Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891

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Tourism Management
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tourman

An inter-ethnic interpretation of tourism conflicts and collaboration

Keng Hang Frankie Fan
Sun Yat-Sen University, 135 XinGangxi Road, Haizhu District, Guangzhou, China

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Inter-ethnic conflicts are commonplace worldwide, but current tourism conflict theories seldom examine dis­
Tourism conflicts putes within a host community of diverse ethnicities. Using concepts from inter-group threat theory (ITT),
Collaboration contact hypothesis in social psychology and power theories, a conceptual schema for comprehending the dy­
Community
namics of inter-ethnic conflicts and collaboration in tourism destinations is proposed. An ethnographic case study
Ethnic relations
Intergroup threat theory
then follows the discussion in Malaysia’s Taman Negara National Park, where I make use of the conceptual
Contact hypothesis schema to analyze how the three local ethnic groups (Malays, Malaysian Chinese, and Orangasli Batek) were
Power negotiating various types of threats, as well as the ‘conditions’ leading to inter-group conflicts. Further supported
Taman negara by Barth’s ethnic boundary theory, the evolution of ethnic boundaries and collaborative mechanisms in a three-
Malaysia group situation is also evaluated. The conceptual schema and findings from Malaysia have important implica­
tions for researchers and management advice for practitioners dealing with multi-ethnic host communities in
destinations worldwide.

1. Introduction
The coexistence of tourism hosts with different races, religions, and
cultures is commonplace in destinations worldwide. Collaboration be­
tween stakeholders is vital for sustainable tourism development (Jamal
& Getz, 1995). Thus, conflicts and collaboration between local ethnic
groups must be examined as part of the theoretical understanding of
conflicts in tourism destinations. While studies on tourism conflicts are
relatively well-established (Doxey, 1975; Budowski, 1976; McKercher
et al., 2005; Farmaki, 2017), literature on inter-ethnic or
intra-community conflicts needs to be more extensive. Research on
racial issues is particularly sensitive and challenging, but the persistence
of ethnic conflicts around the world implies that this should not be
ignored in tourism studies. Tourism destinations are no exception but
are prone to potential inter-ethnic conflicts and negotiations as much as
everywhere else. Conflicts between indigenous and non-indigenous
people in protected areas are frequent and often hammered to envi­
ronmental protection (Belsky, 1999). Understanding and conceptual­
izing inter-ethnic conflicts and collaborative mechanisms in tourism
areas will provide important implications for tourism management.
The article has two main parts. In the first part, I review some
existing studies linking tourism development and local inter-ethnic re­
lations, as well as the potential contributions of this research topic to the
existing tourism conflict and collaboration theories. Then, I discuss how
Coser’s views on the functions of social conflicts, the inter-group threat
theory (ITT), the contact hypothesis in social psychology, and Foucault’s
views on power, are collectively helping to interpret inter-group con­
flicts from an inter-ethnic perspective. Despite sharing similarities with
Coser’s, ITT and contact hypothesis were conceptualized with empirical
evidence from inter-racial studies rather than conflicts between social
groups. The two theories combine to suggest different types of ‘realistic’
and ‘symbolic’ threats that could occur as two ethnic groups interact.
However, certain ‘conditions’ exist for these threats to become actual
conflicts (Stephan & Stephan, 2017). Theoretically, these conditions can
be adjusted to avoid the occurrence of conflict. Furthermore, we must
acknowledge that these group boundaries should not be viewed as fixed,
but some diffusion can occur through inter-group encounters and part­
nerships. According to Barth (1969), ethnicity is not always inherited
but rather a self-identification that varies through time. In a multi-ethnic
place, people often shift between their national and ethnic identities,
depending on the situation and power relations at the time and place of
contact (Shamsul, 2001). Barth’s ethnic boundary theory is added to the
conceptual development of this paper to explain further how group
boundaries and collaborative mechanisms evolve in a multi-group sit­
uation. Significantly, a conceptual schema is proposed for analyzing
inter-ethnic conflicts and collaboration in tourism destinations.
A case study follows the second part of the article in Malaysia’s
Taman Negara National Park, where I have conducted fieldwork since
2014 using an ethnographic approach in data collection. The host
community there comprises diverse ethnic groups - the Malays,

E-mail address: frankiemacau@gmail.com.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2024.104891
Received 20 August 2023; Received in revised form 12 January 2024; Accepted 17 January 2024
Available online 25 January 2024
0261-5177/© 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
K.H. Frankie Fan
Malaysian Chinese and Orangasli Batek, who play very different but
interdependent roles in the local tourism business. Malaysia is an
exciting place to study tourism conflicts from an inter-ethnic perspec­
tive, as it is a multi-ethnic country where inter-ethnic relationships have
been the subject of political debates for decades (Din, 1982). Since
Malacca was a historical trade center linking the East and West, different
waves of immigration have laid the foundation for a multi-ethnic soci­
ety, with ethnic boundaries continuing to be shaped and reshaped by the
continuous divisions and diffusions of languages, religions, as well as
government’s ethnic policies (such as the New Economic Policy). The
conceptual schema is applied to observe and analyze how local re­
sources, power and ethnic boundaries are negotiated daily between
these three ethnic groups. An integrated part is the discussions on con­
flict resolution processes and the mechanisms of inter-ethnic collabo­
ration in a three-group situation.
This paper’s conceptual schema and conclusions contribute to
knowledge of tourism conflicts and collaboration theories by expanding
the applications of ITT, contact hypothesis and ethnic boundary theory
into tourism studies from an inter-ethnic perspective. Park management
strategies to resolve inter-ethnic conflicts and promote stakeholder
collaboration are essential for policymakers and park governance in
protected areas.
2. Literature review
2.1. Tourism and inter-ethnic relations
Inter-ethnic relations are defined as interactions between two or
more local ethnic groups in the context of a multi-ethnic tourism host
community. Ethnic relations within the host community(ies) have
received little attention in tourism research, with only a few anthropo­
logical studies appearing primarily in the 1980s and 1990s (Gamper,
1981; Van den Berghe, 1992; Hitchcock, 1995; Jamison, 1999) and one
recent study in China (Yang et al., 2016). The sensitivity of ‘race’ and
related issues, as well as the lack of theoretical grounds, have discour­
aged tourism scholars from exploring this forefront but a hidden issue
that impedes local tourism development in many countries with a
multi-ethnic population.
Among these anthropological studies, researchers have discovered
that tourism hosts of various ethnicities occupy extremely diverse roles
or duties in the local tourism industry. In Mexico’s San Cristobal, Van
den Berghe (1992) observed the division of labor between the Ladinos,
Chiapas Indians and foreigners. The Ladinos dominated the tourism
agent businesses with their economic power, political status and lan­
guage ability. At the same time, the Chiapas Indians capitalized on being
cultural commodities amid the growing global demand for indigenous
tourism. Hitchcock (1995) noted the segregation of tourism roles be­
tween the Pribumi, Chinese, and Arabs in Indonesia’s Bima. The ethnic
division of labor in these tourist sites parallels Furnivall’s concept of a
‘plural’ economy in post-colonial civilizations in many ways (Jamison,
1999; Furnivall, 2010). Tourism has become a platform for local ethnic
groups to negotiate resources and benefits linked with tourism devel­
opment in these destinations. These insights offer an alternative view­
point to tourism collaboration and conflict theories (Doxey, 1975;
Budowski, 1976; McKercher et al., 2005; Farmaki, 2017). So far,
contemporary conflict theories have focused on connections between
various stakeholders (for example, tourists, local communities, tourism
firms, conservationists, government, and so on). ‘Local community’ is
often perceived as a homogenous block with similar goals and visions,
which is certainly untrue in many cases (Belsky, 1999).
