.

JL 1

G'I.: NERA.L I 7 ED LOWLAND PFI I I,, I PP I }TE S OC f AL ORGA}II 7,AT I ON *

Robert B. Fox

There are many fundamental simllaritles in the social

organization of the eight major Chrlstian groups-- the
Tagalog, Iloko, Parnpangan, Pangasinan, Bikol, Cebuano
(Sugbuhonon). Hiligaynon, and Samar-Leyte. The members
of these groups from nearly ninety per cent of the total
Philippine population and therefore can be thought of
as constituting the typical mid-century Filipino.
For a number of r"asons, similarities rather than
differences in social organization stand out when the
e:.ght groups are compared. First, they all share a re-
latively common indigenous culture, largely Indo-Malayan
in type. Second, they have slmllar ecological adjustments
to a generally unlform lor^rland environment. FinaL1y, the
eight groups have been subject to a.long period of cor-
respondlng proto-historic and historic influences. Local
cultural ancl social speciaLizations have been leveled as
a result of early contacts with Arab, Chi.nese, and Hj-ndu-
Indonesian cultures, and also as a result of the later
impact upon indigenous socj-eties of Spanish and American
cuLtures. HartenCorp (1953) has estimated thet about
fifty per cent of the present-day philippj.ne culture
has been contributed by Indian, Arab, Chinese. Spanish
and American influences. Having a marginal posltion 1rr
Asia, philippine cultures and societies--notably those of
the lor,v1and and coastal groups may be viewed as represbnt-
ing a synthesis of trait-complexes of many Asian end
European "Great Traditions". Nevertheless, the synthesis
is uniquely Filipino, a particularly as found in the rural
barrj.os, and it is a mlstake to treat philippine culture
and society as "borrovJed" or as Occidental rather than
Orienta-l-. fn fact, the writer argues that the basic
beliefs and vaLues, the baslc inst:-tuti-onal orgEEIEtion
and of inter-personal relationships of the contempory
Filipino crystalized in the pre-Spanish setting and have
persi-sted to thls day. These continue to form per-
mi.ssive or inhibitive factors to economic and socio-
cultural change.
?lhen the similaritles betleen the elght majcr Chrls-
tian groups are abstracted and analyzed, a "model,' of a
social organization becomes apparent which may be called
"Filipino". Thus, Fllipino educators and soclologists
speak of "Filiplno society", of the ,'Filipino family",
and of "Filiplno courtshi.pr " reflecting a belief in, as
well as an awareness of baslcllkenesses, It must be
understood, however, that these constructs, such as that
of the "Filipino family, " are not real institutions but
*Reprinted with permlsslon from the SllgEjE,
Vo1. I
 D

but merely useful models upon comparative analysis.

.iictua1ly, the many living societies of the Philippines
vary in deta11, as careful comparison of them shours.
The use of a model celled "Pilipino" is practicable,
nevertheless, when 6tternpting to obtein a n over-a11
picture of the basic social characteristics of the
domlnant Philippine peoples, rather than speclfic know-
ledge of one or another group, v.rith a knowledge of the
general structure, specific detail- can be aided as the
observer comes in contact vrith a particul"ar societf,
the model developed in this analysis j.s that of the
people and the social life in the barrio rather than in
urban centers such as Manila. In 1939, 76.5% of the
Philippine people lived in rural barrios of less than
5OO. The vast majority of Filipinos are stiIl rural
agrlculturists. Although the model is of the ctraracter-
istic rural 1ife, some of the social changes which have
consistently occurred in the urban areas (ptanila, Cebu
and floilo) wj-l-1 be briefly c,rnsidered. Difilerences in
the o\zer-a11 social organization are also found in the
various Christian ari-)3s as a result of distinct forms
of land utilizat'ion and 'cheir institutional correlates,
diffe.rent types of economic activities as well as settle-
ment patterns,. but the s tructural b se of these societies
which is the primary c oncern of t as ana ys S, .5 re-
Iatively uniform.

?liii Ffi,fPINO F7\tirILY rr,liiD KIldslliP

?he basic units or buildin; blocks of phillipinr:
social organization are lhe e}_emen!qry faql1y which in-
cludes the father, the mother, and children, and the bi-
latera 1 extended famiiy which embraces all relatives &
the father and mother. Of special importance is the
s ibl ing ligUp, the unit formr:d of brothers and sisters.
There a- e no clans or simj-lar unilateral kinship groups
in the l,hiTTppines,. the elementary family ahd the-siil11ng
Y group for:m the primary basls of corpcrate ection.
Phj llppine social organization may bc. characterj-zes
as famil-ia1,. for the j-nfluence of klnship, whlch c...nters
on the farnily, is far-reaching. The pervasive influence
of the family upon all segments of Philippine social or-
ganlzation can be il-lustrated in many ways. Religious
responsiirillty, for example, is a familia] rather than
an individua] affair" I"{oreover, religion is family-cen-
tered rather than church-centered (Hunt et al 1954: 75).
Each home has a farnily shrine. The large lmages carrj-ed
 3

in the community processj.ons during Holy rdeek are owned

and kept by indivldu6l farnj-1ies, usually the wealthier
ones. In short, the Filipino type of family has had a
considerable influence on the forms of religlous beliefs
and activities introduced by orqanized religions.
The influence of the farnj ly upon economic and enter-
preneurial act,lvities is also qreat. The elementary
family is the basic productlon unlt 1n agricultural Ec-
t.ivities, cottage industrles, gathering, afii*1. in loca1 and
subsistence flshing. Even among traid" a-qricultural vrorkers,
two or more membe5s of a family will commonly be found
working togetherl*. The so-called "corporations" found
in the urban areas are generally family holdings, Dis-
tribution of corporated stock beyond the kin group has
not been successful in the most cases. The extensive
development of nepotism in the philippines is thoroughly
understandable when the economic solidarity characteris-
tic of family life is considered.
The fractnrented character of the la.rqef phllippine
society is a result, 1n part, of tf,e FT'iffino typi of
family and kinship structure. The prevailing Sarnlly
structure emphasizes loyalty and support of the fam11y,
not of higher }evel of social organiaatiorr. In the barrio,
polltical organlzation j.s weakly c1eve1oped. G;oup ac-
tlvities are org.rnized in terms of kinship and by common
economic and ritual intq,rests. One or more fami-Iies form
the core of these group activjties, the 1eadership usually
being provided by a dominant family (or families). rrlealth
and the size of man,s family ancl kinship group are the
I primary determinants of leadership. The resultlng fa-
mi-1ia1 orientation is .a centripetal, making for highly
segmented communities and an almost complete lack of
leqal self-government. It is understandable therefore,
why government and municipal programs have founcl so Iittl_e
reerL support in the typil'a] barr-io. In fact, as I"icMillan
(1955:2?.) points out: ',It is remarkable to find that
philipplne comrnunities have litt1e or no indigenous
Y
socj.al organizatlon outside the.'relatively stronq, co-
hesive fomily unit."
The role of the family 1n the philippines, as actually
perccived by Filipinos, is explicitly stated in the new
Civil C de of the phil ines (1953), A rticle No. 2L6
statc: s, "The f ami I Y]-sa basic institut ion which public
pol1cy cherlshes anrl protects." lnd in Article No. 22Oz
In case of Coubt, all presumptions fa.tor the
solidarity of the f;:mi_ly. ?hus, every intendment
 4

of law or fact leans toward the vatidity of marriage,

the indissolubility of the marriaqe boncls, the
legltlmacy of children, the community of property
during the marr:iage, the authority of parlnti over
their children, and the validity of defense for any
member of the family in case of unlawful aggression.
?he Filipino femily dlsplays great solidarity because it
is the nuclear unit around which social activities are
organized--it is the basic corporat_e unit.
The i.nterests of the indivirlual in philippine
society are secondary to those of the family. Marriage,
for example, is seen as an alliance of t$/o families, not
simply of two individuals. In the past--and in some
pagan areas today--marriages \^rere arranged by the parents:
children were often pledged when they were very young.
The peyment of a dowry by the boy ancl his relatives to
the parents of the gir1, whi.ch 1s still practiced in
some Christian areas, stands as a symbo). of the alignment
of the tr,ro families and of the reciprocal obllqations
incurred by rnarrj-age. Bven toclay, the parents Bs itra]l
older relatives exert great influence ln the choice of as
spouses by tireir children.
It is frequently said that a boy courts the mother
es well as the daughter. Among the Tagalog, there is a
period in courting, CE1led pgli]".g-1-us.gj!-?, i" which the boy
works with the parents of tE-e gf;T so that the parents
can observe the boyts ',real characten,, If the bby is
unacceptable to the parents, the courtship 1s qenerally
terminated. Because it is a familial
porentsr opi_nions ore ',like the wor.c1 ofaIllance," the
God,,. Religion
is ernployed to reinforce the wilt of the parents. A
couple disobeying their parentc, and. eloping, for example,
would not enjoy the ,'graces of Goci.,' Berrenness is often
explained as a "parental curse',, the couple havinr; ignored
the decr.sions of their parents.
In the rural areas, marriage is inv;:rlably performed
by a priest, usually Catholic (common 1aw and iivil
marriages are genererlly restricted to the urhan areas).
Marriage is vieweci as a permanent contractr dn ',inviolahle
social institutlon', (Civil Code 1953-14). Divorce 1s not
recognized by phllippine law, althcugh legal separation__
the marriage bonds are not severed--is peimissit,le 1n c
cases of adultery, and when one spouse attempts to tek$i
the life of the other.
 5

