20 K ARAl':J AS - VOL I

CHAPTER-II
MYTHOLOGICAL ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE
NATYASASTRA
•
The Indi an hi storian had always faced the problem of the early so urces draw ing no
cl ear line betwee n fi ction and fact. T he source of every branch of knowledge was attributed
only to some mythical perso nality of dj vine origin . It is not uncom mo n to find legendary
names associated with the authorship of existing works. Even the sermo n that Bhagvan Kr~r:ia
deli vered to Arju na in the battlefi eld was recorded fo r humanity in the name ofBh agavad G Wi
by the great sage Vyasa . T he knowledge of music and allied arts was call ed Gandharva Vidya
after the ce lestial musicians whose names are known fro m the Vedic tj mes. T he names of
Na.rada, Nandikesvara, Brhaspati and Hanuman connected with works on music are all perhaps
pen names . The foremost of the Hindu trinity namely Brahma himself is said to have created
the fifth Veda, viz. the Natya Veda. Siva is still referred to as the Lord of Dance - Na!araja.
Vi-?1~u is spoken of as the origi nator of the dramatic styles and also as an adept in dance in His
incarnation as K.f-?9a. The author of the earliest of the available treatises on dramaturg y is
H imself a s uper human being . Bharata is seen referred to as a Muni (sage) in his Na~yasastr::i.
He is a sc1ni di vine being who is able to converse freely with the Great Gods as well as human
be ings . He is a direct disciple of Brahma. He claims to be nan-ating the Natyasastrn to his sage
coll eagues, as propitiated by hjs master. The account of the origin ofNa~ya and its components
foun d j n B harata ' s N atyasas tra fell under the category of mythol ogy.

The first chapter of the Natyasastra gives the story of Natyotpatt i - orig in of d wm::i . The
- -- - -
D evas led by Indra req uested Brahma to create an amuseme nt , whi ch wo ul d pl ease the eyes
and ears, and be withi n the reach of a11 the peopl e irrespec ti ve o f caste, class and sc'< . Thus
Brahm a created the Na~ya Veda - the fi fth Veda which had its components drawn from the
other Vedas . Speech, Mu sic , gestures and Rasa were extracted fro m B.g, Yajur. s:ui1 a and
Athar va Vedas respectively. The purpose of thi s N a~ya '"'as to give a ll th e fo ur Purush~trth fls -
obj ectives oflife - name ly Dharma (righteous codes), Artha (wealth), Kama (desire) :1.nu l\ 1ok~a
(l iberati on). Indra was offered s uch a Na~yaVcda by Brahma. B ut Indra douhtccl the capah.ility
of th e D cvas to handl e it. Hence it was h:mdcd over to sage B hara ta. B hnrat:1 prepared to
 21
MYTHOLOGICAL ORIGINS AS SEE N IN THE NAT YASASTRA

present his play with his hundred sons (probably hi s discipl es) . It included the three dramatic
styles namely BharatI (Verbal) , Satvati (Emotion al) and Arabh ati (s pectacular) in its format.
Only one more style was missing . Thi s was the Kai si ki or the g raceful styl e endowed w ith
beautiful dances , music, costumes and s uch other charming de1icacies of attrac tio n. Brahma
rightly asked Bharata to add this style too . Bharata had only seen this being hand led in the
dances of Neelakanta. It required Angaharas, Rasas and beautiful dress. For a successful
performance of Kaisiki Yttti, Brnruna created the Apsaras - divine damsels. Their male
counterparts, the Gandharvas were sununoned for providing music. The occasion for the
performance was the Indradhvaja - festival of Indra' s banner. The drama Affifta mantanam
represented the fight of the Devas - Celestials and Daityas - Demons. W hile the celes tial s
were pleased enough to give gifts to the actors , the demons were enraged to see their own
defeat being enacted. The actors became their target of attack and hindrance through the evil
use of asuraic 1nagical powers. However, Indra protected them from demons by smashing the
Daityas to pulp with the help of his Jajara_(Flag Staff). The Jmjara itself was presented to the
actors as a protection against any obstacles.

Brahma ordered the divine architect Visvakarma to build a regul ar theatre . Different
deities were put in charge of the various corners of this playhouse to guard it and ward off
evil. Brahma Himself occupied the central point.

Brahma also took pains to pacify the demons by explaining the concept of Na~ya. In
Natya, there is no exclusive presentation of the Gods or demons , for; it is the imitation o f the
three worlds. Brahma then commanded the performance of the ritualistic Yajna (sacrifi ce ) a t
the playhouse . This is the story of the origin ofNatya in the I chapter of the N5.~yas5stra. The
II and ill chapters deal with specifications regarding the construction o f the various kinds of
theatres and r ules regarding the worship of the deities therein .

The second story that we come ac ross .in the Na! ynsas trn is seen in the I\ ' 1..' hapk' r. This
is with regard to t. hc or ig in o f the Ta.1J~lnvn (i.e.) Npt a . Unl ike tile d ra m:1t i1. .· ft)r m~t o r the
Natya, th ic; art is the art o f dance with all its tec hn ic a l i11t ric aci c.s. \\" h1.. ' h' di d this ~lrl c1...1mc
from? \V he n the play ho use was read y, a ft er th e Ynj lia , Bhara l,l prc-sc11tcd the two pL1:,.-s ,
nam ely, Arn ~·fa mantana and Tripu radahana writt en hy 13 rahm._ i. i n the inun cd i:1tc prcsc 11cc or
Trinctra (S i va) and Hi s Ga1p1s. Being pleased, thi s G reat God (.[Vl ahcsv~u·:1) w :.1s 11 0\\ re minded
22 KARANJ\S - VOLI

inspir ed, he sugge sted that

of His own Nrtta , which He used to perfo rm in the eveni ngs. Thus
ias, co uld be added in the
this art, which is endow ed with grace ful A1igaharas and Karai:
i sti c) Purva ranga could
Purva raiiga (preli mina ry) of their Na~ya . The Sudd ha (pure Jy ritual
ed Hi s attend ant Tai:ic;Iu to
thus be turn ed into Citra (a varied type) Purvara1iga . He al so order
ical accou nt o f the origin of
teach Bhara ta the Anga haras and Karai:ias . Thi s is the m yth olog
Kara.i:ias, which prece des their e nume rati on .

Bharat a however is not a direct discip le of Siva. He is said

to have been trained in the art of dance only byTa,:ic;Iu , as ordained
by Siva. Tai:ic;Iu 's impo11ancc in matte rs of dance seems to be
quite enlarged, next to that of Siva. His name is menti oned four
times in the fourth chapt er with refere nce to the dance technique.
Bhara ta ackno wledges that he was told about Angaharas by
Ta1~c;Iu in accor dance with Siva' s comm and. (* 1)

Ther e are two

intere sting panel s in the
tower of th e Dhar mara ja
t::::~
a..,,- =""'1

Ratha (7 th Centu ry A.D) at

Maha balipuram, portra ying
Fi1:. I - Sil'{, and Tu~uju Si va comm andin g Ta99 u

and Tand u teach ing dance to Bhara ta (Figl & la) (*2).
Tai:i<;lu is me ntion ed again with g reater status , after the
descr ipt ion of the Pii:19is. H ere Bhara ta categ orical ly states
that the dance it.self acqui red the name ofTa9 9avar p becau se
o f its assoc iat io n w ith Tai:i9u. After inven ting the Recak as ,
A 1igah aras and Pi99i s, Siva taugh t them to Sage Tm~9u,
w ho in turn created a sy nthes is of th em along with songs
and instru mental music . Thou gh the art was create d by Siva,
•
Fi1:.lu -fo~rf/u and Bharatu
it has deriv ed its name only from His di sc ipl e, w ho was
. Perha ps he syste mat izcd the
respo nsibl e for a tangib l e amalg amati on of its va ri ed e le ments
has deser ved th e hono ur o f
art and creat ed som e practi cal norm s . Who is I hi s Tar:t~lu who
-
f\ l YTHOLOGICAL ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE NATYASASTRA 23

causing the very derivative name of Ta99avarp? His personality is as incognite as those of
many fictitious and legendary names , which have got diffused in the dim forgotten past. In all
probability he could have been an authority on dance who had lived in flesh and blood.

Ta99u is referred to by Bharata again as being asked by Siva to perform the dance in
relation to the singing of songs. (* 3) The fourth time he is mentioned is with a clear reference
to him as a performer of dance. Here Bharata states that he would discuss the rules of Ta1,19avarp.
as it was performed by Tai:i9u. This portrays Tai:i9u as not only a theoretician, scholar or
teacher, but as a dancer himself. This unique combination of a genius is also referred to as
Muni by Bharata.

Ta99u' s name does not seem to occur in any extant Pura9a. Bharata refers to Tai:i9u as
Muni , whereas he has referred to Nandi as Ga9a in the fourth chapter itself. Gai:ias like
Bhadramukha are said to have given names to the Pi99ibandhas, as they saw them being
performed by both Siva and Parvati (*4 ). Moreover, all the Pi1,19is named in the Natyasastra
are named after different Gods only. The next name, after Siva, in this list, is Nandi only. The
other deiti es' names follow. Apart from the fact that other deities are not topping the list,
Nandi is not mentioned as Muni. In the verse that follows, Ta1,19u is referred to as Muni. Hence
Nandi and Ta99u cou]d not have meant the same person during Bharata' s time.

Bharata clearly states that the art was named Ta99avarp. because it was Ta99u who was
responsib] e for its final shape and production, by combining the Recakas , Ailgaharas and
Pi,!c;li s with songs and instrumental music.

At some period of history before Bharata, perhaps, an expert in dance by name Ta1~9u
mj ght have bee n responsible for the development of the art. Perhaps, he was the actual human
dancer teache r of the first author of the Natyasastra.

Abh inavagupta himself suggests the possibility of the term ' Tar:ic;tavarµ ' having derived
from ·Tm!<;io.' This is quite convincing too, for it is based on onomatopoeic theory of sound.
The Bhar:i<;fa Vadyas brought about strokes like Thar:i, Bha9 etc., as the dance was performed.
Perhaps we could take ' Tm:ic;lu ' to represent the dynamism , intensity and activating sounds of
the dru ms inspiring and resulting in the totality of audio and visual beauty, force and grace.
1
T~u:19u ' perhaps personified the force of movements. If we are to understand ' Ta1_11ava~1' as
 24 KARANAS - VOLI

a dance of vi ril e nature, thi s may be suitabl e . But, th e word ' Ta99ava~ 1' as used in the
N a!yasas tra is not to be take n in its present sense. Tnr:ic;Iavarp me re ly meant Nrtta dance. Its
two possible usages are refeITed to as S ukumara and Uddhata Prayoga even in Abhinava gupta ·s
comme ntary. The concept of Las ya was associated wit h S ukumara, thou g h the word attained
its present meaning of dance o f femi nine charm during a much later period. Tary<;lavarp meant
just dance. Tat)<;lu Muni was its originato r.

From etymolog ical point of view, th e wo rd ' Taryc._Java ' has its root in ' ta ' . In thi s the
consonan t ' Ta ' is constant and several vowels are variables . In Tamil lang uage (assoc iated
wi th Dravidi prakrit by some Philologis ts) ' Tai:i<;tu ' means cross ing through a jump or leap .
' Tav u ' is to leap, ' tattu ' is to hop or strike, Teer:i<;lu is to touch and Tu va! is to bend or slump .
Similarly, the root ' N ' gives words like Na<;tai - gait, Nac;Ii - act, N agu - plant firmly (the heel
movemen t even in contempo rary usage), No<;li - breaking or sharply be nd, Na!an+am i.e .
dance and beautiful, and Nanu - planting - beating time with cymbals (Naf!uvan gam is the
contempo rary word for conductin g the dance recital through the beating of time with the
cymbals) . These would offer a scope for even a separate study. Thus the word Tar_1c_iav::u~1 is
worth being gone into from an etymolog ical point of view. Apparent l y it lends itself to be
analysed on the basis of its Praklit origin. Tar:i<;tavaqi signifies all aspects of dance including
Gaits , steps, movemen ts, covering space with leaps,jum ps, twists , turns and so on.

It is noteworth y that Tar:ic_iu Muni was a disciple and devotee of Siva. In the Tamil
tradition various devotes of Siva came to be known as Tandu, Tandi and Candesva ra. Accordine
.. .. . -
to Prof. Kandasw amy Pillai , Mrgar:i<;lu Maharish i who is assoc iated with building of sc\·er~d
temples in th e South was only a personific ation or even deificatio n of the pole to whi ch the
cows were tied . (* 5) Accordin g to him , during the pastoral age . cattl e were held in hi g h
respec t. Everythin g connected with cattle, particular ly th e cow, was considere d di\·ine . The
p eg to w hich the cow was ti e d was one of th e ce nlres o f God's manifes tati o n . This
p eg - Tar:ic;tu - was call ed Kandu , AtT119ukurri , Av urii\ jutar i e tc. These Tar:19us became pill ar~.
towers, and te mpl es and built up shrines with all mag nifi ce nce g raduall y. Th is s::tc rcd Tat)0LI
was made a mythi cal fi g ure, t.rans lnting th e wo rd in Sanskrit as l\1 rga D a nc:b l\fah aris hi w h
0
later came to be known as M!·ga t)<;lu Maharis hi - th e builde r of several lc mplcs .

l
MY THOLOGI CAL ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE NATYASASTRA 25

The Tar:ic;Iu or stick is even now closely related to Indian dance. The flagstaff of Indra is
a protection for actors according to Bharata. The Tamil epic Silappadikaram written by
I!angovac;Iiga! speaks of Orvasi the celestial dancer who was c ursed to be born on earth as a
dancer. (*6) She is said to have been the ancestor of M i.idavi , one of the two heroines of
Silappadikaram. The same incident is mentioned in Kapdasa's Vikramorvasiyarr in which
we see the pan-Indian concept of the unity of the di scipline of body and mind i. e. expected o ut
of artistes . It is also interesting that both Ka!idasa and l!angovac;Iiga! make use of the same
story. According to l!angovac;Iiga!, Jayanta, Indra 's son was al so c ursed to be born as bamboo
for having distracted Orvasi with amorous looks while she was dancing in the celestial court.
She was to be always dancing in synchronization with the beats provided by that bamboo
stick. Again, we see it is ' Ta9c;Iu ' - the stick that is used to conduct the dance class. E ven today
the dance teachers keep time with the stick, which guides the dancer to perform to proper
rhythm . ' Ta99u' is hence a word or name of great significance with regard to Indian dance.

The third story is that of the origin ofVrttis or styles in the art of wri ting and presenting
the plays. This mythological account is seen in the beginning of the Chapter XXII of the
Na!yasastra. The four Vrttis are those already mentioned in the first story with regard to the
origin of Natya. Now we are told how they were created. After the deluge, when Vi~9u was
lying on His huge serpent couch, the demons Madhu and Kaitabha challenged Him. Whe n
the fight started as exchange of harsh words, Brahma is said to have noticed the beginning of
the Bharafi Vrtti . This style is marked by flowery language with speech as its live wire. The
communication of ideas called as the art of Abhinaya was mainly through V ac ika or verbal
expression. The Bharafi Vrtti is also explained to have been caused due to bhara or we ight
which Hari (Vi~r:iu) employed in His pacing, thus using the Sthanakas, or postures . The S atYati
Vrtti was the res ult of His will power and concentration whil e handling His bow. The word
' Saf means the mind. This Vrtti is the emotional style in which the drama depe nded on the
strength of the story, characterization and their mental involvement. The Kaisiki Vr tti is said to
have originated when Vi~9u tied up a knot of His Kesa (tresses) during the course of the figh t.
This was very graceful to look at. This style is marked by beaut y of fe mi ni ty, charming dances .
lilting music and attractive costumes. When the fi ght was in full vigour, the Arahh::i~i \ \ tti
resulted with its full force. This styl e was marked by its spec tac ular natu re with the grande ur
of com buts. Thus the fo ur maj or Vrttis or styl es o f Nft!ya nrc sa id to have orig inated from the
26 KARAI':-JAS - VOL. t

various stages of Vi~l).u ' s fight with the two Asuras. The drama that Bharata prepared had in
it a1l the three Vrttis or styles. It lacked only one Vrtti namely Kaisiki Vrtti which Brahma
suggested for inclusion . What are these Yrttis? They are the deciding factors in the final
shape, contents and presentation of the play. The word Yrtti has its root in ' Yr ', which almost
means idiomatic. The same is the root for the word ' Varrya ' which mentions partjcularity,
class or species. Yrtti is a term, which suggests codes, behaviour, nature and character. In
other words , it denotes the style or mode of the composition.

Recollecting the firs t chapter of the Natyasastra again , we realize that the first production
ofBharata' s Natya under Brahma' s command had in it only the first three Vrttis . The Kaisiki
was totally absent. When Bharata informed Brahma about his pl ay, Brahma as ked rum to
include the Kaisiki Vrtti also. He asked Bharata as to what material he wo uld need for thi s
inclusion. Does Brahma not know what is essential for Kaisiki? Why should He interrogate
Bharata about it? Does Bharata have a better knowledge of it? Not really, for it is an art in
wru ch He had no initiation. Bharata replies that he has only seen it in Neelakanfa 's daf!_ce . He
knew it required beautiful dresses and gentle Angaharas. It had as its very life Bhava, Rasa
and Kriya (action). This style, in Bharata' s own words is difficult to be executed by men alone.
It needed the help of women. Thus Brahma created the Apsara Maidens and em_ployed the
Gandharvas to sing and play the musical instruments.

Who were the Gandharvas? The arts of music and dance are associated with the name of
Gandharva Vidhya. Hence it is relevant to explore the historical value of their names. N .G . Tavakar
has made a c01nmendable study on the Gandharvas. (*7) His conclusions are convincing and
relevant here. T he ' Gandharvas ' land was Gandhara, which extended" from the high Him::tlayan
mountains to the sea, and this was naturally the land bordering on the Gulf of Iran ; and this whole
area thus included countries like Elam, Iran, Baluchistan, Afghanistan and Kashmir." (*8) '' Since the
Gandharvas lived in the Provedic age, they were far removed in time from the Vedic and thc:>
post Vedi c peopl e . By this time their true and original history was mostly forgotten' ' (*9) lVlyths
and traditions built on the assumption that the Gandharvas were the enemies of the Ary ans a.re
numerous. The Aryans believed that they were pleasw-e-loving people and were after women foU,,
whom they tried to seduce. The Gandharvas were feared and hnted. Athnrva Veda speaks of them
as apes, dragons and donkeys.(* JO)
MYTHOLOGICAL ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE NA.TYASA.STRA 27

The Gandharvas connection with music is quite popularly known. The Skanda Purar:ia
refers to it. (* 11) The Aryans who fought with Gandharvas perhaps realized their special
talent for music and made them the musicians for their Gods during Jater times.

_Gandharvas are spoken of as devotees of Siva. Bhagavata Pura9a declares that their
duty was to sing and dance and play instruments before Rudra. (* 12) Kadambari speaks of
Gandharvas building Siva temples . The Mahimna Stotra in praise of Siva is said to have been
composed by the Gandharva King, Pushpadanta. (* 13)

The Apsaras are always spoken of as the consorts of the Gandharvas. They are described
as dancers and singers in Indra' s court. They were the most delicate yet most powerful weapons
in His hands as Kalidasa puts it. (* 14) They were often acting as courtesans. However, the
Vedic litern tu re reflects the idea that they were human beings of noble royal families, possessing
extra ordinary qualities. (* 15) But the post-Vedic period lost sight of their true origin and
created many imaginary stories. Tavakar has beautifully analysed the meaning of the name
Apsara . " It has been attempted at it by many including Max Muller and dropped. The m ost
consensus of opinion is that Apsaras means that which moves in through water."(* 16) · Ap ·
means water and ' saras ' means to move. Apsaras mean water nymphs.

The above meaning is however most suitable from dance point of view. T he fluidit y of
movements caused through uninterrupted graceful throw oflimbs was perhaps characteristic
of the fenlin ine charm of the Kaisiki Vrtti, for which the Apsaras were created according to
the myth o f Natyasastra. Hence it is not out of place to conclude that it was the concept of the
beauty o f the Apsarns with their feminine charm and fluidity of movements the Indian theatre
developed \v hat was later known as Lasya.

In chapter 33 Bharata gives another interesting story of the ori gin of dru ms . During an
intermiss ion of studies in the rainy season , Svati went to fetch water. At th at ti me , torrents of
water fa lling with the force of wind made clear sounds on the leaves of lotus . SJ.ge S\'Jti
observed carefull y with wonder, the high, medium and low sounds produced 0 11 the lotus
lca\'es, which were deep, sweet and ple ..1sing. After coming bac k to the hermitage. inspired by
this ex per ience he devised various drums like Mrdn11ga , Pn~knra, Pmy1va ~md Dardurn - alI
\\ ith the help of the divine architect Vi.svakarmn. After narrating thi s introcluclo ry slor y, Bh~1rat :.1_
28 KARAl':JAS - VOL 1

goes into th e d etail s of other varieti es of drums , their use and the ways of playing . In fact , the
lin ge r technique term ed also Karat~a arc said to be six kinds .

T he XXXVI Chapter of the Natynsast ra gives us yet a noth e r fi c tion . Thi s is o f utmost
int e rest in reco ns tru c tin g th e sociological hi story of th eatrical arts. The ac tors and actresses
arc said to have degenera ted in m ora lity that th e Gods in H eaven c ursed them. The Rishis and
13 harntn, w ho craved for the release of c urse, obtained on ly parti a l s uccess in this effort. The
curse ,vas removed for th e art, bu t not for the arti stes.

