CONFLICTS BETWEEN THE MODERATES &

EXTREMISTS
(1905-1907)

# INTRODUCTION
 During the early years (1885-1905) the Indian Na onal Congress,
henceforth referred to as INC, provided a common stage for the
leaders from diverse parts of the country.
 Though the Congress represented the en re na on, members of
some classes, castes, occupa ons, and provinces were more
conspicuous than others.
 The Congress, since its establishment, was under the influence of
Moderate leaders, most of whom were first-genera on English-
educated Indians.
 The moderate leaders were influenced by Western poli cal ideas and
prac ces, especially by the poli cal philosophy of liberalism.
 The liberal philosophy of moderate Congress leaders emphasized:
 Dignity of the individual
 Individual’s right to freedom
 Equality of all irrespec ve of caste, creed, or sex.
 This liberal philosophy guided the moderate leaders of the Congress
in opposing the autocra c a tude of the Bri sh government,
demanding:
 Rule of law
 Equality before law
 Advoca ng Secularism
 Some of the prominent moderate leaders who became presidents of
the Congress in its early years were:
 Dadabhai Naoroji
 Badruddin Tyabji
 Pherozeshah Mehta
 P. Ananda Charlu
 Surendranath Banerjee
 Gopal Krishna Gokhale

 After 1905, the Extremists acquired a dominant influence over the

Swadeshi Movement in Bengal. There were three reasons for this:
 The Moderate-led movement had failed to yield results.
 The divisive tactics of the governments of both the Bengals had
embittered the nationalists.
 The government had resorted to suppressive measures, which
included atrocities on students—many of whom were given
corporal punishment; ban on public singing of Vande Mataram;
restriction on public meetings; prosecution and long
imprisonment of swadeshi workers; clashes between the police
and the people in many towns; arrests and deportation of
leaders; and suppression of freedom of the press.

 The partition of Bengal in 1905 acted as a catalyst for the rise in

extremism in the Indian National Congress. However, the factors
conducive to such had already been growing since the Revolt of
1857.
 The Extremists emphasized swadeshi, the boycott of foreign goods,
national education, and even militant nationalism, which radicalised
Indian nationalism up to a limit and pavеd the way for the future
revolutionary movements.
 However, the methodological differences between Extremists and
Moderators led to a formal split of the INC during thе Surat Sеssion
of 1907.
 Important Extremist Leaders:
  Bal Gangadhar Tilak
 Bipin Chandra Pal
 Lala Lajpat Rai
 Aurobindo Ghose

# DIFFERENCE IN THEORY
 The real differences between the two par es lay primarily in the
poli cal goal to be achieved and the method to be adopted for
achieving it.
 As regards the goal, the ideal set up by the Congress was defined in
1905 as 'Colonial form of self-government,’ but the Extremist's ideal
was that of absolute autonomy free from foreign control.
 Shri Dadabhai Naoroji, in his Presiden al address in 1906,
defined the poli cal goal of the Congress as “self-government or
Swaraj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies."
 The Extremists were at first of the same opinion, but later
interpreted Swaraj to mean complete autonomy without any
dependence on the Bri sh rule.
 As regards the method, the Extremist Party concentrated its
whole a en on upon the a ainment of Swaraj or self-
government.
 "Poli cal freedom", said Arabinda, "is the life-breath of a
na on; to a empt social reform, educa onal reform, industrial
expansion, the moral improvement of the race without aiming
first and foremost at poli cal freedom, is the very height of
ignorance and fu lity.”
 Moreover, the Extremists rejected ‘pe oning’ as mad and fantas c.
 Tilak explained the difference between the Moderates and the
Extremists in very simple words. "I admit", Tilak used to say,
“that we must ask for our rights, but we must ask with the
 consciousness that the demand cannot be refused. There is
great difference between asking and pe oning you must be
prepared to fight in the event of your demand being turned
'down. Protests are of no avail More protests, not backed by
self-reliance will not help the people. Three P's—prayer, pleas,
and protest—will not do unless backed by solid force. Look to
the example of Ireland, Japan, and Russia, and follow their
methods We must show that the country cannot be governed
well by the present method. We must convince the Government
of this. Do not rely much upon the sympathy of the rulers."