The Filipino family extends per:rona1 lnvolvement

and respcnsibitity to all members. An offense against
one rnember of the family is concerved of as a threat
to the whole family. An unlavrful or immoral act com-
mitted by one family member brings discredit to every
family member. However', the family cherishes and
protects. Any remark by a non-relatj.ve reflectlng upon
the behavior of the wayv.iard member is considered a serious
offense ageinst the entire family. The social readjustment
of an indlvidual who, for example, has been to prison
becomes relatively easy unde:: these circumstances. Ob-
servers heve remarked about the seeminri absence of social
stigma in Philippine society, attributinq it to indifference
and the absence of e feeling of "guilt'r. In reality,
it is a reflection of the solidarity of the family.
Normally, familial ties are not broken by marriage,
distance of residence, or by a change in the soclal status
of a family member. According to the Manila Bulletin
(June 6, 1955t 22), the 15,ooo Filipinos employed by the
American Armed Forces in Guam "remit approximately
#6 million yearly wages and salaries to the Philippines."
If a boy from a barrio has found a successful position
in Manila, he is expected to continue to help his family
in such a way as contrj.buting to the expenses of educating
a brother or slster. He is expected, moreover, to return
and tc participate in family -clatherinc;s: as during a
fiesta, despite the distance involved.
Custom and the new Civil Code provide for mutua]
support among members of a famlly. If a man is in the
posltion t-o hlre a kinsmen, he will do so. This has led
to the wldespread practice of nepotisrn in both government
and business, a further striking example of the solldarity
of the family and kinship grolrp. To abandon or iqlnore
the plight of a family member: reflects clishonorably on
that family. Thus, lnstitutions such as "Old Age F{omes"
and orphanages are rare/ the farnily generally assumj-ng
these respr:nsibilities. Children ere dutlz-boun,3 to
support parents in thelr old age, and even illegitimate
children become an integral part of the family. The
child 1s not blemed for circumstances of birth and finds
less clifficulty 1n the Phitippines as contrasted with
the United States, in making social aCjustments.
I<le411y, residence is with the paternal kin, thot
is, near or in the barrio of the par:ents (relatives)
of the husbenC. This patrilocal tendency is illustrated
by data in the fo1lowin,^r tahle which was reported by
 6

Rivera and McMillan (1952: 82) fcr ninc' Central Luzon

barrios (see Table VIII-l-) .
The actual residence of a married couple is deter-
mined, hor,vever, by a number of variables: the location
and relative qlrlouilt of the land in which the tvro brin-<}
to marriage,' thelr respectj.ve nurnber of siblings,' and
the extent of intra-vi1lage marriage. Thus, althouEh L]
the ideal enr-r the tendency toward resicJence is patrl-
local, the girl may be an only child and have land, wlii-le
the kroy has many brothers and sisters and very little
1and. In such instances, residence may be near the parents
of the girl, owing whol1y to the land factor..
The majority of marri;:ges apparently take place between
boys and girls who l1ve in the same barrio, ancl no gues-
tlon es to the location of tireir conjugal dwell1ng arises.
The boy and girl, pdrtlcularly the latter, often
favor the establishment of resldence separate from their
kin groups in order to be relatively free of the daily
domlnation of the parents-in-1av,r anri. the brother-anrl-
sisters-in-law. Compouncled hcuseholds (hcuseholds having
more than one elementary famlly) are not known,. kiut the
typicol composition of the household is one elementary
famlly with the addition of one or more close relatives,
usually r,.ridowed parents of unmarried siblings. In the
barrios surveyed by Rivera ancl I'leMi1l-an (19522L59) these
were approximately the extr.:-farr:ily nrembers per house-
hold, that is, inCividuals urho v/ere not members of the
elernentary fan'ily as such"
T'A iJIJE VI I I I
pIJRCrl\IT AGE OF HEi\DIl OF HOUSTIHCLDS i\ii{O RtrPOFjITI D FATHERS
AtlD FATIiIIRS-IlJ-LAi,ir AS OI^INER-q OF Fli).MS, BY TI,}iT]RE
Percent of heacls hrlfq r-epqrlela,€
O\^/nefS Of flTl S '.i.

F:rrrn Tenu.re Iiumbcr of Heacis Thelr Fathers Their

of households Fathers-
reporting in-1aw

All ?enures a't tr.

33.3 )a i
Fufl owner 51 54."7 44.2
Part oh/ner 85.3 51.4
Ten.:nt 561 )1 ( 22.7
Farm l"aborer 139 tq'l 10.4
 7

It has been frequently stated that "the

Fllipino family of the past i.;as p.rtriarchal in form and
characteristics" (uaearaig et al 1954:152), and the
absol-ute autlicrlty" of the f ather is still_ stressed a s
a representatlve feature of the Filipirro family.
The ... "predominating j-nfluence of the man over the
woman is seen as characteristically Oriental, r^rhile the
growing acceptance today of the quality of man anri woman
is Occiclental" (t,tacaraig t-.t a1 1954: 1-.,2) . ?he f ather
in the Fillpino family ctoes have a rjomin.-.nt position.
however, the Fllipino family i.s: cci:t:1n1y not ,patriarchal',,
now w.rs it in the past,- and. it is not'tnatriarcheI,,.
?reditionally, there are few societies in the
world which dlsplay as eqali+-arienism betr..reen husb.:nd
and wife as trhilipplne societies, eitirer pagen or Christian.
This is lnherent in the nature of thej,r kinship structure.
Though marriage forms a ner.^/ "fami-ly of procreationr,' the
husband anC wife ere still in integral parts cf their
respective famil-ies of orientation." if, for example, a
husband abu-ses his wife, her kinsmerr v.ri1i intervene;
for she is sti11 a m*mber of her natal kin oroup. In
addition, l,\romen p3-ay a very active rofe 1n society,
such as shering agr:icultural duties ancl responsibilities,
assuming the role oi the wornan as the m.other of a family
is facllltated i:y the f::eguent pre.rence of olcler women
or slb}ings in the household who care for the younoer
chi Ldren .

