Journal The Medieval History: Developmental Hypothesis The Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain: A

The Medieval History Journal
http://mhj.sagepub.com The Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain: A Developmental Hypothesis
Enrique Rodrguez-Picavea The Medieval History Journal 2005; 8; 273 DOI: 10.1177/097194580500800202 The online version of this article can be found at: http://mhj.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/8/2/273
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Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain
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The Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain: A Developmental Hypothesis

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea
The article reflects on the historical concept of frontier and our present idea of it. It focuses on the importance of the frontier in the dynamics of the feudal system in the Iberian peninsula and explores the role played by the crown. The hypothesis here is that the configuration of a coherent socio-political space spans differing yet chronologically juxtaposed phases. Four phases in the process of delimiting the political space are distinguished military, socio-economic, cultural and political-administrative. New elements combine with the existing ones until a new entity takes shape: the political-administrative system, which is analysed here. In analysing this evolutionary process, an ensemble of Arab historiographic sources, Christian chronicles and fueros and secondary sources, has been used.
The frontier and royal power are two fundamental concerns in medieval Spanish history. By analysing the relationship between the frontier and feudal Spanish monarchies, a hypothesis can be put forward that centres on the evolving frontier through developments experienced by royalty. Initially, we will look at explanations relating to the concept of what constitutes a frontier1 and its actual drawing up in the medieval era. A frontier is a living and dynamic environment where fundamental characteristics of a given socio-economic grouping appear in a particularly clear manner.
Acknowledgement: I wish to express my sincere thanks to Andrew Edwards for translating the text.
1
On the border theory, see Michaelsen and Johnson (eds), Border Theory.
Department of Ancient and Medieval History, Universidad Autnoma de Madrid. E-mail: enrique.picabea@uam.es
The Medieval History Journal, 8, 2 (2005) Sage Publications t New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com DOI: 10.1177/097194580500800202 by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009
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In this context, it should not be forgotten that the changing significance of a border area is connected with the time period and geographical setting. Subsequently, we will focus on how the frontier is interwoven with plans of political demarcation of the monarchy. The analysis is centred on the comparative dialectic that can be established between the Hispanic Christian frontier, which is the object of this study, and the Andalusian one. In an attempt to pursue a process which would end in the clear demarcation of the areas occupied by the peninsular monarchies, four phases can be established. The phases are as follows: military, socio-economic, cultural (ideological-mental) and political-administrative. They are not always chronological and are on occasion simultaneous. The ultimate objective of monarchical power is the attainment of territorial sovereignty.
The Concept of the Frontier

Frontiers are composed of elements that demarcate, define and make territorial reference to the spaces occupied by socio-political units. Although, as such, they are a product of the social relationships at the heart of the political space they define, frontiers are not static or timeless; quite the contrary, they are constantly changing and evolving, radically dynamic and closely linked to the degree of development experienced by the sociopolitical units they demarcate.2 Therefore, both the notion and actual reality of the frontier vary considerably with time and geographical location. Hence, our present-day idea of a perfectly demarcated line on the map did not appear until socioeconomic groupings were turned into states. Before the arrival of this perfectly distinguishable political demarcation, frontiers came in many guises, from the Roman limes to feudal customs posts, by way of Carolingian marcas or Islamic tugur. However, a frontier is not only the historical reality that it represents, but also the conceptual image that historiography portrays. Generally, frontiers have been seen to be a reflection of political history and as the ideal framework for the development of military power and resolution of wars. But a frontier, at least in the most evolved phases of its development, is much more than that.
2 For a reflection on the concept of frontier, see Castro Martnez and Gonzlez Marcn, El concepto de frontera. In the same volume, various works about the frontier can be found that deal with the theme from an essentially archaeological perspective. A short introduction to the frontier as an object of historical analysis can be seen in the works of Toubert, Frontire et frontires; and idem, Le Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Concept de Frontire.
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First, frontiers are not only geographical frameworks where opposing factions develop and barriers are imposed to keep these elements apart. They also frequently become the means and mechanism for economic, social, cultural, religious and artistic exchanges between social groupings, whether they are already linked or in opposition.3 Perhaps commerce is the activity that best reflects the proliferation of such exchanges within frontier zones, but it is not the only one. There are examples of interchanges between distinct communities originating from foreign territories, which end up creating social groupings that differ from their origins. We could also look at the circulation of religious ideas and the influence that filters through from artistic currents. Furthermore, a frontier is not only a military or political space, but represents the resultant social organisation of a space occupied by a determined socio-economic grouping. The features of the grouping usually acquire a special idiosyncrasy within the frontier. Therefore, it is extremely interesting to study frontiers from the point of view of the social and economic structures that shape them.4 Finally, from a wider perspective, it is notable that various frontiers exist that are not necessarily identified with those corresponding to sociopolitical spaces. It would be possible to refer to, among others, linguistic,5 cultural, religious,6 mental or ideological7 frontiers. Of course, their delimitation is much more problematic, but studying them can, without doubt, enrich our knowledge regarding the existence of numerous frontiers in addition to their range and relative importance. Up to this point, we have been looking at frontiers from a general viewpoint; we will narrow our interest to focus on the frontier immersed in the dynamics of the feudal system in the Iberian peninsula during the medieval era. In the process, we will also analyse the role played by the crown. First, however, we will look at the historiography of the concept.