 The Extremists prescribed organized “Passive Resistance” as the only

effec ve means, by which the na on could wrest the control of
na onal life from the grip of an alien bureaucracy.
 Arabinda Ghose wrote a Series of ar cles on “Passive
Resistance’’ in the Bande Mataram between 9 and 23 April,
1907.
 The essen al difference between passive or defensive and
ac ve or aggressive resistance is this, that while the method of
the aggressive resister is to do something by which he can bring
about posi ve harm to the Government, the metho of the
passive resister is to abstain from doing something by which he
would be helping the Government.
 The passive method is especially suitable to countries where the
Government depends mainly for the con nuance of its
administra on on the voluntary help and acquiescence of the
subject people.
 The first principle of passive resistance, therefore, which the
new school have placed in the forefront of their programme, is
to make administra on under present condi ons impossible by
an organized refusal to do anything which shall help either
Bri sh commerce in the exploita on of the country or Bri sh
 officialdom in the administra on of it -- unless and un l the
condi on are changed in the manner and to the extent
demanded by the people. This a tude is summed up in the one
word, Boyco .
 The theory of 'Passive Resistance’ was further explained by
Arabinda in his famous “An Open be er to my Countrymen”
published in the Karmayogin of 31 July, 1909.
 The Moderate Party cri cized both the ul mate goal set up by the
Extremists as well as the method suggested and pursued by them.
 The Moderates held that the future progress of the country was
possible under the aegis of Bri sh rule alone, and the reasons of
this were the incapacity and disunion of the Indians.
 Gokhale, the most gi ed and eminent member of the Moderate
Party, said: "Only mad men outside luna c asylums could think
or talk of independence."
 The greatest opposi on was, of course, to the boyco of English
goods. The following passage from an ar cle wri en by C. Y.
Chintamani seem to have put the case of the Moderates very
fairly:
 "As the Honorable Mr. Gokhale has expressively put it, there
cannot be a graduated boyco as there is a graduated
income-tax. Boyco means a complete and sudden
cessa on of commercial intercourse with the country the
use of whose products is forbidden; it is in effect a
declara on of commercial war.
 "Now what is the posi on to-day? A er eighteen months of
boyco agita on, with patrio sm at fever-heat, we import a
larger quan ty of co on goods and of sugar, the two ar cles
against which the boyco is principally directed, than we
did at the commencement of the agita on. In the birth-
place of the boyco agita on, I mean the province of
Bengal, they have not succeeded in keeping out even an
 ar cle of luxury, which is further produc ve of harm, foreign
cigare es, in spite of patrio c vows innumerable, and self-
denying ordinances many.
 It was further pointed out by Mr. Mudholkar that the
boyco can be adopted only when the bulk of the na on is
prepared to completely withstand and meet the reprisals
which a poli cal boyco is bound to provoke.
 As regards the boyco of paid and honorary offices under
Government, it was pointed out that those who knew Indian
character and Indian condi ons would certainly regard it as
most imprac cable. The boyco of Government office by those
who hold them now would be of no avail as others would fill
their places. The same argument applies to the honorary
offices. If one Indian resigns his place, hundred fellow
countrymen of his would apply for the post within 24 hours.
 As regards the boyco of Indian universi es and the educa onal
ins tu ons affiliated to them, it was pointed out that it would
be a suicidal folly to deprive the people even- of those meagre
facili es which they at present possess in the hope of star ng
new ins tu ons which may or may not be of a more improved
character.
 The Moderate leaders had also another weapon in their store.
They could easily show that some of the most prominent
leaders like Tilak and Khaparde held, not long ago, exactly this
view about pe on or cons tu onal agita on, which they now
called ‘mendicancy.’
 However, the Extremist Party, created by the Swadeshi movement,
was definitely forging ahead.
 Arabinda Ghose has to be given the chief credit for this
triumphal emergence of the Extremist Party.
 He was inspired by Swami Vivekananda to consecrate his life to
the service of his motherland.
  When the Na onal Council of Educa on, organized in March
1906, set up under it the Bengal Na onal College and School in
August, 1906, Arabinda became its first principal.
 But Arabinda gradually veered round to poli cs.
 With the growth of the Extremist Party, the ini a ve of the new
spirit generated by the Swadeshi movement and neo-na onalism
gradually passed from the hands of old leaders like Surendra Nath
into those of Arabinda and Bipin Chandra who were always in touch
with Tilak and Lajpat Rai.
 These were the great leaders of the new movement, but
Arabinda soon gained the posi on of supremacy. This was
mainly through the daily paper, Bande Mataram.
 A er the dissolu on of the Surat Congress, Arabinda made a
long tour in Bombay and the Central Provinces, speaking at all
important places on Na onalism in its manifold aspects.
# DIFFERENCE IN ACTION
 As the Swadeshi movement gained in momentum, it was apparent
that the Moderates in Bengal were unable to keep pace with the
Extremists and the two were gradually dri ing apart.
 This became first evident in their respec ve a tude to the scheme
of na onal educa on.
 While the Moderates expressed sympathy with the
establishment of the Na onal Council of Educa on, though not
uno en in a half-hearted manner, they were definitely opposed
to the idea of boyco ng schools and colleges under the
Calcu a University.
 The idea of such a boyco , however, appealed to the younger
genera on.
 Surendra Nath became unpopular for opposing this idea.
 He was even reported to have called; the supporters of the
boyco traitors to the country.