T he last chapte r, nam e ly the XXXVII has the story of King Nahus ha requestin g the
Gods to send th e Bharntap utras to Bhuloka - Earth. This story gives th e account of the descent
of Na~ ya fro m Heaven to Earth . The story of Nahu~a is already seen in th e earlier chapter of
this present work .

Vedic refere nces to dance art must have been due to the influence of Gandharv as or
A psa.ras . Yaji'ias included per formance of GWi, Vadya and Nrtta. Scholars like Keith have
even noticed th e origin of drama in the Vedic mantras.

The o rth odox lawg ivers at some point of time seem to have disfavour ed danc e.
A pas thamb.:i Su t.rn presc1ibe s that a student was not to see dancing and not to frequent Sabhas
and Samnjas . (* 17) Manu provides that dancing, singi ng, playing on musical instrumen ts and
beating th e m are to be avoided by a student. (* 18) These artistes were not to be inYited at the
ti m e o f dinner in honour of Gods or Manes (Pitrus) . Manu recomn1e nds that Bhraman as who
~ire c ~u-pe nters o r ac tors sho uld be treated as Sudras. (* 19) They were not to be witnesses and
,, ere to he m·o idcd at religio us rites. Kane says that Na~as were of low caste and were included
am ong th e sc,·e n A nt yajas. (*20) T his connects the last story of the Natyasas tra .

IL i~ l ik.c l y that a t s om e poi nt o f time, a d egradatio n in the moral standard of th e ~utisrc,s;

had set in. c;rn sing ui .'.') frl\o ur am o ng the decent gro ups of men . Amaras im.ha, the Lex.icogrn phcr
!-.new the names or S il :il i , Krs;isv a and nJso I3harata . He probabl y knew the Just chapter 0f th e
N a~ y~L~:istra. He s:..i ys that K..rs5.s va·s fo llowe rs we re kn ow n as Krsasv ins and Sail aJi' s fol lo\\'C[S
\\C IT Jay.1jcc,a ~. Ke it h interprets Hiynj ecva ns th ose who li ve o n th e pri ze
of their ,,·i ,cs'
h1Jn o ur. ( >1· 2 1) H e :i.bo says that Manu impl)SCS onl y a min or pe nalt y o n il liL·it rcbt io ns w ith th e
,, it~ or :.1 11 ac to r o n the sco re o !' hi s ,, i II in g ncss tn hand m ·c r th e ir wives to oth ers a nd profi t hy
MYTHOLOGI CA L ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE NA,TYASASTRA 29

their dishonour. Hence the story of the curse and its partial removal as seen in the Natyasastra
is a simultaneous reflection of the prejudice of the society for the actors and reverence for
the art.

I
The above_:_mentioned mythologies from Na!yasastrn are important not only from the
point of view of performing arts. They open our eyes to a period of mythical beliefs and cults
that followed the Vedic period and preceded the time of the epics. It is the period when
Brahma was all-powerful as during Vedic age. Yet we see the emergence of Lord Siva as the
ultimate dancer. From the Pura9ic period until today, Siva dances the most wild dance in the
burning ground as well as the n1ost blissful graceful dance in the tranquillity of twilight.
Whether it is Pasupata, Kapalika or the more refined Vaidika Saiva, Siva is seen and worsrupped
as a dancer. Bharata does not leave out Mahavi~9u. He is considered as the originator of
Vrttis. Bharnta stops with the Madhu-Kai!abha story. None of the avatara of Vi~9u are even
mentioned. The concept of T~u and Agsaras giye us clues to the technique of dance .
...__ --
Visvakarma signifies the great advancement in archit~~ture and engineering that was attained
- - .
in India in the pre-epic period. The measurements and designs from nine kinds of playhouse
cannot be brushed aside as mere myth. Dr. Manmohan Ghosh describes the mythology found
in the tex t ofNatyasastra as "badly made legends worthy of no credence" (*22). This chapter
is a reflection of a humble attempt to penetrate into the jungle of myths and perceive the
7

probabilities of some historic truth lying beneath these sweet tal~/

Bhara ta' s age was the golden age of performing arts . The arts of Nrtta and N rtya had already
fu sed as the highest form of Natya. The Natyasastra, which is a scientific textbook on N ntya,
has been construed as the most beautifully written drama. The stories connected w ith the
various elements o f the Natya arrests the interest of even those who are not interested in its
technique. The ultimate goal of Natya is to produce R~_a. Various B havas (feelings) appear
and disappear in order to strengthen the primary or dominant psycholog ical feeling, which is
ul tim ately responsible for the blossoming of the Rasa. In the same way, the various factors
including the m ythological stories strengthen the purpose of enli ghten ing the student \\'ith
knowledge o f Na~ya in its varied facets . This style of presentation is in perfec t co nso n~mcc
with the tradition of penning of Sanskrit treatises concerning eve n dry subj ec ts in the fo rm of
beautifu l poetry. The A~Fi11gahrclaya ofVagba~a on medicine and Arnarakosa orAma r~simlw,
30 KARAT'~AS - VOL I

which is a lexicon , are ideal examples for such a treatment. Yet, one unique feature of lhe
Natyasastra is that it has used the Gods to suggest even historic facts. The fiction of the
surface level seems to have facts hidden deep inside it. For instance, whoever may be the
originator of the Kai siki Vrtti , the fact remains that it is the concept of the Apsaras, which gave
fluidit y and grace to Indi an d a nce. Hence th e my thol og ic al ch aracter not only help
reconstruc ting hi story, but, in realit y serve as guides to the technicaJ and practical exposition
of the performing arts.
REFERENCES

1. N .S . Gaekward Chapter IV Verse 260

" Sr~~va Bhagavata Dattasta9c;Iave munaye tada
Tenapi hi tataJ) Samyagganabhar:ic;lasamanvital:i''
See Abhinava Bharafi , Page 170
" Ata eva tat)c_lorayaryi Ta9c_lava iti vaiyakara9a}:l s~·taryi"
2 . Vide. Vol. II Chapter 7, "Na~yasastra in Tamil Soil" for details.
3 . Refer commentary 144-146
4 . Ibid, C hap. IV Line 252
5. B ased on persona] discussions.
6. I! angovac_iiga! - Si]appadikaram - Arangerrukkadai - Lines 114 to 128. Talaikol is the
stick to be worshipped. It is said to be a part of the stem of the conquered King's
umbrella.
7. N.G. Tavakar - Essays throwing light on the Gandharvas, the Apsaras, the Yak~as and
the Ki nna.ms
8. Ibid Page 8
9 . Ibid Page 12
10. Ibid Page 13
11. Skanda Pura1;1a - Sahyadri Khanc_la - Chapter 20. Sloka 101 as quoted by Tavakar,
Page 15
12. As quoted by Tavakar Page 16
13. As quoted by Tavakar Page 16, 17
14. Ka!idasa Vikramorvasiyam Act I
MYTHO LOGICAL ORIGINS AS SEEN IN THE NA.'fYASA.STRA 31

15. Tavakar, Page 32

16. Ibid, Page 44
17. A.pasthamba Sutra I, Lines 1,3 ,11 and 12, as quoted by P.V. Khane
18. Manu II, Page 178, as quoted by P.V. Khane
19. Manu VIII Page 102
20. P.V. Khane, The Sahitya Darpa9-a of Viswanatha and the History of Sanskrit poetics
Ill Education 1951 , Page 21
21. A.B. Keith, Sanskrit Drama, Page 53
22. Dr. Manmohan Ghosh, Problems of the Natyasastra, Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. VI , Page 30
32 KARANAS - VOL I

CHAPTER - III

NATYA
•

T he earliest extant literature on the subject of Indian Dance is B harata ' s Na~yasastru.
There seems to have been some Na~asu tras even before thi s Sastra was penned . But they have
either been lost or got dissolved into the present N5.~yasaslra. The term Natya encompasses in
itself all the artistic elements of the theatre art. Dance was on ly a part of drama i~ anci~ n
India. But drama itself was mos tl y danced . There was hardly any bifurcation between these
arts in the true Hi ndu theatre. Na~ya was the term , whic h indi cates a composite whole. The
term SangHa was always referred to in its triple aspects viz., GHa (song), Vadya (instrumental)
and N rtta (Dance) . All the earlier works on SangIla had chapters on ever y one of these elements .
Na~ya incl uded these three plus drama too. The Natyasastra is an unsurpassed compendious
work deali ng with all these elements in totality and running to thirty-six chapters. (* 1)

Natya in its complete form consists of music, dance and communication through
expression. O f these, the second and third elements are known as Nftta and Abhinaya
respectively. The Natyasastra describes all these elements in great detail. Later authori ties like
Sarngadeva (12 th century A. D .) recogni zed another form called Nrtya and defined it as a
representational ki nd of Nrtta. But Bharata' s period had the arts of only Nrtta and Abhi naya
as parts of Natya. Nrtta could be handled in two ways, viz. Uddhata (gracefull y forc eful ) and
Sukumara (gracefully soft). These obtained the names of Tar:i9ava and Lasya perhaps only
after Kapdasa's time . (* 2) during Bharata' s period, the term Tar:i9ava seems to have been a
sy non ym of Nftta.

The goal of any N a~ya is only to create Rasa. Rasa is the enjoym ent of an aest hetic bliss
derived through w itnessing or reading a production. T_he process through which this is acJ1ie\'ed
is the sub-structure of the varied rul es analytically laid down in the N n~yasastra. T he Bh5va,
i.e. , feelj ng, contajned in a situation ~:m~_!.he charact e r invol ved has to be expressed by the ac tor
or the writ.er, as the case may be, in such a way that it can be understood by the o nlo~ker or
reader. Unless t.h e feelings and ideas are communicated , the audi ence cannot share those
feelings, whi ch ultimately is res ponsible for evoking Ras::i.. T he ru·1o f communicati on is called
 33
NATYA

Abhinaya. There are four mediums of expression availabJ e for the arti stes . Thi s analysis given
in the Natyasastra is so accurate and universaJ that it is valid eve n today, for any produc tion in
any part of the world. The four abhinayas are Angika (PhysicaJ) , Vacika (Verbal), A harya
(ExternaJ ) and Satvika (InternaJ) .

Angikabhinaya is the art of physical expression. Entire human body has been analyzed
in the Natyasastra as Angas (Major limbs) and Pratyangas (Minor limbs). Later authorities
added to this classification the Upat=1gas (Subsidiary limbs), which in t urn were di vi ded as
those belonging exclusively to the face and those of the other limbs of the bod y. E xerci ses
from head to foot are prescribed for each limb, based highly on kinetic principles. The student
was expected to master these individual exercises and proceed to practicing combinations of
movements of various limbs. In other words, it must be possible for a dancer to move the entire
body in totality or motivate it partly. The mastery over the two aspects of Sthiti (being static)
and Gati (being dynamic) is the basis of this dance. It is action in inaction in the physical
sense. It has its own counterpart in the mental sphere both on the stage and in real life too. The
maintenance of balance in the midst of uninhibited free movement is the beauty of this technique
of dance as seen in the Natyasastra. The physical control resulting out of proper pedag ogy
......_ --
and personal practice, gives way to self-forgetfulness and shedding of the body consciousness .
Thus the body is trained only to be forgotten about. In other words , the structure of exercises
prescribed for the major and minor limbs in the Natyasastra corresponds to the technique of
Ha~ayoga to a considerable extent. Many of the Yogic Asanas have their ow n counterparts in
the Natyasastra. For example, Cakrasan~ is_ Cakrama9-9alarp. Karal)a and Saka~asana is
Sakatasya Kararp. T he Vyayamas (exercises) meant for Yoga, like those of head, eyes , shoulder.
elbow etc., have their parallel in the exercises mentioned in the N a!yasas tra. The Asanas in
Yoga are meant to ultimately help rising above the sphere of mere body consc io us ness . The
same is th e g oal of the Anga Vyayamas (exercises of the limbs). These exercises are to be
meaningfully uti lized to convey ideas and more important than that, fee lings. This is the essence
of Angikabhinaya .

Physical ex pression is a part of human nature . The c onnection betwee n the psych and
· the physiq ue is so intrinsic, that even the minutest vibrnlion o f the mind gets easily re fl ected
through the body in daily life itself. For instance, nodding the head is part o f human be havio ur
 34 KARAJ:-lAS - VOL I

while reacting. The force, speed and space of our pacing also reflec t the inner
comp osure and
conflicts. The art of physical expression is hence beautifully conce ived, classi
fied a nd codified
by Bhara ta, to artisticall y suit a dramatic repres entation .

A11gikabhinaya is of two categories. One is the Padar thabh inaya w hile the
other is
Vakya rthabh inaya. The former means the expression of word- to-wo rd meani
ng, while the
latter is a comm unica tion of the genera l idea of a senten ce or even the mood
. For the actual
execution of these, three mediu ms are given, viz., Sak.ha, Anku ra and Nrtta.
Sak.ha literall y
means branc h ; Ailku ra is sprou t while N~tta is dance. f ~t
Sak.ha indica tes the availability of an entire system of gestic ulatio n throug h
the hands .
A comp lete langu age of gestures has been hande d down by gener ations of
artiste s. These
hand gestur es are of two kinds. One is a group of Abhin aya Hasta s and the
other is a set of
Nrtta Hasta s. The forme r is subdivided as Asam yuta (Singl e Hand ) and Samy
uta (combi ned
hand) gestures. These Abhinaya Hastas are used to bring out the Padar thabh inaya.
-- . - -- The practical
applic ation of the given set of Abhinaya Hastas is called Ailkura. The secon d
group of gestures
called the Nrtta Hasta s is to be used in Nrtta - ~ance. These may be used
in the art of
Vakya rthabh inaya. The expression of ideas throug h the entire body in dance
is a branch of
Angik abhin aya, which has been lost sight of in most parts of our count ry. But
it is practiced
actively in the Weste rn Ballet. The only contem porary Indian dance system
that uses this
techni que is Mar:upuri. The rest of the classical styles in India use only Padar
thabh inaya.
The word Sud used in conne ction with Abhin aya actual ly mean s the linkin
g of the
various ideas expre ssed. The expressions must merge and dissol ve into one
anoth er even
when contra st ideas are to flow continuously. They must not be comp artme
ntaliz ed with
sharp breaks, but get transf ormed from one into anoth er smoot hly, yet clearly
. In this context,
the term Ankur a denot es the stage in which the preced ing idea linger s. Thus
Ankur n has
anoth er meani ng also. SucI indicates what is to succe ed. This smoo th fusion
of one into
anoth er is a test for the talent of every artiste. It is achiev ed throug h not
only a physical
habitu ation but also through a mental involvement.

Nftta is actual dance. It is highly significant that Abhinavagupta, the comm

entato r of
Nacyasastra has mentioned Nrtta alon~ with Abhinaya. He does it on the authority
ofBha rata. (*3)
NAT YA 35

It is mentioned along with Sakha and Atikura in regard to Abhinaya. Nrtta is actually meant
~ere a~ a medium of_expression . Nrtta, which is nothing but dance proper, was made up of
Karar:ias - units of dance and the combinations of these Karai:ias were called Angaharas. Nrt_ta
has two qualiti es. It may § Yoke the mood to be represented in a general or just be an aesthetic
display of movements. The former is a quality ofNrtta, which is highly exalted and employed
in the Western Classical Ballet. This quality of the Nrtta Kara9as was recognized and made
full use of in ancient Indian theatre as part of the Angikabhinaya. It was hence very much part
of the Natya, which itself was an inutation of the three worlds through symbolism.

_TI1e te~ Natya and Nrtta met with i1:_the Natyasastra mean drama and dance respecti vely.
Nrtta as being non-rep1~
--
ntatioi{a1 dance and Nfty_a as representational dance were construed

-
only by later authorities. Bharata has not mentioned these specific categories. In fact, even the
term Ta9<;lava is seen as a synonym of N;tta. The name of the chapter on Nrtta Kara1.1as is
called Tar:i<;lava Lak~ar:iaip in the Natyasastra. The Nrtta Kara1.1as were common to both the
sex . Their usage may be Sukumara or Uddhata. Lasya, in Bharata's work represents a series
of songs to be sung and enacted by the Nap: (dancer) along with suitable Abhinaya of both
Padartha and Vakyartha nature. (*4)

The most obvious requirement for the actors was the mastery over Angikabhinaya for
thi s medium of expression was used in full measure in ancient Natya. This is nothing short of
demanding danci ng talent i~ actors. The scenes like Sakuntala watering the plants or the bee
harassing her or even Du~yanta riding the chariot, were all enacted with suitable gestures and
movements . The Caris and Oatis involving the legs were to be used to represent the various
characters and situations. Their combinations called the Mar:i<;lalas were to be used to enact
fighting sequences. The Ailgaharas, which involve the KarUI)as, were primarily meant for invoking
the blessings of the Gods and manes in the preliminary of the play. They were also to be used
wherever the emotion of love dominated. These Angaharas involve hand gestures. But the
Mat)<;lalas are groups of dance movements to be used along with holding weapons like the bow and
arrow. The Nyayas or rules for such a handling are also laid down. The actors ,vere act ually dancers .
All these prove that Nacya was enacted as N!tta in all practical sense. Abhinavagupta is of opinion that
Na~yn and Nrtta are not different from each other from the view of actual practice. (*5) lt wa.5 a
composite whole - like the very basis of Hindu religion and culture.
36
KARAN AS - VOL J

The theatre art of that period was not viewed in its bifurcated forms ofNrtta and N5.!ya.
In Bharata's Na~ya almost every character danced. The Kh a ry<;lita Nayaki danced . The
Kalahandarika also danced . Abhin avag upta categoricall y s lates th at Na~ya and Nrtta are not
different fro m a prac tical point of view. He has dea lt w ith thi s debating question quite at
length . He even cites an earlier authority namely Ra.hula (*6) . More vital is hi s citing th e
Yartika (*7 ). Abhinavagupta finally declares that there is no differe nce between Nftta and
Nafya. (*8) All the Rupakas a nd Uparupakas, no matter w hich Vrtti th ey fo llowed, had to a
great extent , elements of dance. T he Sthapaka - introducer - of th e p lay is expected to be in the
Vai ~1:1ava Sthana w ith Sau~prnva. This is almost like dancing . The Carls and Gatis for th e
various characters , the free use of Nrtta for every possible occasion and the dance like Mar:i1alas
for the fighting sequences in the body of the drama itself are nothing but forms of dances to be
mastered by actors. Mime, drama and dance have been almost inseparable in Indi an theatre
form from remote times. Hence the older term ' Nata' perhaps meant an adept in both dance
and drama. Unless one is able to comprehend the nature of the Nafya of those bygone days , it
w ill not be possible to digest the idea of the arts of drama and dance not being different. The
main reason for this is that the use of the body to express ideas has been pushed to the
background. During the more recent period, Angikabhinaya in all practical sense had come to
mean only Padarthabhinaya with hand gestures alone. The Nafya of ancient India was a
w holesome combination of the present day play, opera and ballet. The exacting nature of the
tale nt of the artistes was in the form of their being expected to speak, sing and dance . The core
of this old Nafya can still be seen with a somewhat rustic charm in the folk theatres of India
lj ke the Terukkuttu , Tamil Nadu in the traditional theatres like the Bhagavatamela and Y~agana
and in the fast d ying cl assical theatre of Kucjiyaftam. A revival of the classical Indian th eatre
needs a carefu l resurrection of the obsolete Nrtta technique - the foundation of whic h is the
K arai:ia. The study of Kararyas is hence 'l basic necessity for not only reconstructing a lost
d ance techni q ue , bu t also th e ve ry co ncept of A11gikabhinaya of the true Indian theatre.

A p art fro m the art o f A1i g jka.bhinaya, Indian theatre has long recogni zed the use of
Vacikabhinaya - verba l ex prcss jon , Aha.ryabhinaya - ex pression throug h ex tern al elements
like costumes , make- up and scenery and last but not th e least Satvikabhinaya - an ou tcome of
th e psychological states o f mind . Vac ika.bhinaya includes the dialog ues and songs . It may be
prose or po etry. Voice modulation and its control play a major role in thj s fo rm of
NATYA 37

communi cation. The Natyasas tra gives even the rules of prosody. The language employed is
also expected to suit the various characters. All the plays of our contempo rary theatre seem to
utilize only Vacikabh inaya and that too devoid of songs. The Aharyabh inaya included the
specific facial make-up, colours, crowns, jewellery and costumes for each character. This
concept seems to have come down to us to a great extent through the theatres of Kuc;iiyanam,
Kathakap and Yak\>agana.