The priveleqed jurel ano social position ef the

husband (anci fcther) was due largely to *gpanish influence,
not to an orient.:l type of farnlly structure. In a recent
study, i"L has been pointeol out that;
It is rea11y the f,-rir-harire.d (sic) Spaniard
vijth his Code Rornan Laws who re legatecl the Filipino
woman to the position of inferiority where the
Anerican found her. These laws aimed to conflne
woman inside the home by forbrdrling her the right
to tr;nsact l:uslness rrithou'L. the leqa 1 sanction
of her husband, and reirrovecL from ht=r: the riqhts to
Cispose of her o\rJn pLf raphernrrl property (Hunt et a1.
19542 "72).
Linder the Spanlsh eCucation r^,as desiqn,:d primarily
for men" As pointed out bir Mencloza-Guazon (I95I 224) , the
wcman's sphere of actiorr has the ',Three German Krs
KirChe, i{r1s5., and. 1(inc-er (that is, church, kitchen and
children)." The separation of the sexes r/uas emphasized.
Young wornen were confined to -t_he home teught to hiCe and
 I
control emotions and thoucht,s, ancl coirefully chaperoned
when with the opposir-e sex, Aftcr marriaoel a display
of affection 1n public betv,,een husband and wife u,r,l for-
biaden.
Families i n +;he poblaciones and urban centers clid
approximate the Spanish and Church def inltion of the
sociel role cf rvoman as well as the relationship between
sexes/ but the position of the woman 1n the barrio
followed rnore the tradional pattern. Necessarily active
in planting anc1 harve::ltin.J, lTtdr-ketinq, enLr religious
affairs, the lrilipino barric rdomen were certalnly not
confined to the horne. Furthermore, it is near).y impos-
sible to maintain a separatlon of the sexes in the barrio,
Es concerved _ by the Spaniarrls aild the Chu-rch, for the
barrio is characterized by pr:imary grolrtr) relationships,
litt1e F)rlvacy, iilld n? secrets. In shoit, I'ilipino
women r-3r€ very active end frequently more agqressive
then men ln social anti economic artivities.
The Filipino v.rom;rn has regj,ined mo st of her tradit-
iqnal rights and capacities under. the t{ Civll Code
Republi-c Act l.Io. 386 (cf. Sairtillan-Ca strt'-nce 9 l:161-I90) .
The t'iew Clvil Code o1lows the woman to transact bus:_ness
t;ith out the pr:ior con:;enL of h,.,r hr_rsb;rnd anci to j.is pose of
propi:rty whj.ch she brcr.roht to marria qe. The Filiplno
woman enjc ,.s the slrne education:l p:: ivi leoes and suffr.acle
rights as her husbarC. IJnCer the olcr Code, the hushanC
could alienate conjr_rgal property v.rithcut his vrj-fe's
knowleCqe cr ccnsent. lt t pre,sent, without h j_s rr,ife's
consent the husband cGnn ot do so.
Although the father is the acknoviledqed heacl of th€
Irillpino household, the j.nfluence of the mother mu.st not
be minimized, for author:ity is not based simply on sex,
but. on scciety is characteriieb by a
inarked eg.._philippine
development of qenerttion:1 respect whrch invol-ves
ceference to the oplnions of a1l indivi iluals, reqarcjless
of sex, older tiran one,s self. ?hus, authorlty is invested
not simply in the father but in parents and in grancl_
parents as v;ell-. It is specif ically stlted in if,e liew
Civil Code th: t ,,llr- ndparents stroutd be consulted
.by all members cf the family guestlons (Title Xf , Article
:.iz)
t'l 1\
rrie oldest
. rr m!-^ ^ brother or sj-ster in the family
hes authority over younger sib1in.,.s, j.ncludinE th; *S:o rj-ghts
tc punish them...i{h€n the parents clie, the elde st sibling
3ssum..s the responsih,ility for the slbJ-innl group. The
-cettern of gen€rn'riilne I r-espect is found in-the- termlnolocy
:f addr,:ss, childrcn speaking to Lheir parents anrl older
:ersons in the plural form of tlie
=..o.,d person, that
 I
is by saying k;rye (p1ura1) not ik.:w (_=ingular) for "you,'.
Generally speaking, f.rmily 11fe centers on the
children. ?he eiementar f.rni1 f orrne 11zeC a nd bec omes
1-
a structur& unit enac
r,v is -Lrn to rr cou 6: or
un E is or €.r p.r rents, CC d is relate egua 1 1y
to the maternal anC t>atsrna] kin. The birth of a child
forms the link between the families. Land. anc other
pr:opefties are thought of as beinq held in trusteeship
by *-^arents for the chlldre_n. Family funcfs are r.:rely,
if ever, spent by the parents j:or their own wants. On
the contrary, the famity vrill p1unoe into clebt for children_
for thelr education, in cases r:f ilness, or for the
costume of a daughter who has been chosen gueen fcr the
barrio f iesta . Family capi-tr- I antl savings are the 1n_
heritance of childrer-i, to be divrierl ,qr"]ly an*)g them.
A comrlon excuse for ,ierrying loans, ev:rj to relaEii.res,
is that the propertles and money belonq to thq chjJdren.
Bec.,cuse ol- this concerrr for chi lrf ren, it is not unrrsual
to find incluloei,+ childreri in FiJ_1pinc farlilics, usr:a11,y
the irounao,it, cier.;;:,ite tht.; re1*tg.v€ly firnr p:tt.::n of .l
aut"hority. The relati ;nshlp bctv,,een al-tL=rnatj.ng qenereticns,
grerndp.rrents ._ritd grandchil_Cr:n, is of t:n ver.y and
af f ectionote. Altirough the gr:.indpal:r.-nts-r ctr€ in "1oJ..
an aUthor_
iLatirre position, they r-.re1y dlicipline ch11dr:en. A
spoileci chi]cl is described as',one urho }:as been raised
by gran,lparcnts. "
The ,sizr: anr:i. r,-rnq€ of t-he bilateral e xtencled frim11
is of consiclerable import.,:n.,e. Re atii:nS p is exte
to d.ist:.rnt ccusi.ns, r.,:ho are qiv .rn h' lp if n..reded. The
usual resriential pattern 1s jra sed on kinship vhicit ::ein-
forces the unity of ext,encl.:d fa mi' j-es. If large as well_
as localized, they can be pox./er fu1 anrl in-f luentia i.
Politics in 1ocer1 arcas i s cftr. n controlled by iarqe,
i+e.:1thy f :m111es, the :;r:lection of .r barrlc lieuten:r:t,
for example, being mlile on t-he basi-s of hi s re pre.enting
a dr:minant kin qroup. As Flunt and others have pointed
out (79r,4:'t 4) .
A larce f.:r:ri1y is r:esp€ct,.-.cl and perhaps, a1s<>
feared in tire comrnunity. The traclition of-unity
can make ir_ vi?ry powerful rnrl influential to
marry into a large family, theref,;:re? can help a
young rnan further: his ambiticns. He is usualiy
pointed out as e ',}ucky boy',7 &nri ]re will occaisionally
mentlon his mer::iege in cllses where he wilr n:.ed
to boost him.self in th..: group.
The Filipino kinship systerm can l:e described ds
relatively "sl)ellov",,,, for concern rs w i t]-l tiie 1 a t.: ::a 1
 10

expansjon and size of the family an,.i kin group r:ther

than r,vith the l"ineal dep:th of relaticnshlp. 'Ihe size
.:ncr solid:rity cf the extended biiateral famil-y greatly
influences in<livj.dual interpersona-1" relationships'
Jixcepts for the unique pattern of friendship fou:rd among
Fllipino teenagers, intr:rpersona] relationships are gen-
era1ly intra-kin relai:ionships " On the acrult }evel,
f rle n<lsh ip i s b;:orrr-iht r,.ri thin th,:: framework of kinship
by means cf com dra zoo or ritual coparenthood (Ciscussed
in the foil ov;ing section ) . Thus, interpersona1 relation-
hips are foundecl funrlamentally on actual kinship ties
r^lhich inrrolve formt':1 reci-procal riuties anrJ obligatiorrs.
Formal relationshil:s art. furtlier extenCed by "rj.tual
kinshi-p". In contrast to kinship bonds, there is an
unconfortal:ie sociaI qap in the tc'nucus ties of friendship.
The typical appear,:nce of af fect'ionate f::lendship
betrveen teenallers of the same sex has eL least two ex-
planations. First, by inter.li'ti nci with non-)s j-nsmcn the
teenac,ers are projilslis''d into an en.lironment havlng potential
spouses. It 1s said, for exam';1e, that teerlaqe friends
frec4uently marry the s:j-blinc: of their friends. Secondly,
the clisplay of affection be1-ween mernbers of the opposite
sex is fori:idden in pu,olic and appears to be ninlmal even
in the prlvacy of thc hcuschold. Tire charriiel vrh:;h
provicles for tire release of normal- emotions is intera'c'tion
wjth a person of the same sex. i\ display of affection
between a boy and,lir:l in public, on the contrary, vrculri
cornpromise the girl (nct the kroy }:rectruse of the prevaillnq
"doukrle"standard" ) . Thtrs, t.he pattern o-l f riendshlp is
betr.;c-:en boys .lrnrl boys, gi"r1s. Teenaqe boys arc conrmonly
seer"] vr;lkinr; t-ogether: v,rjth cheir arms around each other
or holrllng hancis, a bcheivior not understood end. often mis-
interpretsc) by Arner:icans and EuroIJe3ns. In f act, this
behovior l:eceme a point of fricticn bt-tween tlie limerican
GI I s ;rnd- Fll ipino T{:ena0el:'s.
Follcwing rnarriage, vthich fn rl lreflsc defines
"adulthood-, " one t s tiei, c1uties, ana obli,tations are pre-
domin.:nt1y to tire fam j 1y anc3. )<-in qroup, both consenguineal
ancj af f in;:1. There is re1;..'tirreJ-y I ittle tirne for f riend-
-"hiFi anC vrhen j-t r.J.oes develop, the mechanlsrns of ritual
k lnship a re emJ;loyed t.o f o-rrn.r 1i zc the re 1a tionship.
Rel;tionships within the l:ounds of kinship arc, relatlvely
secllrc and predict-'r.blc. Ccnv,:lr;ely, a mar:kerl sociol
disLance qene::e1J-y 3ep(ijlrrl'ter rnernbl't:..1 ,:f a kin group from
a 11 non-kinsme n. l:,monc the Bikol , f or exanrple, the
term tr.rgcng rne;-tns " f r j.ends " and "rr:1.ttive ", inrpllring
that a friend shoulC become e rr'-l-ati-vr:.
 11