 The Moderates hear ly disliked the Extremists and their leaders,

par cularly Bipin Chandra Pal, and the Extremists reciprocated the
sen ment.
 Each party wanted to capture the key-posi ons in the poli cal
organiza ons. The Moderates succeeded in preven ng men like Tilak
and Lajpat Rai from becoming President of the Congress in 1906 and
1907.
 The difference became further manifest in the Congress session at
Varanasi held in 1905. Hoping against hope the Moderate Party had
sent, early in that year, Gokhale and Lajpat Rai on deputa on to,
England. They returned sadder but wiser, without being able to
achieve anything.
 Gokhale, in his Presiden al address at Varanasi, declared "self-
government within the empire as the goal of India."
  He made highly apprecia ve references to the par on
agita on as a landmark in the history of our na onal progress.
 He jus fied the boyco as a poli cal weapon to be used only at
the last extremity, and with strong popular feeling behind it.
 Lajpat Rai was more outspoken. He told the Congress delegates and
visitors that the Bri sh people were indifferent to Indian affairs and
the Bri sh press was unwilling to champion Indian aspira ons So
India had to achieve freedom by her own efforts alone.
 The difference came to a head over the resolu on on ‘Boyco '.
 There was perfect unanimity among the members in condemning
the par on of Bengal and a resolu on was adopted to that effect
but there was no -such unanimity on the ‘Boyco ’ resolu on.
 The Bengal delegates, par cularly the Extremist or Na onalist
sec on, desired that the Congress should give its seal of
approval upon the Boyco Movement.
 But, as men oned above, Moderate leaders were averse to it as
it was in conflict with the policy of pe on and persuasion
which they had hitherto pursued.