Satvikabhinaya is perhaps the most important , yet most difficult mode of expression. It
cannot be gained through mere learning or practice. It needs an innate sense to feel the various
situations. It depends on the mental involvement of the performe r backed by a clear intellectual
grm;p of the character to be portrayed. 'Sat' literally means mind. Even in actual life, it is most
natural that the inner feelings get reflected in the face. Satvikabh inaya is an ordered expression
of such feelings. Apart from the facial expressions, the eight Satvika condition s are said to be

Sthamba - stupor , .,
Sveda - perspiration
Romafica - horripulation .,
Svarasad a - change of voice
Vepathu}:l -tremblin g
Vai varl).ya - change of colour
Asru - tears
Palya - fainting

The four-fo ld art of Abhinaya can further be classified as Natyadh armi (stylistic) and
Lokadha rmi (realistic) . The Natya was the combinat ion of both these modes of expressio n.
Na~yadha rmI pertains to the conventio ns of the stage. For example, walking around the stage
with a dance gait may denote a change of place. The use of dance in drama is itself Nfi!yadhrun-u.
The conventio ns in a play, according to which persons are not supposed to hear words uttered
in proxiinity or to hear what has not been uttered at all , arc all part of Na~yaclharm, . In this
conventional stylistic n1 ode, the actor may dance instead of walk_ing. In short, anything \Vhich
is beyond the purview of realism, but presented in an artisticall y appealing manner i·s
 38 KARANAS - VOL I

Nntyadha rnu. lf, on the othe r hand , the play depe nds on
natu ral behavi our, pres ente d as simple
actin g wi th no flouri shes of even physical express ion , it
is call ed Loka dhar mI.
A deep er insig ht into the Natyadhan111 and Loka dhar
mI mod es reveal that the former is
formal and perh aps easier to be handled whereas the latter
is i nfon nal , but requires a consummate
skill, unde rstan ding , men tal invo lvement, imag inati on and
sobriety. The form er can be taught,
but the latter has to be felt and henc e requires an artiste of
grea ter ex peri ence in communication .
It is also true that Loka dhar mI when treated well is more eas
ily unde rstoo d even by an uni nitiat~<i_
audi ence . But. the Niity adha rmI reaches only thos e who
are at least fairl y well verse d with the
conv entio ns of the stage. The use of hand gestures is
direc tly prop ortio nal to the degr ee of
Natyadha nru. It is inter estin g to note that Bhar ata has
state d that " in supe rior pers ons, hand
gestures shou ld have scan ty movements, in mediocre ones
, there shou ld be med ium movement,
while in the actin g of ordin ary pers ons, there shou ld be
prof use mov eme nts of hand gestures.
But whe n diffe rent occa sion s or time pres ent themselve
s, wise peop le shou ld mak e cont rary
use of hand gestu res." (*9) Bharat.a has also men tione d
that the hand gest ures are to be totall y
disca rded whe n one has to enac t situations such as
faint ing, drea ming or bein g terri fied,
disg uste d or over com e by sorro w and so on. Such
scen es need to be enac ted throu gh
Satv ikab hina ya. (* 10) This ex press ion of inner feelings
with out the use of gestu res is close r to
the conc ept of Loka dhar mI or realism. Henc e the situa tions
and char acte rs fully char ged with
emo tion are expe cted to depe nd only upon Satvikab hina
ya in the Lok adha rmi style. Bhar ata's
Naty a was a com bina tion of both the stylistic and the
reali stic mod es of expr essio n, thus
addi ng to its unen ding variety.

Apa rt from the diffe renc es in the mod es of com mun icati
on, Naty a, on the who le, is to
be cons tructed in one or a mixt ure of the four style s calle
d Vrtti s . They are Bharat.I, Arabhn~i,
Sat vati and Kais iki. (* 11) Here they are inter prete
d from a prac tical poin t of view.

Bha rat.I is the verbal styl e, depe ndin g main ly on the beau
ties of Vaci kabh inavn. Use of
flowery lang uage as well as the slang suita ble for the spec
ific char acter s is the main fea tures of
this Vrtti . The mere read ing of the play itsel f must be satia
ting in the Bhar atI Vpti . Lang uage
and dicti on with prop er voice mod ulati on mark the stren
gth of this style. Arabha!i Vrtti is the
force fu l style char acte rized by a pred omin ance of com
bats , arou sing the psyc holo gica l states
of fury, hatre d and wonder. The com bats arc to be perfo
rmed thro ugh the use of Mat)':i::tla s.
NATYA 39

Hence it involves a fair amount ofNatyadharrnI with Angikabhinaya of the Uddhata or forceful
nature. It also needs pageantry and glamour through elaborate scene settings , costumes and
make up. Hence Aharyabhinaya plays a major role in the Arabhati Vrtti. Satvati Vrtti depends
mainly on the strength of the emotional content. The main features are the moulding of the
characters and story with enough scope for Satvikabhinaya. This naturally amounts to a
greater use of Lokadharm1 with only a little use of gestures. Satvati has been translated as
the 'Grand Style'. (* 12) Perhaps this description suits the glamour of the Arabhati styl e. ' Sat'
also denotes psych and hence Satvati Y!tti may be understood as the emotional style wherein
Satvikabhinaya dominates. Satvika also denotes the Satvagu9a - the superior qualities of human
thought and its consequential behaviour, the other qualities of a relatively lower gradation
being Rajogu9a and Tamogu9a. The play in Satvati Vrtti is expected to portray characters of
higher qualities . Even if there are sequences of fights and personal combats , they must be
based on the Nyayas - strict adherence to the proper rules. Of course, the essence of all Indian
plays is the victory of the good over the evil. The Satvati Vrtti needs to suppress even sorrow.
This sty le, on the whole should be taken to require subdued acting (without being demonstrative)
with a realistic expression of feelings and concepts of a superior nature.

The Kaisiki Vrtti is different from the Satvati Vrtti in its NatyadharrnI character. Kaisiki
needs delicate e1notions like love, portrayed through Angikabhinaya. It needs the support of
glitte1ing costumes, lilting music and cultivated dance, all melting together to make an amalgam
of pleasantness . It needs beautiful women, like the heavenly damsels - the Apsaras. They are
said to have been created by Lord Brahma to fulfil the requirements of this Vrtti . It is likely
that it is the concept of Apsara that gave to the Indian stage the Kaisiki Vrtti itself. This idea of
femi nine grace - Las ya - that has come down to this day is certainly a product of the infl uence
of these imaginative dancing demi-Goddesses. The Kaisiki Vrtti is still seen havi ng il~ S\\'ay in
the Indian movies wherein the heroine is unhesitatingly portrayed as singing and almost drmcing
the pathetic songs, even when portraying the contemporary society. The stylism in the Indian
movie is the res ult of its inheritance from the traditional Indian theatre . The older Tam.i i dramas
of thi s century we re and are still marked by a profuse use of music. S uch musical dramas of
Tamil Nad u have their own parallels in other parts of o ur country.

The most amazing fact is the permanent value o f B harata' s analysis and classifications
of th e art of dramatic presentation. The concept oft.h e four modes o f com munication, reali s m
40 KARAf:-lAS - YO!. I

and stylism and the four basic styles of the theatre art hold good, for any part of the world and
at any point of time. Al most any production can be anal ysed agai nst this basic backdrop of the
Na!yasastra.

The Na!yasastra does not stop with the mere analysis of these Vrtfo;. It has also given
advice to artistes regarding the choice of the spec ific styles , in a pure or mixed fashion , to suit
the taste of the audience of the various regions. These are broadly class ified under four Prav,rttis,
taking geographic di visions into cons ideration . These are call ed Dak~ir:iatya, Avanti,
OC,ramagadhi and Piincali. (* 13) The geographical names mentioned in the Natyasastra with
regard to these Pravrttis are met with in the Pura9as . (*14) The Dak~ir:iatya Pravrtti pertains to
the land South of the Vindhya Mountains and uses the Kaisiki Vrtti. Avanti belongs to the
Western region and makes use of the Kaisiki and Satvati V~ttis. 09ramagadhi is meant for the
Eastern region including Nepal and is expected to use the Kaisiki and Bharafi Vrttis. Pancali
is with regard to the Northern Region; for this the Salvati and Arabhati Vfttis are recommended.
Combinations in varying degrees of the different elements ofNatya like the four Abrunayas ,
the two Dharmis and the four Vrttis with all the aspects of Sailgita viz., Gita, Vadya and Nrtta
- gave rise to a number of major and minor types of drama. These were the Ru pas or Rupakas ,
and the Uparupakas respectively. (* 15) Bharata mentions only the ten major Ru pas. The later
hi story shows that many minor plays called Uparupakas were developed as dance and music
dram as . Mankad writes, "The result of this analysis puts a somewhat curious fact before us. It
seems that ' Naf w as the earlier root meaning 'to represent visibly' and Natya the earlier term
meaning a drama. In the course of evolution, Rup came in the field both as a root and as a
s ubstance (Rup). The root Rupa held sway side by side with Nat for nearly a thousand years
and then dropped o ut; Nat survived, but Rupa developed into Rupaka, superseded Na! ya and
held fi eld ever afterwards. "(* 16)

A ll the present operatic, dramatic and dance forms can be studied in relation to the older
Rupakas and Uparupakas. Most striking of these is the evolution of Bhar_rn, one of the ten
Rupas mentioned in the Natyasastra itself. It divides Bha1~a into two types . First is a description
of the s ubj ective experience, while the second is that of the experience of ot hers. It is to be
enacted in BharaU Vrtti only, by one male actor. Some earlier writers spec ify Spiga.rn Rasa for
it, w hil e later authorities include VIra too. Bhfil~a seems to have become an Upo.rupo.ka later.
 41
NATYA

In this, the NartakI (female dancer) is said to use forceful movements for describing characters
like that ofNarasimha. Abhinavagupta classifies Bhar:ia as Uddhata (forceful) and Bha9ika as
Uddhata Masp:1a (forceful and soft). A later form called I;)ombika is said to be that which is
meant for attracting the King with coquetry and lyrics of hidden meaning to be performed as
only Masp:ia. The Bha9ika must have given way to the I;)ombika and I;)ombika must have
been the style of the court dancers all over India. To a considerable extent, this tradition is still
reflected in the dance forms like the Kathak and the Sadir, i.e., the dance popularly known as
Bharata Natyam today.

Since a contemporary classical dance style is generally referred to as Bharata Natyam, it

is necessary to study it objectively in relation to Bharata's work. Such a study will have to take
into consideration certain bare facts of history - not only the history of its technique, but also
the influence of political , social and economic conditions of the past few centuries. This
dance form is often attributed the greatest authenticity and antiquity. The very name Bharata
Natyam and the concepts of originality and purity attached to it are in reality the by products
of a social resurgence of the dance art in South India. Now that the desired result of establishing
respectability for the art and artistes has been achieved, it is now the duty of the dance historian
to evaluate these concepts in the light of a systematic scrutiny. Perhaps the one unintentionally
positi ve result ofthis nomenclature is that the name Bharata has remained most widely known
to the common people of Tamil Nadu. Apart from this, we will have to concede the fact - with
due respects to this art form - that the present Bharata Natyam, like any other isolated Indian
dance form , does not meticulously follow Bharata in totality. We need not fight shy to face the
fact, for, as centuries passed, enormous changes have taken place in every performing art as
may be seen in the case of movements, contents, forms, presentation, mus ic, rhythm and in
short the techniq ue as a whole. This relatively new nomenclature is being defined as a Natya
which is a combination ofBhava, Raga and Tala. If just these three elements of fee ling, music
and rhythm can constitute Bharata Natyam, we will have to concede that even the Western
Clas sical Ball et c an be termed so. This wrong definition is ob viousl y a result of
misunderstanding the great sage Vedanta Desika's most poetically conceived eulogy of Sage
Bharata. Vedanta Desika (13 th century A.D.) made a fanciful pun on the name of the person
'Bhara ta ' in the introductory part of his play Sankalpa Suryodaya. Here the Na!as (actors) are
made to remark as follows: -
42 KARANAS - VOLI

"Upavedam udaradlu""J:l svanfunna

BharatU9- sucHa bhava raga talru:p
Yamudaharati sma visvaguptai}:i
Tadabhijnai.J:i abah.i ~ktavayarn smU9-"
It means "We (nanas) are in such a position as not to be ignored by persons well versed in the
Upaveda (Na~yasastra) which was endowed to th.is world by Bharata, who by h.is very name
inrucates Bhava, Raga and Ta.la." It is most unfortunate that this beautiful conception has been
robbed of all its poetic value and sought to be transformed into a dry definition for the present
Bharat.a Nacyam.

The name Bharata is seen even in the Vedic literature . " SaraswatI in the ~g Veda is
th e name of not onl y the ri ver and of the region watered by her, but also of Agni or the
sacrificial fire. The fire, first k.indled in the region of the Saraswafi, was called by that
name. A nother name of the sacrificial fire is Bharafi, derived from the name of the land
inhabited by the Bharatas , a renowned clan of the ancient sacrifice loving Vaidikas, who
afterwards b ecame so advanced and powerful as to give their name to the whole country
which has since been called "Bharata Var~a" (* 17). We have already seen in the first
chapter the meaning of the word Bharata which means, a person who revels in the
perception of Brahman. It is highl y probable that Bharata, the first author of the
N atyasastra , w ho is variedl y referred to as Dvijottama (a great Brahmin) and Muni
(s age) was a descendant of the Vedic Bharatas who were known for their intellectual and
spi ritual p urs ui ts . This author, whose image attained an almost super human status in the
wo rld of drama, mu st have obviously lived in flesh and blood to write such a concrete
work of immortal nature . By the time this work was well established , the word ' Bharata·
seems to have meant an actor. The Bharatas were those who followed Bharata ' s work .
The Krsasvi ns and Sailalin s were followers of the older Natasutrak aras whose names
alone have come down to us. The word Bharatam, met with in some of the Tamil works
on da nce de notes th e co nnec tion between the southern theatrical forms and Bharat a' s
work . A habitu al association with the promulgato r' s name was a prestige symbo l. Even
when these form s changed and deviated or degenerate d, Bharata 's name was not all owed
to di sapp ear. It was in thi s context and with a great intensity of soci ological force that the
name of S adir was popularised as Bharata Naryam. The present form is neither Na~ya in
NAT YA 43

its true sense nor does it faithfully follow Bharata. It has the aspects of Nrtta and
Padarthabhinaya performed mostly as solo dance. In fact, it is closer to the concept ofLasya
as found in the Natyasastra. Lasya, according to Bharata's work, includes a set of songs or
verses to be sung or recited by a solo female dancer. These are at least somewhat similar to the
general format of the present Bharata Natyam. But this Lasya of Bharata's work is only a
small spark of the G1·eat fire of Na!Ya - which was of a major composite structure. Except the
Abhinaya Hastas, the present Bharata Natyam has not retained many of the intricacies of even
Bharata's Nftta and Abhinaya.

There are other dramatic forms , which are close to Bharata's Natya in their conception
if not in their technique. The Terukkiittu and Bhagavatamela of Tamil Nadu , Kuc_liyagam and
Ci:ikkiarkiittu of Kerala, the Bhi:igavata Atta of Kiichipuc_li and of other similar villages of
Andhra, and the Yak~agi:ina of Karnataka and Bhavai, Nautandi, Ramlila, Pandvana in North
India, are some of the theatrical forms, which show an underlying unity in their format in spite
of their linguistic diversity. All these forms are descendants ofBharata' s Natya and hence all
the four Abhinayas play an equal role in them. Hence the expressions are highly stylistic. The
artistes are expected to speak, sing and dance. Mime plays a major role in them. The songs are
in the local languages . But the general character of these plays is highly unified. There is a
striking similarity even in their Aharya. The large crowns, the jewels, their shoulder pieces
and the make-up have a striking similarity in some of them. The characters use songs called
Darus. The origin of Daru can be traced in the Druva, a musical form mentioned in the
Na!yasastra. The types of Dams are common in all these. Only their names and meters change .
The Sutradhfua (the director of the play) introduces the play in the prologue. He is called the
Karµyakkaran in Tamil. The Tiraisilai (the hand-held curtain) is used in all these forms to introduce
major characters. Except the Kuc_liyagam, all these other theatre forms are enacted only by ma.le
artistes. Of all these regional theatres, the Terukkiittu has been the less publicized art .

The Ter ukkuttu is usually staged in connection with some temple festivals. It is a fo lk
theatre with a classical base. The term literally means a street play. It is actually staged outside
the temple, in Lhe street with a temporary stage erected for the purpose as in the case of the
Yak~agana. Very often the street itself serves ns a stage. But the Kuc:Ii yaqam has always been
presented inside the teinple campus in Kernla. The Ku9i yanam has also preserved some of the
44 KAR~ AS - VOLI

of the
Sanskr it plays like Svapna vasava datta as a living tradition . But the Terukk uttu is the art
great
masses. Hence the artistes speak and sing only in Tamil. The lyrics are often based on
, reveal
classic s . For examp le, the Mahab harata, which is enacte d in the course of ten nights
artistes,
the influen ce of the Tanul classics such as Villiputturar's Bharat am. These Terukkuttu
d to as
as in the case of the artistes of the traditional operati c Tamil dramas (popul arly referre
written .
special Na~akam) are known for their spontaneity in speaki ng . The dialogu es are never
is
They just speak on the spot keepin g the characte1ization , situatio n and story in mind. There
are
practic ally nothin g that they by heart earlier to be spoken . In these Na~akas, the artistes
healthy
often gather ed by the sponso rs and presen ted on the stage where they even have a
adorned
compe tition in delive ring the most approp riate dialogu es, with flower y langua ge,
in this .
with extra-o rdinary conten ts and also pun. The Terukk uttu actor is equally an adept

The Bharat a traditio n is clearly seen in their prelim inary (of the Kuttu) in which they
c
have a fairly elabor ate Puja. Lord Ganesa is worshi pped in the form of a lump of turmeri
g of
pulp. This takes about half an hour to forty-five minute s. Then there is Kogu (beatin
n is true
drums ) for a long time in the form of announcement. This attract s crowd. This traditio
of the
of the Ku9iy agam and even the Kathaka!i of Kerala. It is said that from the nature
will
rhythm played on the Ce99a i, the audien ce who are familia r with this style of produc tion,
Ko~~u,
come to know as to which play is to be enacte d on that day. In the Terukk uttu, after the
a
they sing the invoca tory songs in praise of Lord Ganesa, Godde ss Sarasw atI, Godde ss Ellamm
ces the
i.e ., the local village deity and their Guru. After this the Sutrad hara enters and announ
a's
play. Then the Vidu~aka (clown) enters. This connec ts the style of presen tation with Bharat
ing
Purvar anga (i. e.) the preliminary of the play where the Sutradhiira enters with the two support
Telugu
actors - Paripa rsvaka s. One of them is usually the Vidu~aka. Ko9aii.gi and Kodrui.gi in
the
mean a clown. In the Bhaga vatame la Nataka the first entran t is the Koti.angi after whom
of the
Sutrad hara follows. These are all points, which connec t the classic al ancien t norms
is the
theatre with that of the presently insisting norms of classic al as well as folk theatres. This
ns. In
strengt h of the comm on heritag e of Pan Indian nature that surviv es in oral traditio
the
TerukkiHtu, as in Bhaga vatame la the Kaniya kkarun enters with his Praves a Daru after
s imilar
Konan gi. In many plays, the Yidu~aka hjmsel f is the Kaqiya kkaran . In any case , it is
NaF are
to the Sanskr it drama in which three charac ters namely the Sutrad hara, Sthapa ka and
with
involved in the prolog ue. The Kagiya kkarnn takes part throug hout the play, appearing
NATYA 45

almost all the major roles. He serves to link situations and also adds a lot of humou r throug
h
ms dialogues. In fact, the Kagiya kkaran himsel f would sudden ly appear as the SakhI of
the
heroine , by merely wearin g a sari. He would in the next momen t remove just the upper
cloth
and stand before the male character. One is sure to be remind ed of the Sutrad ara's role
in the
Kucmpu<;li tradition of Bhama kalapa rµ, in which this male who is literally the directo r
of the
play, singing and doing Naguv angam , acts as Bhama ' s Sakhl. Of course , he does not change
hi s attire. Th ese are all part of the Na!yadharmI mode of expres sion which is typical
of all
these traditional theatres .

Each import ant charac ter in Terukkuttu is introdu ced throug h the hand-h eld screen
.
The use of gaits suitabl e to each charac ter is a charmi ng feature of the Terukk uttu. Invaria
bly
the main charac ters perform the ' Girikai ' meanin g whirlin g several times in the fast tempo
.
The term used for the rhythm ic pattern of this ' Girika i' is 'A.di Talam eraradu '. This sounds
like a rustic version of the Kalasa m of Kathakali. Moreo ver the word 'Erarad u ' means
either
increas ing or ascend ing. Th.is has its own Sanskr it Parallel in the word ' Vardha mana' used
in
connec ti on with the Purvar anga ofBha rata's Na!ya. By A.di Tala, it is not sure whethe
r these
folk arti stes mean the regula r A.di Tala of Karnatic Music. In any case, they are not familia
r
with it s A n.g a s. The Ragas used are mostly Mukh ari, Sindh umukh ari, Bhai
rav i ,
Ananda bhairav i, Kapi, Senjur ugi, Mohan am, Madhy amava ti and a mixture of some of
these.
The mus ical fo rms used in Terukkiittu are Daru, Virutta m and Kanda rtam . Darus are
regular
songs. Virutta m is the verse sung withou t rhythm; Kanda rtam has great lyrical val ue.
It is a
diffi cult poem recited almost in a monot one followed by a song, linked to the same wit
hout a
break. This Kanda rtam is a comm on feature even in the traditio nal Tamil dra ma, which
had
obviously evolve d from the Kuttu.