As was shown some years ago by Lacarra, Acerca de las fronteras. Specifically, he refers to the exceptional role played by the Ebro as a mechanism for uniting Christians and Muslims before its role as a geographical barrier keeping them apart. 4 The following works serve as good examples, Pastor, Poblamiento, frontera y estructura agraria; and idem, Del Islam al Cristianismo. 5 Viaut, La frontire linguistique. 6 Halperin (The Ideology of Silence) examines the frontier between Christianity and Islam in four zones: Valencia, Byzantium, Jerusalem and Russia. See also Rothaus, Christianization and De-paganization; and Mitre, La Cristiandad medieval. 7 For an interesting approach, see Mitre, Reflexiones sobre 19, 2009 de frontera. Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April nocin
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Some Notes on the Historiography of the Medieval Frontier

The concept of frontier has been influenced for a long time by the thesis of Frederick Jackson Turner (18611932),8 detailed in an article published in 1893.9 More than a century later, the thesis maintains its validity as a reference in the work of many scholars, giving rise, some time ago, to the existence of neo-Turnerism.10 Amongst medievalists, Turners thesis has also been a key reference, as is demonstrated in the classic work by C.J. Biskho, who adapted Turners ideas to the Hispanic case and specifically to the region of the southern Meseta.11 Later, Robert I. Burns dedicated 10 pages to Turners work prior to specifically looking into the medieval frontier. One can refer to the thesis and its neo-Turnerist variants in the following terms: their bibliography and historiography constitute, even today, a small industry.12 Proof of Turners modern-day validity in medieval historiography is the work published by William L. Urban in 2001, where he analyses the thesis, its influence on other North American scholars like Walter Prescott Webb (18881963) and Owen Lattimore (19001989), and its connection with the Baltic Crusade.13 I think that the interest shown in Turner as a reference work does not have to be an obstacle to following other conceptual approaches that do not attempt to make a straightforward comparison with the American case. Without trying to be exhaustive, since it is not the objective of this piece, let us now consider some important works on the medieval frontier that have appeared in recent years. The theoretical considerations made by Nora Berend are interesting in that she raises points on which to reflect, although their precise nature
8 Jacobs (ed.), The Historical World of Frederik Jackson Turner; Billington, Frederik Jackson Turner: Historian, Scholar, Teacher. 9 Turner, The Significance of the Frontier in American History. 10 Some texts of this school are Billington, Americas Frontier Heritage; idem, Genesis of the Frontier Thesis; idem, The American Frontier Thesis; Walsh, The American Frontier Revisited; Weber, Turner, the Boltonians and the Borderlands; and Cronon, Revisiting the Vanishing Frontier. 11 Biskho, The Castilian as Plainsman. 12 Burns, The Significance of the Frontier in the Middle Ages: 307. 13 Urban, The Frontier Thesis and the Baltic Crusade. On this frontier, the classic book is Christiansen, The Northern Crusades. by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com
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and meaning could be open to debate. The author proposes a distinction between frontier zonea meeting-point of different civilisations, and frontier societya political unit that incorporates two or more religions and cultures.14 Nora Berend focuses on the study of one example of frontier society: thirteenth-century Hungary. For the author, this zone was both an area of recent Christianisation and a meeting-point of two frontiers, which created a unique background to the problem of nonChristians. As a frontier zone of medieval Christendom, Hungary played an important role in defence against incursions from the East. For Berend, both Hungarys recent Christianisation and its position of lying astride two socio-economic and ethno-religious frontiers created tension; Hungary manoeuvred between Christendom and the nomad pagan world that threatened to erode Christianity.15 Also in the context of theoretical reflection, one can highlight the article by Edward Peters, where it raises questions regarding the frontier.16 In addition to works by English scholars, it also analyses an important segment of French frontier historiography,17 beginning with a review of Lucien Febvres article of 1928, and to a lesser extent deals with German historiography as well. The article considers the use of the TurnerWebb thesis by medievalists to be generally inappropriate, subscribing instead to the observations made by Miller.18 It analyses the meanings of the Roman and Carolingian frontiers, before subsequently centring on the year 1000, and emphasising the regional character of medieval borders. It concludes, ... with a critique of treating medieval conceptions of space symbolically, arguing instead that medieval rulers may have extrapolated local awareness of borders to the larger political frontiers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.19 On the other hand, it is important to note the appearance of a series of collective works that have enabled us to consider an extensive repertoire of proposals put forward from different perspectives and that refer to very diverse chronological settings and geographic ranges. All of these are extraordinarily enriching in the extent to which they contribute new
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Berend, Medievalists and the Notion of the Frontier. Berend, Non-Christians in a Medieval Frontier Society. Peters, Wheres the Border?. See esp. Guene, Les limites de la France; and idem, Des limites fodales. Miller, Comparative Frontier Studies. Peters, Wheres the Border?: 109. Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009
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dimensions to the question, and enable advances in theoretical reflections on the medieval frontier.20 Recent years have also been fruitful in producing detailed contributions on characteristic frontier systems such as the Roman, Carolingian and the Byzantine ones. In the first case, of particular interest is the transition from the Roman model to the early medieval system, a theme looked at by David Harry Miller21 and Mathias Hardt,22 who, using the concrete example of the Carolingian Empire, analyse the significance of castles and the question of using Roman models in Carolingian frontier organisation. However, Walter Pohl, focusing on Lombard region, examines the uses of the term marca and whether it applies to a border zone, an abstract concept of frontier, or an institutionalised form of territorial organisation.23 In this context, it is important to highlight the contribution made by Wolfram to the theory of the creation of the Carolingian frontier system.24 Finally, regarding the Byzantine case, where there is an abundant bibliography, I will only make reference to one recent contribution, that of Michael Angold. Using a specific source, he connects frontier and Byzantine identity.25 Considerably earlier is the book by Robert Browning on the frontier between Bulgaria and the Byzantine Empire. The author uses, with particular erudition, Bulgarian material to study the diverse aspects of the chaotic ethnic mosaic of the Balkans.26 With regard to the Ottoman frontier, recent theory has drawn upon old ideas, in particular the historiographic ideas formulated by the Austrian scholar Paul Wittek (18941978), and new myths have surfaced.27 In addition, Housleys analysis has raised interesting questions about the
