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Craddock Language 1968
Craddock Language 1968
Review
Reviewed Work(s): The Romance Languages: A Linguistic Introduction by Rebecca Posner
Review by: Jerry R. Craddock
Source: Language, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Sep., 1968), pp. 621-625
Published by: Linguistic Society of America
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/411727
Accessed: 25-09-2023 19:06 +00:00
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REVIEWS 621
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622 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 44, NUMBER 3 (1968)
The following detailed observations may assist in preparing a second edition. I mention
only such misprints as are liable to cause confusion. I omit page references to dictionaries;
if a given word occurs outside the alphabetical listing, I provide the entry where it may be
found.1
1 Two minor quibbles: The choice of - -+ instead of < > for historical relationship
seems unfortunate. The former have been appropriated for all time, one would guess, by
the generative grammarians, though I still use the arrows for derivational processes. Why
not call -Isc- in FIN-*TSC-O an 'interfix' since it separates morphemes, as opposed to the
'infix', e.g., -N- in TA-N-G-O vs. TE-TIG-!, TXC-TILIS, which produces a morphological dis-
continuity?
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REVIEWS 623
Chaps. I-III: '[Eng.] romance (from Spanish, via French) for a tale of chivalry
(6): The English word reflects OFr. romanz (> roman 'novel') < ROMXNICE (lit.)
i.e., 'in the vulgar tongue', likewise the source of Sp. romance 'ballad' (Bloch-W
1964, Corominas 1961). Does this last form really have anything to do with t
term? The Praeneste inscription is not 'in Osco-Umbrian' (30), a circumstance wh
render it only indirectly relevant to the study of Latin. As Palmer (1954:60, m
certain resemblances to Oscan 'may be explained by the geographical position o
on the linguistic frontier between Latin and Oscan'. PLAUSTRUM 'plough' (31): re
cart'. 'Western Rumania' (44): read Romania (the Empire, not the modern nation, is
meant). Sp. clavija and Cat. clavilla generally mean 'peg, bolt', not 'ankle' (47), which is
Sp. tobillo, Cat. turmell; only certain Catalan dialects show the meaning 'ankle' (cf. Alcover
1930-62). Lat. MESPILUS, -i, designates the 'medlar tree', not its fruit (-UM or -A), and is
feminine, like most Latin names of trees (48). Why operate with *NESPILUS when NESPULA
'medlar (fruit)' is attested and matches perfectly most Romance offshoots (It. nespola etc.)?
In any case, the Romance forms have not changed gender, but have adjusted their endings
to fit the gender; note, however, Sp. nispero 'medlar (fruit and tree)' (see Andr6 1956:208,
219, and Geiger 1966:178). The title 'Racial factors (linguistics, not racialism)' (69) heads
a section dealing with the influence of subjacent and supervenient languages on the neo-
Latin tongues: Why not use a less ambiguous phrase like 'language contacts', following
Weinreich's (1953) terminology? On Map IV (70), read Messapic for 'Messaric'. 'Most
linguists think that present-day Basque... is a survival of [Iberian]' (73): Quite the op-
posite has been true for several decades (see Tovar 1959:38 ff.) Antiquated forms should be
clearly marked: thus for 'Spanish espuera' (85) read OSp. (Mod. espuela). The same observa-
tion applies to oblidar 'to forget' (217) vs. Mod. olvidar.
Chaps. IV-VI: The section 'Italian eight vowels versus Spanish six' (106) presents vowel
triangles containing seven and five phonemes, respectively. For 'Spanish ciel [Ojel]', read
cielo [0jelo]. Central and Southern Sardinian are notable, among other things, for not
palatalizing CL-, GL-. 'Sard. (ae' (119) < CLAUE belongs to North Logudorese (heavily
influenced by Peninsular dialects) and is thus irrelevant to the context; the authentic
reflex is krae (cf. Wagner). 'Portuguese Spanish' (122): read P. and S. 'Grammatical form
is felt somehow to be the hard-core of the language...' (126): Isn't the basis of the conten-
tion clear? The morphology is the most arbitrary linguistic subsystem, i.e., the farthest
removed from overt influences of culture and physiological limitations. I leave it to an-
thropological linguists to judge the following statement: 'The more sophisticated language
will be dressed in more complicated clothes than that of a primitive society...' (126).