 In December 1905, at the Benaras session of the Indian Na onal

Congress presided over by Gokhale, the Moderate-Extremist
differences came to the fore.
 The Extremists wanted to extend the Boyco and Swadeshi
Movement to regions outside Bengal and also to include all
forms of associa ons (such as government service, law courts,
legisla ve councils, etc.) within the boyco programme and
thus start a na onwide mass movement.
 The Extremists wanted a strong resolu on suppor ng their
programme at the Benaras session.
 The Moderates, on the other hand, were not in favour of
extending the movement beyond Bengal and were totally
opposed to boyco of councils and similar associa ons.
 They advocated cons tu onal methods to protest against the
par on of Bengal.
 As a compromise, a rela vely mild resolu on condemning the
par on of Bengal and the reac onary policies of Curzon and
suppor ng the swadeshi and boyco programme in Bengal was
passed. This succeeded in aver ng a split for the moment.
# THE CALCUTTA SESSION (1906)
 Two events outside India, in 1905-06, had some repercussions upon
the Moderates and the Extremist.
 The astounding victory of Japan over Russia gave a strong
s mulus to the Extremists; for it was now proved that the
Europeans were not invincible and the Asia cs could be their
match in every field.
 The Moderates were buoyed up with the resounding victory of
the Liberal Party in the General Elec on in Britain. The whole
Moderate party pinned its faith on the new Secretary of State
for India, John Morley— "die reverent student of Burke, the
disciple of Mill, the friend and biographer of Gladstone.”
 A mee ng was summoned by the Moderates in Calu a on 31
January, 1906, "to memorialize the Liberal Secretary of State for
India, Mr. Morley, with the prayer that Bengal be raised to the status
of a Presidency Government as provided for in Parliamentary
statutes."
 But the Extremists in Bengal had also gathered strength. Eminent
leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai and Khaparde from
outside had joined the party.
 Bipin Chandra Pal had risen to the height of his stature and
preached the new policy of his party through his eloquent
speeches— both in English and Bengali —and vigorous
though ul wri ng in his weekly organ, the New India.
 He was ably aided by Brahmabandhab Upadhyaya, who created
a new colloquial Bengali style suitable for the masses, and his
message, put in an inimitable form all his own had an
immediate and profound appeal to all ranks.
 Above all, the Extremist Party had an accession of immense
strength when it was joined by Arabinda Chose, who proved to
be a host in himself.
  Indeed, the entry of this new personality in the Congress arena
may be regarded as a major event in Indian poli cs.
 Arabinda's ar cles in the Bande Mataram put the Extremist
Party on a high pedestal all over India.
 The Congress met in Calcu a on 26 December, 1906, in an
atmosphere far more tense than that at Banaras a year ago. The
Moderates had scored a triumph over the Extremists in the ma er of
selec ng the President.
 The Extremists wanted either Tilak or Lajpat Rai as the president,
while the Moderates proposed the name of Dadabhai Naoroji, who
was widely respected by all the na onalists. The name and fame of
the Grand Old Man, as he was called, and the services he had
rendered to his motherland made it impossible for the Extremists to
demur to this proposal.
 The a endance at the Session was very large. There were 1663
delegates and the visitors numbered about 20,000.
 The President’s speech showed that he was altogether out of -touch
with the new spirit that was anima ng India. The only method for
poli cal fight was, he said, agita on. His watchword was 'agitate,
agitate and agitate’.
 The redeeming feature of the President's speech was the reference
to Swaraj as the goal of India. But he did not choose to define Swaraj
or explain what he meant.
 The Moderates and the Extremists put different interpreta ons upon
it, the former taking it to mean self-government on colonial lines and
the la er, full and absolute autonomy.
 Also, a resolu on suppor ng the programme of swadeshi, boyco
and na onal educa on was passed.
 The Extremists, encouraged by the proceedings at the Calcu a
session, gave a call for wide passive resistance and boyco of
schools, colleges, legisla ve councils, municipali es, law courts, etc.
 The Moderates, encouraged by the news that council reforms were
on the anvil, decided to tone down the Calcu a programme.
 The two sides seemed to be heading for a showdown.
 The Extremists thought that the people had been aroused and the
ba le for freedom had begun. They felt the me had come for the
big push to drive the Bri sh out and considered the Moderates to be
a drag on the movement.
 They decided that it was necessary to part company with the
Moderates, even if it meant a split in the Congress.
 The Moderates thought that it would be dangerous at that stage to
associate with the Extremists whose an -imperialist agita on, it was
felt, would be ruthlessly suppressed by the mighty colonial forces.
 The Moderates saw in the council reforms an opportunity to realise
their dream of Indian par cipa on in the administra on. Any hasty
ac on by the Congress, the Moderates felt, under Extremist pressure
was bound to annoy the Liberals, then in power in England.
 The Moderates were also ready to part company with the Extremists.
 The Moderates failed to realize that the council reforms were meant
by the government more to isolate the Extremists than to reward the
Moderates.
 The Extremists did not realise that the Moderates could act as their
front line of defense against state repression.
 And neither side realised that in a vast country like India ruled by a
strong imperialist power, only a broad-based na onalist movement
could succeed.
# THE SURAT SESSION (1907)
 In the Calcu a session of the Congress there was a compromise
between the Moderates and the Extremists. But like most
compromises it sa sfied neither party and le behind a strong
current of discontent and disaffec on.
 The Extremist’s fear of Moderates omi ng the resolu ons passed in
the last session proved true when in the Provincial Conference held
at Surat in April, 1907, the resolu ons on “Boyco ” and “Na onal
Educa on” were excluded from the programme of the Conference,
and it was believed by the Extremists that this was due to the
personal influence of Pherozeshah Mehta who had a great following
at Surat.
 It had been decided in the Calcu a session that the next annual
session of the Congress in 1907 would be held at Nagpur.
 When the preliminary arrangements were being made there,
acute differences between the two par es were evident at the
mee ng of the Recep on Commi ee over the elec on of the
President.
 The mee ng broke out in confusion and the venue of the
Congress was shi ed to Surat.

 Again, there was much diffrerence over the selec on of President.

 The Extremists suggested that Lajpat Rai, but he was not
acceptable to the Moderates who chose Dr. Rash Behari Ghose
for the post.
 The situa on was saved by the patrio c ac on of Lajpat Rai who
declined to be a mere pawn in a poli cal game.
 But this showed the Extremists which way the wind blew, and
their suspicions were further confirmed by the fact that the list
of subjects likely to be taken up for discussion by the Surat
Congress, officially published about 10 days before the date of
 the Congress session, did not include the subjects of Self-
government, Boyco and Na onal Educa on.