The word Kutlu has been used to denote both the arts of drama and danc e in ancien
t
Tanul culture. The Silapp adikar am mentio ns several kinds of Ac;tal and also Kutlu. Of
these
terms , the eleven Ac;tals seem to have been solo dances in contra st with some of the
Kuttus.
which seem to be group dances as eviden ced from the nature of Kurava ikkuttu . These
dances
of both soft and virile nature seem to have been prevale nt all over the South. The Kutlu
o f the
Cakkiyan, mentio ned in the Vanji Ka99a m of Silapp adikar am is a living traditio n in Kerala
eve n today. The Cakkiy ar perform s the Cakkiy ar Kuttu as solo and many Cakkiyars
jointl y
46 KARA~AS - VOLI

perfo1n1 the Kiic;li ya~~am as a play. The Kuc;tiyat~am denotes an At~am (dance or drama) enacted
by them together. Kuc;li means to assemble . The Kuc;iiyanam is a typical example of the older
Sanskrit theatre performed in the Kuttambalam . It is not ritu ali stic , but is highly religious. The
dialogues are mostly recited and there is a characteristic style even for this . The rustic counterpart
of thi s classical theatre is the Terukkuttu , which is also re li gio us. The inherent innocence and
si ncerity of the folk artistes and more so, their unshakabl e faith in their Gods and Goddesses
get radiated throughout their play. For example, I had the pl eas ure of seeing Draupad1
Vastrapaharar:iam enacted by the senior stalwart Puri sai Natesa Tambiran and his group in
1nid sixties of 20 111 century. In this, in the midst of a tense situation of dragging Draupadi into
the Kaurava chamber, something unusual but heart rendering happened . The artistes who
were playing the role of Kagiyakkaran suddenly lit the camphor. The man who was playing
the role of DraupadI was still behind the Tiraisilai,just in the course of completing the Pravesa
Daru. The actor in the role of Du}:lsasana was also on the stage. This man who was shouting
at the top of his voice and even calling names at DraupadI, suddenly stood with folded arms as
the Kaniyak.karan lit the camphor. It was certainly incongruous in the light of the character
and situation . But it touched the heart of the spectators to realize the depth of sincere devotion
of these folk artistes to their Goddess DraupadI Amman. The Kattiyak.karan ardently prayed
and orally begged of Draupadf Amman to pardon them for using abusive language against
her, which they as actors had to do for their livelihood. The audience participation is so intense
that many of them individually light the camphor at such points. The actor who plays the ro le
of Du}:lsasana does not touch the artiste in the role of DraupadI, directly. They both hold the
two ends of either a stick or a chord. Nobody dare touch even the actor playing the role of hi s
or her Goddess DraupadI. Even before touching the stick, it is not uncomrnon to see the actor
in Dul)sasana' s role fainting in reality for, he is unable to bear the very thought of wo unding
hjs Goddess DraupadI Amman. For the actual Vastrapahara9am scene in which Dul)sasana
tries to unrobe DraupadI, the villagers conttibute scores of saris. The saris are tied at their ends
and drawn while Draupad1 stands behind the TiraisTlai. The actors sometimes c reate an equall y
effecti ve illusion even with two or three saris. This is done by a deft whirling by the arti st
playing Draupadf's character clock-wise and anti clock-wise.

The Kuc;liyanam plays are in Sanskrit; only the Yiclu~aka translates the dial ogues into
Malayalam. The Kuttus ofTamjJ Naclu arc in Tamil and arc marked by hi g h literary value. But
NATYA 47

it is not uncommo n to come across all in a sudden, some vulgar words emanatin g like a
bombshel l from the utterance s of the Kagiyakk aran . That marks the association of the lower
strata of audi ence and arti stes in the 1nilieu of an older classical tradition .

The Kathaku_!i is an art, which has derived much from the styh sm of the Kuc;iiyaga m and
the dynamism of the Ka!aripai t, which is a mrutial art. The Kathaka!i is s urely an Uparupak a
- or a minor play since it does not involve speech. Its make-up, which is highly specialize d ,
has its own counterp art in the folk theatre of Terukkut tu. In Kathaka! i , the green make-up
generally represent s good character s, red denotes demons and black stands for tribals. In
Terukkuttu , there are specific shades used for the various roles . For example, they are blue or
green for Kr~i::ia, black for Bhlma, red for Dul,isasana, yellow for Duryodan a, natural pinkish
shade for heroines. They also have fantastic moustach e and dotted lines for denoti ng valour
and power. The artistes make themselv es up unlike in Kathaka!i . The heavy wooden crown is
called Kric;lam and the shoulder piece is called Bhujakirt i. These are very similar to those of
Yak~agan a ofKarnat aka. The Ya~agan a is in fact another name of the older Kuttu brought to
Tamil Nadu during the Nayak period and further patronize d during the time of the M aratha
rulers . They were written in Telugu and Tamil also. (* 18) The Kuchipuc;li Bhagavat ame!a is
also called Yak~agan a. The Kuchipuc;li dances, which have been popularis ed during the recent
years , are only isolated numbers from their original dramatic forms. The Kuchipuc;li and Melattur
Bhagavat ame!as have their own connectio n with the Terukkut tu. The Bhagavat ame!a was
performed by the B rahmins, while the Kuttus were handled by the Non-Brahmins and that too
of soci ally and economic ally lower strata. Moreover the Bhagavat as were never professio nal
actors, whereas, the Yak~agan a artistes were actors of a nomadic nature. They have their
counterparts in the roaming band of male singers and female dancers called Pa1:1ars and Vim.liars
of the Sangam age, i.e., the early Christian era. The Kuttars were the professio nal ac tors \\'ho
were al so know n for their nomadic character . What is most an1azing is that all these reg ional
theatres of South India have an underlyin g unity. They all seem to have their base in the Rupas
of the Natyasas tra.

T here are other theatrical forms like the Kuravafiji and Golla Kalapmn of Ta1nil Nadu
and Andhra respective ly. The Golla Kalapam in 'felugu involves only two characters . But the
Kuravanji involves the Kaniyakk aran, the heroine, the Kuratti (the female fo rtune teller), the
48 KJ\RANAS - VOLI

Sakhfa (maids) of the heroine and Kurnvan (Kuratti ' s husball<l). The Kuravaiiji generally has
the same theme. The heroine falls in Jove with the hero who is some deity or King or nobl e.
The Sakh1s bring in the Kuratti and she foretells the hero ine th at she will be unjted with her
lover soon. The second part shows the quarrel between the KuratU a nd Kuravan (Sitigan) and
then their final reconcili ation. This theme is rooted in the Tamil c ulture totally. The first half
deri ves its inspirati on from the classical Ul a and Ku ram literatures . T he second half is inspired
by Ku!u va Natakam , another type of Prabandha, like Ul a and Ku ram of Tamil literature. The
Kuravafiji is a mi xture of class ical and folk elements. Kuravafiji s involve a few recitati ve
passages, probably as reminiscenc e of the Na!ya tradition. The Kuravanji is mainly meant for
the masses . T he Golla Kalapam is in the form of a conversatio n or debate between a milkmaid
and a Brahmin . This production is very close to the concept of another of the ten Ru pas of the
Na~yasastra, namely VJthi that is said to comprise of only two characters. Thirteen different
varieties of VHhi are defined in the Natyasastra. Of these , the one called Trigatha is said to
be a satire e nac te d by three artistes. The Mattavilasa rr written by the Pallava King
Mahe ndravarm a (7 th century A.D. ) is an example of this (Refer Fig. 42 & 43) . The Bhnt)a,
as mentioned earli er, is another Rupa, involving onl y one artiste, describing a subjective or
objective experience. The Nor:ic;li Na!akam, a ki nd of Prabandha of Tamil literature, is modelled
aft er thi s type of Rupa and Ka9i yan Ku ttu, a fo lk art of Tamil Nadu, also involves only one
art iste. The Harikatha of South Ind ia and the art of Kathakars of North India must have
evolved fro m the Bhar:ia. The present Kathak also seems to have evolved from this form . The
B har:ia developed later as Bha1Jika in which the single artiste may be a female. Two of my solo
ballets called "Kr~i::i aya Tubhyam Nama}:i'' and "Rama.ya Tubhyam Namah" are somewhat
simil ar to the Bhar:iika. T hese are modeJled after Ekartha, that is, all numbers being
intercon nected with one anot her with a common theme . The contempora ry Bharata Na!y:101
is actually Prthagfuthn Nrtya in which each item is isolated from the other.

The contempora ry dance know n as Bharata Natyam is a dance of solo nature, which
originated in th e Maratha co urt of Thanjavur. It has inherited its technique and so ngs fro111 :1
tradi tion , whi c h is about one and a half centuries old. During the post Independent peri od,
whe n there was an urge to revi ve the dying Indian culture, this dance form was the rn osl
fort una te among the several others of India, to be recogni zed and brought to lime li ght with
greater mastery in showmansh ip. The term Sadir got vaporized along with the stig ma attached
NATYA 49

lo the art form and then the prestigious name of Bharnta Natyam got crystalli zed . The associatjon
ofBharata's nmne naturall y caused confusion regarding its antiquity.

The dance of Tamil Nadu was referred to locall y as Sadir in the last century. Having
been handled by the Devadnsi s a nd Oasis, it was also called Dasi A.~!am . T he ali ens, with a
North Indian orie ntation referred to it as Nautc h. Oth er popular loca l usages were Ke!ikkai
- meaning e ntertainme nt and Kuttu - meaning both drama and dance. Both dance and music
became a social taboo for respec table ladi es of hig her castes. These wome n were never allowed
to sing in public , nor even w itness dance . This was beca use of the tragic fact that du e to
economic , political . sociological and religious reasons, the Devadasi (s lave of God ) got mixed
up with th e Rajadasi (slave of King) and finally landed themselves as mere Oasis (prostitutes) .
It was in the year 1930 that the Anti Nautch Bill was passed in the Madras Assembly, moved
by Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddy, who was a great social reformer. It is highJy significant that this
venerable lady w ho was ultimately responsible for the ban of dance in th e temples, hailed
from the Devadasi caste. On the contrary, Dr. Ruknlini Dev1 Arundale , w hose undaunted
enthusiasn1 brought forth a steady social renaissance in dance art, hai ls from an orthodox
Brahm.in fanu ly. Presently most of the well-known dancers of this generation do not belong to
the traditional Devadasi comn1unity. In fact, they hail from respectable fmni lies of the higher
castes . This is of great relevance to the sociological history of the performing arts of India.

How did this magic take place? It was by convincing the public that their contemptible
Nautch was just not the Sadir of the Oasis, but actually Bharata Naryam - the dance art of sage
Bharata. This fabrication through a Sanskritisation of its name and :1 contention of its being
·pure·. 'divine· and ' oldest' has served well, its intended purpose . But the fact is th.:H this so
called Bharata Na~yam has derived more of the sensuous quality oft he court dance than the
Divine nat ure of the temple dances. Quite a bit of pruning nnd polishing had alr~nd: been
made lo make iL acceptable for the orthodox viewers in the b st three ctecaJ es. Still , \\ 'C h::i\ c
the pseudo critics of half-baked knowledge talking about its so-ca lled ·pu rit y·. T he ·pu rity· or
· impurity' of any art is a matter of opinion. It has no me:1 ni11g in the tru e :ics thctic sense . If it
is supposed to mean a strict adherence to tradition, it is still wo rse . Tr::idi ti on is nft cr all :..1
co ntinuous process, and has never suffered any s tag nati o n. Thi s is act uall y the secret of the
success of th e Hindu religi on and its c ulture. l ~ 11cc, it is time fo r us to shed the comrlc.x of
50 KARANI\S _ YO i_ I

' purity ', ' tradition ' and so on, and procee d towmo. ~s an expansion of our own capacity thr
. . oug11
. b d
concrete act10n ase on f'1rm k now ledge · The dance has gained a social sanctton. But , it is yet
to garn· its
• rea 1 f ree d om o f un 1·nhibited nature in its technique. W e s hould no more cheat
o urselves with the limited scope that Sadir has to offer, because it is hafd ]y one aspect of the
Natyasastra . Its history reveals that it is o nJ y a form , w hic h had already shrunk beyo nd
recogni zable shape , even around the 15111 century. It is th e good fortune of this dance form to
have got associated with at least the name of Bharata. Why s hould his name alone be borrowed
without imbibing the rules laid down in hi s treas ure hou se? There can be no quarrel about
basing B harata Na~yan1 on Bharata's work, even in a prac tical sense. But how to achieve this?
It invol ves a combination of intensive research and careful incorporation of its findings in
actual practice; this in turn implies a revival of older traditions by creative interpretation of the
Natyasastra and fearless breaking of some of the restrictive norms that have been set in the
existing (so called) regional forms .

The Natyasastra is the fountainhead of all the regional styles of theatrical arts . It is an
undeniable fact that no individual style follows Bharata' s work in totality, nor is there ~my
regional form w hich has no trace of his influence. In this context the Sadir is also one manner
in wrnch Bharata Natyam represents itself. The Natya that follows Bharata must be taken to
mean Bharata Natyam . The Sadir is more Nrtya than Natya in its nature . The word Na~ya
does not suit this style in its present form. Not realizing the fact of the recent origin of the
name, a very genuine research scholar has been misled to state that, "Perhaps synonymity of
the terms N rtya and Natya is illustrated by the term Bharata Natyam w hich is a branch of
danci ng ." (* 19) The other styles such as the Kuchipuc;li, Oc;lissi , Kathakali , K athak and M ::i.I)ipuri
and most othe r class ical and folk theatrical styles possess one or the other aspect ofB h::i.ra ta"s
Na~ya. They rep resent the evolution that has taken place in each regi o n during the course or
several centuri es. Various interpretations of the same basic tex t, coupled wi th a sponrn ncous
creativ ity have res ulted in the apparent diffe re nces in these so-c:1llcd s ty les .

Genuine creativity implies. -

ch"r1ge
u
- co· · l I1e strongest clement rnsptrtng
11 1 c h ange ts · · · crr all·\ ··1t,.
Traditi o n is on ly a s um total o f all the c reative genius of ·t · t
at 1s es o f' t l1e past crn , I1amIc cl dcw'n
fro m generation to ge nerati o n. Artistes Ji-ave 'li ways h
, '- • '- . ac 1 111c t·t • c nn <l c·I 1•3 110c
11er ty to c1c,·wt ::-
from th e> norm. Every new co ncept int rod a lt· k · r
uc d . cs tim e t 0 permeate thro ugh out the arl 1orn1
 51
NATYA

and its practice; then , there is a period, in which this new nonn becomes tradition , to be
foll owed without much distortion. But this is how tradition itself grows .

It is perp lexing to note some contemporary wri ters of standing declaring that there is no
scope at aJl for imagination and creativity for the Indian artistes. One book states , "Everything
is planned scientifi cally and nothing is left to chance or to the momentary inspiration of the
actor.'· (*20) Another more recent p ublication states, " There is no scope here for chance and
no place for th e spontan eity and subj ectivity of the artiste. The actors of the Hindu drama are
thus master manjpulators of gesture witrun the different conventions of dramatic performance,
as the puppet showman is of the limbs of hjs puppets. " (*21) Trus is nothing short of contending
that ou r dances and dramas are performed exactly in the same manner in whjch they were
performed two thousand years ago. If this is true, this is no credit either to tradition or creati vity
or even to the art or artistes . Thank God! It is not true.

Whi le our authorities have systematically analysed the rules and possibi lities of both
action and acting , it is equal ly tru e that they have been amazingly broadminded. They have
not onl y all owed and given scope for much interpretation, but also encouraged original
contributi ons. Bharata 's Na~yasastra has explored infinite varieties of dance movements. But
still , it gi ves room for creative interpretations . Nearly a thousand years ago , sometime in earl y
eleve nth ce ntury A bhinavag upta recorded his interpretations in his commentary of th e
NB.! yas:istra. He mu st have taken into account his contemporaneous dance forms . The place
he gives for the imagination of the performer is a solid proof for his catholicity. This nullifies
misconceptions abou t the absence of scope for creativity.

\ Vhil e dealing with the concept of Karai:ia (basic unit of dance) , Ab hi navagupta says
that throug h a combination of the static and dynamic elements , the numbers of Ka.n:u_ias,
\\'hich a.rise, are innumerous . He has also given due importance for those who handle the art.
He is of op ini on that more theoreticians cannot understand the intricacies of this performing
art. According to him the serial order of the usage of the Karar:1as should not be blindl y
fo ll owed, but, be embelli shed through the performer ' s own imaginati o n. (*22) Concepts such
as that of Recita or Recaka can be comprehended only by a performer. This is perhaps the
subtl est aspect of the actual performance, wruch can be felt by those who have had a co ntinuous
practice for several years, along with a sense of imaginati o n. Thi s is the reaso n for its not
 KAKAN'\<-i Vl )I I

hnv ing been d efined or described precisely by any of our authorities , bo th anc ie nt and modern .
These grace of hard a nd soft nature wi th curved and ang ular functions in the junc tions of
m ovem e nts ' Coive rise lo unlimi ted vruiety and creativi ty
•
even \v ithin the framework of a
prescribed action. In the present work th e Recakas have been fa.i rl y e laborately dealt wi th.
( ~23) For ilie Angahara called Recita, Abhinavagupta deman ds the imag ination o f lhe performer
to be util ized in consonance with the suitability of the situatio n. H e has given such remarks in
several other such contexts.

W ith regard to the flow of novelty, Abh.inavag upta has a more ope n-minded perception
than even some of our contemporaries of the 20th century. H e categoric aJly states th at arranging
the flow o f even the existing practices must be d one in a novel way, w i tho ut inter feri ng with
th e clement of continui ty. Nrtta is to be created the n and there. Such creations arc Lo be ti ed up
with the existing a, alon of pre, ious creati o ns . Hence, it a tlains a s tamp of pe rmane nce. He
b1ings in the ideas o[ Kftaka - renewal and Nitya - perma ne nce as th e q ua lities o f Nrtta and
assures tha t there is no conlrad1ction in these, since it j oins the tide of t.raditio n. M oreover he
al~o s tresses the\ aluc of independence and a capacity to use o ne's ow n inte llec t in s ucceeding
lo create a variel) of uncommon nature . He says th at kn owledgeable people bring in fresh

pc1ccpti ons and perpetuate s uch beautifications. These spontaneous outpourings, being based
on act ual practice should not be discarded. ('•24) T hi s sanc tion to arti stes accorded by one or
Jmlia 's greatest thj nkers mirrors the scope a nd. libe rty fo r imagination th a t the Ind ian artistes
h.we ever enjoyed .

The peren nial flow of artistry bro ught fo rth even fres h waters as ce n tu ri es p assed. The
oldest available codification o f mus ic and dance as given by Bharata c am e to be re ferred to as
M arga in post Bharat a period w hile the regional adherences to M arga alo ng with the referen tial
artistic e lem ents b.:ised o n tradi ti onall y inher ited regi onal tastes come to be re ferred to as Desi .
These later addi tions were also promptly recorded and codified in the works of painstaking
authorities belo nging to different era. Thanks to those who pres erved th em for posterity, for
they form the main so urce for realizing the unlimited creativit y that had bl ossomed in our
country. Bharatakosa an encyclopaedia compil ed by Ramakrishna Kav i in mid 20 11 century 1
NATYA
53

has given the names of several such works in Sanskrit with short notes on their nature. The
following is a list of some of the names of such works : -

l. Bharata 's Natyasiistra

2. Abhinavagupta 's Abhinava BhiiratI - 11 th century - commentary on Nii~yasastrn
3. Nandikesvara~s Bharatan:iava - 5111 to 11 ih century - the extant part deals mainly
with dance.
4 . Kirtidhara ' s work seen in fragments as quoted by Abhinavagupta and Jayana
5. Sanigadeva ' s SaiigTta Ratnakara - 13 111 century - 7111 chapter is on dance
6. Jayasenapati ' s Nrtta Ratnavali - 13 th century- differs from Bharata' s work
7. D evendra' s SaiigTtamuktavali - 15 th century - deals with Nrtta
8. Caturadamoda ra' s SaiigitadarpmJa - late 16 111 century- deals with later forms
9 . Nandikesvara ' s Abhinaya Darpa9arri - post 14 th centur y - deals only w ith
A.ti.gikabhinaya
10. Lakshminarayai:ia' s Sati.gita Siiryodaya- 16th century- while dealing with the Kara9a
called Gati.gavatara9arri, it changes the name as I(f~1Jiivatara9am , perhaps referring
to the patron king Kf~9adevaraya.
11. Tulaja ' s Sangitasiirfunft a - 18th century - throws light on the present Sadir technique.

Apart from such Sanskrit works, several Tamil works have also been written in the
course of the several centuries. The following list gives some of their names.

1. ~angova9igal 's Silappadikaram - early Christian era - Epic throwing light on dance
and mus ic
2 . A9i yarkkunallar's commentary on the above - l4 111 century - throws light on
contemporaneo us dance
3 . Sattanar' s Kuttanul - claimed to be very old - seems to be of :1 rece nt period
4. Bharatasenapa tiyam - prior to 14 111 century
111
5 . Naraka Tamizh Nul - prior to 14 century
6. S uddhanandapra kasaq1 -
; "
11
7. Mahabharatacu 9arnm:ii - I 8 ' ccnl ury
54 KJ\RANAS - VOL I

111
8. Arnmvalarllan a r' s Bharatas atigraham - 17 ce ntury
9. Bharatasiddhant a111 - 17'" or l8 1" century
1
10. Abhin ayaDarparyam - post 14 " ce ntur y
11 . Ga,igamuttu Ai~•~av i ·s Naµmadi vacl yaraiijanam and Sahh araiijita C in tlimai:u - early
20 1" century
A few other regions in [ndi a a lso have a ri ch he ritage o f s uch wo rks o n all th e tripl e
aspects of Smigfta namely, Gita (song) , Vadya (instrum e ntal mus ic) and Nrtta (dance). Am ong
the works on dance in Orissa , th e Abhi nayacandri ka has even ill us trations of the postures in
the m a nuscripts . The continuou s pouring of th e genius of c reati ve arti stes as reco rded in th e
innumerous works wo uld not have ari sen if there were no san c tion for imag inati on and
l

creativity. Bharata's work alone would have bee n s uffici e nt, w ith a pragmatic adherence to
the rules it lays for using every major and minor limb . The fact is th at , tho ugh the rules exist.
based highl y on clear analysis and kinetic p1inciples , th e use of th e rul es w as left in the hands
of the practici ng artistes . It is like the poets following the rules of prosody to create their own
literature of a n original artistry. If the poet was sanctioned no place for imagination. we wo ul d
have had only gran1Inar and prosody and no poetry of eternal charm. The Natya.s astra and all
the works that followed were only guidelines and records of actual performance ; the artis tes
were the poets of the world of stage. These records reveal the significant changes th at the
dance art had undergone during the time that galloped between Bharata and us .