Scholars generally suggest that local ethnic relations and tourism
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Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
development have a mutual relationship. Tourism often provides the
inter-group contact or catalyst that impacts the existing inter-ethnic
relationships and ethnic identities (Gamper, 1981; Nyaupane, 2009),
while a positive relationship can significantly affect the success of
tourism. For example, in Gail Valley, the Germans and Windisch
(Slovenian) were historically segregated as traders and farmers. How­
ever, collaboration in the tourism business has encouraged the breaking
down of the ethnic boundaries maintained for more than a thousand
years (Gamper, 1981). On the other hand, Hitchcock (1995) contends
that the ethnic groups in Bima formed partnerships to stabilize tourist
demands with their respective overseas tourism market supply and
connections. However, Nyaupane (2009) observed that tourism can be
the root cause of inter-group conflicts. Lumbini is a UNESCO Buddhist
pilgrimage site in Nepal, but the local communities are mainly Muslim
and Hindu, who felt isolated and marginalized throughout the tourism
development process (Nyaupane, 2009). As a result, study concerns
arise regarding how local ethnic relations affect tourism development.
At the same time, tourism may also transform an existing ethnic rela­
tionship, which can be both positive and negative. These empirical un­
certainties stimulate research opportunities and theoretical progress in
understanding the implications of local ethnic relations on tourism and
vice versa.
Later studies by Jamison (1999) and Yang et al. (2013) delved deeper
into inter-group relationships and power dynamics in multi-ethnic
communities affected by tourism. In Kenya, Jamison (1999) found
that Swahili, mainstream Kenyans, and Mijikenda have diverse talents
and specializations valuable to different areas of the coastal tourism
business. However, no ethnic group is powerful enough to dominate
local politics and economics. It is contended that tourist advantages and
collaboration might sometimes assist in alleviating historical ethnic
hatred, but not always. At one point, tourism further divided the three
ethnic groups as each group adhered only to tourism companies and
customers of one particular European nation. In terms of depth, Jami­
son’s research was evolutionary. However, it still lacked theoretical
progress and conceptual schema that links the findings with conflict
theories, similar to those early anthropologists’ accounts in the 1990s.
Yang et al. (2013) are likely the first to try to connect inter-ethnic re­
lations to Coser’s conflict theory. They devised a ‘tension-directed
model’ to conceptualize how different ethnic groups’ affiliations and
sorts of conflicts vary over the tourist life cycle in China’s Xinjiang
Kanas. Historical relationships, common values/goals, the balance of
power, and the acknowledgment of conflict-unification negotiations are
crucial. A few other contemporary tourism studies, such as Stronza’s
(2008) and Schellhorn’s (2010) stories on local politics between two
cultural or religious groups in Peru and Indonesia, respectively, but their
anthropological accounts are very particular to the case locations, with
limited theoretical implications. Yang et al. (2013) continue to be the
only research with a conceptual schema that provides a broad view of
how inter- and intra-ethnic conflicts may evolve in tourism areas.
However, further work should be done to investigate the dynamics of
inter-ethnic relations in other cultural contexts. The different political
environment and ethnic composition in Malaysia may provide some new
insights. The Muslims (i.e., Malays) are the ethnic majority in Malaysia,
while in Yang et al.‘s case, the Muslims (i.e., Kazakhs and Tuva) are the
minorities in China (Yang et al., 2016). Moreover, ecotourism devel­
opment in Malaysia is still very much community-based. It lacks
centralized park governance, while the Chinese governance (i.e., more
or less representing the majority Han ethnic group) has much greater
power and resources in influencing the local stakeholders’
decision-making. This can significantly affect the power distance be­
tween the local ethnic groups, changing inter-ethnic conflict conditions.
K.H. Frankie Fan
2.2. Sources and conditions of inter-ethnic conflicts
Coser’s theories of social conflict (1956) conceptualize conflict as a
process inherent in social relationships, as “conflict provides many so­
ciologists the central explanatory category for the analysis of social
change and of ‘progress’” (p. 16). Conflicts should not necessarily be
seen negatively, but they might potentially function as a communication
platform for various groups of players to work out their differences
(Coser, 1956). He says that conflict is frequently followed by coopera­
tion, unification, or alliance and that we should thus think of conflicts
and collaboration as an iterative process. Inter-ethnic tensions, on the
other hand, can result in bloodshed and violence if negotiations fail
(Goh, 2008). Conflicts in tourism are frequently regarded from an
inter-organizational viewpoint, emphasizing the development of com­
mon aims and interests among stakeholders (e.g., Grey, 1989; Jamal &
Getz, 1995; Vangen & Huxham, 2003). Conflicts between ethnic groups
are essentially a sort of stakeholder conflict, similar to those proposed in
inter-organizational theory. Scholars in racial studies, nonetheless,
suggest that inter-ethnic tensions are beyond just developing the ‘com­
mon goals,’ as there are more historical, cultural and psychological
factors that play a part in the development of inter-ethnic conflicts. This
reflects Coser’s contention that conflicts can be “realistic” and
“non-realistic” as sentiments are frequently involved while social groups
negotiate realistic terms and aims. Using racial studies theories that
reflect and supplement Coser’s original social conflict theory would be a
sensible choice to interpret tourism conflicts in a multi-ethnic setting.
2.2.1. Inter-group threat theory (ITT): sources of inter-ethnic conflicts
Stephan and Stephan’s (2017) inter-group threat theory from social
psychology appears to be the most applicable for interpreting
inter-ethnic conflicts in this study; first because it examines both real­
istic and symbolic elements of inter-group tensions in a holistic
approach, similar to Coser’s; second, empirical evidence on
inter-cultural and inter-ethnic connections were used to conceptualize
the theory. It has been utilized to examine inter-group disputes between
migrants and non-migrants, as well as Muslims and non-Muslims
(Croucher, 2013; Tausch et al., 2009; Uenal, 2016; Ward & Masgoret,
2006). According to social identity theorists, one cause of inter-group
antagonism and conflict is the psychological benefits conferred on
group members (i.e., acceptance, belonging, values, norms, beliefs),
particularly those associated with identification in-groups (Tajfel et al.,
1979; Stephan et al., 2009). According to this viewpoint, inter-group
conflicts in tourism zones are not solely the result of a value crunch
on the use of resources, but there may be more intangible factors
contributing to inter-ethnic conflicts, as we live in a world divided by
religion, nationality, political philosophy, race, ethnicity, gender, so­
cioeconomic status, and a slew of other factors (Stephan & Stephan,
2017).
ITT suggests two main types of threats or sources leading to inter-
group conflicts: the ‘realistic’ and ‘symbolic’ threats. Realistic threats
are concerned with power, resources, general welfare, and existence; as
Stephan et al. (2009) explain, “Realistic individual threats concern
actual physical or material harm to an individual group member such as
pain, torture, or death, as well as economic loss, deprivation of valued
resources, and threats to health or personal security” (p.44.). On the
other hand, symbolic threats concern values, belief systems, ideology,
philosophy, morality, worldviews, and personal honour. Stephan et al.
(2009) further elaborate that “Symbolic individual threats concern loss
of face or honour and the undermining of an individual’s self-identity or
self-esteem” (p.44). The theory helps clarify Coser’s ‘unrealistic con­
flicts’ in further detail in the context of inter-ethnic relationships rather
than social groups. ITT is also congruent with social identity theorists’
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Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
conceptualizations, which state that a group’s status might be chal­
lenged in terms of both material resources and group esteem (Cameron
et al., 2005; Jetten et al., 2002). The holistic classification of inter-group
conflict as ‘realistic’ and ‘symbolic’ (Coser, 1956; Stephan et al., 2009),
as well as the elements that comprise them in an inter-ethnic context
(Stephan et al., 2009), provides a compelling first step for interpreting
conflicts amongst ethnic groups in tourism destinations.
2.2.2. Contact hypothesis: conditions leading to inter-ethnic conflicts
The contact hypothesis (also known as ‘contact theory’) is thought to
have originated with Allport et al.’s (1954) ‘The nature of prejudice’ and
has subsequently gained popularity among experts in psychology and
sociology, notably in inter-racial studies (Amir, 1969; Ellison & Powers,
1994). The majority of these studies seek to explain how prejudices
between Black and White Americans develop. The notion arose from
findings that ‘contact’ (i.e., contact between members of two ethnic
groups) does not always lessen inter-group tensions and prejudices but
depends on several conditions. This also reflects Coser’s contentions that
hostile impulses do not suffice to account for social conflict, and not
every conflict is accompanied by aggressiveness (Coser, 1956). None­
theless, the contact hypothesis is developed from inter-racial studies and
is more applicable to multi-ethnic research.