Among others, I refer to the following books: Roberts and Glasscock (eds), Villages, Field and Frontiers; Bartlett and Mackay (eds), Medieval Frontier Societies; Snac (ed.), Frontires et Spaces; Poisson (ed.), Frontire et peuplement; Mathisen and Sivan (eds), Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity; Agius and Netton (eds), Across the Mediterranean Frontiers; Power and Standen (eds), Frontiers in Question; Murray (ed.), Crusade and Conversion on the Baltic Frontier; Pohl et al. (eds), The Transformation of Frontiers; Hunyadi and Laszlovsky (eds), The Crusades and the Military Orders; and Abulafia and Berend (eds), Medieval Frontiers. 21 Miller, Frontier Societies and the Transition between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. 22 Hardt, Hesse, Elbe, Saale and the Border of the Carolingian Empire. 23 Pohl, Frontiers in Lombard Italy. 24 Wolfram, The Creation of the Carolingian Frontier-system c. 800. 25 Angold, The Poem of Digenes Akrites. 26 Browning, Byzantium and Bulgaria. 27 Heywood, The Frontier in Ottoman History. Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela
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relationship between the crusader movement and border societies, particularly whether crusading could co-exist or alternate with living together on the frontier. Housley studied the frontiers between Venice and Genoa, Castile and Granada, Hungary and Croatia, and between Prussia/Livonia and Lithuania.28 Archaeological methodology, with its advantages and limitations, has also contributed enriching works in recent years, based on Britain29 and the Near East (Palestine,30 Petra31 and Syria32). Furthermore, regarding certain geographical areas, we can refer to important studies on the AngloScottish33 frontier and the Irish border,34 the linguistic frontier between Germany and Denmark,35 the Russian-Norwegian border in the late Middle Ages,36 the frontier settlements on the Rhine delta from the tenth century,37 the Papacy and the Muslim frontier,38 boundaries and frontiers in medieval Muslim geography39 and the northern border of Norman Italy, examining the description given of the frontier by al-Idrisi.40 As for medieval Spain, the geographical area under consideration in this case, the bibliography is extraordinarily wide.41 Due to the variety and peculiarities of the area, it is best to mention works that are relevant to corresponding sections in the text. In 1996, M.I. Prez de Tudela made a historiographic evaluation of the subject that enables one to take a global
Housley, Frontier Societies and the Crusading Movement. Gosling, From Dn Delca to Dundalk; and Griffiths, The North-west Frontier. 30 Bar, Frontier and Periphery in Late Antique Palestine. 31 Vannini et al., Medieval Petra and the Crusader-Islamic Frontier. 32 Konrad, Research on the Roman and Early Byzantine Frontier in North Syria. 33 Hay, England, Scotland and Europe: The Problem of the Frontier; Goodman, The Anglo-Scottish Marches in the Fifteenth Century; Aird, Northern England or Southern Scotland?; Macdonald, Kings of the Wild Frontier?; Crawford, Earldom Strategies in North Scotland. 34 Duffy, The Nature of the Medieval Frontier in Ireland; Barry et al. (eds), Colony and Frontier in Medieval Ireland. 35 Bjerrum, The Danish-German Linguistic Frontier in the Middle Ages. 36 Pape, Rethinking the Medieval Russian-Norwegian Border. 37 Tebrake, Medieval Frontier: Culture and Ecology in Rijnland. 38 Powell, The Papacy and the Muslim Frontier. 39 Brauer, Boundaries and Frontiers in Medieval Muslim Geography. 40 Feller, The Northern Frontier of Norman Italy, 10601140. 41 See a general approach in Burns, The Significance of the Frontier in the Middle Ages. In the same publication, given the field we are focusing on, it would be worth looking at the work of Gonzlez Jimnez, Frontier and Settlement in the Kingdom of Castile (10851350). A few years later, we have Zimmermann et al.s Las sociedades de frontera en la Downloadedmedieval. The view by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Espaa from http://mhj.sagepub.com of the topic can be widened with work
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view of the plurality of perspectives used when analysing the question.42 Later on, work from several academic conferences has further deepened our knowledge of the Hispanic medieval border.43 On the other hand, we have the work by Peter Linehan that reflects upon the Hispanic medieval frontier in the context of Reconquista, with all its military, political and conceptual connotations,44 and Torrs consideration of the frontier as a historiographic trick.45 Referring to a previous age, there is the work of Gisela Ripoll on the supposed frontier between the Visigothic kingdom and the Byzantine possessions in Hispania.46 Finally, it is pertinent to note the interest that has arisen in Poland regarding current Spanish historiography on the ChristianMuslim frontier in the Iberian peninsula in the thirteenthfifteenth centuries. However, as the article in question appears in Polish, we can only consider its title.47
The Frontier and Power of the Monarchy: Evolution of the Process of Demarcating Political Space
We have already said that a frontier is a living and dynamic environment subject to constant change. Such changes are widely tied to the degree of political institutionalisation that has taken place within the socioeconomic grouping which occupies the area. Here we are dealing with feudalism. Hence, we have a process that begins with an ignorance of
prior to Gonzlez Jimnezs article from Biskho (ed.), Studies in Medieval Spanish Frontier History; Gautier Dalch, Islam et chrtient en Espagne; Ladero Quesada, Toledo en la poca de la frontera; Mackay, Spain in the Middle Ages; Palacios Martn, La frontera del Duero; and Molnat, Les divers notions de Frontire. 42 Prez de Tudela y Velasco, El concepto de frontera. 43 The following among these are notable: Toro Ceballos and Rodrguez Molina (coords), Estudios de frontera; Segura Artero (coord.), La frontera oriental, esp. Bazzana, El concepto de frontera; Toro Ceballos and Rodrguez Molina (coords), Estudios de frontera (vols IIIV); Ayala et al. (eds), Identidad y representacin, esp. Quesada, Sobre la evolucin. In addition, Buresi, Els <<senyors cristians de la frontera>>; idem, Nommer, penser les frontires; more recently, idem, La Frontire entre chrtient; and finally Meyerson, Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom. 44 Linehan, At the Spanish Frontier. 45 Torr, La frontera medieval. 46 Ripoll Lpez, On the Supposed Frontier between the Regnum Visigothorum and Byzantine Hispania. 47 Malinowski, Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Najnowsza historiografia hiszpaska.