N~TTA - ITS MEANING THROUGH AGES

In the process of th e evo lution of the theatrical arts , along with a change in the o ut k1l1~ .
approac h and practi ce, some of the older terms acquired meanings, different from ho\\ th e,
were o ri g ina ll y unde rstood. For exampl e, the terms Na~ ya, Npta , Nrt:va, Tai~¢a\ a. Llsy:1 ~111d
such o th e rs have been differently unders tood at differe nt pe ri ods. The te rms Nrtta and T ,LI_1d::t'- :t
arc used sy nonymo us ly in the Na~yasas tra. Lasya, whic h d e not ed a SL'rics of particuL1r h.ind \1 r
songs dur ing Bharata 's time, c ame to mean th e dan ce o f fe minine g r~tc c durin g the 1~1tc.: r .tgc .
Ta1~9a va, w hi c h was used only in th e se nse or
Nrtta o r danc e during Bharnta 's a~ c . acqui red
the m ea ning of d a nce of m asc uline maj cs ti c il y. Th e nldcr tnms ft1r T [i i_H_l:tY a am! 1,}sy.t ,w r(:
Uddhata and S ukurnarn res pec ti ve ly. Nandikdvara ·s /\ hllin a~ a Darpa,_,a m rcllcct~ the 1, aditi <"'n
o f the last few centuri es . ln Blrnrntn ' s N;i \yt1.~i1stra , tlt c rigid L·lass il'icati n n ofN !·tta and N!·ty:1
N/\'f YA 55

are not met with . The later autho1ities started drawing a cl ear line between the representational
and no n-represe nt a tio nal aspec ts and named them as Nrtya a nd Nrtta res pectively.
A simultaneous study of the N atyasastr a and the later works may even confuse the stu dent
because of certai n contradictory concepts. T he case of th e definit ions of Nrtta and Nftya as
seen in the later works is a perfec t example for this. Sanigadcva 's defi nition of Nrtta is seen in
two different contexts in his SatigTta Ratnakara ( 12th century), though he caJls himself Nissalikha,
i.e. , one who has no doubts in his colophons, his explanatio n of Nrtta re riects a confu sion and
contradiction caused by his having belonged to a transition period in the hi story of the concept
of Nrtta. He defi nes Nrtta as "W hen the throw of the limbs is devoid of Abhinaya or any
specific expression but only serves to add beauty and variety of form to dance, it is called
Nrtta." (*25) Here he uses the words Abhinayavarj yam i. e., devoid of Abhinaya. But later he
hi mself says " Nataka is m ade up of both Vakyarthabhinaya and Padarthiibhin aya ; as laid
dow n by Bharat.a it indulges in Bhava and Rasa". (*26 ) Th en , when he delineates
Angikabhinaya, he speaks of Sakha, Ankura and Nrtta as its triple aspects . (* 27 ) Here Nrtta
is defined as being n1ade up of Karar:ias and Atigaharas. Hence Siirngadeva reflects his
allegiance to an older tradition of using Nrtt~ as a medium of Abhinaya. Abhinavag upta' s
influ ence is clearly seen in this explanation. But, the definition ofNrtta given in the same text
as Abhinayavarjyam shows a tendency to fall in line with his contemporaneous tradi tional
opinion . He seems to have followed writers like Dhanafijaya for this concept of Nrtta.

The medieval concept of Nftta seems to be a result of trying to draw a clear line between
the representational and non-representational aspects of Nrtta. In D asnrupa, a work of
10 th century, Dhanafijaya defines the three arts as, "Drama is the imitation of situati ons . It is
called a show (Rupa, literally form) because of the f~ct that it is seen . It (is cal led) representat ion
ffi.upaka) because of the assumption (of parts by actors). It is ten fol d and is based on sentirnt":nts.
Pantomime (Nrtya), w hich is based on the emotional stales , is qui te another thing . Dancing
(Nrtta), being based o n rhythm and time (is also different) . The former, a represent atio n of an
obj ect, (is called) ' high style ' (Marga); the latter, popular style (Desi)". (*28) That N !·tta has a
role to play in th e A ng ikabhinaya nullifi es the idea o r its be ing A bh inaya, a1jyam . Once th ere
is Abhinaya, it auto mati cally amoun ts to contain so me Artha i.e ., subject or idea. Hence, it has
some Bhava too. On ce it has Arth abhava, it attain s the stature of a rcprcsent ntinnal art. But
 KARJ\N AS - VOL J
56

still it can be Talasra yam i.e., governed by Tala with a display of Anga Yik-?epa or throw of the
limbs . It is still Nrtta only. The art of Nrtya is said to be Bhavasrayarri i.e., governe d by Bhavas
and not Rasa. But, ultimate ly, only Bhavas combin e to create Rasa. H ence, like Na~ya, Nrtya
may also become Rasasraya. The only ex planatio n , which seem s possibl e, is that Nrtya is
based on Padarth abhinaya in which every word that is recited or s ung is express ed through the
Abhinay a Hastas as in many of the contem porary Indian dance styl es. T he phrase ' Actyaryi
Padarth abhinaya · co nfirms this idea. Dhanafijaya obvious ly means the Marga and Desi styles
ofNrtta when he writes ' Margo Desi tatha pararyi .' The translator has misund erstood this for
he has taken it to mean that Nrtya is M arga through Padarth abhinaya, whil e Nrtta is Desi. We
have Desi Sthanas , Desi Carls and Desi Karm:ias describ ed in later works. Al l these essentially
belong to Nrtta.

In the light of all this , it is better to rely upon Bharata and Abruna vagupta . Though they do
not specific ally define Nrtya, the concept is still found in their works. Hence , we may conclude
that Nftta may be Suddha Nrtta or Yakyarthabhinaya Nrtta. Both these compris e of the Kar~r:ias,
Arigaha ras and Caris . Nrtya can be conclud ed as being made up of Padarth abhinay a. Bharata 's
Na~ya contain ed all these forms. In fact, our contem porary present ations must adopt all these
means of commu nication and beautifi cation so that monoto ny of style can be easily avoided.
It can lend endless variety and unexpected turns of eternal beauty and arrest perman ent interest.
We must free ourselves from the misconc eptions and misund erstand ings of the medieval
authorit ies about Nrtta. Some authorities even go to the extent of describ ing Na~ya as Uttama.
Nrtya as Madhya ma and Nrtta as Adhama . (*29) Even when we take the case of Suddha
Nrtta , it is erroneo us to believe that it has no feeling . Suddha Npta is like Raga Alapa. Does
m usic not emanat e Bhava? Each Raga has a Bhava of its own to be felt by the listeners
through an express ion of an inner experie nce of the musicia n. Suddha Nrtta does produce
Bhava, provide d the artiste who handles it and the onlooke r has a s~ 1~se of this feeling . Does
it not emanat e pleasur e ? Nrtta is conside red to be liked by all and hence Bharnta says that
there is no special occasio n needed for its perform ance. It can be present ed in any context. It rs
also conside red to be auspicio us. Then how can Nrtta ,., Adh an1n ,-,.
be spoke,1 uS
.

Nrtta lends itself to three other classific · o t' fKT0 1.L1at1c

'ttions They ,., ,.c y L· "?arna , 1.e. •
na 1u1.,,t ,
•
~ L , • . _ LU

Vikata meanin g ludicrou s or comic and Laghu th ·1t 1·s . . d "tlc e-.1n w 111c ,
· 1 -...a.ran - 1. A - · .. .
, L "11 Ll as 111\.C n c 11,1111
•
 NATYA 57

flow gracefully. (*30) Even here, Vi~ama Nrtta evokes wonder or horror; Vikata induces
laughter, while Laghu creates pleasantness. In all these so-called Suddha or pure Nrtta, some
!Jnd of feeling is radiated . Why? It is because of the inherent interconnection between the
body and the mind. This association is beyond any doubt. Even our pace in real life reflects
our mental composure and conflicts. In fact, many of the diseases are also said to be arising
out of psychological re asons. Do we not run to save a life? Do we not swoon or slump w hen
grief overtakes us ? Whe n it is so in reality, why not physical movements represent feelings in
drama? Nrtta can emanate feeling and hence we must stop believing that it is Bhava Vihlna
and Rasa Vihlna. T hese definitions of Nrtta are products of later centuries w hen the art of
Vakyarthabhinaya as well as the full use of the body in Nrtta were almost forgotten . Hence, in
the light of the Natyasastra, the scope that Nrtta offers is much more than what we have been
used to believe.

The use o f the Nrtta Kara9as in Natya has to be viewed from its communicati ve value ,
apart from its aesthetic appeal, which is well known. The Kara9as are to be meaningfully
utilized in drama . Abhinavagupta suggests the psychological value of most of the Karai:ias
along with their enumeration. The very first KaraJ).a, Talapu~paputarp. is said to be useful in
Pu~paiijali . Abhinavagupta even cites the example of the Nandi Sloka of Sri Harsha' s Sanskrit
I
play Ratnavali starting as ' Padagra' for the performance of this KaraJ).a.

Bharata' s Natya is so comprehensive that its elements are invari ably met with in a
scattered manner, even in the remotest corners of our country. Its compendious nat ure is a
testimony to the unparalleled, artistic and intellectual synthesis of ancient Indian theatre. vVith
the help of th is Sastra, we are able to analyse and appreciate any theatrical fo rm of the wo rl d .
It is amazing how this art had been fully developed in all the possibl e aspects, even at a period
when some parts of the world were still sleeping in the cradle of civilizati o n. The unlimi ted
scope it offers for creativity, in spite of recording even the nu nu test detaj) o f the art of ::icti on
and acting , speaks for the unending variety of interpretation, that ge nerati ons of artis tes have
been able to concei ve for the same rules .

The general impression of the scholars that Indi an theatre- o ffe rs no scope for creati vit y
and imagination is actually baseless. The Nn!.yasastra and other tex ts a.re like granunar and the
arti stes who handle them are like poets. The freedom, which poets have within the fram ework
58 KARA~ AS - VOL I

of the rules of granunar and prosody, is certainly enjoyed by the actors and dancers. The terms
Marga and D esi in both music and dance signifies the older and newer for ms. As centurieo
passed, the spontaneo us creativity of the artistes of vario us regions were aJso codified under
the name of Desi. Marga signified Bharata ·s tradition. Hence, like a living language, the
performing arts of India have also been undergoing changes constantJy. This does not mean
that they ever lost their roots at any point of time. A review of some of the important works on
the art including those of Bharata and Abhinavagupta shows the enormous encouragement
that was given for creativity. Some modern scholars have been probably taking the clue from
Ananda Coomaraswarny, and actually misinterpreting the same. Coomaras wamy, who
intended his introduction to the ' Mirror of Gesture ' for the uninitiated Western reader writes ,
"There naturally appears to be less difference between the good and bad actor than we are
accustomed to observe in Modern Europe, because the actor w ho merely exhibits himsel f LS
elim.inated aJ together."(* 3 l)

" The perfect actor has the same complete and calm command of gesture that the puppet
showman has over the movements of his puppets; the exhibition of his art is altogether independent
of his own emoti onal condition and if he is moved by what he represen ts , he is moved as ::i

spectator and not as an actor. E xcel l. e nt acting wears the air of perfect spontaneity but that is
the art, which conceaJ s art.. ' · (*32) Earlier he writes, "Nothing is left to chance : the actor no
m ore yields to the impuJ se of the momen t in gesture than in the spoken word."' (*33 ) It is
ob vio us that in the book called Tar:i~ava Lak~a9-arp, the authors took the clue from
Coomaras wamy wh en they wrote, "Everything is planned scientifically and nothi ng is left to
chance or to the m om entary inspiration of the actor. " (*34) The same seems to be the case
with Dr. Kapila Vatsyayan who writes; "There is no scope for chance and no place for the
spontaneity and subjectivity of the artiste . The actors of Hindu dra.ma are thus m3Ster
manipulators of gesture w ithin the different conventions of dramatic performance , as the puppcl
showman is of the limbs of his puppets. The representation of the emotions of the hero is to be
entirely independe nt of the actors or dancers own feelings ." (*3 5) The last sentence is true ti!'
any good actor in any part of the world. The popular saying in Tamil m e::min a •·You h:-t\e w
I:::>

bark if you put on the garb of a dog", signifies this concept. C ertainl y. the ac to r cannot affNd
to get dissolved into the character he portrays ' nor can he exhibi·t hi s own persona l m e111·1l
·
 NATYA 59

composure and conflicts. The spirit behind Coomaraswamy 's comment that "the actor who
merely exhibits himself is eliminated altogether" and his comparison with the puppet showman
has a deeper philosophic significance. The actor is expected to be like a Yogi, being in the

--
world and yet out of it. There is no chance for the ego of the Indian artiste, for it is not a mere
exhibition of the actor; the actor is onJy an instrument through which the ' Greater Self' exhibits
the manifold manifestations of the Infinite. This is a spirit of dedication and self forgetfulness
that is attributed to the true Indian artiste, for Coomaraswamy comments on the art as "It is the
God-like ecstasy of liberation fron1 the restless activity of the mind and the senses, which are
the veils of all reality, transparent only when we are at peace with ourselves .... the secret of all
art is self forgetfu lness ." (*36) In this sense, it is true that "What appears to be individual ,
impulsive and natural , is actually long inherited, well considered and well bred. Under these
conditions, life itself becomes a ritual." (*37) This philosophic outlook of the Indian actor
does not certainly mean that he has never had the liberty to be creative - from a physical or
intellectual angle. As far as the spiritual sphere is concerned there is nothing to be created - it
is only an inward Bliss to be realized. But, the basis on which such a spiritual discipline is
built is the capacity to control the body and the mind. In this sphere, the actor has had enormous
scope to be creative and interpretative.

The last chapter of this present work gives details of the basic differences between the
obsolete technique and all that we are now familiar with. One irrefutable fact is that change
was unavoidable. Change in basic elements, concert items, their patterns , content, approach
and the resulting styles arose due to and according to the capacity and influence of the local
artistes of various regions, even in interpreting the existing norms . For example. within the
fram ework of the Sadir, various sub-styles have emerged based on their stress on the individual
aspects of grace, precision, complicated rhythmic patterns, facial expression and so on. Hence,
the change that has overtaken the present dance styles within the last forty years is itself quite
intense. How then , could we claim to be strictly following the rules that were preval e nt l \\'O

thousand years ago?

Even the view that the emotions of the character portrayed is totally independent of the
actors own fee lings are also of value only lo a limit ed ex tent . It is tru e o f' dancers and ac tors
who portray speci fic characters. But, in the realm nf the no n-representative art of ~1bsolute
60 KARAi;JAS _ VOL I

dance , its trans parent quality a utomati call y reveals the dancer ·s inner personali ty. The ecstasy
experi e nced b) her 0 \\11 inne r self, is no m ore li ke th a t o f th e unattached s pectato r as in the
case o f the ac tor. But. it is a to ta l pe rsonal invo lve m e nt in th e phy~ icaJ, inte ll ectual. emotional
and s piritual s pheres. thus ex periencing a j oy of m o nism w it h th e dance itself. Apart from this.
c\cn in th e re prese ntati o nal 1~o lated da nce numbers, it 1s p ossible to recognjze and appreciate
th e nuances ca us ing diffe re nces o f v ital nature in the appare nt o ne ness . F or example a same
Padam handle d by two diffe re nt arti s tes of certain sta nd ard is b ou n d to bring o ut tv. 0
interpretations o f a b as ic idea. This is because of the inhe re n t cap acity and i ndividuali ty of the
artistes . Th.is bears testimo ny fo r th e undying in terest of th e audi e nce to v.. jtness po rtrayaJ of
the s aine characte rs. so ngs or even stories over and o\'er agajn . One artiste m ay radiate her
inner urge to v is ualize the Lord Almi ghty, whereas an othe r may use the same song to create 1
\'icario us satisfaction in the o nlooker. The differences do exist. The broad s pectrum of an1st1c
creativ ity that India has experienced in the past and is still enjoy ing in the present has alwa~;;
been d irec tl y propo rti o na l to the leve l of understanding and appreciatio n . The a udience
appreciates artistes of their mvn mental calibre. After all Na~ya is said to y ield all the frw ts cf
life - Dharma, Artha, Kama and Mo~a. Hence, the artistes have been an d are still sen ing .b
p oets , us ing the rules laid down for them in the Sastras, to create their O\\lJ \Vorlds of beauty . An~
o bj ect of bea uty, w hich is of permarient value was always been considered as D ivine Tius atmud.c

-
further ens ured a stamp of permarience for such objects. The Hindu concept of a ttribuung bc2ur:,
arid truth to the Al mighty as evidenced from eYen popular phrases like ··satyarµ 51\·::up Sundlr.1..11,·· -
seems to be an aphorism of a more uni versal nature. Dr. Anandn C oomcrras \, am! hi.l.S quc1t~J S:
Tho mas th us , .. B eauty relates to the cognitive faculty ...... ·'God is the c ause of all things t,~ H1,
kn owledge. It is knowledge that makes the work beautiful .·· ( * 38) Fo r the H indu . · hll('\\ kJf.:- ·
is a term used in the large r sense of· Awareness· and just no l in the linlited sense of ~p1.Y
. 1,tl1!1TI~
in a n) o ne partic uJar fi eld . It is m os t s ig nifica nt to n o te t h at th e "o rd C hi d .un h:1f:.lm .
a t trib u te d to the L o rd ·s th e atr e for Hi s E te rn a l C o smic D a n ce, l iter.ill ~ m .:.rn-; the
' E t h e r o f Kno w le dg e . ' Thu s B ea ut y a nd Aware nes s are s ee n uni fie d a, O n e 1n th:
c o ncept o f A lmi g ht y us a Dan ce r, pe rformin g as C\ c 1.\ nl o m :1 nd. ...ga h ~rni i inl?. ... th e" twk
cos m o s intCJ ac ti v it y. Ide a l Nr tt a is a s p iri tu nl C\[k' J 1c n c c It 1~ c ::ip ab k or cm :rn o. ti n~
bea ut y and j o y. It i ~ a m en n ,;_, th1 o ug l1 ,, li 1c h t h e J lrn L·c, ,ld ll c,es a s hcJd rn g o f he r h,"'J'
co nsc io u~ness. A'l in Yoga , 111 d a nce tnu, the bou 1 is tr:1 rn c d a nd ,;,tnc t h hr o ut.i h [ und l·r
- c-
 NATYA 61

discipline , only to be forgotten about. It is a spiritual experience at various levels. For some, it
is a means of a chimerical entry of Gods and Manes; for those who believe and pursue Monis m, it
becomes a realiz.ation of the existence of an inner self and an indescribable Bliss. However momentary
it might be, still, this discovery and experience of the Godliness within one self is a prac tical
possibility in the process of handling Nftta. The dancer' s self-integration with the uni versaJ
dance of the constant cosmic activity liberates her from alJ the shackles of this Earth and birth .
The dancer, at least momentarily gets transformed into a microcosmic being, experiencing
within herself a sense of unlimited freedom and bliss . The result of s uch a soulful Nrtta is
sam e as th at o f Yoga and Yajfia . It is no more mere physical action as in Hatayoga. But
it is an achi eve m e nt of ' oneness ' or a total synthesis . It is an arti stic s ynthesis with
_ Ananda, i.e., Bliss or the Greater Self. Only in this context th e place of Nrtta in the
Purvaranga of Natya as recommended by Bharata is meaningful. Bharata has defined th e
Nrtta Karar:ia as " Hastapadasama yoga}:l Nrttasya karaQ.am Bhavet", i.e., a combination of
(th e move ments of) hand and foot in dance is called a Karar:ia. But, in reality, it is much
more , for , in the case of an ideal dancer; it transcends this mere technical level and rises
to become" Atma Kaya samayoga}:l Nrttasya Karar:iam Bhavet", i.e ., the c omb inatio n of
th e bod y and soul in dance is called the Karar:ia.

REFERENCES
l . T he Editions ofNirr:iayasagara and Gaekward Oriental series consist of37 chapters.
2 . T he terms Tar:ic;lava and Lasya are only the later counterparts of the terms Uddhata
and Sukumara. Ka!idasa in his Malavikagnimi tra (Nandi Sloka - Devanam .... )
says that Rudra has bifurcated Natya into two through his own body. which is
shared by Uma. It is difficult to find how and when these terms Tar:i~ava and
Las ya attained their present meaning.
3 . Abhinava Bharatf - GOS - Vol.I, II Edition - Pp. 170 & 171
4 . Natyasastra (M.M. Ghosh - English Translation) - C hapter XX - PP. 37-t - 377 -
Supra Chapter 'Intellectual or Emotional '
5. Refer No.3
6 . 7. & 8 . Abhinava BharatT, Vol. I, TI Edition , Page 170
9. N a~yasastra (M.M. Ghosh - Englis h Translation) C hapter IX - Lines 165 & 167
 KARAl';JAS _ VOL I
62

10. Ibid Lines 169 to 171

l l. & 12. Ibid - See Chapter XXII for detail s
13. Ibid - C hapter XIV - Ljnes 36 to 54
14. For detail s see D.C. Sircar ' Text of the Purfir_1jc Li sts of Peoples' - lndian Historical
Quarterly - Vol. XX , 1946 PP. 227 - 314
15. For a detailed study of this see D .C . M a nkad - the types of Sanskrit Drama
I 6. Ibid - P.3 I
17. Abhi nas Chandra Das - ~g Vedi c India - Pp .54 to 55
18. For exampl e ' VaHa!a Maharajan' - Edited by Dr. S.A . Durga
19 . Mandakranta Bose - Classical Indian Dancing - P.8
20. B.V. Naidu , P.S. Naidu and O.V.R. Pantulu - Tar:i4ava Lak~m:iarp P.16
2 1. Kapila Vatsyayan - Classical Indian Dance in Literature and the Arts - P.9 - Thi s
has been dealt with in detail
22. Supra - ' Concept of Karar:ia'
23 . Supra - ' Concept of Kara9a'
24. Abhinava Bharata- GOS - Vol.I- Edition II - p.169
25 . Sarngadeva - Sangita Ratnakara - Chapter VII - Line 26
26. Ibid - Line 33
27. Ibid - Line 34
28. D anafijaya - Dasarupa (English translation by George C.O. Haas - Page 3 to 5)
29. For details see K.M. Verma - Natya, Nrtta and Nrtya - their n1eaning and relati on
- P.9
30. Sarngadeva - Sangita Ratnakara - Chapter VII - Line 31
31. Dr. Ananda Coomaraswam y - Mirror of Gesture - Introducti on Page 4
32. Ibid
33 . Ibid - Page 3
34. B.V. Naidu , P.S. Naidu and O.V.R . Pantulu - Tai:ic;tava Lak~a,~aq1 P. 16
35. Dr. Kapila Vatsyaya n - Classical Indian Dance in Literature and Art s - p3gc q
36. & 37. Dr. Ananda Coomaraswam y - Mirror of Gesture_ Introducti on - Page CJ
38 . Dr. Ananda Coomarnswam y - Christian and Orie ntal Phil osophy or Art _ Chapter
Beauty and Truth - Page 102
 OR IGI N OF KA RAJ':lAS - A 1-CTSTORIC PERSPECTIVE 63

CHAPTE R-IV

ORIGIN OF KARANA
•
S - A HISTORIC
PERSPEC TIVE

The Karm_1as are defined and enumerated in the fourth chapter ofBharata's Na~yasastra,
which is the earliest extant literature on dramaturgy. Kara~rn is defin ed in the Na~yasastra as
"Hastapadasamayoga~ N!·ttasya karar:iam Bhavet" (* 1) i.e. a combined movement of hands and
feet in dance is Karar_1a. In other words, a Kara1_1a is a combination of three elements namely,
A Nrtta Has ta - a dance movement of the hands
A Sthana a dance posture for the body and
A Cati a dance movement of the leg .