Taking Amir’s (1969) initiative and empirical findings from the later
studies, Stephan et al. (2009) expanded these conditions into four pri­
mary conditions: “relative group power,” “cultural dimensions,” “situ­
ational factors,” and “individual difference variables.”
• Relative group power: the history of inter-group conflicts, as well as
the relative size of two ethnic groups, influence the relative power
between them. A low-power group is more likely to face dangers than
a high-power group, but the high-power group responds more
fiercely to threats since they have the resources and have a lot to lose.
Threats would be high for groups of similar power since their same
power renders them evenly matched as opponents.
• Cultural dimensions: an ingroup with a high power distance (Hof­
stede, 1980), collectivistic (Triandis, 1995), high uncertainty
avoidance (Gudykunst, 1995), and high cultural tightness (Triandis,
1989) is more vulnerable to threats from an outgroup, increasing the
likelihood of inter-group conflict.
• Situational factors: The nature and location of interaction would also
impact the result of inter-group contacts. Casual connection is
thought to be insufficient for lowering racial preconceptions. How­
ever, researchers disagree on whether a higher frequency of contact
or living closeness (i.e., more personal contact) is beneficial for
reducing racial prejudices. Coser (1956) also suggests that the more
frequent the interaction, the more occasions for hostile interaction.
In other areas, he or she may feel more intimidated in an unfamiliar
setting or when outnumbered by the dominant group but more at
ease in familiar settings.
• Individual difference variables: Members of a social/ethnic group may
hold diverse viewpoints, and interpersonal relationships may differ
from inter-group ties.
Furthermore, ‘institutional support’ (such as those from government
and NGOs) should be considered another factor influencing inter-group
interaction. According to Amir (1969), the effectiveness of interracial
interaction is substantially enhanced if the law, a custom, a community
representative, or any authority acceptable by both groups sanctions it.
However, the ‘institution’ can be biased in selecting the ‘community’ or
group that fits the institution’s goals, ignoring the others (Mohan &
Stokke, 2000). External assistance can also come from another ethnic
group, as in a multi-group environment.
K.H. Frankie Fan Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891

The contact hypothesis adds a temporal dimension to the conceptual situation, conflicts with an out-group would enhance the identity and
schema as ethnic groups navigate the various ‘realistic’ and ‘symbolic’ consciousness of the in-group (i.e., members of groups A and C may see
threats posed by each other in everyday life or at tourism employment. past their differences if both face similar threats from group B).
These conditions aid in determining ‘when’ inter-ethnic tensions may Furthermore, the cultural boundary between two ethnic groups might be
emerge in a multi-group setting. fluid and permeable, allowing for ‘ethnic fusion’. Tourism can facilitate
ethnic fusion by introducing a class of outsiders (i.e., tourists, govern­
ment, and business) who may have very different cultures from them.
2.3. Power relations and ethnic boundary theory
Two different local groups may ‘fuse’ together as the cultural differences
between them and tourists/government are much bigger than those
Reed (1997) defines power as the ability to enforce one’s will or
between them. However, an ethnic group may compartmentalize and
advance one’s interests over others. Historically, Marxist philosophers
emphasize distinctions with another ethnic group to foster in-group
have viewed power as always acting from the top down. However,
cohesion in the face of competitive pressure (Jamison, 1999). The
Foucault (1980, p. 98) retracted this claim and asserted that power is
latter is more likely if the government or tour sector favours one ethnic
more than just the oppression of the powerless by the powerful. That
community over another in collaboration. As a result, depending on the
power is a system, a network of interactions encompassing the entire
local political environment of each tourism location, tourism may
society (Balan, 2010). As diverse groups reinforce their own identities
indirectly stimulate inter-ethnic competition or merger. Wood (1997,
and resistance to the impacts of power, power is often a productive
pp. 1–34) contends that local politics and their interests constantly
component (Kelly, 2009, p. 38). The acknowledgment of aboriginal
change ethnic group boundaries. We must be mindful of the potential
lands in Australia demonstrates that historically persecuted indigenous
‘ethnic fusion’ effects in analysing inter-ethnic conflicts and collabora­
tribes do have some political power (Hall, 2010, pp. 199–213). Ac­
tion, as numerous ethnic groups may fuse into one single group or split
cording to Jamal and Getz’s (1995) collaboration theory, “no single
into different groups at different periods and places. Overall, the un­
organization or individual can exert direct control over the destination’s
certainty in these inter-ethnic mechanisms provides additional research
development process” (p.193). Power cannot be totally unilateral since
and verification opportunities.
any member can utilize the ‘threat of exit’ (Vangen & Huxham, 2003),
and any member or group has the ability to terminate the tourism ties on
3. A conceptual schema for interpreting inter-ethnic conflicts
which the economy depends. As a result, in a tourist system, any orga­
and collaboration in tourism destinations
nization or individual wields power, and power should be understood as
multidimensional and dynamic. According to Nunkoo and Gursoy
Drawing from the theories and concepts discussed above, the con­
(2016), the role of trust in power relations should also be examined.
ceptual schema in Fig. 1 summarizes the factors and conditions that may
When groups or individuals have a clear purpose and objectives, share
influence the interactions between two ethnic groups, which could lead
the workload equally, have equal ownership and the ability to deal with
to a collaborative or conflicting relationship.
power differences and understand that partnerships grow (Vangen &
First of all, a social/ethnic group might feel threatened both realis­
Huxham, 2003), they are more likely to trust each other. Essentially,
tically and symbolically as it negotiates its positions and interactions
power dynamics are essential in fostering inter-ethnic collaboration. As
with other groups. Realistic factors are generally concerned with the
diverse groups negotiate resources and power, it is critical to understand
group’s well-being, including negotiating resources, access to the mar­
which group is in the dominating position, who gains the most, and who
ket, physical safety/health and existence and economic and political
wins in the decisional arena (Hall, 2010, pp. 199–213).
power in negotiation. Symbolic factors, on the other hand, are more
In ethnic boundary theory, Barth (1969) believes that distinct local
idealistic, including potential crushes on values, worldviews, religious
groups will seek collaboration if it is in their group’s best interests.
beliefs, self-esteem, identities, status (ethnic) and indigeneity. They are
Inter-group collaboration happens when there is a mutual exchange of
also significant in how these may trigger emotional responses of one
benefits or when both groups rely on each other to use particular re­
group towards the other. Essentially, the combination provides a holistic
sources. Interestingly, Yang et al. (2013) found that in a multi-group

Fig. 1. Conceptual schema for interpreting inter-ethnic conflicts and collaboration in tourism destinations.

4
K.H. Frankie Fan
assessment of what local ethnic groups may consider in their everyday
interaction in tourism work and beyond. Then, the bullet points in the
middle represent the ‘conditions’ of which these negotiations may swing
toward a conflict or collaborative relationship. These conditions derived
mainly from the theory of contact hypothesis, including whether the two
groups share some common goals or threats, their relative status, power,
and group size, the nature and place of contact, institutional/third-party
support, and whether we are analysing it at a group or individual level.
Finally, taking ideas from the ethnic boundary and collaboration
theories, a conflicted relationship would lead to further marginalization
and segregation, but collaboration would bring reconciliation and
possible fusion between two ethnic groups. Collaborative relationships
would encourage two ethnic groups to form agreements on realistic
terms and be more tolerant of the other group’s symbolic values.
However, a conflicted relationship can emasculate further power
imbalance and prevent the lower-power group’s access to resources and
markets, as well as for their ethnicity, cultural values and religious be­
liefs to be discriminated against by the high-power group. It is important
to note that the conceptual schema is not a hypothetical model but
provides conceptual guidance for how the ethnographic and empirical
findings may be interpreted in understanding interethnic relations in a
tourism destination.