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sovereignty in the eighth century and ends in the acceptance of the principle of territorial sovereignty in the fifteenth century. This process is dialectically linked to the frontier dynamic, given that the frontier acts as the natural geographical framework for the demarcation of political space in the feudal era. The concept of sovereignty is clearly late medieval, referring to the independence of the monarchical power and the supremacy of royal jurisdiction over any other kind within the kingdom.48 When the supreme jurisdiction of the king is exerted over a perfectly demarcated territorial area, we can talk about the existence of territorial sovereignty. In looking at the development of the medieval HispanicChristian frontier, which was basically formed in opposition to the Islamic socioeconomic one,49 we can identify an evolutionary process. The configuration of a coherent socio-political space spans differing yet chronologically juxtaposed phases. The new elements are combined with the already existing ones until a new spatial entity takes shape. Such an entity is prone to being integrated into one political-administrative framework. According to this assumption, we can distinguish at least four phases in the demarcation of political space in the feudal era: military, socio-economic, cultural and political-administrative. The frontier, in global terms and as a finished representation, contains characteristics of these four stages, but at the same time it is possible to differentiate these four evolutionary phases by the predominant factors in each stage. Consequently, the hypothesis proposed contains four successive phases, but it does not discard that at times the stages are simultaneous. However, for heuristic purposes, we may perceive an evolution from a primitive military phase to the most mature political-administrative phase. We will now analyse the characteristics of each. Military Phase Military control over the frontier zone is the most basic demonstration of distinctiveness of a socio-economic grouping and its opposition to neighbouring groups. The establishment of a strategic-military frontier is the preliminary and essential step in a long process of demarcating
Nieto Soria, Fundamentos ideolgicos del poder real en Castilla: 12734 and 24748. This specific aspect has been demonstrated by Pastor, Del Islam al Cristianismo: 917. Garca de Cortzar has traced the development of the Christian frontier also paying attention to its role in opposition to the Muslim one. See De una sociedad de frontera (El Valle del Duero en el siglohttp://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 X). Downloaded from
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political space. Its embryonic character demonstrates this frontiers lack of structure or organisation, although it is organised in a purely military manner. We are here dealing with processes of a more or less spontaneous nature, emerging from a need to survive that is undoubtedly linked to the development of the military. However, if we look at the two socio-economic groupings that characterised the Iberian peninsula in the Middle Ages, it is evident that at the initial stages there was uneven development of militarisation. Up to the twelfth century, the Islamic frontier framework underwent greater progress as opposed to the relatively less organised defensive structure of the Christian kingdoms. The Carolingian marcas50 and the Islamic tugur provide typical examples of the first moments of frontier development in the military phase. If we consider al-Andalus, on one hand, it could be said that the frontier had reached a greater level of institutional development than Christian kingdoms in the north of the peninsula. When the Caliphate reached maturity, a different frontier configuration was established in each grouping at both political and ideological levels.51 But on the other hand, it is difficult to know to what degree one could speak of a frontier with an organised military structure. The problem derives from the exact meaning of the frontier marcas or tugur.52 Some of the existing evidence found in chronicles53 shows us that the concepts confin (with a geographical meaning) and marca (with its institutional character) were used with regard to the same frontier reality.54 They also indicate the variey in the number of marcasthe Islamic chronicles refer to two, three and even four frontier
Zimmermann, Le concept de Marca hispnica. Levi Provenal and Garca Gmez (eds), Una crnica annima: 121. Here the Christian territories are referred to as polytheistic frontiers. See also Manzano Moreno, ChristianMuslim Frontier in al-Andalus; and idem, The Creation of a Medieval Frontier. 52 With regard to the military districts, see Bosch Vil, Algunas consideraciones sobre; Vallv, La frontera de Toledo en el siglo X; Manzano Moreno, La organizacin fronteriza; and idem, La frontera de Al-Andalus. 53 Christys also uses chronicles: Crossing the Frontier of Ninth-century Hispania. Christian and Muslim sources are examined in the Crnica de Albelda, Crnica de Alfonso III, the Crnica of Sampiro, Crnica Mozrabe and Pelayo of Oviedos Liber Testamentorum, as well as the accounts of Ibn al-Qutiyya, Ibn al-Athir, Ibn Khaldun and Ibn Said al-Maghribi. 54 Specifically, Ibn Hayyan refers to the Marca Superior or Upper Marca and to the town of Saktan that is found within the confines of the Marca Central. See Viguera and Corriente (eds), Crnica del califa Abdarrahman III: Silva on34344 and 349. Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela 145, April 19, 2009
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tugur or marcas using names that, on occasion, result in confusion55or the absence of effective control exercised by the Cordoban Caliphate over the government of tugur. This particularly refers to the Upper Marca, with its nerve centre in Zaragoza.56 In spite of everything, the tagr superimposed a certain degree of military organisation. On the opposing side, extensive socially dislocated spaces separated the Christian kingdoms from Islamic control. In both the Christian57 and Muslim58 chronicles, and even in the documents of the Leonese chancellory,59 the terminology for this reality is geographical in nature: confines, limites or extremos. In spite of this, by looking at the Leonese chronicles of the eleventh century, a glimpse can be seen of a more evolved frontier concept. It is ideological-cultural in nature and different from the Islamic socio-economic grouping.60 Nevertheless, the social dislocation experienced by the Christian frontier has prompted some authors to see, and not without reason, an incipient defensive military structure even from the reign of Alfonso III, especially in the Leonese mountains.61 Gradually, this early network of frontier fortresses was consolidated, leading to their integration into the socio-economic phase of development. They became an essential element in the social organisation of space, ending up as a complete defensive network. This can be seen with the Aragonese defensive system in the Huecha valley62 or the security belt created along the Aragonese-Andalusian frontier in the twelfth century.63