R.ITUi-\ L, CO-pA i?rti.,tTliOOD

CompaCrazqo (callecl the conrpadr,: or Kumpare
systern in the phitlppines) is i,'irr:ly c'levelope d as a
means of extendinq the size of the kin group. Although
each coml:adre relaticnsirip is theoritlcally initiated
as a spiritual relationship bet-wecn a godparent (or
godparents) and a godchild, the relationship act.r:a11y
develops and emphasizes a pri-mary social bond between
the 1:arents of the chll-d arr.i the ooOparents,' hr:nce, the
compadre system l-s best d.ef lned as "ritual cc-parenthoorf ".
The complexity of lhe socia] relationships vrhich
have arisen in the phillnpines as a result of baptism,
confirmation, or marrlege is ef fect-ive-1y seen ag;:in.st
the backgr:ound of current, oj-f icir:1 Catholic lr.,cislation
in thrs matter,
Official Catholic leciislation cn baf:tir;ma1 oodparents
Catholic church law nrovi<le s for a gocipar(int, oy sponiior/
for aI-'I, who are baptized or confirmed. From the stand-
point of a sociologi-ca1 ana -lys j-s. tv:o aspects of this
legislation are import.ant: (1) the char;:cter of ' he
official obligators contracted by the sponsors, and
(2) tl:e e:<tent of the spiritual rL-lationships orioinati.:d
b-y the act of sponsorship.
Provisicns touchinc on bap'ulsmal sponsorship or
"godpar:enthood" are rnucir more detailed than are those
for confrrrnation, and have long history of progressive
simplificat-lon. Accor,:1inq to current church law, a
maximum of two sponsors is pijrnrittr:d,- rlcsplte Lhis many
"co-sponsprs" are cfLen selected by Filipinos. It sh,:uld
he stri:ssec.l that the only officiel spiritual l<in tie-s
or:iginatr:d by 1:aptrsmal sponiorship ar,,: between the
baptized and his sponsDr^s/ ;.rn,I bi=: tuecn thc,: bapti:ed and
the onc who cioes the haptizing. Thus, the official net-
work of r:elatrc,nstrips is rzertica i and intergc:ncrationa I
and do*.-s nct reccqniize thu. elaborati; horieontal or
gener.lt.iona 1 f .;:iation:;hrps i.,rJ'rich a i'r:' stressed b.y irhilipp.ine
.--iFfi.:q

?he baptismal sponsor/ or sponsiors/ contract the

ci:,.]-igation of supervi;ion ,tnd care of ttre child. in onl y
a very restrictr:d trens€. They are cxpect_ed to see that
t:.he ch1ld i:; propc.rly trainr"d ancl, cared for in religious
matters, ]:ui: they n ecl nct assert thems;elves except
t":hen thr: parents or gua.rilians .i r(_: i:c.. lleved to hi:ve
shown forgctfulness or neol-ecL in this aspect of the
ch i ld.rs ,'=dilc.rtion. Ur:r1ik.l tr::cili .ion..:1 1!ri,-;ctlces, the
sponsors rlo not contract any clj.rect oblrq;rt-i on toward
!h" chililrs parc-nts-, or tovrard the other sponsors r et
torva rd the one v,iho baptl zes.
 72

Acccrdlnq to offjclal_ practice, ihere should only

be one sponsor for each person confirmed. Because of
rleCessity, however, a ntdn and wom.:n may ,'stand up for"
a qroup. A spiritual rel_atlonship between the sponsor
and the confirmed is spoken of, but 1t does not impecle
subsequent marriage. The sponsor at conf -irrnation is
expected to prorricle for +-he religious education of the
child in the event of defaul_t on the part oF the parents
or cluardians. Traditional-Ly, hor^rever, the obligalicn
would fall first on t_he shoulders of the child,i baptis-
ma1 sponsors.
As established by of f iclai trr::€itice, there ar.cJ no
true sponsors for mqtr-imony. Tht--.re al:c "officiaI wlt-
nesses " pr-oviced ( usually the best man ;nd the maic_i of
honor) whos: prirse nce is deemed essential to the valid
perfl:rmance of the cererrro]ly. Howevr_,r, this man and
woman contract no spritual rr:laticnships end po spritual
relatlonships ancl nc cbligat,ions ot-her than t65t of tes-
tifying to the fact of the marrioqe i l. asked to clo so
by competent authcrrty.
The tl: dltiona I racti eS ,:f C dra found in
c alo Area The network of social r e a tl onsh ips
-Ld
an U ictations esta.b,lishr-:d by i:aptism, con firma tion,
and merriage in trhi r ippine soc j-et_ies qreatly exceeds
the ccntempory Ca1-hol ic leqi sia tion " Ti,+o factors may
acc,cllnt for this: (l) ttre possible p?rsistence cf pre-
'Irent (1945-53) practices concernirrq spiritual sponsor-
ship wi='ri-ch rnay har,'e been intorucjci:,C by the early Spaniards,
and (?.) the elaboration of cornpadra z go by F11 ip.lnos,
being a "ritua f kinship s\rstem,' in c onsonance vsith their
bilateral type of kinshrp st_ructu::e the
generational extensj.on of kinship. =mpha:;izinq
A brief deicrrption of
the confrad,re sys"Lem fcunC arnong the Taqalog will pio.ride
a represr.rntati.ze phll-ilrplne Bype.
Godpa rents are selectcd by the parents not onry for
baptism (binyag) and cor:f irrnat j".:n (kunipl1) of each child,
but fo:: marri a_qJe (kasa1) as r^re1t. fn the rural areas
tr,^lo str)onsors are usualr y se r_e ctec, for r:ach occasion,.
ancl as a bound i S Cr'.:a1-eC b...:tvla:err 1he SpCnSOTS and the
chi 1d, parerits !, ith f,oi:-r or f ive chi lilren will normally
develop a large numbr:r of ritual k-lnship re laticnships.
In thc. citii.s en d lal:ger pol:laciones, rrioreol,rer, it -is
cornmon Lo hdvc a numl:cr of Ka tui^.ranq oj- "co-sponsors" in
addition to the one or t-..ro spcnso_r s of f icially recoqnized
by tht chr-rrch. The latter are also tinkecl tr: the child
and paients, in the same w3y as lhe slionsors, v,,hich
grta t1y incrca se s the numkrer of re.Lationshlps. It is
probable that in sme 11 barrios nrla t. ly eve r y inhabitant is
linked either bv re:1 or ritual kin.shi6
 13

Theori.tic.. 1ly, the chilci enj ry: r-hree lfehl s-t-:i

of ::elationships bosed upon b,:ptisn, conr-irmation, atr$
ma:-fi,,rge sponsorship: first, '"ri-th 1cr;psrenti: VJhO haVe
the sta tus cenera 11y r:f pa: r ents i s.cond, ','iith the chi Ioren
of thc- qodpl,rents, Col1ed kinaka ^- + i , (r.p ) "sibling",
who hav€ (lueLri-sii:J-ing relJtionsl^,ipi one which invol-ves
formaf and c,i:ntjnuinqr obliq^tisl:s is betweeri the god-
parer,ts ancl the qorlchil<J, anci even thls r:elationshif
is refat-ively amorphrus. 8...:ically tilc system j s
orlented to co-parent relat-.iorrship-* anrl not of qcd-
parent-goclcirild relationships. This explains, in part,
the many traditlonal .rarj-,rtions in the cbl-igation,s
of godparenthood- which occur in Fhllippine societj-es.
Generaf ly, the godparents pay for tlie baptisrnal
ceremony ancl, thL: subseo'uent feast in the home, t-,he
blnyargen. They are expec*-eci to i:ee that the ci,1ld
is raisld in the Cathol-lc Fait]-i anc1 if the parents
shor"rlr-i clie, the! . ssjurrrie the f in;:ncia 1 support of the
chiId. Hol.:ever, this latter obiigation is niore often
assumed by ro:1;lt-ives. The qcdpar:ents e>-ipect to be con-
sul-tecl a};out , ay in.f crrnr--cl abor:t, ciec:i sions al con-
se.juence affectirrg th,,: chi1C.. ff the godparents are
chj ldless, anci i.realtliy, th,:y may assume f inancial res-
ponsibility for the e.ucation of i-hr:1r godchild.
Sometiriie:: a chili1 froni a barrio nay live vli-tt'i cro.,rparentr;
in i-hc pobla,ciot-r r+hj 1e coinq to ;chooI " Simil;.:rIy,
a child f ron-i thi-' provincr:s may f ind a second hr:me
in I{arri}a whrf e attr.rnCL:nq c,tilege or vlorking. The
godparent*qorJcn j-ld rcll at:,onsh-i p is renewecl on sevaral
oCCa:;jcns d,ur:ii-rg thr.r ye.jl:; bY ,:iift-s ,fn the part of the
qodparent.s anil l-ry e rll)ccia1 :ircw of resprjct by the
goichilcr. The usual occa:;i-ons ari! Christmas Day, the
child's f ,l-.rst clay (esf,r:ciall y r-1urinq the ear:ly years
of the child), ancl sometiraes dr:::ir:g t-he annual f ie:;-t-a.
Re fe rtnt i a11y, the chil-cj g,'.11s rts rrorlfat-ir er ili;ai31
and its q orlmothcr ini-ina. l,Jhe n ad,:l ressin g th,?tnz they
use the terrns nr-Ionq (gcclf:rthr-r) and n-in.--nq (godmothe 'r) .
ln turn, the ciilTE?En -.e carl I ecj in;.Il[J[l(cni.rci) .