Therefore each Kara1_1a was understood and practiced as a movement and not as a mere
posture, as often currently misunderstood. The Kara1_1as are said to be numerous, but 108 have
been codified in the Na~yasastra. India can rightly be proud of its dance history, which shows
the existence of a remarkably high standard of technique thousands of years ago . It was the
perseverance of generations of dancers for several centuries that blossomed into such a highly
evolved technjque. This stage of perfection is recorded in Bharata' s Na!yasastrn as Karnl)as.
The Kara1:ias were only restated by Bharata and not created by him. His work is a faithful
record of an earl jer tradition, coupled with an observation of the contemporaneo us practi ce .
Abhin avagupta, the able commentator who lived in Kashmir in the early 11 th century AD,
call s the Na~yasastra ' Bharata Siitra'. The Natyasastra is said to include Sutrns , Bha~ya.
Sa1igraha, Karika, Nirukta etc. (*2) Sutrajust means definition and Bha~ya is the investigation.
Prof. Kane considers that the Natyasastra consists of Anuvarns ya verses (*3). The fi rst l"i \·e
chapters of the Na~yasastra are considered to be the oldest. The fo urth chapter is on Kan11}as.
Though I have already pointed out that th e entire Na!yasastra co uld be of single au thorship ,
I am convinced th at the tradition of practice must have preceded theory. Therefo re. \\ 'C have to
infer that the Karanas were in ex istence even before Bharala . To trace the orig.i 11 orKarar:1as ,
we are compell ed to st~dy all the possible earl y sources. The handicap is the ahscncc of ~my
direct literary reference to the techniqu e of dance. They th row only some indirect li ght 0 11 th e
present topic thereby inspiring certai n inferences prior to N:.'i ~y:-tsJstra.
64 KARANAS
. - vo I_ I

India ' s contributi o n to world hi story of da nce is unique. To w rite an exordiuin to its
expatiati o n is quite a hard tas k, fo r, a profound admirati o n for all th e pere nnia l fl ow of artistry
· country enJ•oyed leaves one rn
th1s · a d um b -fio un ded rapture w ith a sense of pass ionate dev ot·ion.
T he essence of the contributio n seems to be a vic tory over all th at oppresses, a change of body
into spirit and an elevation of the creature into c reator - thus merging th e F inite with the
Infinite . The solid phys ical base for all these abstract concepts is the techni cal virtuos ity of the
anc ie nt Indian dance, a re fl ec tion of which is seen in B harata 's NatyasaS t ra - a work ascribed
to a period w hen some parts of our Earth still sle pt in the crad le of c ivilizati o n. The gross
phys ical tech nique of Indian Dance was vital ized by the concept of Kararyas. T he Kara~as
were the units of dance on which the fo undati on as well as th e pinnacle was made up of.

The World History of dance shows that on no occasion in the li fe of prirruti ve people.
cou ld dance be d ispensed with . Birth , circumcision , c onsecration of maidens , marriage or
death , planting and harvest, war and feas t, the changes of the m o on an d sickness - fo r all these.
dance was need ed . Trus art of dance right from pre-historic times was inh erited by the savage
ancestors as an impulsi ve expression of the inner emotions, devel oped and broadened into a
search for God. E ven for the earl y tri bes, dance is s aid to have becon1e a rite , a charm, a prayer
and a prophetic vision . It is said to have sumn1oned and dispelled forc es of nature, healed the
sick , linked the living with the dead forefathers , assured fortune , luck and victory in the ba lLle
and blessed the tribes . In other words , it has been a major factor in the developme nt of fajl h.
Curt Sachs , in his World History of Dance writes , "Turning abou t in Di vine rhythm Si \ J
creates the world, for the Chinese Cosmic Energy originates in danc e, pl anets and Gods s,, ing
through th e Universe of dance, the late Jewish theolog y, indeed even C hristianit y e\'er so
hostile to the dance, cannot visualize the lot of the redeen1ed except in a picture of an ethereal
round abo ut the shining throne of God ." (*4) There is no wonder that India, ,vhi ch \\'as
always know n fo r its spiritual and m etaphysical purs uits, c o nceived the e n tire activi ty of thr
cosmos in the fo rm of an E ternal Dance of S iva . A ny thing beauti ful and elevating \\'::JS

automatica ll y a ttributed o nl y to the Di vine • In thi ,s process , 1·t was a b so 1u t e ly na t w •al

. for rhc
early authoriti es on dance, to make Brahma and s,. 1·vrt the ·
• m vc n to rs o 1. D ra m a a n d D anc•c · The
Vedic connecti on of th e ir orig in was also not Jost s ig ht of.
OR IGIN OF KARA~AS - A HJSTORIC PERSPECTIVE 65

The art of dance must have been the forerunner of drama. A mere release of the extra
energy, and the inherent inter connection between physical movements and the physiological
states of the human mind, slowly blossomed into an ordered expression. But, even after it became
a carefully cultivated medium of communication, it continued simultaneously to be a process of
divine rapture. It included not only scenes seen, heard and heard of, but also gave a form to the
intangible perceptions of the sub conscious . It was more often a medium for self-forgetfulness.
It was a channel for the Gods and souls of the dead to have a chimerical entry into the motivated
body. The spel1 was also accompanied by the beating of the drums. This is a common sight
even today in South India despite the over powering modernity. Similar dances seem to have
existed in many other parts of the World. In India, the earliest reference to the concept of
chimerical entry is found in a B-.k Vedic verse which means - "The thrice bound or thrice bent
bull continues bellowing (bellowed, bellows and will bellow), that the Great God has entered
into the mortals by a process of Avesa (Chimerical entry)". (*5) In some of the ex tempore
lectures of Dr. TN. Ramachandran, a beautiful representation of the above description was
identified in a number of static seals belonging to the Indus culture. Perhaps the dance of spell
was one of the earliest kinds of dancing that man ever experienced. Such a dance is referred to
as ' Velan Veriyac;lal' in Tolkappiyam, which is the earliest extant literature in Tamil. (* 6) " It is
referred to in Puratti-9ai Iyal. The chief feature of this dance was to offer Bali or animal sacrifice.
In the course of such worship one got possessed with the spirit of God and began to dance."
(*7) It was actually a dance of the soothsayer. It is highly probable that it is Velan Veriyac;lal,
which got evolved into the Ve!icchappac;lu tradition of Kerala and the Ka-9iyan Kuttu of
Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu , which is danced in the funeral ground during the Sivaratri
festi val , which is also dying out.

The dance of spell must have precipitated the development of the concept of Di vinity as
Dancer. The idea of addressing or comparing Gods with dancers has come down to us even
from the Vedic Age. Both awesome virility of war dances as well as a lissom di sp lay of
felini ty are referred to in the Vedic literature. Indra , the Maruts and the Asv ins have been
visualized in their human form and dancing is one of their accomplishments . The artistry o f
the Gandharvas and the Apsaras in music and dance had been a popular concept fro m remote
times.
66 KAR ANAS _ VOL I

The Vedic Literature refl ects the importance that dances

enjoyed in that period o f c ultural advancement. Several verses
from all the lour Vedas could be qu oted lo prove this state me nt.
(*8) But no ne o f them rea ll y help in either bringing out th e
hi story of da nce technique or in an y prac1ica l reco nstru ctio n.
We simply know th at th ere we re dances by m e n and by
women, both as so los and gro ups . Indra is s poke n o f as Nrtu
- a dancer - in the battle where he destroyed nin ety c iti es.
(* 9) In thi s we may see the seed of the later concept of Ca6s
and Mai:i~alas , w hi ch
were meant for dep icting
fighting sequences. The Fig. 2 Niiga - tribal dan ce
of N aga la11d
Martial Dances of the
Nagas (Fig 2) and those of the Kerali tes like KalaripaiL
(Fig 3) and Velakka!i (Fig 4) are li ving examples of such
virile movements with swords and other weapons on hand
The K~anilaikkuttu mentioned in Tolkappiyam (Ancient
Tamil grammar which is about 2000 years old) was also such
a dance performed in honour of a victorious soldier. Anolher
A~I (dance) was the display of swords by a group of dancers
dancing arou nd the corpse of a dead king in the battlefielJ
Fig. 3 Kafaripait - Martial art as a mark of
of Keralu
honour. The
medi eval martial dances of South India called
P era 1~ i and Prc1i kh ai:i i are described in
J a yapp a ' s N r tta Ratna vali (A .D . 1253 - 1254).
All these dances seem to have had their connect.ion
wi th Bharata's desc1iption of Ma9~aJas, which
in their turn perhaps have their origin i 11 the
war-like dance suggested in the B.g Vedi c hymn
with Indra as a dancer.
Vig. -I VduH11/i - Martia l urt of 1'. cralu
OR IGIN or KARANAS - A HISTORI C PE RSPECTIV E 67

The grace of a charming dancer was so hi ghl y apprec iated th at a Vedi c bard hail s th e
unveiling of the Goddess Usha (dawn) by comparin g her to a beautiful dancer. (* 10) This
proves that the concept of La.syn existed during that
time and that dancing had become a profess ion too.

* "'·
Apart from so los, community dances arc reco rded in
the }3.g Veda. during fes ti vals and fun era ls. ln these, .... I
we could sec the seed of Pit:1c;libandha , whi ch, in
Bharnta 's time was prevalent as group dances. (* l l )
Another B.k suggests that the dancers whirled round
with strong steps. (* 12) This suggests the origin of
BhrnrnarT Caris and Karm)as involving them and also
the concept of Ku~~anam (stamping with the feet). The
Fig.5 Painting of t!te exercise "Bridge"
dancers are said to have turned round and round until
from a tomb in Egypt
there was a
~cloud of dust' with the earth starting to vibrate with the
echo of the sound. There is also mention of men dancing
with bamboo sticks held aloft. (* 13) The Silambam of
Tamil Nadu is a living example of such a tradition. The
other Vedas also bound in such references.

Dance, gymnastics and acrobatics h::we often been

found mixed up in the process of their eYolution . This is
true of many countries in the world. F or e. g . it is
significant that in Egypt , the same word ·hbj' is used lo
designate the ordinary dance and also the gymnastic
Fig.6 Karuiw 57 - Ar,:alaf!1,
exercise known as the ' bridge' , which is frcqucntl >
C lz ida mbaram
depict ed on the monume nts of the Middle nnd the- Ne,\·
Kingdoms. (* J4) This posture (Fig.5) is the same as the Karn,)a Argal:11~1 ns depicted at the
Nn~araja temple at Cli.jdambar nm . (Fig.6 ). The body bends hac k wards with the h::mcb touching
the ground. Such kinds of acrobatic move ments must hnvc ex isted from ver y cnrly times .
Often th ey go t absorbed into the renlm of dance.
 KARANI\S _ VOL I
68

During the Brahmanic period, a spiritual and me ta phys ical perception penetrated eve n
the field of arts . T he Kausitaki Brahmat)U me ntions the term ' S il pa'· It s ays " .. .the atmosphere
is without base of s upport in the Si lpas . They are triplets; the S ilpa is Huee-fold, danci ng,
music and s inging. Verily thus day by clay th ey continu e finding s upport in them. " (* 15) Here
we sec th e forerunn er of the concept or Sa1ig1lu be ing 3 fo ld i.e. Gfta , Yadya and Nrtta from
the days of Amara Simha, the lexicographe r. Acco rding to C hris tophe r Byrski, th e te rm Si lpa
was the fore runner of the term Na! ya . (* 16) In s hort, it is an act of Anulqti (imi tation) . The
artiste in tegr:.ites hi s Se lf w ith the object he imitates and h e does thi s in the form of rh ythm
(Chandomaya). The result of this integration is art. Perhaps, it was through a consciousness of
the art of imitation that both dance and drama rose to heights .

Irrespective of the controversy about the date of the Indus

vall ey Ci vilization, it is agreed that it belongs to the Proto-hi story
of India. But, all histmians and archaeologists accept that the Indus
people w ere highly cultured and urbanized. A fair amount of
dancing must have been part of their way of life . This has been
true Gf any early-civilized tribe of the world. A bronze icon,
unearthed at Mohenjadaro has been identifi ed as a female dancer.
(Fig.7) Some scholars are sceptical about its posture being
associated w ith dance. They consider that it is just an icon of a
female or a Goddess and that it is farfetched to con nect it with
dance. In this context, it is relevant to compare a painting of female
dancers from the New Kingdon1 of
Egypt belonging to 1500 B.C . This Fig .7 Mohenjad,mJ -
Femal e Danct?r
painting, found in the tomb of She ikh
Abdul Quarna is now at the British M useum. (Fig. 8) The girl~
seem lo wear a numbe r o f bangles as seen in the Indus ico n. The
body lines of both these exampl es fl ow softly with out sku-r1 bencL-:.
w i1. h th e limbs close to each o ther. C urt Sach ' s comment on th c
Egy ptian painting is ve ry s ig 11i ri cn nl. He says, ''This is th c
Fig.8 Painting of contribution of the/\ s iat,c
· · g 1r
· Is ,,v ho bro ug ht to the Egypt1an
· cl·incc
Egyptian Dancers
a I. ru e feminin e style. " (* l7)
ORIGIN OF KARAl'~AS - A HISTORIC PERSPECTIV E 69

The Mohenjada ro dancer with one hand on the waist and the other hand let loose
alongside the thigh is a striking illustration of the genetic relationship between the apparently
various styles of dances in India. It unites, the past, the present and the future . In Bharata's
period it was called the Ayata Sthana - a posture prescribed for women. In this posture, the
right leg is to be Sama, i.e . in normal position and the left leg is Trayasra, i.e. obliquely turned
towards the corner with the right waist raised . The Hasta (hand) on the waist is called Kati
Hasta and the other hand , which is hanging is Lala (creeper) Hasta. In this figure of the
Mohenjadaro icon we have the origin of graceful Karm:ias like Valitorukarri. The figure also
suggests Baddha Cart, wherein the shanks and the thigh are in-turned in such a way that the
knees are very close to each other. The thigh (Uru) is then turned out or twisted (Valita) . This
stage of the movement is perceptible in the Mohenjadar o icon, for one who is familiar with the
Karai:ia called Valitorukarp..

The Ayata Sthana, as seen in the Mohenjada ro icon is also visualized

several centuries later in the description of Malavika's dance by poet
Ka!idasa in his immortal Sanskrit play Malavikagn imitra. Admiring the
way in which she stood after her recital, the poet says - "Resting as she
does on the waist her left hand with bracelets motionless at the wrist, letting
the other hand hang at ease like the branch of a Syama creeper, casting her
eyes at the dais covered with flowers gently crushed by her great toe and
making the upper half of her body stand straight and tall , her standing is
much more fascinating than her dance." (* 18) The beauty of this Sthana
must have been well recognized during KaFdasa's time. Traversing a few
n1ore centuries, this particular idea of feminine grace continued to have its
sway even during the Cola period. (Fig. 9) The bronze icons of Goddess
Parvati are still seen depicted either in Ayata or Avahittha (reverse of Ayata)
Fig. 9
De vi-Co lu Bronze
Sthanas with a beautiful bend at the waist. One hand is in the form of Lata
Hasta, hanging down in most of these figures. ParvatI Dev I is associated
with the origin ofLasya, or the dance of feminine grace. These Ayata and Avahittha Sthanas
are still in vogue in every classical dance of India and in a few folk dances as well. Hence , the
Mohenjadar o icon of the female is perhaps tl1e earliest source for tracing the origin of Karm:ias,
belonging to the realm of what was called Lasya in later centmies.
 CONCEPT OF KARAJ:-IA AS fLLUMINED BY ABI-IlNAVA BHARAT! 95

Apart from the 108 Karai:ias , the Naryasastra has describe d four Hasta Karai:ias in the
91h chapter. (*32) The Has ta Karai:ias, as the name indicates, is the action of the hands. Its four
variations are nothing but four ways of rolling them . These turns are called Aves~ta , Udve~tita,
Vyavartita and Pari varti ta. All the Vartanas (circ ular moveme nts) of the arms depend on these
fo ur basic ways of turni ng the hands. Avestita has the hand turned round inwards starting from
the forefin ger. Ud ve~tita has the hand turned round outward with the forefing er mov ing out
first. Vyavartita has an inward turning proceed ing from the little finger. Parivarti ta is the running
of the hand outward s starting from the little finger. These variatio ns are based on the tw ists of
the wri st through the action of the fingers. These Hasta Karai::ias are very importa nt in perform ing
the 30 Nrtta Hastas . T hey are useful in Recakas. Most of the actions pertaini ng to the hands in
Nrtta as well as Abhina ya have some connect ion with these.

The third vari ety of Kara9a is fl eetingly referred to in the Natyasa stra w hile dealing
with th e Caris in the l O'h chapter. For an easy differen tiation, it is better to refer to them as
Nntya Karai:ias . The definitio n of Car1 has already been noted. It is the simulta neous moveme nt
of the foo t, s hank and hip . Bharata says that when both the legs are involved it is call ed a
Kara,~a (*33 ). B y thi s we must surmise that it is the alternate moveme nts of the legs , perfonn ing
two different Caris. B ut, these Karanas
. are differen t from the 108 Nrtta Kmanas
. . .
The C aris are used to establis h the characte ristic gaits of vario us roles in the N a~ya.
Moreove r, they play a major rol e in the depictio n of fights and combats . The C5r'i's arc to be
perfo rmed with the hands holding the respecti ve dummy weapon s . For s uch seq uences ,
combinati on of CarTs was specifie d to suit different types of fights . In this context, a combination
of two CarTs is also referred to as Karai:ia. These CarT Karai:ias do not have Nrtta Hastas. Three
such Karnnas. make a Khanda . and three or four Khanda s make a Ma ndala. In other words '
.
' ..
Mary~alas are made up of 18 to 24 CarTs. Just as in the case of the Nrtta Mat!·ka, no specifi cation
is gi ven regard ino
b
the du al choice of the Car'i's to compos e th e Car1 Karan::i.s . We have to
.

ass ume that any two C ar'i's could be suitably tied to gi ve rise to thi s Karm_1a.

The Nrtta Karai:ias are more compl ete in the sense o f dance , than th e CarTK~u-:11_1as . T he
Nrtt a Karai:ias are for dancers w hile the CarI Karn.1_1as arc mea nt fo r th e ac tors - i r an y
differenti atio n of these two professi onals is to be m::i.de at ::i.11. T he C arT Kar~u} as th e rn sc l\'C'_s
give the imp ression of dance . It proves the necess it y that ex isted fo r the ::i.ctors to be dance rs
96 KARANAS - VOL!

durin g that relev ant perio d of theatre hi stor y. Bhar ata hims
elf s ays th at no part of the Na~ya
can take place witho ut the Caris . (*34) We cann ot forge t that
the tradi tion of the actor s being
singe rs and danc ers exist ed even ti ll the first few dec ades of
this centu ry, in many parts of our
coun try. For exam ple , in tradi ti onal Tamil dram a, the ro le of
the thi ef collo quial ly referred to,
as Kapa part woul d requi re an actor who can perfo rm vario
us kind s of acrob atic folk dance
move ments. Ever y chara cter had song s to be sung by the actor
s them selves . The abun dance of
operatic featu res inclu ding danc es found in the avera ge India
n films is nothi ng but a re n ection
of a non-e rasab le shad e of the India n theat rical tradi tion
of the bygo ne days. It is therefore
unde rstan dable that the highl y devel oped danc e techn ique
of Caris , Cart Karat:ias , Khan~as
and Mar:ic;lalas , when recon struc ted, bloss om as highly artistic
and comp licate d danc e sequences.
They give en01111ous scop e for the use of legs in the utiliz ation
of space . If the actor s themselves
were ex pecte d to perfo rm them in Na~ya , we can hardly comp
rehe nd the stand ard that was
expe cted o f danc ers who were to mast er even more comp licate
d and subtl e Nrtta Karar:ias and
A11ga haras. We are able to see the truth of Abhi nava g upta
' s theor y that Naty a and Nrtta are
the sam e for all pract ical purp ose. But it is possi ble to reali
ze the value of this state ment only
when we unde rstan d the co ncep t of Naty a or that perio d.
The front ier line of the two arts
came to be more strin gentl y guard ed only durin g the later
perio d - as seen in the concerned
lit eratu re. In fact even the term Tar:ic;lava mean t on ly Nrtta
or danc e . The chap ter on Karai:ias
is calle d "Ta1~ c;iava Lak~ai:ia111 " literally mean ing theory of danc
e. We saw in the earlie r chapter
how Abhi nnva gupta interp rets the tenn Tar:i~ava. In spite of
Bhar ata ment ionin g that the art of
Tar:ic;lavarri obtai ned iLs name from Tar:ic;lu Mun i w ho was Bhar
ata' s guru , Abhi navagupta bas
dared to give an onomatopoeic derivation of the nome nclat ure.
Thou gh there are some authorities
that have take n Ta1:ic;lu to be Nand ikesv ara, Abhi nava g upta
says that the term Tnr:i48\'J is
deriv ed from the soun ds like Tar:1c;lo prod uced by the drum
s. In Tamj l, the \:vord Tni-_14ora
mean t the kettl edru m used for anno unce me nts Tat)d av
• . . a, w h 1c " h ts
· n1a de up o ·f K .--. rafl'\ S is
.u, . ' · ,
given a gram matic al etym ology in Abhi nava Bharat1.