Levi Provenal and Garca Gmez (eds), Una crnica annima: 94; Viguera and Corriente (eds), Crnica del califa Abdarrahman III: 24344 and 33840; Garca Gmez (ed.), Isa al-Razi: 201, 206, 256, 258. 56 Levi Provenal and Garca Gmez (eds), Una crnica annima: 9194. It refers to the feudal lord of Zaragoza as one of the governors of the distant lands. 57 Gil Fernndez (ed.), Crnica Albendense: 17681; Prez de Urbel (ed.), Crnica de Sampiro: 34445; Prez de Urbel and Gonzlez Ruiz-Zorrilla, Historia Silense: 17374; Ubieto Arteta (ed.), Crnica Najerense: 94. 58 Gonzlez (ed.), Fath al-Andalus: 29; Viguera and Corriente (eds), Crnica del califa Abdarrahman III: 24344; Garca Gmez (ed.), Isa al-Razi, Anales Palatinos: 50. 59 Sez, Coleccin documental del Archivo de la Catedral de Len: 8081 and 8587. 60 This can be confirmed in Prez de Urbel (ed.), Crnica de Sampiro: 34445; Prez de Urbel and Gonzlez Ruiz-Zorrilla (eds), Historia Silense: 17374; and in Ubieto Arteta (ed.), Crnica Najerense: 94. 61 With regard to this question, see the works of Gutirrez Gonzlez, Un sistema de fortificaciones; and idem, Fortificaciones y feudalismo. 62 Corral, El sistema defensivo aragons. 63 Ubieto Arteta, La creacin de la fronteraby Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 entre Aragn. Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com
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In parallel, a policy of border settlement had already begun.64 In this same zone, Snac has examined the earliest use of the term frontier in Aragonese documents dealing with the Reconquista, and observes that its use was initially restricted to a military context.65 Economic Phase: Social Organisation of the Frontier Space The next phase involves a society organising the frontier according to its own guidelines. It starts when the military structure has been solidly established, clearly defining the socio-economic grouping from those that surround it. In our case, the organisational structure is the feudal model.66 The degree of development relating to the spatial organisation is a reflection of the level of feudalisation achieved. The frontier is thus the visible face of a feudal socio-political grouping, where characteristics become more radically intensified according to the extreme conditions imposed by frontier life. This leads to a dynamic dialectic between the process of feudalisation and the evolution of the frontier. While society is being organised according to a feudal model, a parallel process strengthens the power of the monarchy, and far from contradicting feudalism, takes advantage of the mechanisms available in order to consolidate the rise of the crown. In some ways, feudalism represents the privatisation of social relationships and of production, but it is precisely on the basis of some of these relationships that the feudal monarchies become stronger. Therefore, with a view to the consolidation of a coherent, homogeneous socio-political entity, the crowns leading role in the social unity of the frontier space is indisputable from this moment forward. In this context, the words of J.L. Corral come as no surprise:
[A] clear opposition exists between nobility and monarchy within the concept of frontier. The monarchy will constantly fight for frontiers that remain perfectly geographically demarcated. The feudal concept of land possession will clash head-on with the monarchys idea of frontier. Nobility and monarchy are set against each other, but without the power to break the contradiction that implied the feudal system itself was unfeasible without a monarchy.67
64 Stalls, Possessing the Land; and idem, The Relationship between Conquest and Settlement on the Aragonese Frontier of Alfonso I. 65 Snac, La frontire aragonaise; and idem, Frontire et reconqute dans lAragon. 66 For a methodological proposal regarding the organisation of the space, see Garca de Cortzar and Angel, Organizacin social del espacio en la Espaa medieval, and Garca de Cortzar, Organizacin social del espacio: propuestas de reflexin. 67 Corral, El sistema defensivo: 4445. by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com
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The fundamental characteristic of the socio-economic phase is the existence of large colonisation projects, to a greater or lesser extent, planned by the monarchy. The actual implementation of these colonisation processes is demonstrated in the concession of charters such as the fueros and cartas de poblacion. These can be seen as true indicators of a working feudal system. The first stage of this frontier colonisation (second half of the eleventh century to first half of the twelfth) was led in Castile-Leon by the great councils68 of las Extremaduras:69 Seplveda, Segovia, vila and Salamanca. It remained legally reflected in the fuero granted to Seplveda in 1076.70 This already shows typical characteristics of the so-called law of the frontier (derecho de frontera):71 a threefold hierarchical structure of space, society and economic activity. Such a structure can be seen in the predominance of the town over the village, infanzones (lowest rank of nobility) over mere settlers, and livestock over agriculture, which in reality characterised the whole system, but reached a particular level of idiosyncrasy in the frontier zone. We see here the most radicalised version of peninsular feudalism, transplanted without the numerous internal contradictions in regions further north.72 The military orders led the next stage in the implementation of feudal socio-economic structures (up to the middle of the thirteenth century). Owing to their elevated seorial status within society, they radicalised the feudal divisions put in place during the previous stage. In the Castilian case,73 such seorializacin or localised power was reflected in the fueros of Pealver (around 1150), Alhndiga (1170), Ucls (1179), Zorita (1180),74 Huerta de Valdecarbanos (1204), Humanes (1209) and Ocaa (1210),