4. A case study of taman Negara national park, Malaysia
4.1. A multi-ethnic tourism upbringing
The study was primarily conducted in Taman Negara (meaning
‘National Park’ in Bahasa Melayu), a 4,143 km2 tropical rainforest in
Peninsular Malaysia and established by the British colonial government
in 1938/39 as a protected area called the King George V National Park
(Ibrahim & Hassan, 2011). Until the 1990s, there were very few visitors,
but today, the national park draws over 90,000 people per year, half of
whom are foreign tourists (Samdin et al., 2013). Most of the tourism
facilities in a Malay-majority village called Kuala Tahan are opposite the
main park entrance (see Fig. 2 below). However, residents from the
surrounding areas are also involved in the tourism business. Another
distinguishing feature is the existence of the Orangasli Batek, a
semi-nomadic rainforest tribe that migrates to a new area whenever
natural resources in a specific site are depleted, someone passes away, or
at time of war and disease (Faulstich, 1985; Lye, 2004). The number of
Malaysian Chinese involved in tourism is limited (i.e., mainly two
Fig. 2. Distribution of settlements by ethnic groups peripheral to Taman Negara.
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Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
families and a few others), but they have the most significant stakes in
the tourism businesses. The map in Fig. 2 shows the distribution of
settlements near the Kuala Tahan entrance at the time of research.
As of 2019, the Malaysian Chinese owned the two most prominent
tour operators in charge of marketing and connecting tourists from
urban areas to Taman Negara. Most land-based enterprises, including
tourist accommodations, restaurants, and shops, are run by local
Malays. Tourism began in the early 1990s as a combined effort between
Malays and Malaysian Chinese inhabitants in the surrounding districts
rather than purely as a government program. The two ethnic groups
have since worked together until today. Before tourism formalized, the
Orangasli Batek’s ancestors served as jungle guides for rare adventurers
and researchers (mainly biologists and anthropologists), but the Malays
replaced these roles since the tourism boom. The semi-nomadic lifestyle
of the Orangasli Batek means they lack awareness and knowledge in
organizing mass tourism, and many do not have the tour guides certi­
fication necessary by the park management. Despite some controversy,
the Orangasli Batek’s unusual jungle lifestyle is becoming a major cul­
tural attraction, with tourists paying for cultural tours to observe their
rainforest traditions and primitive lifestyles. I will also explain later
how, in 2006, some Orangasli Batek began working as boatmen for
Malaysian Chinese tour agents during a Malay-Chinese rivalry in the
tourism industry. Arguably, the three ethnic groups have combined their
capabilities to develop the local tourism business, providing labor at
various points of the tourism supply chain, as illustrated in Fig. 3.
Each of these operations is not a stand-alone business but necessi­
tates long-term alliances and agreements among the three ethnic groups.
Malaysian Chinese tour operators, for example, rely on Malays or
Orangasli boatmen (who frequently work freely without contracts with
the agency) to transport tourists inside the national park. Upon arrival,
tour operators assign travelers to several Malay-owned guesthouses or
hostels based on their budgets. With them acting as distributors, the
Malay tour guides no longer need to compete actively for their cus­
tomers, reducing unnecessary competition and price cuts. Despite the
Malaysian Chinese’s dominance in tour agent businesses, land-based
tourism businesses in Kuala Tahan are still controlled by local Malays,
who have political influence and privileges in rural land ownership (i.e.,
Malay Reserve Lands). This has resulted in a power balance between
Malays and Malaysian Chinese, with most viewing each other as col­
laborators rather than competitors.
K.H. Frankie Fan
Fig. 3. The multi-ethnic tourism supply chain in Taman Negara.
4.2. Research methodology
The study combines empirical findings from on-the-ground field
observations with ethnographic accounts from the literature to explain
the evolution and negotiation of ethnic interactions in the national park.
I have made more than ten trips to Taman Negara (Pahang) between
2014 and 2019, lasting from one to three weeks each. An ethnographic
approach is not simply doing participant observations but also for the
researcher to continuously reflect and redefine his/her research ques­
tions and strategies upon the new knowledge obtained in an iterative
data collection process (Van Donge, 2006). The ethnic tensions in
Taman Negara were mainly hidden from the tourists and observable
only through long-term engagement with the locals. My initial status as
an ‘outsider’ (i.e., tourist) was crucial, allowing me to be mobile, move
between different ethnic groups, and observe inter-ethnic tensions from
a neutral standpoint. In the later stage of my fieldwork, the shifting of
researcher identities was a key consideration. I had to carefully ‘rebrand’
my own identities from time to time as I tried to engage with members of
different ethnic groups as an ‘insider’. For example, I used my dual
Indonesian and Chinese cultural heritages to acquire the trust of the
Malays and Malaysian Chinese. In contrast, with the Orangasli Batek, I
emphasized my ‘foreigner’ identity. This allowed me to break through
the trust barriers with the ‘gatekeepers’ (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007)
of all three ethnic communities. The aim was to avoid triggering con­
flicts between the hosts while their perspectives and stories could be
heard and obtained anonymously. I also favored multiple field visits
since they allowed me to leave the field and tension briefly, reflect on
the situation as an ‘outsider,’ and rethink my ongoing fieldwork stra­
tegies. There are dangers in both being a ‘complete observer’ (i.e.,
outsider) and ‘complete participant’ (i.e., insider), as ethnographers
must remind ourselves not to be ‘overraport’ with one particular group
or informant (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007, p. 87).
During my fieldwork, conversations with the informants and obser­
vations of critical incidents are recorded using diaries. Then, writings
and personal memories were read/reflected repeatedly to identify the
sources and conditions of inter-ethnic conflicts and power dynamics.
Ethnography offers flexibility in inquiry and allows the researcher to
gather answers from the ground up (Van Donge, 2006). Hammersley and
Atkinson (2007) contend that ethnographers do not pre-decide their
questions but adopt a more flexible approach, allowing the discussion to
flow in a way that seems natural (p.117). It is ideal for delicate study
issues such as ethnic relations because informants are typically reluctant
to tell the truth in an artificial research context (Cole, 2005; Li, 2008).
Because contrived circumstances would prohibit informants from
sharing insider accounts and opinions on ethnic tensions, questionnaires
and structural interviews were not explored. With research ethics in
consideration, all informants are kept anonymous to protect their
identities. I have also chosen to review and analyze accounts from
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previous anthropologists who have worked in Taman Negara (Dentan,
1997; Endicott, 1997; Lye, 2004; Tacey & Riboli, 2014; Tuck-Po, 2002)
better to understand the historical, ethnic relations in the region. The
goal was not to justify or refute prior scholars’ statements but to use
them as secondary resources to recreate some historical events that
could explain the current condition.
4.3. Development of symbolic threats: historical class division, segregation
and resentment
Ethnic tensions and slavery are claimed to have prevailed in the
Taman Negara area long before tourism. Feudalism was practiced in
Malaysia in the early nineteenth century, and individuals were divided
into several social groups (Dentan, 1997). The ‘ruling class’ includes the
raja (meaning king or prince), rulers, foreign religious leaders, and
businesses, while the rakyat (meaning ‘people’) includes Malay peasants
and other Orangasli communities. The rakyat belonged to the lower
classes and was obligated to provide food, goods, and services to the
ruling minority. Dentan (1997) elaborates that the relations between the
Malay ruling classes and the indigenous peasants ‘were brutal, some­
times involving frank enslavement … some Orangasli were in captives as
their oppressors worried they would flee into the forest … and having
slaves was a measure of wealth and power at that time’. Lye (2004) and
Endicott (1997) both mention Orangasli Batek’s memories of rapes and
enslavement, whereas Skeat and Blagden (1906) report meeting six
enslaved adults personally. According to Endicott (1997), slavery raid­
ing in the area decreased in the late nineteenth century before increasing
again in the early twentieth century. The tensions between Orang Asli
Batek and Malays culminated in an incident around 1920 ‘ … in which
Malays killed a whole group of Batek in order to steal their children,
allegedly to sell them to the government. This caused the Batek to clear
out of the Aring area. Some fled to the Relai River and others to the
Tahan River in Pahang.’ (Endicott, 1997, p. 42) Lye says that the
memory of abuse and slave raids does remain powerful amongst the
Orangasli Batek even in the 1990s, that she recalled ‘there are many
Malays who continue to fling insulting words like sakai (slave or
dependent) at Orangasli. Every new insult and pressure from Malays
confirms Batek biases about gob and the rightness of not letting the
guard down.’ (Lye, 2004, p. 109).