In Naty· a ' the N rtta Karan· as h"ci a l

· ... Pace o ·f impo
· rtanc e . IL. was perfo rmed 1n
· t Iie\ ·c t·\'
·
bcgi nnin gofth edra maas pa1t ofthe Purvara,,ga(pt·eli· ·
· ., ) A
m1nary . part fTorn t h.1s use , 1·t\,•Js in
~
th e form ofNr tta even in the body of the play wher evei· s' _.
, - R,asn (l ove ) domrn• n t·c--d · Nrtl~
1ngara .
is co ns idere d ausp iciou s and henc e inclu ded on ev .
h . I f cci~l
er y sue occa sion . n act , no 511
moli vatio n or occas ion is said to be neede d for it -1· ·t • b
. . , • ecli "C
, 0 r 1 ts e 11eved to be loved by all , 11-rLsp
CONCEPT OF KARANA AS LLLUMINE D BY ABHINAYA BHARA 97
TT

of age , class , caste or sex. The main source of thi s Nrtta is the Karar:ia. Its
poten tiality is in
radi ati on of beauty . Anyth ing , which is beautiful , has always been attribu ted
to Divin ity. In
the popular plu·ase Satyarp (truth ), Sivairi (auspi cious) and Sundararp (beau
ty), we have an
enormous impor tance given to beauty in relation to Divin ity. Hence there is
no wonde r that
the Karat.ms are attribu ted to Lord Siva. Its perfor mance is sure to please not
only the huma n
beings but also the Gods . Its inclus ion in the Purva ratiga of a play is hence
very meani ngfu] .
ll is indeed an optica l sacrif ice witho ut violen ce.

Importance for practice

Abhi navag upta, the great theore tician as we under stand him , attach es
enorm ous
importance to the actual practi ce of the art. For example, while comm enting
on the defini tion
of the Atigah ara called Apavi ddhar p, he adds that the rhyth m and action
, which are to be
chann ingly grace ful , canno t be compr ehend ed unless one is an exper t in the
field. Only those
who know how to handl e the form can absorb the idea of the linkin g of move
ments throug h
th e use of the head, eyes, brows, etc. in chaini ng the Karai:ias. He catego
rically states that
others , who are more theore tician s, cannot understand it (*35). He then adds
that, for the same
reason , the defini tion of the Sthan as, Mai:ic;Ialas etc. given by some of his conte
mpora ries are
not useful . Here two points can be inferred. One is that Abhin avagu pta had
some practi cal
unders tandin g of the art and the other that even during his time, the older
techni que was not
easil y under stood , proba bly due to the lapse of time betwe en the autho r of
the Natyasastrn
and the comm entator.

Creativity and Tradi tion

Ab hinav ag upta was quite a revolu tionar y with an open mind to appre ciate
crc::itivity.
He was truly a genius and had no comp lex in facing facts regard ing the co ncept
of traditi on.
Thi s cath olicity , which is a result of true know ledge, is seldom met with
eYen in our 20 1h
centur y, among the pse udo-g uardia ns of our so-cal led traditi ons . Ab hinava
g upta opine s that
since eve n Lord Siva says that he was remin ded of the Karat~ns, it ctenot cs the
orig in of the ar t
can~ot be traced ; it begin ning less (f\nnd i) (*36). Even he, onl y renew ed
it. ornam e nt ed it,
repai nted it, just as the Vedas were discovered and not inve nted. T he cons
tructi on of the
Vedas is immo rtal. Yet every creatu re of unending ge nerati ons uses them
acco rding to thei r
98 KARANAS _ YQr_ I

.
power o [ percept10n an d a bsor_p ti. on • Thus the need arises for the ir flow in a novel way ' withou t
interfe rino with the eleme nt of creativ ity. Su ch an attemp t is called " man-m d
a e" Krtaka. Each
.
o I t 11e creat1011s h as 1·•s o~,0 postur·es , .actio
b . ns and even releva nt rhy thmic patter ns and tl,ey
.
must be m::mi fested withou t detrim ent to continuity. There fore like the Veda,
Nrtta is not to be
constr u ed as perma nent and fixed, but it is Kftak a, i. e., th at which is creale
d then and there.
Such an action or creatio n is tied up with the ex isting nvalon g of previo us
creati ons and hence
it attain s perma nence tNitya ). Abhin avag upta co ncl udes th a t if this
conce pt is we ll
under stood. there will be no contra dictio n betwe en the " m an - m ade"
(Kr taka) and the
eterna l (Nit ya). Wi th regard to creati vity, he fur th er exp la ins the mean
ing of th e term
Datta ("give n· ' i. e. the Pii:ic;lib andhas by Siva) . ''Datta " refers to o ne who
knows the value of
indepe ndenc e and is also capab le of using his ow n intell ectual fac ulties
to create a variety of
an uncom mon nature and truly brings in a fresh beauti ful percep tion. There
fore beautification
has a pe1711,rnent value and this is certainly based on practi ce. These
creati ons cannot be
di scarde d or ignore d. One really wonde rs at Abhin avagu pta ' s ex traord
inar y suppo rt for
moder nity. His only criteri on is beauty and histor ical contin uity.

Qombika form

Amon g the refere nces to some of his contem poran eous traditi ons , Abhin
avagu ptaiEs
refere nce to Qomb ika is interes ting from both techni cal and sociol ogica
l points of view. This
is pcrfon11ed by a si ngle danseu se (Nartak.i) and in short it seems to have
been erotic in nature,
desig ned as an entert ainme nt for the royal audien ce, and to win favou rs.
It certai nly involves
maste ry over mus ic and dance , in which the prince is hin self addre ssed
1 indire ctly or directl y
as the lover. The Qomb ika also used speech . The Qomb ika does not
chang e her origina l
identit y. In short it must have been the perfor mance of the
roya l cour t esans (R-·
~Ja- Dncis) •= · ·
Abhin avagu pta's relioious phi.losoph·
. . b ' ic, an d metap
. h . . .
ys1cal percep t1on • transp,
1s quite , .u. rent
111 his four th chapte r. He says that the fruit of L - · th ·
, asya 1s at 1t p 1eases D ev-i and t h at o t·T a- ndav:1
. .•
is that it pl eases S iva who is with s ('1-3 ) H
. . oma · 7 . e says that the spec tators m ust e1t · h · he
et
entertr uned or enhgh tened These should b ·~ d .
· e ou n at least mterm.ittently. He says these qmuiti - ' · ·· s
are not to be found in his days. c
 CONCEPT OF KARANA AS ILLUMINED BY ABHINAVA BHARAT[ 99

. . . Phala
. and Adrsta
Drsta

He then analyses the res ults of performances from the perceptible (mundane) and the
invisible (spiritual ) levels . From a yogic angle the result of sing ing is not considered to be
tangible (Dr~ta). But that of progrru11S like p ombika is its visibility. It is purely worldly (Laukika),
thus being a gross physical object of pleasure to the senses , along with an economjc advantage.
This is the level of perceptible fruits (Dr~ta Phala). But Abhinavagupta hlmself criti cizes his
contemporary pombika as not even worthy of the above needs. Apart from the entertainment
value and vocational advantage of these arts, Abhinavagupta glorifies the fruit of true art. It
has an intangible fruit (Adf~ta Phala) . The very entry of the danseuse is meant to please the
gods . The gratificati on of the spectators is the core of the subject of Rasa in Natya. But it must
bestow all the Puru~arthas of life; socio-religious duties (dharma) , acquisition of wealth (Art.ha),
sensual enjoyment (Kama) and spiritual liberation (Mok~a). Otherwise Natya would merely
become a means of livelihood. While commenting on Pu~pafijali and rules regarding the
appropriate gestures (Abhinaya) for Pu~pafijali, one must not have the looks di verted towards
the audience. It is not addressed to the spectators. It must be performed looking into one ' s own
soul. This lights up the core of the monistic philosophy of Kashmir Saivism. While enumerating
the fruits of Narya and its study (Phala Sruti), he says that the dancers , actors , sponsors .
financiers and spectators are all purified from their sins and attain unlimited benefits, including
the domain of Siva (Siva loka), merely through Nftta. In the colophon at the end of the
chapter he refers to himself as a Mahesvaracary a, whose ignorance is being burnt by the three
eyes of Siva, which are Surya, Candra and Agni, i.e. the Sun , the moon and fire.

The staunch Pratyabhijfia Saivite character of Abhinavagupta 's Abhinava BharntI does
get radia ted throughout the work. The very basic principl e of monistic Kash1nir Saivism is
seen re fl ected in Bharata's Naryasastra itself and hence there is no wonder that the m ost abl e
propagator of this philosophy took upon himself the task of writing a commentary on it.
Kashmir Sai vism , which has heavenly aims, does not ignore the worldly goals of Ii fe consisting
of objective enjoyments . It advocates a path aimed at both enjoyment (bhukti ) and liberati o n
(mukti) and both can be pursued simultaneously. It lays slrcss on bhnk ti (devoti on) and makes
its practice practicable. Bhakti , bhukti and mukti be ing very close to the Puru ?Jrlh5s of life ,
take Na1yasastra very close to the bas ic aim of the Kas hmir Sa1v ism . l\1orcovcr this Prnty5hhij
18
 100
KARA!'~AS - VOL I

phil oso phy acc epts 3 6 prin c ipl es (Ta ttva

s ) co ns is li ng o f the 24 Tat tvas of th e
Sankhya
s yste ms in addi ti on to 12 of it s ow n . R ama
swa my Sas tri , the e dito r of Naty as as tra,
opines
that •·It is also beli eve d that the Na!yasnstra
has also bee n divi d ed into 36 cha pters by
Bharata
lo harm oniz e or corr esp ond to the 36 pri ncip
les of P raty abhijfia p hi loso phy of Kas hmi
r. (*38)
T hou gh Abh inav agu pta 's com me ntar y alon
e is ex tant com p lete ly, it is inte rest ing to
note that the rest of the com men tato rs on Na!
yas as lra like B ha Hod bha qa, Lo ll a~a, Mat
rg upta .
Sari kuk a , Bha ttan aya ka and Bha ltay antr n, 111
who flou rish ed from 8 cen tury onw ards
were all
Kas hmi rian s . It is a gre at trag edy that this
art has prac lica ll y bee n swe pt from that
heavenl y
regi on. Per hap s it is the duty of the exp erts
in othe r regi o ns to eras e this arti stic poverty
from
that land w hich is e ndo wed so bo untifull y
with natu re ' s cha rm . F or this uph ill task
. the other
regi o ns will also have to rega in m uch of
the lost trad itio ns and valu es. M ay Bha
rata and
Abh i nav agu pta re-e stab lish them selves thro
ugh the und ying vita lity of th e ir wor ks.
Abh inav agu pta' s eluc idat ive wor k has alm
ost exh aust ed all the sali e nt feat ures of thea
tre
art of not only Bha rata ' s days, but also thos
e of the comm enta tor. Fro m hi s com men
tary . \1·e
are able to con clud e that the Na~yasa strn
in its pres ent form had take n its sh ape
at le:i.st 3
th o usa nd yea rs ago . If we acc ept Dr. Man
Mo han Gas h's dati ng of the N a~ya sast ra
as 500
B .C. t *39) we are com pell ed to adm ire
the awe -ins piri ng effo rts of Abh inav agu
pta in his
dari ng ve ntur e of clea ring the haz y clou ds
shro udi ng this alm ost fo rgo tten trad ition
hailing
from an obs cure pas t, nam ely the Na~yasa
strn. T ho ugh Bha rata M uni is beli eved
by some
sch olar s and the Kas hmi rian s in gen eral
to hav e belo nge d to Kas hmi r, Abh inav agu
pta. the
Kashm.i rian sch olar stat es that muc h of the
olde r trnd jtio ns had fad ed o ut of prnc tic~
. Ht. sn: s
that , in fact , it is in ord er to save thi s trad
iti on that he is w ritin g thi s com m enta ry,
where he
leav es som e roo m for infe renc es (*40 ). If
that was the stat e of affa irs a thou san d year
wha t co uld be our des ti ny today ? s :-tgt\

CO NC LU SIO N
The concep ti on of the Kar a11 a ·
. 18
s ue h t t1at 1t
· ·
1s cap a ble o f e ndo w m ·
g both subJ·ecti· ' ·e ·[lnJ
o bJ·ecti ve sati sfac tion on phy sical iiite lle
. . ' c ui1, I, emol1on
l ·
al and sp1. ntua
.
l plan es . To a pcr1i::° I1·n \.,"r.
it is a phys ical exe rcis e , kee ping eve ry lim
b of the b d . .
To the spe ctat or, th e bea uty of the bod y line
o y unc1er con tra 1 to pro cure goo d J1~·illh · -
s cau sed by ti t· . "
1c ac ions 1 s a 1eas t to th e eves
-' "· The
CO NCE PT OF KARA~A AS ILLUMINED BY ABHINAVA BHARAT! 10 1

complicated correlation of the moven1ents in perfec t synchroni zation with the cross-rhythmic
patterns of music i1nplies an intellectual grasp on the patt of the performer. Even if the performer
we re not aware of these intellectual qualities imbedded in the sequences, the learned
choreographer who conceives it wou ld have to have an intellectual understanding of the same.
When the uninformed dancer executes it mechanica]ly as a mark of an acquired slci ll , it sti ll
finds its own level of appreciation. If there is an intell ectual grasp of the same on the parts of
both th e performer and onlooker, it is certainly more gratifying for both of them. The Karai:ias
have their own psychological side too. The Kara9as are capable of expressing ideas of full
sentences . Abhinavagupta refers to it as Vakyarthabhinaya. (*41) It is also a kind of
A.11gikabhinaya, i.e. physical expression, in which the whole body and not merely the hand
gestures is involved. Since it does not emanate a word-to-word meaning , but just radiates
feelings in a general way, they are closer to the concept of expression found in the Western
Classical Ballet. In this way, the Karai:ias serve as physical expression of the psychological
states of mind. B y this, they become a meaningful display and cater to the emotional need,
though in a limited way. Apart from such a potentiality, the mere performance of them causes
aesthetic pleasure. A subjective experience of enjoyment ( Ananda Bhava) of the performer
gets transmitted and is received by the Sall!·daya (audience of equal mental calibre). They now
react with a same kind of pleasure and hence share the aesthetic satisfaction with the artiste.
At this stage, it transcends even the emotional level. It is now a spiritu al experience of
unadulterated bliss. Abhinavagupta's Rasa theory equally holds good in the case of ideal
Nrtta. It is no more ' Rasa Vihinam', (*42) - devoid of Rasa - if Rasa can be taken to mean
spiritual bli ss. The artiste experiences this profound pleasure through a sense of participation
in the activity of the entire cosmos, and, being conscious of being in harmony with the perpetual
rhythm of life. The dancer is after all one more body that dances an1idst the uni versal dance
that is constantly taking place in every animate and inanimate obj ect, irrespective of being
tangibl e. Every place of the performance is then treated as a 1nicrocosnuc structure, with the
dancer herself as the very psycho-centric force. With the time, space and intensi ty imbedded
in the Kara9as , the dancer galvanizes every activity. A minjature of the very acti vity of crealion
is enacted now. The creator of this beauty is the dancer; what is created is also her manifold
mani festatio ns. In this way, the realization of Bliss within oneself is perce ived. T he cycle of
this kind of pleasure is formed between the performer and onl ooker. T he res ult is spiri tu al
10'2 KARA N/\S _ VOL I

· factio
· n - w h.1ch • h
sal1s 1s t e goa I o f y,......Jina · The idea of inclu ding the Nrtta in the Purvaranga i..,
.,
now very c 1ear. Th e S/ u ddh a p-u1' \'"raJ= iga whic h was in the natur e of a ritua listic Yajna Was
. .
reco mme n d e d to b e ma d e C Ira ·t (\'"ri.ed and picto rial) by the mclu s10 n of the A ngah aras
LU ancl
..

.ff
K a.ranas . H ence w h at d I eren ce can ex ist betw ee n the fruit of Yajn a and that of an idea\
,
N rtta ~! Th ere 1s
• no d 1"f/:'1erence 1·n the res ult _ the onl )' diffe re nce being in the
means to achieve it .
O~e depe nds 0 11 oblati ons with ghee; the other depe nds
o n ob lati o ns w ith the entire body.
Both inclu de the mean s of M anasii (thou ght), Vilca (wor ds
or mus ic ) a nd Karm aDa (actions) .
Such is the co ncep t of KaraDa as educ ed from the work s of
the Grea t Sage Bha.rata and that of
th e saintl y ph il osop her Abhi nava gupta .

SUM MA RY
Th e Kan:11~a is a danc e move ment and not a postu re. It is
the comb inati on of a Cari -
move me nt of the leg, N rtta Hast a - move ment o f the hand
s and Stha na - postu re of the body.
Its perfo rman ce invol ves a corre lated move ment o f all the
majo r and mino r limb s of the body.
I 08 s uch uni ts o f danc e arc eluc idate d in the ._.i
,h chap ter of Bhar ata' s Na!y asast ra. Since
these
Kara 1~as have been o ut o f \'og ue for over eight ce nturi es
in Nort h India and six centu ries in
So ulh Indi a. J\ bhina vng upta · s comm entary on Na ~yasas
tra is of grea t valu e in educ ing the
conc ept of Kara ,~a. T he Knrru:ia shines as a comp os ite whol
e , comb ining in itself both dynamic
and s tatic as pects . It is a grace ful Lhrov. of th e limb s to fi
ll spac e base d on sy1m11etry as in
India n Sc ulptu res . T he Kara 1~as are comb ined to g ive ri se
to A11gaharas and Pind iband has . In
all these , the Rcc:.1 ka is the beaut ifyin g agent . It helps in regu
latin g time , spac e and inten sit y of
each move m ent. thus caus ing unen ding vari ety. It inclu
des the aspe cts of defin ition and
di ffu sion . Ap:.u-t rrom Nrttn Kara ~as, there are Hast a Karar
:ias and Naty a Karary as. The former
invo lves the fo ur ro lling move ments of the wrist s. The latte
r is a comb inati on of two Car1s.
T hey are used in vario us k inds o f gaits in N atya. They also
com bine to form Mar:i4alas to be
used in fight ing sequ ences. The arts of Nrtta and Na!y a are
so much infus ed in Bhar nta' s time.
that the actor s were almo st danc ers . The Nr.ta Karar:ias
were used in the Purvara1ign -
pre limj narie s - of the Nii~y a to pleas e Gods . They were also
hand led freel y wher ever Spig arn
(ro manc e) domi nated . Kam na is a visua lizati on of gra
· ce an db eauty . A nc1en .
t 1n d ian
. think ers
co nside red Di vinit y and beau ty as syno nyms The K .
· b
ai a9-as are not on 1y eaut1·t·u l bul ~also
mean i ngfu l. They a.re capab le of givin g both subj. ectiv e ai d
1 ob'Jee t·1ve satis. f . . the physical ,
actio n 111 -
CONCEPT OF KARANA AS ILLU MIN ED BY ABI-IJN AVJ\ BHARAT! 103

intellectual , emotional and spi1itual pl anes. In the place of S uddha Purvaraliga - ritualisti c
preliminary- Lord Siva is said to have recommended Citra PurvaratigafTl - pi ctori al prelimin ary
- vvhich is nothing but a perfor mance of the Karat:ias. Thus , the Karn r:ias are believed to give
the frui t of Yajna. Which other concept cou ld be more complete than that of th e Karar:ia?