Powers, A Society Organized for War. A recent contribution by Monsalvo is very important. See Monsalvo Antn, Frontera pionera, monarqua en expansin y formacin. 70 For information on the fuero legislation, see Sez, Los fueros de Seplveda. 71 Regarding the so-called derecho de frontera, refer to the essential contribution of Barrero, El derecho de frontera. 72 With regard to the prevailing socio-economic structure in Castilian Extremadura, see, among others, interesting studies from Barrios, Estructuras agrarias; idem, Del Duero a Sierra Morena; idem, Repoblacin y feudalismo en las Extremaduras; Martnez Moro, La Tierra en la Comunidad de Segovia; Monsalvo Antn, El sistema poltico concejil; and Villar Garca, La Extremadura castellano-leonesa. 73 Vann looks at the same case, Twelfth-century Castile and its Frontier Strategies. 74 There is a comparative study of the fueros of Ucls and Zorita in Rivera Garretas, El fuero de UclsDownloadedXIIXIV). (siglos from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009
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among others. The economic model shifted further, leading to the development of agriculture in the frontier being supplanted by greater effectiveness of livestock and, through the use of tolls, control was guaranteed over a good part of the commercial traffic coming from Muslim lands. Naturally, all of this counted on the wholehearted support of Alfonso VIII (11581214), who approved the handover of the fueros. He also conceded to the military orders the right to collect indirect taxes raised on commerce. However, the military was not the only protagonist in colonising the frontier. The councils that only owed their allegiance to the king also played a significant role, and their socio-economic structure was reflected in the fueros issued to Cuenca, in the Castilian case, and to Teruel with regard to Aragn.75 In addition to the aforementioned, one should not forget the roles played by the church76 and certain estates belonging to the nobility. The church contributed significantly to the integration of territories into the Hispanic kingdoms77 by way of delimiting archpriestships, archdeaconships, dioceses and archdioceses. In almost all occasions, the ecclesiastical districts were passed on to civilians and this favoured the integration of frontier territories in each one of the kingdoms. By such means the ecclesiastical hierarchy, an ally of the monarchy, collaborated in the task of organising the new southern territories. However, the role of secular estates was substantially reduced by their limited presence in the frontier during the period being analysed. Possibly only the territories of Molina and Albarracin, both independent ones in the twelfththirteenth centuries and those located where the borderlands crossed between Castile, Aragon and al-Andalus, played significant roles in this period. The economic model that prevailed across board within the Transierra region (The Transierra is the area that distinguished the lands to the north of the Sistema Central mountain range from those to the south)
75 Regarding the numerous editions and studies on the frontier fueros, see the catalogue by Barrero and Alonso, Textos de derecho local espaol en la Edad Media. In this part of the Castilian-Aragonese frontier, a genuine legal battle developed because of the influx of new settlers owing to the issuing of fuero legislation, as has been highlighted by Powers, Frontier Competition and Legal Creativity. On the same subject, see Brodman, Municipal Ransowing Law. 76 Preusser, The Role of the Church and the Military Orders. 77 In New Catalonia, Cistercians as frontiersmen played a key role. See McCrank, Medieval FrontierDownloaded fromNew Catalonia. by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 History in http://mhj.sagepub.com
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was a pastoral one and it displayed clear frontier characteristics.78 This favoured the existence of large pasture lands and the strengthening of already existing lines of communication. This demonstrates how such a frontier is still far from our present-day image of a perfectly defined linear border. Instead, we are dealing with a large space with common characteristics: organised around fortresses and repopulated towns, joined via communication links that clearly represent the connected political space. In order to better understand past events, it is essential to look at the process through which Spanish monarchies strengthened their royal power and the role that the military orders played in it.79 The CastilianLeonese case is the most significant as it is here that royalty reached its greatest heights of power. First, the monarchy needed to overcome the crisis of Doa Urracas reign from 1109 to 1126. Following this, from about the fourth decade of the twelfth century onwards, it can generally be considered that the Castilian-Leonese crown began the strengthening and consolidation of its powers. Although there is some history behind the process, it started during the reigns of Alfonso VII (112657), Alfonso VIII of Castile and Alfonso IX of Len (11881230), and progressed rapidly during the time of Fernando III (121752), especially during Alfonso Xs reign (125284). Its first phase ended with Alfonso XI (131250) and subsequently a more mature institutional stage of development was undertaken by the Trastmara monarchy. A parallel process can be seen at the same time which is of no less importance: the growing consolidation of feudal society. We have already noted, though, that feudalism means the increasingly hereditary nature and privatisation of social relationships and production. In spite of this, the monarchies used mechanisms offered by the feudal system to increasingly strengthen their power. The rise of the military orders in the twelfth century is no coincidence either. Their origin is the obvious consequence of the two parallel processes mentioned, that is, feudalism and the strengthening of the monarchy. It is not without reason that military orders represent the most complete end product of the feudal system, uniting in one institution
78 As has been made clear some years ago by Biskho, The Castilian as Plainsman. Also on this theme, see Rodrguez-Picavea, La ganadera en la economa de frontera. 79 An analysis of relations between the monarchy and the military orders has been undertaken by Gonzlez Jimnez, Relaciones de las rdenes Militares castellanas con la Corona. Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009