 It was in this atmosphere that the 23rd Indian Na onal Congress

commenced its proceedings at Surat on 26 December, 1907, at 2:30
p.m.
 When the session of December 26 began with the speech of the
Chairman of the Recep on Commi ee, dra resolu ons had not yet
been distributed and the house heard him with sa sfac on.
 Then the name of Dr. Rash Behari Ghose was proposed for the office
of President. As soon as this was proposed, some voices were heard
in the hall, shou ng ‘No’, ‘No.’ When Surendra Nath stood for
seconding the proposal there was a great uproar from a sec on of
the delegates, and as, in spite of repeated appeal for 'Order', no
heed was paid to it and Surendra Nath was unable to go on with his
speech on account of the disorderly shouts, which, it was made clear,
would not cease un l an assurance was given that the resolu ons
about Swadeshi Boyco and Na onal Educa on would not be
modified. As it was found impossible to con nue the session, the
Chairman suspended the si ng for the day.
 The Congress met on the 27th at 1 p.m., and the proceedings were
resumed at the point at which they were interrupted the day before.
 So, Surendra Nath seconded the proposal for the elec on of the
President and Mo lal Nehru supported it.
 There were loud voices of ‘Aye,’ ‘Aye’, from the assembled delegates,
but a minority also shouted 'No', ‘No.’
 The Chairman thereupon declared the mo on carried, and Dr. Ghose
rose to read his address. At this stage Tilak came upon the pla orm
and urged that he must be permi ed to move the mo on of which
he had already given no ce to the Chairman of the Recep on
Commi ee. Mr. Malvi now told Tilak that his mo on was out of
order, but Tilak refused to accept this decision and decided to appeal
 to the delegates. By this me, there was an uproar in the pandal, and
while the President tried to read bis address, Tilak kept shou ng that
he must move his mo on and would not allow the proceedings to go
on unless he was permi ed to do so.
 This was followed by a general disturbance, in course of which, it was
alleged, an a empt was made to remove Tilak bodily from the
mee ng; but was maintained on the other hand, that there was a
general movement among Tilak's followers to rush to the pla orm
with s cks in their hands.
 The President, finding that the disorder went on growing, suspended
the session of the Congress sine die.
 The hurling of the shoe which hit Surendra Nath and Mehta was a
signal for general disturbances. Chairs were seen being li ed to be
thrown at Tilak; Tilak’s followers, brandishing their s cks, rushed
towards the pla orm, and a free fight ensued. Thereupon the
President adjourned the Assembly sine die.
 It was alleged by the Extremist leaders, including Arabinda, that the
Moderates had made arrangements the previous night to dismiss the
Na onalist Volunteers and hired Borah or Muhammadan goondas.
 The Moderates alleged that "'among the Extremist delegates and
visitors taken from Berar were gymnas c teachers, proclaimed touts,
workmen from factories, fi ers, oilmen, etc., who created the
trouble."
# CONCLUSION
 The Moderates’ u lity was outlived as was witnessed by the failure
of during the Swadeshi Movement.
 Even the propaganda by the Moderates did not reach the
masses.
 No all-India campaigns of the scale of Swadeshi and Boyco
Movement had been organised earlier by the Moderates and, in
this campaign, they discovered that they were not its leaders,
which was rather natural.
 The Extremist ideology and its func oning also lacked consistency.
 Its advocates ranged from open members and secret
sympathisers to those opposed to any kind of poli cal violence.
 Its leaders—Aurobindo, Tilak, B.C. Pal, and Lala Lajpat Rai—had
different percep ons of their goal.
 For Tilak, swaraj meant some sort of self-government, while for
Aurobindo it meant complete independence from foreign rule.
But at the poli co-ideological level, their emphasis on mass
par cipa on and on the need to broaden the social base of the
movement was a progressive improvement upon the Moderate
poli cs.
 They raised patrio sm from a level of ‘academic pas me’ to one
of ‘service and sacrifice for the country’.
 But the poli cally progressive Extremists proved to be social
reac onaries.
 They had revivalist and obscuran st undertones a ached to
their thoughts.
 Tilak’s opposi on to the Age of Consent Bill, his organising of
Ganapa and Shivaji fes vals as na onal fes vals, his support to
an -cow killing campaigns, etc., portrayed him as a Hindu
na onalist.
 Similarly, B.C. Pal and Aurobindo spoke of a Hindu na on and
Hindu interests. This alienated many Muslims from the
movement.