it in the context
of the general question of whether a priori philosophical considerations
can legitimately constrain the development of a science. History is certainly
replete with philosophical complaints about specific scientific proposals-
complaints, for example, about action at a distance, atoms, curved space,
unconscious mental states, etc. But, as these examples indicate, such
attempts at interference do not succeed and eventually may come to seem
embarrassingly misguided. Typically the new theory uses some piece of
familiar terminology in a very unfamiliar way and contrary to principles
that are so extremely entrenched as to seem self evident. As a result there
is a tendency to allege that the new theory is absurd, self-evidently false,
perhaps even self-contradictory. It is forgotten that scientific theories are
evaluated solely on the basis of their observational adequacy, overall
simplicity, internal consistency and coherence with the rest of science.
Perhaps conformity with past usage counts for something, but major
revisions can be justified if they allow large enough gains in observational
adequacy and/or simplicity. In the face of any such radical revisions the
most that can be concluded is that the meanings of certain terms have
changed in the new theoretical context. But this is no objection to the new
theory. Thus a general mistake underlying much philosophical criticism
of science is to suppose that a word must preserve its old meaning in the
context of a very different theoretical employment.
Wittgenstein and Kripke on the Nature of Meaning 117
As blatant as it is, when spelled out, this mistake has nevertheless been
extremely prevalent. In particular, it seems to infect Kripke’s criticism of
the way the concept of rule following is used in linguistics. For even if
rule following is ordinarily attributed in relation to a community, and not
to an individual considered in isolation, and even if its use were to have
connotations that are not entirely descriptive, there is no reason why the
notion cannot be stretched and refined in the context of a linguistic theory.
In fact it appears that such transformations have indeed occurred-varying
in extent from one theory to another. Take for example Noam Chomsky’s
recent account in Knowledge of Language.8 Although there is much talk of
‘rules’ and ‘rule following’, it is far from obvious that these terms are used
in such a way that the familiar distinction between ’following a rule’ and
‘conforming to a rule’ can be made. It seems, rather, that ’linguistic rules’
are simply laws of a certain low degree of generality that govern the activity
of one part of the mind/brain. Consider for example the Empty Category
Principle, which regulates the permissible ’distance’ between a moved
element and its trace. Nothing needs to be influenced by representations
of this law, let alone to understand it-any more than the planets need to
be guided by representations of General Relativity Theory. In that case,
Kripke’s problem cannot arise.
The notion of ’rule’ will not be the only ordinary concept to undergo
some modification in the context of linguistics. From the scientific point
of view it may be valuable to regard public languages, such as English, as
uninteresting entities that supervene on the ‘languages’ of individual
person^.^ Thus the term ’language’ will refer to an internalized idiolect.
Moreover, in accordance with this shift in perspective, one would want
an individualistic notion of ’meaning’. In this sense, what a person means
by ’plus’ would be some property of his mind that (together with other
factors) gives rise to his peculiar ways of using the word. Notice that this
would be a ’private language’ in Kripke’s sense-but certainly not in
Wittgenstein’s. Wittgenstein’s objection is to a language whose
Ludwig Wittgenstein, The Blue and Brown Books, Oxford: Blackwell, 1958.
Wittgenstein and Kripke on the Nature of Meaning 121
grip as soon as they are brought out into the open.
To summarize, I have mentioned five respects in which I think Kripke’s
interpretation gives a distorted picture of Wittgenstein’s philosophy. First,
Wittgenstein does not deny that attributions of meaning are made true or
false by natural facts. On the contrary, he says that they concern facts
about the use of words. Second, Wittgenstein would oppose the idea that
philosophy can govern the direction of scientific research. In particular,
he was quite critical of the philosopher’s tendency to be mesmerized by
the ordinary use of a term and then to reject as incoherent some scientific
theory which involves a different use. (See his discussion of ‘unconscious
pain’ in the Blue Book.) Third, Wittgenstein does not argue against the
possibility of an ’individualistic language’. The target of his private langu-
age argument is, more specifically, the prospect of words that mean nothing
to others because they are defined ostensively by the speaker to refer to
incommunicable aspects of his experience. Fourth, Wittgenstein’s ideas
are not hard, let alone impossible, to formulate. The impression of obscur-
ity comes from not taking seriously enough his radically anti-theoretical
metaphilosophical outlook. Finally, Wittgenstein does not invent a paradox
and then develop a sophisticated theory of meaning to resolve it. Rather
he addresses the fact that we do regard meaning as mysterious, and his
aim is to articulate the sources of this sense of mystery, and to show
thereby that they are illegitimate and avoidable.”
I would like to thank Ned Block, Warren Goldfarb, Itziar Laka, Charles Marks, Gabriel
Segal and Meredith Williams for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this
paper.