I'iany parentsr, iL t'rouln.ppe=r, sslect 'lodparents

on the basis cf ths:ir hlqhcr >oci:l st.ltus and pott:ntiel
f inatrsi;rI aid r..ih j,cli rr-right be of f ere C to 'rhe chiid.
Howev--r, tio meny parGnts choose the same clodpar:en'L
that the lr:tteri,vould riot he able to fulf i tl Liis i:conomic
fr-rnction if c.-r1l-ecl up(ln by m.-rny clr thr:,ir parents. Tt
is noL inf ::equen i- f or a i,;ea lthy lariiil ord or a popular
p,:litician to have ciozens or evcn sCor€;s of ,lodchildrr:n.
i/.lhere ther:e i-s mar:ker"l social cl-ass cliffere.nces betr.ueer:
thc par€nts of the chilrl ancl the (rodparents, the usual
co-parenthooci rclationship does not exist. The tendency
to seek qlodpai:ents in a hiqhe r socisl class posi tion,
appercntly iiiore pronounced at present, iniqht be explained
on the basis rs'r incrr-asi.rg socie:1 nrobi 1i'ty--the develop-
I
 L4

ment of vertical, inter-class r:eiaticrisnips (tutintx

and Wolf 1950:364) . It ivoulC fc11ort. therefore, that
inter-c1ass cornpadr-agEo r,voul,i be more comrnon in t-he
phitipi:ine cit--ie,s than in thi: ruril areas. Though
ti"iis may be true, int.r:r-class comrra<l;67q,3 is not
uncommon in th,i: provinces/ apper-ently arisrnq rs a
sociel m,=chanism for r-,,tructuring the relationships
b,etr^leen landlords ancl i-. r,-n+nts a r€ latic:n:;hip
r.uhich does not i:ii,t.;r the basic tr.;o-class system.
/r)"looe the ?agalot, rnarriaqi.- i:; p,ermissible bct-
ween co--siblings, the kinakapatid,-thus, it is not
true fraternal relationship. Othcr cultural.-linquistic
groups and the mr:stizos, howevcr. frov",n on marriaqe
Lretween the r-hildrerr of r*-o*parcntsr arguir:iq thar this
is a "$plritu:1 bond. " This is rlot curt:.nt Catl-rolj-c
r-loctrine, E s noted.
The rerlatj,,nsi:iip }:etr,veen ttre ccclchild ancl the
parcnts of tl-ir: godparents which pr:,:dicated the use of
klnship terrns js not a .-;pecial r,:1ati;nship, for any
T=qa1oo child v,ri11 call olcier nr,.,-n r:nd worncrr "grandfather"
anC "!)rand.n"rotner" r,^lhen thcr,: r:xists an intirnat*. rr:l-ationg
ship, Ttrese t:,,. 1:ms 6y'i:) also ur.;ed as e sign of reFpect
wire n speakinq to oirler peoplrj generally.

In the; rural seqitions of the T3galoe al:ca, relatives

are sOmiltilii,.:s sef ec'"ed a s baptisme I sponliorsr,- h..rnce,
the l< jn qroup is; not i,:nlar:qer-r,, Hoviev€r, vthcn t.h j s
occurs th* goCperents of confirmation, the binya..l sa
kumoil r ofe invarrirbly si:-lectcd from non-kinsmen,
"espectally frlencts" (a" 6rri:l TnCalo0 r(:rir.r:ked), that
iS, ,someonel you \,"r;i:,nt a r{llatiOnship vrith. "It is
good to F.lniarge ttre family. " At- marri;:ee, the gcrlparents
are selcted f rorn r:ach bi late rally extr.nded fanrilyr
the parent-s of the boy chor:..;inr., 't.he gorifathc.r and the
parents of the cirl, the qor.imotht,:r. Thes:e gcciparents
c--il.e t]lc couple gift.s, thc pakrmklm r bi:fore the weddinq.
'Ihr.-:re 1s some cornT:etition betr^;een the maternal ancl
i:aternai kin qrouF)s in the v..:lue c;f these qifts, for
there-1 s !fJS., that is'rsirramr)'', attached to,,iivincl the
leslier r:ift. Th.:.rodparen-L; i:or the i,,eddinq are usually
oLr1.er anri assunie a parcntal-l-rlle stil t-us often aci.vi:;ing
Lhe ccupir.' ;s i- o the af f .,rir:s of n,r::riage"
.je co:pA r e-n tnwli !i 1 t_i o4 s r, ip ir r.:1 imi n;r r y a na -l.ys is
1-

cf th,.,. systr:m indicatts that thc besi-c rr:iationships

r:st:bl. j-shed is between th,:: pai:ents of the chilci ancl the
lodparents: thus, BS rioterl, it- is primarily as sy,stem
of co*parent--hoocl . " The co-pat:.:?11ts, ca11ecl qenerally
padrinos, addr,:ss eech cther a s kun-padr": , &,q$Pe r.e, or
pare, if maler ancl kurnadre, kuma re mf, ro if fr:ma1c,
' t'-) L

Effipt in ins Lance ffi-T[5fficd C

t ' t

,ifT?Er:e nci.s (e,q.,

a f ,..ncl"l-ord anri tenant), the paclriro r,:l-a t-ionship-r is in
e s -ser)ce a f rt tr--,'rrra I rl:, e t i on sl: i n ,
1-
 ,7
ID

hl sc inc:Luded ar:i co-pa::ents a re a 1.1 the sibl inr::: of

each sponsor: Itr:nce, ,1 sizeal-rle rrumbr:r of indivicluals
are }inkecl on a generationa l. level by the practice
of sponsol:shii:,.
ReDSons for the seler-'tion of sponsors iIlus'Lrate
the horizontaJ-, rather the vcrtical, orientation of thc
compa dr,.' systern. T?rus, f rlenrlship bet:"ieen ti"/o adults
is tio,rqnt r,vithin the framework of ritual kinship by
one actinq the sponsor of ttre ot-herr s cirili'I'
A ten.rnt may ask his lanilcrcl to be; the baptinmal
godfather. fhis inter:*class reIal-lon"shl,'r Ciffers some-
,nat in that" it is rs.sentially p::terual, not f raternal '
The focal point of this rela"Li:ns;hip is not the interest
of the chilcl, but r,lthi::r it j.s 3 rnearis of' stabiL izinq
the landlord-t.:nant relat-il.,nst:ip. A mar:r rniqht ask
his immediate superior in an o,'fice t-o he the qodfathr:r
of the cir:1ci, thi: pr-inii'.rr:y r:l-rjectivc i:eing to e olidify
his posit-ion, A bookkecpel: \^/c'rkiriq f or ")
Chin'$se
for r*xampler askeri tlttl ol"rn€jr to t)r: a bat:tismaI
"o*plny, tf',e qoOchi )-c1-qor-1pil rent re lat ionship ln thi s
si-t,"ration wa$ of l.i+;tle i:-nporta:lcei in f'rct, the child
"pot,uot.
Cid nct kfioln' or suhsr':rrui=,nt1y int.,'r:a'':t wiblr ihe Chinese
mcrchant. The fi.,tlr,.r r".,as attemp,tinq to gein st'atus iri
ti-ic iornp,31y. In sirort, aCult relationships for:m thr=:
basls of tiic compedre sys+-em and material consiclerations
iiro comi-non. I.icr:tr:, the: qoffpadl:e system r;i tes in much
t.he sqlrll* say as nepoti sm, that, iituaf kinsmen, like
kinsrnenr df€ e::pect-ed to hi,1-p oni: snothr:r- in obti:i'riing
e jnb o:: sPccial fat'c::s"
Cqnrr-.gf rallsQ hi:s cievelcperl in the phllippirrcs partly
inaep6frEIfrt??-6fficial catholic -i-ecrislatj-:n" This is
lnil.lcatcd by tht f r'rc t tha t. Lroth Prot-estants and F
n1 i;oaY' ns
mFy t)ecotlcj ''sponscrs" for C.:lthcJ'ics, friendship an''i
othe:r consiCe rations Ql,ze rrlc]ing clrurr:h a f l il j-at1on.
The haslc organizatic'nal principlts ':f trhiiipnine
societies is kinship. "Rltual kinshii;," or !:-oFqa,drazsq
functir:ns to syst'::rn.:tize an'j l:orlrtgtize relationships
l:ctween unl:eiated indirrir'lu::1s (farn-1 1i-t's) base d upon a
model**liinsi-rip. The socially .ind emoi:ionally secure
reletionships of klnship ar'*' reCuplrcoted etnd extended
by Cgmpacir.a:gg, a function cf conslderable importonce
ii ii6-5?-ffi pot'intial conf'lict underilrinr": al] intcr-
pL-rsor)a 1 rc 1a tinnslri ],: l;,::tt':'.::;r n" ri-k in ';i"nen, a fr?sult
of the Fi lipino t s conc+pt of " 5:.r1f -;isteem" Five.
In addii:j-on, co:rpadrazqo prorz:Lc-jet a means nf a\ rrii: ri- nq
hlerarcl-,ica1 rr,:lations (landlord-tenant, ernploye::-
employce, hiqh*ior,v st;.tus), a channr;1 fot: up\r.']r:d mobilitY,
anC po.ssibly a mech.rn:.sm of cut-iliigra'i:1on fgsm ttie
r:rtra1 to urhan nr"r'nI:.
 16