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two of the most distinguishing components of the dominant social structure: religion and war. In other words, the military orders are the archetypal union of those elements of the society. Within their structure one can see the justificatory and ideological outlook of feudalism. At the same time, it is impossible not to connect the birth of the military orders with the militant policies of a church impassioned by ideals of reconquest and giving in to the theocratising allure implicit in the reformist programmes of the Gregorian movement. Taking into account the example of the international military orders, the Spanish monarchs supported the formation of peninsular ones. These new institutions had a double advantage over their international equivalents: having less dependency on the papacy in Rome and being able to rely on their core economic and military interests in the peninsular territory. Thus, the Order of Calatrava80 emerged in Castile, as did the Orders of Santiago,81 San Julin de Pereiro82 and Monfrage83 in Len, and Avs84 in Portugal. However, the use of the international orders should not be discounted, especially within the Crown of Aragn85 and the kingdom of Portugal. The political plan of the Spanish monarchies was twofold. The foreign policy was concerned with the defence of territorial integrity of the kingdom, whereas the domestic policy focused on self-definition and institutional consolidation. The monarchy used the military orders as their essential frontier mechanism in order to obtain these ambitious objectives, making use of them as an instrument of policy in both socioeconomic and military terms. These institutions, composed of warrior monks, had a strongly hierarchical structure which allowed their inclusion
80 The indisputable leading role played by the Castilian crown in the origin and spectacular growth of the Order of Calatrava during the twelfth century can be seen in Rodrguez-Picavea, Primeras tentativas de jurisdiccin territorial. 81 Regarding the role played by the Leonese monarchy in the rise of the Order of Santiago, see Martn, Orgenes de la Orden Militar de Santiago. 82 Azevedo, A Orden Militar de S. Juliao de Pereiro; Novoa Portela, La Orden de Alcntara y Extremadura (siglos XIIXIV): 2138. 83 The best study on this Order is by Forey, The Order of Montjoy. 84 On the origins of this military order, it is best to refer to the already classic works of Azevedo, As Origens da Orden de vora ou de Avis; and Oliveira, A milicia de vora e a Ordem de Calatrava. 85 Jaspert, Bonds and Tensions on the Frontier, with particular reference to attempts by the Templars to create a lordship centred on Tortosa, as well as disputes concerning the area around Lleida. from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded
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in the core political plans of the monarchy and enabled their contribution to the articulation and demarcation of the political space. To a certain extent, the need for armed wings to defend the territorial integrity of the kingdom was diminished by the presence of the orders, which combined religious ideals with strict military discipline. Thus, we see them develop into something akin to a semi-permanent army closely linked to the political interests of the monarchy. On the other hand, the military orders were responsible for defending a large part of the frontier, which they did via control of strongholds, towns, villages and the lines of communication among these, or enabling passage through the mountains. All these factors were essential in connecting political space. In short, returning again to the Castilian-Leonese case, it seemed clear that the type of feudalism that was used by Alfonso VII, which involved the privatising of its relationships, had failed. It was based on the handover of some frontier territory to the aristocracy. The model that his grandson (Alfonso VIII) tried was feudal, but its character was more integrationist, given that the end product he pursued was the strengthening of the monarchys power. Ultimately though, such strengthening would detrimentally affect any enlargement in the seorial power of the military orders.86 The transition process between the privatising and integrationist models is reflected in documents from the end of the twelfth century. It is interesting to note how, between 1170 and 1195, the majority of Castilian estates, previously given to the aristocracy, passed into the control of the military orders.87 Cultural Phase: Mental and Ideological Frontiers The element of culture is present in each stage, and the term cultural phase might therefore be confusing. What this section discusses, however, are the ideological and mental aspects of the reorganisation of socio-political space. Emilio Mitre has drawn our attention to the difference between mental and ideological elements. At the same time, he has underlined the difficulty of separating the concepts88 when looking at written evidence.
86 To that effect Gonzlez Jimnez (Frontier and Settlement in the Kingdom of Castile [10851350]: 62) highlights the fact that the appearance of the Spanish military orders meant in many ways the end of Alfonso VIIs policy regarding the involvement of the nobility and the church in defending frontier territories. 87 Gonzlez, El reino de Castilla; and idem, Repoblacin de Castilla la Nueva, among others. 88 Mitre, Reflexiones sobrehttp://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from nocin de frontera.
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Indeed, it is not always apparent if certain trains of thought result from an ideological creation of the dominant elite, or alternatively, reflect popular sentiment subsequently picked up by the conveyors of written culture. Conversely, it pays to ask oneself to what extent the influence of dominant ideologies is reflected in the rest of society.89 These questions are far from being unconnected with linguistic90 and religious frontiers, both of which make significant contribution to the existence of their cultural equivalent. The hypothesis of Domingo Cataln is especially suggestive of the existence of a linguistic frontier between Castile and Aragn. It is seen as the authentic natural extension of the kingdom of Navarre which had otherwise got diluted between political frontiers that did not conform to the linguistic reality.91 Be that as it may, it is true that from a relatively early date, we find information relating to the existence of a frontier ideology that perhaps coincided with a mental frontier. To this effect, the testimonies of Sampiro, the Historia Silense or the Crnica Najerense clearly establish a cultural frontier (possibly of an ideological-mental nature) between Christians and Muslims.92 The notion of a cultural frontier is also found in Muslim chronicles wherever reference is made to how Islamic armies trampled down the frontiers of polytheism.93 From the second half of the eleventh century, the ideological and mental frontiers between Christians and Muslims became more rigid owing to the emergence of the Almoravid and Almohad fundamentalist movements. The growth of Christian religious-military ideals further intensified this process, which developed into a spirit of crusade.94 At the end of this process, the monarchy clearly wants the socio-political space to rapidly reach a level where it demonstrates the most coherent sense possible of its own personality and cultural identification.