Enslavement was indeed not observed during my research. None­
theless, a Malay researcher once explained to me how these past
grievances underlie the current mistrust between the Orangasli Batek
and local Malays:
“You know what? The Batek called us “gob”, you know what that
means? It means foreigners. They do not trust the Malays. That is why you
observed that they have a closer relationship with the Malaysian Chinese
tour agents than they are with the local Malays.”
K.H. Frankie Fan
(personal interview with a local researcher, May 2018)
Anthropologists have also accused the Department of Orang Asli
Affairs Malaysia (JHEOA) of attempting to Islamize and assimilate the
Orangasli with mainstream Malays (Dentan, 1997; Endicott, 1997; Sal­
leh & Bettinger, 2007; Tuck-Po, 2002). Despite apparent ancestral dif­
ferences, the government currently classifies Malays and Orangasli
Batek as one ethnic group called ‘bumiputra’ (meaning indigenous or
sons of the soil in Bahasa Melayu). Historical enslavement and ethnic
assimilation are highly likely explanations for why the Orangasli Batek
continue to live adjacent to the jungle and nomadic in order to avoid
potential outside invasions as well as assimilation (Endicott, 1997).
The British colonial authorities exacerbated the division of the three
ethnic groups. Malaysian Chinese were cash cows for British rule and
were encouraged to labor in developing tin and gold mines, pepper and
rubber plantations, and other economic opportunities. Until now,
Malaysian Chinese have dominated much of the country’s commercial
activity and are regarded as strong business managers. This created
enormous wealth disparities between Malaysian Chinese and Malays
throughout the country, with ethnic tensions peaking in 1969, resulting
in a series of riots and ethnic violence, forcing the government to
implement the New Economic Policy in an attempt to increase Malay
participation in business ownership (Goh, 2008).
Malays, on the other hand, have always retained their political
dominance as a result of colonial ethnic policies. For example, some
lands in rural areas are classified as Malay Reserved Lands to protect
them from economic exploitation (see Voon (1977) on the Malay
Reservation Enactment 1913). With ethnic policies still in effect, the
Malays may continue to enjoy political advantages. These colonial
mentalities and power segregations are represented in the varied roles
that the three ethnic groups play in Taman Negara, with Malaysian
Chinese owning the majority of the tourism business and Malays con­
trolling the lands and park management. The government frequently
regards the Orangasli Batek as politically insignificant due to its small
population and voting representation. However, they are the only peo­
ple who know about the rainforests; others rely on them in tourism and
forest product transactions.
4.4. Realistic threats on access to forest and land resources
The Orangasli Batek can roam in and out of the national park and
perform subsistence hunting. However, they do not have any land
ownership and the state government has the right to relocate them at
any moment. Salleh and Bettinger (2007) assert that clearing the forest
and providing lands for cash crop productions (i.e., rubber and palm oil
plantations) are the main reasons behind the state government’s push
for their reallocation. Endicott documented how the Orangasli Batek
were once being pushed to relocate to permanent settlements:
Even in 1990, after much of their traditional territory had been
logged off and converted into oil palm estates and after twenty years of
government pressure on them to live at Post Lebir … However, the vast
majority of the Batek have flatly rejected this option and, instead, have
fled into the National Park (Taman Negara). JHEOA officials express
great frustration and perplexity over the Batek’s refusal to participate in
the settlement at Post Lebir, despite what the officials regard as the
obvious advantages of living there … The Batek were not consulted, and
the only compensation they received was payment for a few fruit trees
that were destroyed in the process. Officials deny that the Batek have
any legal or moral claim to the land, even though they acknowledge the
Batek as its original inhabitants (Endicott, 1997, pp. 31-33).
Endicott’s documentation explains why the bulk of Orangasli Batek
currently lives around the main entrance to the national park. Rather
than confronting the authorities, the Orangasli Batek tactic is frequently
to retreat to a more suitable location and reframe possible disputes into
something on which both sides can agree. Although their current site is
not part of their ancestral grounds, the forest is still well within the
protected area, and they have settled down, are interested in tourism,
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Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
and continue to practice some aspects of their ancient lifestyle. Most
have settled in Kampong Tesik for a combination of tourism and trading
forest products (field notes, January 17, 2017). In truth, the Orangasli
Batek have no land rights. However, Salleh and Bettinger (2007) argue
that tourism is one of the reasons why the government has not continued
to remove the Orangasli Batek because they perceive eco-tourism as a
new method of economic development. The presence of Orangasli Batek
does not pose significant challenges because the national park must be
conserved for tourism purposes, and conservation has subsequently
become a ‘common goal’ for both. Land ownership difficulties also
explain why many Orangasli Batek members embrace tourism, not just
for the income it has brought but also to avoid further migration.
Removing the Orangasli Batek as a cultural site would be a poor move
for the government regarding economic development. Tourism has un­
intentionally become a win-win situation for everyone. They still work
with members from the other two ethnic groups on the ‘Orangasli
village’ tour and a new forest homestay with some Malay tour guides
(field notes, December 18, 2017).
The conflict between Orangasli Batek’s traditional hunting liveli­
hoods and conservation policies is one example of land conflict that still
exists today. Although Malaysian regulations permit ‘aboriginal’ people
to hunt or gather forest products in protected areas for personal con­
sumption, any commercial activities are prohibited (Protection of Wild
Life Act, 1972). However, the Orangasli Batek commonly exchanged
forest items such as sandalwood (gaharu), rattans, and allegedly certain
small-size animals for economic gain. According to Lye (2004), Orang­
asli Batek has traded forest products since prehistoric times. The park
administration frequently ignores these exchanges, although their le­
gality remains murky in the judicial system.
4.5. Threats leading to inter-ethnic conflicts in the tourism business
Even though each of the three ethnic communities usually plays
separate roles in the daily operations of tourism, contests and antago­
nism in the tourism industry exist. In 2014, two Malaysian Chinese
families dominated the tour agent businesses, with two or three smaller
agents owned by the Malays. However, following a large flood that
devastated many homes in December 2014, some local Malays rented
out their land-based enterprises to some Malay newcomers (many of
them are from the state of Kelantan) to build new tourism businesses in
Kuala Tahan. Since 2015, numerous newly established tour operators
have attempted to challenge Malaysian Chinese dominance, with some
offering price-cutting tours to increase sales. According to one Malay­
sian Chinese tour agent, these new tour operators are harmful to Taman
Negara’s tourism sector:
“As a responsible tour agent, we bought insurance for our guests, which
cost us around RM 6,000 per year, but those newcomers (the smaller
Malay-owned agents) never buy any for their guests. The owner of one
new agent is a Malay teacher from Jerantut; they only temporarily rent
the land for office and did not buy insurance. Taman Negara is a hidden
jewel in Malaysia, but there is no proper management and the government
does not collaborate much with us here. Many of these new agents are
started by Malays from outside Taman Negara. They compete in price and
do not focus on the quality of the tours. I think that more government
assistance would be beneficial. For example, standardization of pricing
(like those in Mulu National Park) would clear out the smaller price-
cutting agents. Nevertheless, since we are Chinese, I do not think the
Malay-led government would choose to collaborate with us. However, we
are the pioneers of starting the tourism industry here with the local Malays
and are the longest-serving tour agents in Taman Negara. Nevertheless, I
still hope the government will work with us.”
(personal interview in Kuala Tahan, December 20, 2017)
The opinions from this tour agent representative imply that locals
sometimes see access to tourism resources as ethnic competition. The
local government did lend an office block to a Malay tour operator
K.H. Frankie Fan
whose office had been wrecked by the flood. Non-Malay communities in
Malaysia occasionally feel marginalized because ethnic policies favor
ethnic Malays in terms of access to natural resources, education, and
property ownership.