THf III,IPI j.lO CC iCl,pT OF -<lliLF-!l,c'i- i:-l\'

Lntrrp..irsonal r,.:1a*'ionships in the Philiop j p6;s,

particularly between non-l: in-qm..:n, ari. cor;ditic;ned by,
a marked self-awarcness of personal- position. This
self -est-eern ( similar in some respects tc Chinese
"face") has long been recoqnized though lmperfr:ctly
understooif, by Filipino writerrs. ft hcrs been called
variousJ-y "peI:scnaly diqnj-tyn'r "honor"r "pride", and
corr€lated with; "w€ak trait of ct-iaractel: namely
sr-ipersen:'itjverress" (Osias 194O: ]936) .
MECar:alq and orhers (Oslas lgI,C; 126) irave polnted
out th.lt the Fi-lipino has a "high;ense of r])r:f Sona L
cjigrrity":
His dignity and honor arer everytl'rinq to h.im,
so that. the wcuncling of them, ,i.rhethci' real or
f ;rncied, be conies a chal,lenc;r to his rnanhocd One
of the gr(-:atrst insuLts to him is a1l affront "
against h-is st:rrso of honor. Ftany euarrels can be
bd B),..i:riijtrd if thip tiialitl-_ of tlr'.: ptlcplr,. is fu1}y
under:stood anr] consiiierccl .
Osias (194C,: 133-36) is ev.n rnorij explicit:
The Fi 1ipino . hes be,:n conscious of
individual c:ignity
Meny a corrf l-ict between a foreiqner anrl a
Fi1-ipino 'i :',:r'-l-:'.,Iid in a cjisrcq1;r fd on t1e onc hand,
and a sacre c1 ree.irrl on the other, of th j s cluality.
The foreiqner is apt to unrlere ::t.ima te the disgnity,
the S.vag (Ilo1,.o), of the Fil1plno. ?o the
netional his diq;iity anrr h1s honor aro ever-ything,
and. the orrfinary Filipino is.,villing to sacrifice
alrnost an'gtlti no ancl ev:r:ytl-ring at +;he alt.;r of
his dionity anci" honor.
I-le is kr:cnly scnsitivt- (anrj ) hiqhl_y intoleranl:
v;hen his p€.rrson;tl dignity is injr-rrrd . , . you have
been. I ciar.e say, witnesserl of .l Filip--lino losinq
i'ris self-control bec;ruse he feels that" he has
beerr wrongcrJ or insultecl thouqh the couse itself
may be i-rivial- or sliqht " It is t.his s€rnsitivr:-
ness, ot shaf I I say supersens,itivenc-ss, that has
eot mar)y youni) fe]lows in troublc with the ir chief,
Lheir co-ti?crli€rs, or their cDnrpeirions. It 1s this
sdme traii;, I fear, r^rhich in momr:nts of ternporary
':nfuscat"ton Le.r;;rls many a l,*c,1lnc I.i1:-pino to opi.]n
a knift= or to clraw a bolo r'rom its scabbard with
intcnt to use i't Litrron the pi:rsl on of anoth,?r.
 17

O1d Taga loo pro."zerbs cle;:l 1ir sei f orr-.h thr: conceot
of self-:.steem; The raound- from a boio is pre,ferabJ-e
to an of fensive -rr,cr'i.. (trtahanqat:y' +u.. ci ng itak sa
ma sama nq pa nLrungusap . ) (a wouncl hea l- s . .,\ f oul' worcl
dnes not- fade ar,valr-. ) (xung magalir-rg anq isang suecltl
ang mssamanq wika ' y di kumukr-rpa s . )
l,iet-iy explanatioris ai-cr found in Philippine ]iter-
ature for +-lte pi1-ipinos" "keen sense of p(.-rsonal dicrnity""
?he mcst comirlon, Ferhaos, is that 1t is:, "raciar tr.rit",
the Filipino having "in hls veins the ancier-rt pride of
the MaIay" (RusseI l9?-2z 45-61) " ai;, it is assumed
to be simple a given tr:.r it of the Fil ioinos 3 cul'Lr-rra 1
herltaq:1e. It is apparr.nt, hclr,ever, that ti-y: Filipino
ccncept of self-esteem is fundementolly social/ beinq
relaterL to the CenLripi:t;;1 anC united charactq:r of the
Filipino farnily :nd k*p:ship grou'.).
The family, as noted, provided ;n cnvironmcnt
1^)hich qives the inctividual a ]-:ioh rje:nsil of security
and "be lonclirrqj. " ?h* tlght-knit klnship system Cef :nes
preCisellr the behaviora I rc lation5hips kreti^,,een membL=rs,
.such as bctrveen porents and chriclre n or husbend and wifc.
In contrast, r:t-.]aticnships with nonkinsmen are llnc€rtain
and clel,icate ; and it is v;ith non*k:insmen that dlf f icult-
i;:s arising f rorn the Lcss oi: :.;e.1f -esttsern ocCult. Hospital-
i ty, t-he cour: te or:s .-" imos t euphernistic spr:ech cha racter-
is'cj-cs of Fllipinos (sea::chinq for;;nd cJivinq an c.xpcctecj
anaj\^ieIl avoiding a negative r,asI,Orrse), ancl the uSe of
go-beti,veens on eii ,:xploratcry I c-rztl of in1-eract_icn,
such as in m;:r::iage arrangc.' nrs, are all bes1- under-
stcocl as ml.chanlsms fo:: bridqinql the sociai rlistance
b':Lween non-kinsmin, Ti:relr .gervrtr as sccial deviccs for
::':rlucing possible: friction ind for prtv,.nting the foss
rf se 1f -.-:steern betwe en rron-ki nsmen.
Althottgh r^rorCls arL f ouncl in phi l,t'ipine lanqua qes
f,l:: "honc.r:", ",Jienity", and ";Jride", the term hfyp in
l:oa log (hu.ra in Hiligaynorr) , is the most pr:eva lent
:nli in the' Lrroarile st- s,e n;e -is be:;t cef ined as "-qi,-1f -cstr,.em. "
Thi::1s one of the mosr iiirpcift.,ri-r-l- concepL*q in thc
s:cia1 i:s1,:hoLoqy ,::f the filiprno because in it crre
i runr-1 I rnost a l_ I cf thc .: speci-'s cf the Fi 1 ipi no vcr lue
r-.

anc rnot j-vat-lon " f\n an,l iys1.s of hiya amonq !h.. Taoa loq
pro',ides en unclcrst.-rniiing generalj-y of self-esteem
=mchn Filipinos. (1955) Suppc::t clata is f oi;i:ri in a ri:ce nt
-=*ru.1)r bY Sibi ey of hr.iya amone the !ii,l iq;rynon
i.."isrern ldegrcs Island l.Jhich in es,:r:ntials is practicall_y
*::e ntical to hiira as for:rri'l arriong the Tagal og.
 18

Though hiya rneans in most inst:nc=s ,,heving

shame" or "ceusi-nct shame,, in anothe r l euscit/ 1t fras
many other co;lnotations which refl-ect va::i/]iig social
r-"1?tlonships. The behavior and f r,.elinq of a small
child towards an aduit stranger/ f.or example, is spoken
as hi-yi:, lmplyirig "ti-midity,,, ,'shyness,,, or Jashfu-I ness,,.
As Sibley has noted (1955:I-2), howe..r€l:, the feellng of
a younq perscn towards an elder, part.icularly a non_
relative in a position of s:_rthcrity, l-.s somewhat,;lifferent
and involves what rniqht be terrnerJ ,'embarrassment,,.
If a la ncilcrd, for example, continuelly gave pre sents
to crre of his Taealog tenants, the latter wou 1d eventually
remark: Huwa h l<ahi hi h l1.J/lrc ?hat is tt J .1
"Do not continue to give me pr esents , I am embarrassed
to you". However, if the l-anol_ord v.rere the recipient
of the oifts, he rvoul-rl not be kahiyahl ya becauser of his
hiqher social status. OnJ_y the tenant would be " em]:arra ssed,'
for hc. mrqht not be able to .sa ti s f y the rec rproca 1
cbligat-ion-q implied in ',qi ft s" o Being in a suhordinate
posltion, the tenant f e<:l- s d iscornfort an,l "apprehenslve "
in rt:lationships with tire 1a nc'il-crcl " The ten.,rnt ,'it,:-ght
rightly Lrr: cajled ashamed', o f his j-riferj.or 1-rositicn, an,C
fea rf ul of the possib:_ 1i t1' c f "shaminc" hi.s ::tlatirres
if hc disqraces himsel-f, or fai.1s r r-r hls relatlons witli
a superior (s: "g " , : l_anClorC (sibtey 1.955:2).
A furtt:cr illustratj-or: of hiya is pi"_cvide<l by
examinlng what treppi:ns charac-r.e r:isi-ical ly when -n l_rn_
expectcd quest arrive:-; at meal time. As Sibley (1955:2)
has pointed out;
z\t first, he (thc qi-lest) is expected to
r;lfnse to eat f airllz er:ri-.hatica 11y, itating of ten
tire: he hdr,r just -at:-n his fi;1, ev::,n thouEh
irlI ccltce:rned may 1<now that this is not the cas€.
Repeated cntr.i.ratles aret met vti"t_h decrr:asi-nc
rl**isL--nce, and llre Cu..rsi.- is cxFectLr(l fj-noiiy
to eat at least .: 1i-ttlrr.
IJhen the cruest beqins to cat, the host 1f Ta gaJ.ccr, will
inrra rierltl y sa y : Kuma in ka ho mabuti w."llan hi ahi a
iturin ma)n ran 'l
n( tah.,- na n 1 to. Or: E-;,: t vte 11,
not be t mid ( er=l- at- easc ihi:.
!, is
i ycur homc."
f

rf the .llrest refusecl to ea t, t.he host woul.d lrr-.come

, !:

)t:ya "rr.pfoachfLL I", .l wel-] as ancrv.