On this last point, see the excellent study by Duby (Les trois ordres ou limaginaire du fodalisme) who made clear how the ideology of the dominant class does not reflect the reality of the society. 90 Concerning the period and frontier that interest us, see Molnat, La frontire linguistique. 91 Cataln, De Njera a Salobrea. 92 Prez de Urbel (ed.), Crnica de Sampiro: 34445; Prez de Urbel and Gonzlez RuizZorrilla (eds), Historia Silense: 17374; and Ubieto Arteta (ed.), Crnica Najerense: 94. 93 Levi Provenal and Garca Gmez (eds), Una crnica annima: 121. 94 For these developments within the cultural frontier, note the work of Barkai, Cristianos y musulmanes en la Espaa medieval. However, some of his interpretations return to the moreDownloaded from historiographic ideas. Silva on April 19, 2009 traditional http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela
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The Political-Administrative Phase: Demarking Political Space A socio-political unit is in a position to gain sovereignty over the land it occupies when it has achieved social, economic and cultural identification of the said territory. Throughout the process, each step has led to the monarchy acquiring an increasingly leading role. The idea is a clear one: monarchs wish to have effective control over those territories for which they possess titles. Achieving this final objectiveterritorial sovereignty is extremely complicated. In order to reach this level, the frontier needs to be an increasingly well-defined line of territorial demarcation. Problems of a political nature are reflected in the accuracy of the demarcation, but above all it is an economic-fiscal matter. It is a question of establishing economic control over the finite area via customs control points dealing with the outside world. The underlying factor here is the start of a conscious and effective fiscal policy by the monarchy.95 Perhaps the first leading figures to emerge in this process were Alfonso X in Castile and Jaime I (121373) in Aragn.96 The consequence of this, and at the same time an essential developmental factor, was the creation of an adequate political administrative structure. This was mirrored in the frontier zone by the emergence of the adelantamientos,97 those frontier provinces under the jurisdiction of a governor. The degree of institutional maturity reached by the different territories also contributed to the proliferation of peaceful relationships at diplomatic, political and economic levels. In short, we are dealing with the creation of a legal, economic and fiscal space98 concomitant with the frontiers of the territories that made up each kingdom, especially in Castile.99 Nevertheless, opposition from the nobility slowed down the application of the monarchys ambitious programme of territorial taxation, at times blocking it altogether. Full territorial sovereignty is the end product of this long process of demarcating the political space, but it would have to wait until the emergence of the so-called absolutist states. In reality, they were the logical
On this specific point, see Ladero Quesada, Las transformaciones de la fiscalidad regia, and idem, Fiscalidad y poder real en Castilla. 96 Regarding the institutional maturity found in relations between these two monarchs and the role that these relationships took within the frontier, refer to Ayala, Directrices fundamentales de la poltica peninsular de Alfonso X. 97 On this theme, see Prez Bustamante, El gobierno y la administracin territorial de Castilla. 98 Sesma Muoz, La fijacin de fronteras econmicas. 99 Ruiz, Fronteras: de la comunidad a la nacin. Silva on April 19, 2009 Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela
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conclusion of the medieval feudal monarchies and of the authoritarian monarchies established with a corporate base.100
Conclusions
It is evident that our present-day concept of frontiers as perfectly defined elements has nothing to do with the meaning of frontier during the Middle Ages. We are looking at a living and dynamic entity dialectically joined to the socio-political space that it demarcates. At the same time, it acts as a reference point distinguishing the socio-economic groupings that surround the space. The evolution of the frontier is, furthermore, a clear reflection of the changes experienced within the socio-economic grouping that it helps to demarcate. Therefore, a typical feudal society creates, in its own environment, a frontier with feudal characteristics and within the border zone, a microsociety develops where the conditions of the system become more radical. An explanatory hypothesis can be put forward that deals with the evolutionary process of the HispanicChristian medieval frontier and that takes into account the opposing position with regard to its Andalusian counterpart. The hypothesis comes from the aforementioned dynamic character of the frontier and the close relationship with the transformation of its society. It deals with the development of four juxtaposed phases: military, socio-economic, cultural and political-administrative. In other words, from the initial dislocation of the frontier, we move to the concluding process of demarcating the political space via phases of social organisation and cultural cohesion. One can note that, in the course of time, the frontier acquires characteristics corresponding to each one of the phases, but at the same time each phase can be characterised by the predominant factors in each stage. Therefore, on occasion, the phases can possibly coincide until they contribute to the definitive characterisation of the frontier. It is not our intention to generalise this proposition to other medieval periods or regions. This interpretation is based exclusively on the Spanish example, whose characteristics are specific and typical. However, it would be interesting to apply this hypothesis, based on frontier development in four structured phases, to time periods and geographical settings that differ from those that have been looked at here. On the other hand, it seems clear that the theme of the frontier has traditionally received a historiographic treatment that generally suffers
100
For a complete studyfrom http://mhj.sagepub.comAnderson, Lineages.2009 Downloaded of this theme, see by Daniela Silva on April 19,
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from an indebtedness to excessively positivist approaches. It is no surprise, therefore, that authors who follow this historiographic line view the frontier as the ideal setting for the development of military potential, and as the resolution of military conflicts. But a frontier is much more than that; it is also the visible face of a socio-economic grouping whose characteristics acquire special features. Furthermore, it forms a suitable platform for the establishment of peaceful relationships as well as social, economic, cultural and religious interchange. To this effect, the frontier is open to study from multiple perspectives, each one deriving from the existence of a like number of frontierseconomic, social, military, political, cultural, etc.which are all associated with the same geographical entity.
References
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The Medieval History Journal

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Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

The Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain: A Developmental Hypothesis

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

The Concept of the Frontier

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Some Notes on the Historiography of the Medieval Frontier

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Enrique Rodr guez-Picavea

Frontier and Royal Power in Medieval Spain

Downloaded from http://mhj.sagepub.com by Daniela Silva on April 19, 2009

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