By May 2018, several Malay-owned tour operators had failed, while
Malaysian Chinese tour operators retained their market dominance. One
important reason is the vast tourism logistic and sales network created
by the Malaysian Chinese to bring tourists from urban regions to Taman
Negara. Because the new Malay entrepreneurs lack a rural-urban
network, they can mainly only attract walk-in customers. Due to the
remoteness of the rainforest region, most tourists purchase vacation
packages through Malaysian Chinese brokers with sales offices in the
capital city of Kuala Lumpur. Apart from the premium Mutiara Resort,
they were the only other tour companies that arranged for individual
guests to take picturesque boat trips from Kuala Tembiling to Kuala
Tahan. Despite the increasing competition, many local tour guides have
remained with Malaysian Chinese for work, owing to the constancy of
requests and personal ties that have formed. The manager of a Malaysian
Chinese agent and some of the Malay guides were seen calling each other
‘brothers,’ and they frequently visit each other’s houses, demonstrating
their deep friendship despite cultural differences and ancestral senti­
ments. According to the local Malays, tourism’s success in Taman Neg­
ara results from a collaborative effort between them and Malaysian
Chinese families. As a result, the Malaysian Chinese and local Malays’
long-term teamwork and trust have undoubtedly won over the new
Malay newcomers. Nonetheless, as of January 2019, one new Malay
agent who received government assistance remained in the competition,
while two unsuccessful entrepreneurs continued to work as tour guides
for Malaysian Chinese tour operators. Some local Malays have expressed
dissatisfaction with Malaysian Chinese domination in tour agent enter­
prises, although they continue to work together due to stability.
We can observe how the group borders in Taman Negara are some­
times influenced by locale rather than ethnicity, based on the complex
connection between ‘local’ and ‘non-local’ Malays and Malaysian Chi­
nese. Long-term bonding as tourism collaborators enabled inter-group
integration. Ethnicity, on the other hand, continues to play an essen­
tial part in Malays residents’ decision-making as they constantly nego­
tiate between ethnicity (as with the ethnic Malay newcomers) and trust
(as with the Malaysian Chinese tour operators).
4.6. Multi-group power dynamics and conflict resolution: taking the
‘Orangasli Batek turned boatmen’ story as an example
Around 2005/6, one critical incident reportedly brought about
conflicts and negotiations involving all three ethnic groups in Taman
Negara’s tourism industry. The incident began with a dispute over boat
commissions between the Malaysian Chinese tour operator and the
Malay boat owners. Initially, no Orangasli Batek worked as a boatman in
the national park. However, one of Malaysia’s Chinese tour operators
Fig. 4. The evolution of inter-ethnic relations in Taman Negara following the Malay-Chinese conflicts and re-negotiation on tourism boat businesses.
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Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
hired them as a backup plan amid the Malay-Chinese disagreement. The
following is how the story unfolded, as told by the Malaysian Chinese
tour operator:
“My tour company outsources the boat service and pays individual
Malay boat operators each time we use their service. In 2005, all the
Malay boat operators suddenly wanted to increase the price of a
single boat trip from RM120 to 180. It was a collective strategy of
them focusing on us to pay more. I proposed increasing it to RM170
as we did not want trouble with the boat operators, but they did not
compromise. They were the only operators and were thinking that
we needed them anyway with no other alternatives. My boss was
furious about the price rise and did not want to give way. I know the
Orangasli (Batek) very well, so I suddenly came up with the idea of
recruiting them as boatmen. After being boycotted by the Malay boat
operators, they agreed to help, so I set up a new boat operation team
with the Orangasli.” (translated from Chinese)
As a result, the Orangasli Batek began working as boatmen, and
many have continued to do so to this day. However, the management did
not share why the Malay boat operators suddenly requested a 50% in­
crease in boat fees. Nonetheless, he stated that his company has suc­
cessfully resolved the conflicts with the individual Malay boat owners
and partnered again in a few months because there are so many tourists
during peak season that they will require more boats. Nowadays, the
Orangasli Batek works for different tour operators, albeit it was reported
that they still primarily work with the Malaysian Chinese tour operator.
A young Orangasli Batek guy discusses their rising tourism engagement
in Taman Negara:
“Some of us now work as boatmen. I have worked as a boatman for
this Chinese agent for five years. Many other Batek people are now
working with other tour operators (including the other Chinese agent
and other Malay tour operators).” (translated from Bahasa Melayu)
(personal interview in Kampong Tesik, August 11, 2017)
Following the incident, a new three-way collaborative structure
formed, and Orangasli Batek’s overall tourist participation has since
increased. Fig. 4 summarizes how the inter-group relationships have
evolved from the incident.
In a three-group context, this incident demonstrates how inter-ethnic
tensions and partnerships may coexist. Conflicts between Malaysian
Chinese and Malays have prompted a new partnership between Malay­
sian Chinese and Orangasli Batek. However, the fact that the Malaysian
Chinese were able to overcome these disputes with the Malay boatmen
demonstrates how warring groups can reconcile at the same time
through inter-group dialogue. This demonstrates that host communities
of diverse ethnic groups can occasionally learn from disputes and adapt
their irrationalities towards one another, resulting in reconciliation and
a new type of tourism collaboration.
K.H. Frankie Fan
4.7. Negotiating indigeneity and ethnic identities
Aside from tourism commission negotiations, selling indigenous
cultures as a product provides another possible inter-ethnic tension in
tourism development. The ‘Orangasli tour’ consists of a 30-min boat ride
to Kampong Dedari or Kampong Tesik (see map in Fig. 2); the visitors are
then led to a traditional hut where a Malay guide talks indigenous rit­
uals, followed by demos of fire making and blowpipe hunting by an
Orangasli Batek man. In exchange, the Orangasli Batek receives RM5 for
every guest as a ‘contribution’, and they sell items to visitors to sup­
plement their revenue. According to both parties’ sources, the Malay
guides would take some of the contribution money from the Orangasli
Batek. However, the Orangasli Batek would not protest, as they utilize it
to establish a strong connection with the Malay guides in order for the
latter to assist them in purchasing items such as clothing and cigarettes
from towns, as they lack access to metropolitan areas. As they negotiated
tourism commissions, I saw a Malay guide hand the Orangasli Batek
leader a pack of cigarettes.
The issue is that the capitalization of indigenous traditions has pro­
duced a quandary for the indigenous community. The Orangasli Batek is
not a backward tribe but wants to pursue a modernized lifestyle. Despite
living in the forests, they have shifted from hunting to eating meals
obtained from outside sources. They also employ technology such as cell
phones, tablets, radios, and guitars. However, they all remain hidden
from the tourism scene to create a feeling of cultural authenticity for
‘exotism’ seeking visitors. In truth, no one is an island, and the cultures
of the Orangasli Batek are not as isolated as what is sometimes portrayed
to tourists as primitive and traditional. Indigenous peoples are
frequently caught between modernizing and retaining their traditional
or primitive traits for tourist development in the face of tourism. The
Orangasli Batek faces a cultural issue similar to that of many other
indigenous tribes worldwide, as their desire to modernize clashes with
global preconceptions about indigenous people and their customs. In the
long run, they may find it challenging to escape such a primitive way of
life because they rely on tourists to fund their contemporary consum­
erism. Consequently, this phenomenon demonstrates that cultural
commodification should be regarded as a sort of ethnic conflict in a
multi-ethnic environment since certain local groups may exploit the
ethnicity(ies) of others as a tourism resource.
Nonetheless, I discovered that the negotiation of ethnic identities
and indigeneity in these Orangasli tours is not necessarily top-down,
with Malay guides dominating the discourses, but that the Orangasli
Batek has some authority in this process. For instance, they do not rely
entirely on tourism money but trade sandalwood and other forest goods.
“Sometimes we wanted to bring tourists to their camps, but there was nobody
there”, a Malay guide recounted (field notes, January 10, 2019). As a
result, there is an ‘exit’ power in such a collective endeavour. Second, as
seen by visitors’ frequent critical comments, the Orangasli Batek work
with Malays and Malaysian Chinese agents on their cultural depiction
on-stage. “the Orangasli village was like a Zoo and tourism is destroying their
cultures” (interview with a UK-Palestine tourist, December 18, 2017). In
response, the Orangasli Batek now includes specific modernized com­
ponents to justify visitor donations and to lessen the ‘marginalization’
feeling of the tourists. The Malay tour guides similarly altered their
descriptions of the Orangasli Batek to incorporate characteristics of
‘semi-modernized’ indigenous people. The Orangasli Batek continues to
follow a pattern of rotating families to live in three separate geograph­
ical spaces – the touristic camps, the ‘real’ settlements backstage, and
the forest where they spend time looking for sandalwood and other
things for sale. Although cultural tours appear to be a win-win situation
for all ethnic groups at the moment, an alternative may be required if the
Orangasli Batek is perceived to be less authentic by visitors as more of
the backstage is shown to them.