'By the process of a good deal of historical juggling, the traditional linguist will demonstrate
that two apparently unlike forms (e.g. [It.] [amavo] and [Fr.] [s3eme]), with more or less the
same meaning, are in some sense the "same" ' (127): Linguists, traditional or otherwise,
can only affirm that OFr. [ameva] and OIt. [amava] directly reflect AMXBA(M), that the
modern forms have suffered specific analogical influences, and that the verb systems have
been restructured; why this should be called 'juggling' is beyond me (see p. 154 for a more
sensitive handling of the same problem). 'The fourth and fifth declensions (-X- and -E-
classes)' (131): read -u- and -E-. 'In Romance, the third declension virtually disappears'
(132): This is palpably untrue for Romance languages that maintain final vowels; for
instance, practically all Spanish nouns not ending in -a, -o in the singular, and there are
many, belong to a type that directly continues the Latin third declension: pan/panes
'bread', puente/puentes 'bridge' < PANE(M)/PXNES, PONTE(M)/PONTES. 'The [Rum.] -i
probably comes from dative singular of the Latin second declension' (139): read third decl.?
Sp. and Ptg. ser 'to be' come from SEDERE 'to sit', not ESS-*ERE (147). When is -T a first
person singular ending in Latin (148)? Sp. 'quereria' (194): read querria.
Chaps. VII-VIII: Omitting important steps from etymological equations may baffle the
student: ' "Jaw" = quijada derived from CAPSA "cask" ' (214) would be more digestible
as 'derived from an unattested primitive cognate with Ptg. queixo and Cat. queix "id." <
CAPS-*EU "cask-like" 4- CAPSA "cask" ' (Corominas 1961). Gal. lazo 'ice' is a deverbal noun
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624 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 44, NUMBER 3 (1968)
from lazar 'to freeze' < GLACIARE, rather than an immediate descendant of GLACIES (216;
cf. Michaelis 1895:170). Sp. vaso 'drinking glass' reflects a by-form uIsuM derived from
uiA, uAisI 'vessel', but not directly the latter (230; cf. Georges 1951, Corominas 1961).
offends in other ways against etymological tidiness and too often includes sheer misinfor
mation: a star should be added to STANTICUS (+-[?] STXNS, -NTIS 'standing'), supposedly
the source of *STANCUS > It. stanco 'tired' (218; but cf. Battisti-Alessio 1950-57). Sp. buscar
'to search' is not a derivative of bosque 'wood' (225; cf. Corominas 1954-57). 'Spanish chico +
CICcuM = "membrane separating the grains of a pomegranate"' (229): cf. Corominas
1961, 's6lo indirectamente relacionado con el lat. CICCuM'. 'Italian bicchiere ["drinking
glass"] (from Greek)' (230): cf. Battisti-Alessio, 'antico prestito dal francese', borrowed
in turn, from Frank. *bikari (> Germ. Becher), whose ultimate source may be Byz. Gk
*bikdrion, dim. of bikos 'drinking bowl'; some readers may find P's description 'from Gree
a bit laconic. 'Spanish gafiar' (232): read ganar 'to win, earn' and delete it from the list o
Gmc. *waidanjan's Romance progeny (Corominas 1961). The source of It. duolo, Fr. deuil
Sp. duelo 'grief' is DOLUS, a late by-form of DOLOR 'id.' (cf. Georges, Walde-Hofmann 1938
56, Ernout-Meillet 1959, Corominas 1961 [s.v. doler], Bloch-Wartburg, and Battisti-Ales
sio); the homonymic Gk. loanword DOLUS 'fraud, deceit' (233) apparently has nothing t
do with the word-family in question. Sp. vianda 'victuals' (236) is borrowed from Fr. viand
'meat'; for an authentic Sp. offshoot of UIUENDA, cf. vivienda 'dwelling' (Corominas 1961,
s.v. vivo). The origin of Sp. mozo 'boy, youth' is unknown, but the etymon MUSTU 'new
wine' (> mosto 'must') is surely out of the question. A derivative, MUST-*EU 'like new
wine', has been proposed to account for mozo, but Corominas 1954-57 rejected it on goo
grounds. Lat. PERNA 'leg of pork, ham' is not 'from Greek' (237) but belongs to the inherite
Indo-European vocabulary (see Walde-Hofmann and Ernout-Meillet). Where did P fin
BORRA 'untidy lock of hair' (238), a form lacking in Georges, Walde-Hofmann, and Ernout
Meillet? Corominas 1954-57 mentions BURRAE 'trifles, nonsense' as a likely relative of Sp.
burla 'mockery'; It. burla, however, is probably borrowed from Spanish. For 'seismo' (282
read seseo 'the pronunciation of c, z [0] as s'.
REFERENCES
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REVIEWS 625
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TAGLIAVINI, C. 1959. Le origini delle lingue neolatine: introduzione alla filologia romanza.
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TOVAR, A. 1959. El euskera y sus parientes. (Biblioteca vasca, 2.) Madrid.
VIDos, B. E. 1956. Handboek tot de romaanse taalkunde. 's-Hertogenbosch.
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WAGNER, M. L. 1957-64. Dizionario etimologico sardo. Heidelberg.
WALDE, A., and J. B. HOFMANN. 1938-56. Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch. 3d
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WARTBURG, W. VON. 1922-. Franzosisches etymologisches W6rterbuch. Bonn.
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