,5

Thr.: re.:ciprocal cf [.;rr7i6r." hiy3 is to cause

Darson to br,r hiy3. Iror ijxample, if ._l man of furs anot-her
a clrinli of coconut ro,,ine an<l he r--fr.,.r.r;eC, the formeranother
rdou]-d
i:e macle-t..o feel hrya, "r,-bukcd.", which w,rul-cl cast
i:':flecticn not orrly on him as on inclivi,jr.ral but upon
his family and krn qrcup. Such i nc-.rCernts, thcuqh
 1S

seemingly trivie 1 to thc i''ie st,-:rr^ =YG z cause lcss of

self -c.steem and rnay Lea,--l to ."ioi3nae. "Shan.1ng" is,
of course, most serj.ous in a person's prssence, but may
also occur in his abs<,'nce 3s ma I iclous oossip"
'Ih." Ta ga f og sta t'i--'r:icnt / Srya ' y may utanq sie akin
-n-q,Jnit ako'y n,. A-}s-EJe, i:hat is, he owes me a
dent l:ut I am esharnecl to co]lr:ct it, " provides another
exccllent exantpla of hiya " De i:'bs in the phil"ipplnes
orr:- not purcly economic but have a marked social ove.r-
tdne. The loerring of mcney anr1 gooc-'l.s e ..;,tabIish: s .
an allegiance havlng scitlt-- sin:ilarities to "ribuaI
kinship" in whicl'r the d<,'btcr l-s in e subordinate position,
but in r.vhich there are r:tiL.l. r,:ciprocal oli:ligations.
Thus, if the lender shoultl press for the r.:palrm€)nt
of the debt he would c:u:r. the del:tor hiyo, for it
wcuLd be implied that thc Cr:btor is unlvilling to repay
thc dehts r-rnd unar+a re of hi s chligations . The statemet:t
that "I al'n ashameci to collect t-he deL;t" imi:lies a "feqr"
of collectincr tht-' d*1:. , for if the cir:btor is "shamed"
vi-ol-e:nce may occur "

Ever'1, person is cxpected to have the feelinq of

hiya, though individ"uals involve d -in cr:rtaln occul:ations,
such as bil"t colicctinr; anC storr,r keening 3rrt sairl
to }:e relatively fr+e. of responsil.-.i1ity fo:: causing
hiya-L.hus tireir rofes er.., sren as belno outside of the
systrjm. L{ence, thi: tolarancc for the aggrcssivc,
oftcn insulring, i:.:havior of rnarkct venCors in i:,argain-
ing. I+. is inte riistinq to n(-'t. / f-iclv,:Vcrr t,ha t Fiiipino
market .,,(;ndors may l;e hcld lrabli: for re,marks which
oc:cur in thc h+:er- ,:f l:arqaining. TlLc riblqi-iitous Chinese
StOrek,.: (lplrr, Oil t.]-rc O1-lt,:r hand, all[)enI-:] impe:::ViOUs tO
insulr" i\ shoppe.r i:omnrr;ntinq upon a price wiil comr'nonly
::em;:rk, "Yot1 pie, yoi-l son of a '/./hore , t-lle p::ice is too
high.' Thouqh these rcmarks do r,:flect, in part, tht:
crtt |tuclc of Fi1 ipinos tow;:rds Chi nc;:;*-,, they appear
to bt r, charactcri:;tic of i:, barg'inino in which the:
Filipino can clr.rLl ,r ae!fr:ssir/,,:ft: r,,litlicut th!? fear of
cerisinq liiya or br..ccriiilc h"i ya. 'Ihis appcars to bc
one of the rnany rcasons vihy Fi.1j1>inos col.:t-inuc to
favor the stor,::,r s of Cl:inesc mcrchants, rather than
r-ii:rnrby Ii l- 1lr j.no shops . (fhe k:c.ttL'r prici- i s, of
CoUrrit., the Drirnarl, faCt':r. )
The dr:ptl: ancl i.:xt':.nsi on of h-lya 1,s r,:-1 ;:tiv..., os
IrOt,:dz t-.o Oer,, su)x1 ;oc ia l s ta ti_ts, a nd oCCuFa tion.
A rathr.:: sev.:rc exprission u.s(:ril hy' r Taga toq rrhi,,rl
Ci-sciplinjncl a r.*cla-lcitr:ant chj irj. is walano hiyi/ that
rsr the chilci jras no "fci.:Jj-nr: r:i- iio-.f:t?-6i-IFEfr6ct"
fcr klnsl,ip, authcrlty, and 3il,r^ ;.11 younqer people
are expectod to f,.:,e1 hiya rihe-n inl,r,.ractirrg wi"th r:1cier
p.-lr$ons ancl r,r,i lh persoi:rs havini'l a h: qhi:r socia I status .
 ita

1n Tag..i 1og, a pcrs on with "n c s}iam.e " is spokr,:n of af;i

::!qb, n .nq nukh--. ( thc p0 r:ic n's -.3cc .:annot -cc cut.)
r:-lf k3 m ukha (tt:e prrrson (s face is thick).
T v9 \-l ] expr:jSsi(rns, therc
n )-,n+1".
-- .1 j s the impiica-t_ion of
"instnsitiv,:nes"q", for to bc r,v': thout hiya i-:, to be,
Llnariarr: of the basic me. chani sm r,+hich und.,:r.l.ies int..:r-
personeI ::r:1atj-onships, that is, tc, br-,,'socia1,,,',vu1gor,,,
Srrd "uncou'th", as wcli ajs " j.ns"_-.nsit-i vrl . " It js j.ntl:r,:st-
-i,ng to note th.:r; thr: Ta ga 1r:c spe:k of a ,,tl:ick f ace,,,
and " insr:nsitiv,r -f ace, " r,1 th.. r tha n of a ,,th j_ck skin"
as 3rnong Americ;iits, for it is in-che ',fece,'that the
f celings of hlya erc] shoi,,;n. Amonq t.he Fli l igaynon/
according to ,5ikrle1' (1955-a):
Onr:r cf t.ir e ivorst insults rvhich ca,n be in-
f lict,:d upon a ManaLad-rno (a pcrson from the
vi 1- i a ge of l.ia r: aled i.n i^rest }Te,iro:;) is to be cal.led
l*mpin,:a sa n . This means to be a ,,.y-illainr,,ratperson
il
v"tit-hout ::h,:ii e " or w-i-thout "iruya " (rnia la ng huya ) .
Ea ch person fs i-rn outviarcl ex"L.,.n:;i9r, of lris fami.1 y
and kin oroup-r. If a !/ounq man is ce ugh-L stea liiic;, it
i s se ir.i: hIt --i
1
llrri1! A i-rl .t. I rna h il-r r a sa li a11 . tH1 <
fam11y i s shamtcl bo '-J L I' socir..ty ?he " shamr: " of thc
perscn i s th*. " shEmc "O f thi:, f ::ni.lv ancJ kin qroup.
Ev.,li wht: n a pa s:;ivu inC t r; i.'lUii -l he S ir:]Ilorr,d a " sharninq"
r=m;rk o r: situati:n, fami_1y may i._r-:k e LlIl thr: issue for
thc f ami .1y posltiol: is ji:ivolvec_i. C riticlsm of a person
C s an iniliviCual a inil iviCua 1 l:ut af; a rep-
-l- ra1+
f J !1\iL
r-'qan1*a I- J YLi !.Jl (j arni 1 y ai i-:r,j kir-l (ll:oijil, ;j s da t;: cbtll ined
l.F Sibliry in }itlros (i9I5:3) si-ii,."rs:
l,lurni.: rous; c,i:l .:ri havc'i1..:i,.:l c"iti.ril m,,r-ll incom*
pct,r:nL SChrc,, 1 t,.;jC'.l\(_:rs WjirJ !!r,: j:i,; rl ,jt f if r:i. .
(becnusr(: iiLrcli an aa.t-i,]n w,_iiici lri;_lkc l_,cfh r-hc ,-lis-
m-i-sl;,r,,J pr: l"soiri ar-r,i ]ris i:i,l;Jtiv,..:,r huya ) . Tili.
Sl,tperVisc;"r,.:, 1-li;:t,s,.-lv,:'j:r fl:e,.1- i-cf.r: l.;.t..-,t_ t_h,..;(:l3tir.z:,.:r
c.r' tl:i-: cl::ni.rs.::,-_ti rl,:ir-i:ion ir.j-ty c -t. l: rr ac:uai ph,yt:icel
h;rn, in a,'''l -itj,;.,i-r t.c th: iri,:r;it.rj;.]-i,: .l.hrc;1g, --rfid
.rrl).r'::-m;il{'i s to:: th,,.ir (tiic :_:up,:rt-,,./i:rol:s:jr) trjrL r-i:iy
ha :: sh t l: r::i l-ii-r€r n L .