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5. Discussions: conceptualizing inter-ethnic conflicts and
collaboration in taman Negara
The findings in Malaysia imply that ethnic relations are essential to
understanding conflicts with diverse ethnic groups in tourism areas.
Contrary to popular perception about tourism conflicts pitting one
community against another type of stakeholders, the competition in
Taman Negara is divided along ethnic lines, with Malaysian Chinese
acting as tour operators, Malays as homestay owners/tour guides/park
management, and Orangasli Batek as a cultural commodity. This echoes
previous researchers’ observations of the ‘ethnic division of labour’, as
the host communities of different ethnicities play distinctive but inter­
dependent roles as different stakeholders in the tourism economy (Van
den Berghe, 1992; Jamison, 1999; Yang et al., 2013). Collaboration
among stakeholders is critical for any tourism destination (Jamal &
Getz, 1995), and hence, inter-ethnic relations should be considered to
have a better knowledge of tourism conflicts and collaboration.
Combining concepts from Coser’s functions of social conflicts, Inte­
grated Threat Theory (ITT), contact hypothesis, and power theories, the
conceptual schema suggested in this article corresponds with my field­
work findings in Malaysia. First of all, the sources of ethnic tension in
Taman Negara were found to contain both realistic and symbolic types
of threats. Slavery past (a realistic threat) has grown into memories and
resentment passed down from generation to generation within the
Orangasli Batek community, who nowadays regards this as a symbolic
threat to their self-esteem as a historically disadvantaged group in
Malaysia. However, the ethnic assimilation pressure alleged by some
anthropologists (i.e., Islamization by the Malaysian government) can be
argued to be both a real and symbolic threat, as religious conversion
could jeopardize their access to rainforest resources if their ‘aboriginal’
status is withdrawn due to potential ethnic integration with mainstream
Malays. This echoes Coser’s contention that realistic and unrealistic
conflicts are often complementary.
On the other hand, my conceptual schema (Fig. 1) proposes that
whether these ethnic tensions would escalate into genuine conflicts
depends on specific ‘conditions’. The Orangasli Batek’s small group size
and lack of political clout as an ethnic minority make them vulnerable in
conversations with the Malay-led park management. Nonetheless, their
geographical seclusion has kept them from others in daily living, despite
superficial ‘contacts’ existing through tourism and trade considered
acceptable by the Orangasli Batek’s leaders. Moreover, the increasing
popularity of indigenous tourism has provided a ‘common goal’ for all
ethnic groups, posing a conundrum for the government in deciding
whether to assimilate the Orangasli Batek or preserve their cultures for
tourism. These two factors have created a ‘safe distance’, as well as a
power balance between the two ethnic groups, and hence, such a sym­
bolic threat has not yet escalated into any severe inter-group conflicts.
The findings echo Coser’s disposition that conflicts are less intense if two
social groups interact more frequently. However, their power balance
remains critical to prevent tension (Stephan & Stephan, 2017). Even as
ethnic minorities, the Orangasli Batek hold some ‘power of exit’ (Vangen
& Huxham, 2003), as the other two ethnic groups rely on the existence
of indigenous tourism. The future is questionable if the Orangasli lost
their apparent cultural authenticity among tourists. The loss of
authenticity may alter the negotiating conditions since ethnic groups
may no longer have a common goal in tourism. If the local Malays elect
to implement the national government’s assimilation agenda (also
known as the Bumiputera policy), physical clashes may arise. The current
national population census has classified the Orangasli and Malays as
one ethnic category (i.e., Bumiputera), demonstrating how ethnic inte­
gration is a continuous trend. However, this will also rely on the ethnic
politics of the federal government’s future governing party or coalition.
The negotiations of identities and indigeneity are part of the ‘symbolic’
threats proposed by the inter-group threat theory (ITT). However, spe­
cific condition(s) must be met for conflicts to occur. Conflicts would not
occur as long as the three ethnic groups have some ‘common goals’ in
K.H. Frankie Fan
tourism or trade businesses, hold a certain kind of power (i.e. political,
economic, or even socio-cultural), maintain a safety distance, and
without any external party imposing new threats to any group.
On the other hand, some more severe realistic threats were detected
in the context of land and natural resource ownership and rivalry
amongst tourism operators owned by different ethnic groups. These
correspond to three realistic threats in my conceptual schema (Fig. 1).
The Malays’ substantially more considerable group size and political
standing have given them authority over the laws and norms that
regulate the national parks. This has affected the Orangasli Batek’s ac­
cess to traditional livelihoods, which contradicts government conser­
vation policies. As most areas outside the park headquarters are
classified as Malay Reserve Lands, this has also posed a challenge to
Malaysian Chinese negotiating the use of lands for their tourism agency
enterprises. During the post-flood era in 2015, some Malay newcomers
saw possibilities to take over the Malaysian Chinese as tour agent owners
in Taman Negara, and conflicts erupted. Malaysian Chinese felt threat­
ened because they regarded these Malay newcomers as receiving unfair
ethnic and political benefits from the government. Again, whether the
claim was true or false is irrelevant since, according to Stephan and
Stephan (2017), the ‘perceived threats’ often trigger inter-group con­
flicts. The Malaysian Chinese’s presence in the tourist industry was
therefore threatened, despite both groups sharing the same goal of
earning tourism money. Institutional support and place of contact (i.e.,
situated in a Malay-dominate village) were also considered to be
disadvantageous to them. According to conflict theorists, the relative
equal power of the two groups (i.e., Malays’ political power vs.
Malaysian Chinese’s economic power) (Stephan et al., 2009), as well as
their frequent daily interaction (Coser, 1956), can potentially cause the
greater intensity of conflicts. Conflicts erupted as the two sides aggres­
sively pulled each other down with a pricing war and low-quality tours
that were wreaking havoc on the local tourism business at the time, with
new ethnic resentments resurfacing as the negative cycle of conflicts and
marginalization continued to run. The conflict eventually died down
when the ‘Group vs. Individual’ condition kicked in, with individual ties
and trusts (e.g., between Malaysian Chinese and local Malays) assisting
the two groups in reconciling. This process of conflicts, negotiations and
reconciliation agrees with Yang’s findings and conceptualization from
China (Yang et al., 2013). Theoretically, this raises questions regarding
the fluidity of ethnic boundaries and identities in inter-ethnic relation­
ships since segregation within an ethnic group (for example, local vs.
outsider Malays) could help to improve their out-group relationships
(for example, with Malaysian Chinese).
The 2006 ‘Orangasli Batek turned boatmen narrative’ disputes
Fig. 5. The evolution of group boundaries with Barth’s ethnic boundary theory.
10
Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
further applaud Barth’s ethnic border theory in understanding conflict
mechanisms for a three-group setting. Regarding group size and eco­
nomic power, Orangasli Batek’s merger with Malaysian Chinese in the
boatman businesses has arguably fused them into one larger group as
powerful as the Malays. This has effectively deflected the initial Malay-
Chinese tensions, compelling the Malays to renegotiate with a new
Chinese-Batek ‘coalition.’ These examples indicate that two ethnic
groups can merge or split at any time, depending on whether they have a
common goal or a common rival. Because of in-group heterogeneity, an
ethnic group’s boundary and identity are also not permanent since local
Malays might be divided into sub-groups cooperating with or against
Malaysian Chinese tour operators. Scholars in Malaysia occasionally
contest Malay identity as religiously defined, and hence, it might be
achieved through Islamization. Ethnicity is often politically constructed
and is subjected to a certain degree of permeability. The ethnic
boundaries between the three ethnic groups are not as clear-cut as they
are labelled, as members of one group would ‘split’ or ‘fuse’ with those
of other groups and their groups. Hence, new group boundaries are
being deconstructed and reconstructed all the time. This opens new
avenues for studying how ethnic fluidity affects inter-ethnic collabora­
tion and conflict in touristic places. The diagrams in Fig. 5 generalize my
observations in Taman Negara on how the group boundaries have
evolved in a three-group situation in different scenarios.