:ur-thernor.i, tl:e Fiilpino Coes not rjistinguj sh, -in

--,:nerai, t-he p..:r:lon whom the rol.t which ti,e is playinq.
-,-ncr:, th.- critic-.is..r of man,s v;r:rk ns ;quch taktn is a
:::iticism cf him:is o pt:.rsot1, reflect_ir:q upon nis family
== i.,'c11. iImOloye::s ar.j r,1uct.,.'nt to fiie incompctent
"trrkc:s, Anr :nq phi llpplnc scl-,o't aL*-, str_rclcnt!, a nrJ
sclcntists there is r:1most nc cri--Licar-l rr:rrje\^7 of oner
a:ct.her's -uL-rk" The }:l-untn;ss cf l:.rni:rican and other:
:-irope.ns is not unrj.;,:r:st_ooC, 1:-r-rt tol,i:rat.tr.l. }:eceuse they
I ri: n fcr.,ic.rrlers,, ancl. outJidi t-h" ;;ta i slstr_rn.
 ZL

ldunerous mi:chanisms heve arisr.n -uc br_ic1ge tlre social

-li stence betruer;n non-k j nsmen,. tc fjrc\./erti: the causino of
:i'y'a in dflo-uhc.r p_-rson. A.s Sib1.L:y (r955:5) has poir:tcd
::u:/ t-he conce 1lt of se.1 f -es1_€em expla i ns ,,t_he rnaislvr:
-:Cir-ectj-on r*j-th which socj_al creallrrq.s are encumberecl. "
lcnv:r:satir:n in ail_ deiicatc social" sitrraticns as in
nar ria-qe aurangr"m(j rrtS is sensitive ancJ t.rctful anrf
-ri -.;;:ri c-i rcumf ocutory. "e6r5qi t_,: ]-kers ,' E l:a_-. in grelt
:=;iand. 'Ihe -"chool t,::acher in Javcllena rs nove I
- -tlL Set, i-n the Dar,sn (r 947) was so successful as an
,.1

-,:ricr, for exampJ-c, t hc boastr:ul that. he had never

:r-f-

r-aj-Ied j-n matchmakinq *nC_ v.Ja s recogr: j-zec1 by .:'ve lty chi 1cl
-:r the villaqe as ,rf&1_her " clire to the eloqr:ent AnC success-
i,-il speeched lvhicl: l:i: mace.. in rnarriaqe art:angernent.s.
l.'3j:i.iovcr, er.ren befcre,,go- h:r: ti,.J€-,ens " a re employed irr
*::. riaqe arrdnclr:ment:s, the at.t.itur,1es of the
:ir1 ancl their p..irent:; aril feit out ,SC that boy end-
-thrnI.ii) rn'oUlC
:---: no blr:nt rc:fLrs.., I of thc marriage arrd ij iossr
r::t3€IIl
of sr:if-
On SOmeCneIoS pAf t.
Icieal 1r:i,.:rprtrsoria_l ::,*l.ar,'i-cns antonq t,nc oeopl_e
- -- .-iaili'rJa (,: harr, io Lti Ilciii:) ,:rc j-l_ir:st::a"i:.c:l b\i ,h,,,
- -i lcv,,inq statrlr,clL.: t:io woi:rJ is utte r:+c, nr:t an *ct: ,Corrt],
-:-:,: c i.a lly if :t conc,::'l ns B fcl-l-ol..l ?rilnari bi:inrJ, iv_i-15_
': *f Lirou,.lht; of ho.iv
ot.ii"-..r:; wi.li br. ef jli:c.t,.,,d bv-'it,
l -'l ,:'l,--'n;i.'l 1948 ;*]) . IiO:tr:iqi-lr,,r-,.j have f r,,,.qui:nt) y
: lhi'.- a,tiu jVoCrit- j,or.l , ',?hi.t_,. i i s, ,' :r,._i ,,rlfrh..,,,isi-.lc i:<llritccl
-.-:,.tjlir"cji-l= t-o Dy(,-,r-1 ur.,pdc.:s.r1it truafu.: 1s cilirGctE_:f is_
--:ai1iz Fi 1ipinr:, bci;iq .n EtL,:rrlpLr ..:ac:riincr l-u f.{3cai-.:i,r
: .l ( i954 :26) , ',rr,lr- to ,:rnbar;l ,:..,_, or Lo ,jj.s:pi.rose cthe.r.
i: r.,-jr-ls. " ?he ]jil1pirir., ant- jcipat-- s .-ld ,: j..,r,:_s t hr: t xocr:te C
_-,
r r:i;..:,1:/ .:vl,,irjitro j f i)-J:,:,ir.ir: ,j) rjet.li- t-t.ve. i:.,.ply. i{i.:nC,c,
1 ', ,..:;t-iilri l)y fjc.I.:,:oil St:,:,.1;:LIlcI d po:] it j..yr. ans]J.:ttj, cc].]_
"1
-
^a;, f ;r ..xi,:r1l 1 .,, r:h.- ,ir:"it iiy c:i 1.aym.lt l,:r al'r..,,r-
-' ;..'-l;I-rlri,i ,,til I br,: it:\..,i;j-;Li:l..y EIiIi\^.:r: f ;tiir ;, Ii r S UEr ta -),,,1i:r.
Irii:umer._:blr.,: ofir:r
:,i' :- l,:t.,:-,-i r-:,: l,i_?!. t::,ri.t-s cif I:,.i_J.:.i:inr; may bc poinrc-I
MuCJr;jq (L .:,]- i}r1,.. if g54zli::):
Cios.:f:, *k:-n L) s.::il;Aitji;.,.ness; (cr:nct_pt Df
l i:*i,, s_:t.,,..em) , f ack of sporl_.sirl.rrrsh ip f s of tc.r: {li-1(.: tc
il{,t
,,r ftr-,-L ing; r--,f c.:i::Cr,JC:.:r O:-i r.-hr.: ix,ir.t" cf r_hr,;
Ij(_,,rs-rojt
iic{'.lte.ci. ?hirr-c is e 1:,,, ltcj--ni_.y arriOnCj },,i1_rf..1 r-r,:S
rc suj-l< ani-l offr:r .li.l iorIs cl a-r:c:i"irf,r:.s fo.r *
d.r:fe*t. .rnd t,c ._.qJ.r-JSi,ic:: i-t tr rii.::i-ionor ;i.i.iii a
,.li:ir,l::act:. . .. .

'l'lirs i:::.,ti-t. ol- chai:.iC.t_:, 1- .isi c.>f t..:n i.oui-ri:l ilngllq

thc ;rr'Ji:l ts ai-li tire "iiol: i:j_i:iana;,,. i_ft-.,:r c,.Le,r:t: oni.,
f- ir:s,,_,s itCCusr::tr i-ha,i,.,r-i nI1,,.[.Lrf f. l-;;ui-, c].t.:::tinq
:.,ri611.v;.-1
.1rtal l.:nfa j-:' I.,r.:r,. tici,;;. Irr (ri-i !11,::lrr t]-t:_ it--ser t1c(:,..j
:oi aCC€.tDt l'ris; rl.:{,t,-t j.:: aC,r-.,,'1 eL.i}C,-:,.
 ,r)
bQ

Tht- marke tl r:mphasi-s i)n "hospii:a1i t1r", "po1-lten,-:ss",

"mo,Jcrsi-yt', and nroi)i,r dr':s.s arr .:ii cLrrr-'efat.d, j-,s natr:,j,
with tho rlol-ici.;r' j-ty of tiis ltin oroi:p eni sr:Jf -est(3en,
One of thr main c.:us.g o f- suicitli.: (,:ncl pr:obabiy cf thc
arnok) in i-h,:: tr}li1i1:pini:s is ,ipparcntly ".shami:". The
crul y social charactcr of thc c,:nccpt of hiya -is clcarly
re:flecteci iri e Tacraloc expressjon conc--rninr; a pcrson
r.;1-ro has conmitteC suicid,:: Nah1yq _qq tio, s? ltyos ey
i,lq{r ( Hc is sheme il bi:f orc inan ( sccie ty) not be f ore GoC ).