In summary, three common scenarios were observed. The ‘common
goals scenario’ describes the periods when the Malays (A) and Malaysian
Chinese (B) collaborate in tourism businesses, which occurs most of the
time during Taman Negara’s tourism growth. During these periods, the
boundaries between groups A and B are somewhat permeable, and
sometimes, they even see themselves as one group with common goals in
the tourism business. The Orangasli Batek (C) represents an outsider in
the tourism business as they have somewhat different goals (i.e., tradi­
tional livelihoods) compared to the Malay-Chinese (A-B) coalition.
However, the scenario changes upon the eruption of Malay-Chinese
conflicts, as group A becomes a mutual threat to both groups B and C,
causing B and C to fuse and compete against group A, hence the ‘mutual
threats scenario’. Finally, we have the ‘one-race scenario’ in the tourism
business as community members would cluster beyond their ethnicity,
which ideally supports the notions of critical race theorists who support
affirmative action. Although some inter-group fusions were observed in
Taman Negara, the ‘One-race scenario’ seems to be over-idealistic in the
Malaysian context, as ethnic group boundaries still primarily exist due to
religious, cultural and ancestral differences. This should not be ruled out
for the future, as well as for other geographical regions.
K.H. Frankie Fan
6. Conclusion
Theoretically, the paper contributes to tourism conflict theory and
current theories in racial studies by combining and taking advantage of
both. A conceptual schema is derived to interpret tourism conflicts and
collaboration from an inter-ethnic perspective. Scholars in racial studies
have commonly used inter-group threat theory (ITT) to study racial
tensions, but it has never been considered for tourism studies. ITT and
contact hypotheses address these inter-group threats/tensions more
specifically on the racial/ethnic dimension, although they share some
similarities with Coser’s dispositions of social conflicts. These theories
were derived solely from scholars’ empirical research on different racial
groups, particularly those in the United States. Nonetheless, my obser­
vations at Malaysia’s Taman Negara repeatedly question the distinction
between realistic and symbolic threats. Coser (1956) also argued that
these two types of conflicts interchange under different circumstances,
but no transparent conceptual or management model was drawn. ITT
has not yet conceptualized how these two types of threats are interlinked
and transformed, providing future research opportunities to refine the
conceptual schema further in this paper. The ‘conditions’ of conflicts in
the conceptual schema combine those from both tourism conflict the­
ories and the contact hypothesis in racial studies. However, further
verification should be made with empirical evidence from other parts of
the world. Similarly, few scholars have attempted to link Barth’s ethnic
boundary theory with analyzing conflicts in tourism areas. This has
proven to be critical for the case of Taman Negara, as it helps to un­
derstand the evolution of inter-group relations in a three-group situa­
tion, using the perceptions that ethnic group boundaries are not fixed
but subject to certain degrees of permeability. Using a different
geographical context and different combinations of theories, the find­
ings of this paper provide an alternative conceptualization that further
complements Yang et al.’s (2016) tension-directed model for
multi-ethnic tourism areas.
In practice, national park managers can use the conceptual schema to
identify any potential inter-group ‘threat’ and then adjust the ‘condi­
tions’ to lower the chance of it turning into real conflicts. The conceptual
schema offered in this paper puts these threats and conditions together
in an easy-to-understand dynamic throw diagram that is useful for re­
searchers and practitioners. In the Malaysian context, this is particularly
applicable as harmonic inter-ethnic relations continue to be the key to
sustainable tourism development. Once a threat is identified, policies
should be adjusted to create favourable conditions to lower the chance
of conflicts. For example, park regulations and bans on indigenous
people’s hunting and gathering of forest products needed to be recon­
sidered, as this creates a power imbalance between the ethnic groups
with and without tourism participation. At the time of more apparent
conflicts, reducing inter-group contacts and keeping a certain degree of
social distance (i.e., place of contact as a condition) should be consid­
ered a contingency. Moreover, new tourism programs to achieve ‘com­
mon goals’ for all ethnic groups can be introduced. With different ethnic
groups holding different kinds of power and skills in the tourism in­
dustry, success is likely only if they collaborate (Din, 1982).
It is still being determined if the same assumption can be made for
other geographical regions. For example, the park governance’s power
structure seems quite different in China, where the local government’s
visions and power seem to overwrite other factors in driving tourism
success (personal field observations). In Western contexts, such as the
rainforest tourism development in Australia, scholarly discussions on
inter-ethnic conflicts in tourism are minimal (Prideaux, 2014). The early
adoption of the ‘Yellowstone Model’ means many Aboriginal groups no
longer reside within/around the national parks. Hence, the discussions
of inter-ethnic conflicts become less apparent and attractive to scholars
and practitioners. Consequently, the conceptual schema in this paper is
most applicable to ecotourism areas where diverse ethnic groups live
nearby and are economically dependent on tourism and local natural
resources. Another concern is the ethnic boundary(ies) perceived by the
11
Tourism Management 103 (2024) 104891
citizens of a country. For example, Thailand has pursued an affirmation
policy in the past, and there is no strong sense of race amongst the
mainstream citizens. Finally, the tourism hosts may be divided along
religious, geographical, or cultural lines, rather than ethnicities or race.
Inter-group conflicts still can occur but can better be relabelled, such as
conflicts between religious groups (Nyaupane, 2009).
Another proposal for future study is to adjust the types of realistic
and symbolic threats leading to inter-ethnic tensions. This can also be
accomplished by doing further case studies in other regions where
tourism hosts of diverse ethnicities exist. Many nations are stated to be
multi-ethnic, including reports of ethnic tensions and violence. Even in
developed countries, the rising participation of new immigrants in
tourist businesses can be evaluated as a possible case study that would
offer fresh light on the themes as these ethnic divisions of labour can be
as prominent as those in Malaysia. Case studies in urban contexts are
also worthwhile. However, they would be more difficult to conduct since
the ‘community’ would be more challenging to define, with the tourist
hosts being significantly more geographically mobile. In a nutshell, this
article demonstrated that comprehending ethnic relations in tourist
places merits particular academic academics’ attention since it chal­
lenges standard conceptions of tourism conflicts as being between
different kinds of stakeholders rather than local ethnic groups. The
findings in Taman Negara reveal that inter-ethnic negotiations of re­
sources, power, and indigeneity alter collaborations between stake­
holders that are critical to a tourism destination’s sustainable future. The
government and park management should establish appropriate policies
and communication platforms to foster favourable conditions that bring
collaborations between diverse local ethnic groups and reconciliations
during conflicts.
Impact statement
Scholars may have chosen to avoid this sensitive topic in tourism
research, but inter-ethnic tensions do exist in tourism destinations, as
much as everywhere else in our world nowadays polarised by ethnicity,
nationality, religion, classes, and more, etc. We must try to conceptu­
alize these inter-ethnic conflicts theoretically, which could then help the
tourism industry to formulate better management strategies to reduce
and prevent their occurrence in the future. My study shows that con­
flicts, as an inherited social process, can be an important communication
platform for diverse ethnic groups to negotiate a more collaborative and
sustainable tourism development. I wish this article will able to help
researchers and practitioners who may find themselves being pulled
apart by different ethnic/cultural/religious groups in everyday field­
work or/and decision-making, something I once struggled with during
my own fieldwork in Malaysia as a foreign researcher.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Keng Hang Frankie Fan: Writing – review & editing, Writing –
original draft, Resources, Methodology, Investigation, Formal analysis,
Data curation, Conceptualization.
Declaration of competing interest
None.
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Keng Hang Frankie Fan is an Assistant Professor at the School of Tourism Management,
Sun Yat-Sen University. His research focuses on ecotourism, multiculturalism and
community-based development, particularly on how local communities are negotiating
their resources, power and ethnicities in the face of globalization. His research work has
been primarily based in Malaysia and the Southeast Asian region, but have recently also
started some new studies in China.