REFERENCES
l. Upadeyasya sampathas tad-anyasya prafikana
sphuta-vyakh ya virodhanam pariharaD sampun:iata
Laanusarary.am sli~ta - vaktavyamsa - vivecanarµ
sa11gatiD paunaruktyanarµ samadhana -samakularµ
Abhinava Bharafi, Chapter I, verses 5 and 6
2. Sir M. Monier Williams - A Sanskrit - English Dictionary See Kar - Page 253.
Karary.a - Page 254 Kri - Page 300
Adi Sankara ' s Bhajagovindam has the phrase ' Dul<lqi:ikarn1:ie '
3. Ibid- Karary.a Page 254
4. Natyasastra with Abhinava Bharafi (G.O .S.) - Chapter IV - Line 30
5. Ibid - Abhinava Bharafi - Page 90
6. Naryasastra Sangraha - Page 33 - Line 37
7. S upra - Chapter VI - Plate No. XXVIII
8. Vyayama or exercise for other Upangas are also found in the Na1yasastra. These
include those of the cheek, mouth, chin, neck , belly, shank, thigh and e\·e n f:1cial
co lours. Later works like the Sari.gila Ratnakara class ifi ed the lim bs into three
d ivisions namely Angas (major limbs), Pratyi11i.gas (s ubsidiary limbs) and UpJrigas
(minor limbs). According to the Satigita R atnakarn, the A1'i gns are hl'ad. ha nd,
chest, waist, feet , sides and shoulders . Pratya r'i gas arc neck, ar ms. belly. brick .
thi ghs, shanks , wrists, knees and also orn am ent s . Up:111gas incl ude those of the
fac e and o f the other limbs. They arc the cycbrow.s, eyel ids . p upils . chec ks, nose.
breath , lips, teeth , tongue, chin , mouth , hee ls , ankles, finge rs. toes, so il's cmcl fac ia l
co lo ur. T hi s cJ ass ifi c ati o n see ms to be mo re lu c id and ve ry helpful in the
r

104 KARJ\NAS -vo1.1

performance of the Ka.ratJas.

9. Na~yasast1·a (G.O.S .) - Chapter IV - L jnes 169 to 172
10. Ibid - L ine 58
11 . & 12.Thid - Abhi nava Bharaff - Page 90
13. Ibid - Page 90 C it. "Purvak-?etresamyogatyage na samuc ita
k0ctr5natarapraplipparya ntataya cka kriya ta tka ra t)ami tyama.rtha"
14. Nafyasast.ra (G.O .S.) - Chapter IV - Lines 60-61
Cite: "Kati kan~a sama Yatrn korparamsa sirastalha
Samunnatamutascaiva Sau~~havarp nama tatbhavet"
15 . Ibid Lines 57, 58
Cite: "Praye9a karar:ie karya vame vak~aI:tsthitat:i kara
Carar_1asyanugascapi dak~i~rnstu bhavet karat:i"
16. Ibid - Abhinava BharatI - Page 95
Cite: " Yanisthananiti. Ihavasthanarµ gatisceti dvayanirvartayarp karar:imp"
17. Ibid - Page 95
Cite: "Tatravasthane karakayopayogi sthanakam"
18 . Ibid - Page 95
Cite: "Gatau tu caryal:t"
19. Sir M. M oni er Williams - A Sanskrit- English Dictionary - Page 389
20. Ibid - See CarmJa - Page 393
21. Ibid - Page 389
22. Na!yasastra (G.O. S) - Chapter IX - Line 282 -
Cite: " Yata pada9 pravarteta tathaivoru}:l pravartate
Tayol:i samanaka.rar:iatpiidaca rim prayojayet
23. Na!yasiistra - chapter X - Line 1
Cite: " Evam padasya janghaya urol) ka!yastathaivaca
Samanakarar:ie ce~!a carTti parikirtita"
24. Ibid - A bhinav a BharatI - Chapter IV - Page 95
25 . Na~yasas tra - Chapter IV -
Cite: " Rccitiikhya P!"lagbhave vaJane cabhidhtya te
Ud vahanal prtagbh avacchalanaca pi recakal_1" - Sec footno te 2
A Jso see M anmohan G hosh Tra nslati o n - C hapt er IV _ Linc 24 8
26 . Na~yas5s trn (G. O .S )-Chaptcr V - Page 163 _ root not e 2
CONCEPT OF KARAf:-IA AS ILLUMINED BY ABHINAVA 81--IARATI 105

27. Smiglla Ratnakara - See Kalli natha ' s comments on Ii ne 797 of Chapter VII -
He says that the Recakas are useful in adjusting the time unit.
28. Natyasastra (G .O.S) - Chapter IV - Line 248 -
Cite: " Padarecaka eka}:l syat dvifiya ka~recaka
kararecakastritfyastu caturthal~ kan!harecak~"
29. Ibid - Pages 163, 164 - C ite: 'Karn Recaka Recako budhail/
30. Ibid - Page 87 - Cite: "Atigahara evam Nrttam Prayoga phalam prasute. Tat aiigani
karanadTni"
JJ . Ibid - Page 91 - Cite: " Nanusthanakacayadinam"
32. Natyasastra - Chapter IX - Lines 112 to 118
Dr. Manmohan Ghosh translation - Chapter IX - Lines 20 l to 206
33. Natyasastra (G.O.S) - Chapter X - Line 3
Dr. Manmohan Ghosh translation - Chapter XI - Line 3
34. Dr. Manmohan Ghosh translation - Chapter IX - Line 6
35. "Anyasya tuktapi prayokturn asakya na
Capi nirupayitum sakya"
Abhinava BharatI (G.O.S) Vol. I, II edition, Page 142
36. A bhinavagupta on Nafyasastra 4, 260
37. Abhinava Bharafi, Ibid Page 177
38. Natyasastra (G.O.S) Vol. I, Introduction to the II edition, Page 16
39. Dr. Manmohan GhoslvEs English translation ofNatyasastra, Vol. I, Introduction,
Page I, XV
40 . "Evam anyad api uhyam iti anuprayogayat samastam na
li khit:aJT} agama bhramsa
ra~ar:iaya tu din nirupita"
Abhinava Bharafi (G.O.S) Vol. I Page l69
4 1. Su pra - Chapter "Intellectual or Emotional"
42. According to Abhinavagupta, the soul is a personific~ti 0 n o f bliss. T hi s bl iss is
realized and experienced through the enjoyment (Rasa) obtained Crom th~ histrionic
performances . This is the reason for eve n the swcd ncss of lhc lrag i~ la k s .
106 KARANAS - v
· OL I

CHAPTE R-V I
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOU RCE S
Indian aesthetics is like the banyan tree. It has expande d enormo usly giving independent
strength to its branches like music, dance, drama, literature, poetics, drawing , painting, sculpture,
architec ture and such others. Yet the ex istence of the basic trunk, in the form of the basic
principl es, has retained the affinity and undying inter-de penden ce between all of them .
Invariably, an interest in one of them leads into another and thus further gets percolated into
the rest. It is said that Vi~9udh armotta ram recomm ends a basic knowle dge of dance for a
student of sculpture. This demand s in turn an underst anding of music . It also involves a
thoroug h knowled ge of drawing , for it requires a mastery over the laws of proportion and
lines. Indian aesthetics has laid great stress on symmetry. This is obvious even to the unfamiliar
eyes, when they come across the Indian tradition al sculptur e and dance. The growth of these
two arts in particul ar was made rapid by an irresisti ble influenc e over each other.

The twin arts of dance and sculpture were nurtured by religion in India. This di vine
shade was in the form of the temples. Our ancients always conside red anythin g of beauty,
which is nothing but a joy forever, divine. This further ensured a stamp of permane nce for
such objects. Under the care of the temples , the two arts grew, enrichin g each other with
themes and forms. The dancer was a delectable source of inspirat ion for the sculptor. The
sculptur e thus created, had also been, in turn, a silent guide to generat ions of dancers. This is
how; these arts influenc ed and helped each other in the process of their refinem ent.

The Sil pa Sastras insist on a basic knowledge of dance for the sculptures. The fundamental
principl e in both the arts is to fill up space based on the law of symmet ry and proportion . The
term s like ·s au~~hava' and' Aii.ga Suddha ~• often used in connect ion with actual dancing i.s
nothing but the executi on of the moveme nts of the v .·
a11ous A.ngas - or 11m
. bs o·f the bodv in :i
-
symmetrically beautiful way. Such moveme nts
O r pos t ures 1. n d ance are o 1:t en ettl oo
c
ized :is
being sculpturesque . It is on ly because of the fa t f. b h h
c o ot t ese arts b e mg . d epei1chnt " on the
law of sy mmetry.

The lines of the body guide both s I . ,. . • .- nci11lc 5

cu ptui e ,md dance. There are certain basic P11
commo n to both . The Bharigas, fo rmed due to tl ,: .
1e u 1tmg of_the head , torso an d with the
r .
w.us1,
 THE ARCHAEO LOGICAL SOURCES 107

weight of the body shifted on one leg are all common to dance and sculpture. The measurem ent
called Tala, used in connectio n with space, is another common feature of these two arts. The
space between the feet, for example, gives a characteristic shape to the posture . This factor is
the basis of the Sthanas or static positions of the body, which are also common to both the arts.

Apart from the unquestio ned Lord of Dance - viz. Siva - Na!araja, various Gods of the
Hindu pantheon are desc1ibed as dancers. Some of the names from thi s list are Gai:iesa,
Kartikeya, Kf~i:ia, Parvafi, Kalf, L~nu, Saraswafi and Manmath a. Among the super human
beings there are artistes conceived as the Apsaras , Gandharv as, l(_jnnaras and even the Bhuta
Gai~as. The concept of each deity had to be studied well by the sculptor. Every deity had to be
represented in specific postures, including the details of the hand gestures. Thus knowledge of
the Na!yasas tra came to be infused into the study of Silpa Sastras. The hand gestures called
Hastas in dance are known as Mudras in sculpture. The Agama Sastras gi ve the Dhyana
Slokas in which the form and characteristics of each deity is clearly stated. The Indian sculptor
had to meditate with such a Sloka in mind and visualize the form in the stone. He is considere d
to be only removing the unnecess ary portion of the stone, thus, revealing the existing figure
therein. He is hence not the creator, but only a reveller. With such high principle s, the sculptors
must have visualize d each movemen t in dance, as they only removed the unwanted portion.
The Dhyana Sloka in the case of dance sculptures would have been the definitions of Karai:ias,
Caris and Sthanas as given in the Na!yasastra. This is the only reason for our dance sculpture s
being an authentic codificat ion in stone, of whatever was written and practiced during the
various periods of history.

Dance has infl uenced Indian sculpture so deeply, that even prosaic scenes like pulling
out a thorn from the sole, or daily routines like writing a letter or applying a Tilaka on the
forehead are all portrayed in a dance-lik e attitude. This kind of a graceful beauty is felt in the
art of sculpture througho ut the length and breadth of our country. Though dance sculptures
and dance-lik e sculpture s are found in every part of India, Tmnil Nadu has the privilege of
containing a systematic sculptural record ofBharat a's Karm~as, portrayed in at least fi ve temples
as far as our knowled ge goes today. These templ es are in Thanjavu r, Kurnbak onam ,
Chidambaram, Tiruvannamalai, and V1iddhacalam. It is amazing that, such a permanent register
of a dance technique, perpetuat ed in stone, with such meticulou s authentic ity and beauty had
108 KARANAS - VOLJ

been created with zeal to protect heritage. As though reinstating Bharata' s tradition, the Karai:ia
sculptures were again designed and installed at Uttara Chidambaram Nataraja Mandir at Satara,
Maharashtra in the 2011i century. I feel a profound sense of participation in the history of dance
11
for it was at the behest of th e Centenarian Sage of 20' ce ntury, His Holiness Sri
Candrasekharendra Sarasvafi Svanugat, the 68 th Sankaracarya of the illustrious Kanchi
Kamakoti PT!ham that I was ordained to design 108 twin figures of Lord Siva and Goddess
Parvatf for this temple. Nearly a decade after the construction of the temple I came across
Kara1~a sculptures in Central Java at Prambanan belonging to the 9 th century. A comparati ve
study of my designs for Satara and the Karm::ia sculptures of Pramban an revealed an amazing
link beyond time and space. All the above-mentioned series of Kara9a sculptures in relation to
the history and architecture of their present placement are discussed hereunder from the point
of view of archaeology. This chapter will naturally unveil the multidisciplinary study that was
essenti al to unfold the mystery of the Karar:ia. Only a correlated study of the Natyasastra, its
commentary Abhinava Bharat.I and the archaeological sources could lead me to reconstruct
each of the Karar:ia for a practical performance.

It is amazing, how the work of Sage Bharata has been caught by the sculptors into their
own art. It also speaks of the cultural unity that had permeated throughout the Bharata Var~::i
and Bharat.a KhaQ<;la. The following pages give a detailed account of these Karar:ia Sculptures,
for; they have formed the primary archaeological sources of the present study, the only other
major source being the Natyasastra itself.

THANJAVUR
Thanjavur had been fortunate to be a centre of art and culture from the days of the
Imperial Colas in th e 10111 century up lo the time of the last of the Maratha rulers in the 19111
cen tury. It was made the capital of the Colas by Vijayalaya (about 850- 870 ) (* l) But the credit of
havi ng turned it into a cultural capita] as well , goes to Raja Raja the Great (9 85 - 1014). ( *2) He
was not only a great warrior, but al so a builder-• IJe.1
has·1m.mor ta11ze
- d 111s
• nan1c b y bLlt.ldin°c n
magnificent temple of astounding engineering skill and aes tl1et1c • va 1ue to h'1s f··avolll-1·te dcilY
·
Siva. (Fig. 18) He is remembered lo thi s day w 1·tli love an
_ d ad miralton
• - '(.or t h1s ' grea test of hi s
achi evements. The temple is indeed a "Peri ya .N
v 01· l" (B. .,..,
1g .1emp1e ) , ens h nnmg
. . "P er.vudrtiy5.r''
... ·.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 109

Fig.JS Brhadisvara T•mple of Thanja,·ur

110 KARAr~AS - VOL I

(Big God), as referred to in Tamil , the corresponding Sanskritised name being BrhadTsvara.
T he sanctum has for its roof, the unparalleled Vimanam, towering gigantically, unshaken by
the wrath of time, standing in challenging silence. It is indeed a mass of stone live with movement.
One has to onl y walk along its circurnambulatory and keep on looking up at its pinnacle _the
Kalasa, to experience the value of the above description . " Appare ntly the largest, hjghest and
n1ost ainbitious production of its kind hitherto undertaken by Indian builders , it is a landmark
in the evolution of the building art in South India" (*3) The serenity that pervades the vast
expanse and the 1nagnitude of the soaring Vimana is bound to destroy the ego in the visitor
atleast mon1entarily. It is most significant that the Karal)a sculptures have been pl aced in the
first tier of this magnificent Vimana. It must have been a profound spiri tual impulse, which
moved Raja Raja to commemorate his material and martial achievem ents in such an immortal
fas hio n. This same divinely artistic inner force must have given mm the brilliant idea of creating
a visual codification of the literal definitions ofBharata's KaraI)aS. It was Raja Raj a's genius ,
which was responsible for the maiden attempt of portraying Lord Siva as performing all of
them .

The Vim iinam i.e . the tower over the sanctum sanctorum o f the Brhadisvarn temple
is ab out 212 feet in height. There is a closed circumambulatory passage j us t arou nd this
awe-inspiring shrine. It was on the walls of this passage that the Cola frescoes were discovered
and carefully restored by removing the Nayak. paintings of the later period, which were covering
them . On the first tier of the Vimanam, there is a circumambulatory passage just abo\'e the
o ne, which contains the frescoes. There are stairs from the outer M ar:itapa leading to this tier.
On entering this passage, the Kara1_1a figures are in1111ediately seen at an eye level on the left.
T he series starts with the first Karal)a Talapu~paputarµ and continues in perfect accordanl'C
w ith Bharata' s serial order. The entire closed ambulatory is set aside onl y fo r this se ries. The
height of the slabs in which they are carved is approximately two feet. They are pl:J.ced
co ntiguo usly aro und th e passage . Out of 108 Karm:rns , o nly 8 1 are sc ulpted . However slabs
are left plain, obvio usly for carv ing the rest of the seri es . (Fig.19) Th e inco mpleteness of this
seri es is indeed a great loss fo r lhc dance world, for this is the earliest authentic visual codi fi cation
in Tanul Nadu of a, totall y forgotten technique.
THE ARCHA EOLOGICAL SOURCES III

Fig.19 Blank Slabs after Karal}a 81

The existence of s uch a corridor was discovered in 1954 during the course of uprooting
some foliage on the tower. Sri. K .R. Srinivasan, who was the Superintendent of the
Archaeological Department and Sri Visvanatha Iyer did yeo1nen service by cleaning the passage
which \\ as covered with bat excreta. The credit of identifying the sculptures as Bharata ·s
Kara1Jas goes to Dr.T.N. Ramachandran who was the Join t Director General of the
Archaeolog ical Department of India.

All the 81 Karar:ia figures are sculpted with four arms. Dr. V. Raghavan is of the opinion
that Karat) as 61 and 72 are represented by female figures. (*4) This is most positively en-oneous.
for no female features are seen in either of these. While every figure is that of Lord Siva, these
two al one would not be different. Moreover in most of the Sc ulptures, two hands depict the
dance gesture, while the other two carry some cymbal or weapon of Siva, like the deer, small
drum or Mazh u (the weapon). In between the figures of Siva, there arc dwarf fi gures of Siva
Gar:ias . Hence, all the 81 figures are those of Lord Siva only.
11 2 KA RA!':,JAS - VOL I

It is obvious that the Karal)a Sculptures of the Thanjavu r temple are not finished products.
Apar t from the fact that onl y 8 1 Karai~as are sculpted , even th ose, which are carved , are yet to
be given the final touches. Most of them have been chiselled on ly till the prelirru nary stage. In
some of them , the hands and feet are ye t to be g ive n the fina l touches. For example, Kara1~as
14, 73 and 74 are absolutely incomple te. The detai led descripti on o f each of the sculptu res is
given in Chapter VII along wi th the enumerati on of Karai:1 as. Th e i ncompleteness of this
Karana series cannot be mistaken for corrosion or destr uction, fo r, it had been lying hidden at
a safe di stance of height and enclosure from human vandalism and nature ' s attack. The cause
for this unfulfill ed attempt must have been the passing away of the Royal architect Raj a Raja,
or even the sculptor who was an adept in Natyasas tra. It is highly probable that this Karar:ia
series was not ready when Raja Raja cel ebrated the Kumbhab hi~ekam of the temple. The
temple is said to have been complete d around 1010 and the Emperor passed away in 101-+.
These sculpture s must have been still under productio n during these years. The sculptor must
have wanted to chisel the outline of all the 108 earlier and then concentra te on their niceties. It
may also have been to save the time and energy of some dancer who guided or modelled fo r
this task . Among the names of three important sculptors who are said to have been connected
with the building ofthis great temple, the insc1iption is said to n1ention a name "Nitta Vinodan'·.
(*5) It is not far fetched to surmise that this name could have been "Nrtta Vinodan" copied as
"Nitta Vinodan" . This could have been a title of the genius of the sculptor who was responsib le
for the acc urate authenti c representati on of the Karanas.

In spite of being incomple te in number and unfinishe d in character , the Thanjanu- Karn1:w
series is astoundi ngly educative , radiating dynamism . They are vibrant with all the majesticity
and grace of Si va' s Ta99-ava. They are able to convey volumes about the art to the true seeker.
The sculptor has brought out even s ubtle aspects of the practical performa nce of the Kara1_1ns,
thus infusing li fe into these stones. When thi s is true of even the unfirushe d sc ul ptu res, on~ can
easi ly imagine what it wo uld have been if they had been given the fin al touches . These sculptures
o fte n fill the lacuna in the li terary source. They sometime s help in dec id ing the correct reading.
too. Karai~a 22 is an ex amp le for thi s . Bharata has de fin eu each K arai~a in couplets . In some
cases we do not get a ll th e re leva nt in fo rma l.i o n for a prac ti cal reco nstr uc ti on . Even
Abhi navag upta's comment ary is vague in some parts . Thi s is a colossal impedime nt fur a
prac tical understand ing. S uch situati ons arc saved w ith the help of the T hanjavur Kar~u~ri
THE ARCHAEO LOGICAL SOURCES 113

figures. For example, Kara1:1as 2, 13, 37 and 44 are made clear only through the positjons of
the hands in the sculpture s. The figure ofKara9a 34 indicates the movemen t of the body. The
figure of Karat)a 49 shows the Sthana in wruch it is to be performe d. Many more such instances
could be added.

The portrayal of Lord Siva with four arms was a quiz to be solved from the practical
point of view. Obviously, the Karn9as are actions associated, created and performe d by human
beings in all the real sense. The apparent use of four arms, primarily meant to suggest Di vimty,
reveals on a deeper insight, the sculptor' s marvello us sense in s uggesting animati on. As a
dancer, it was possibl e for this writer to extract this idea from the sculptures, because of the
actual , personal experien ces in feeling these movements. Dr. T.N. Ramachandran , who guided
the present work accepted the value of this explanation and also spoke several times and wrote
about it. (*6)

Bu t Dr. V. Raghava n has rejected this by writing that "the theory that the artiste here
has exploited Si va' s four arms to bring out the dynamic aspect of at least the arms in motion is
not justified. " (*7) A practical reconstru ction of these KaraIJas clearly reveals not only the
course of moveme nt suggeste d by the four arms; One is able to see how every limb of these
figures are carved to radiate movement. They are not static postures in the eye of an artiste .
Each of then1 seems to demonst rate the entire course of action of the respective KarUIJas. The
main pair of arms show a particula r moment of the movemen t while the other two show its
course or end . KaraIJaS 11, 16, 27, 29, 41, 63, 65, 66, 67 and 71 are a few examples to support
this view. (Vide ' Enumera tion of Karal)as' ). Even in the case of the Karar:ias, which do not
come under this category , the hands carrying weapons are carved out in such a wny that the
beauty of symmetr y and form is enhanced .

In some cases the artiste has conceive d Lord Siva as holding n trident , snake etc . as He
'
is dancing. T his is not only to emphasiz e the Saivite character of the sculptures: on a closer
study, it reveals the correct position of the hands to which the student is to pay atlention . For
example, in Karai:ia 4, the space between the hand holding Kha!ak5m ukha gesture ~nd the
chest is expected to be 8 At)gulas (about one span). This has bee n beautifully suggeste d by
depicting Siva as holding a VJt)il. This is how even subtle points are successfully t~ken care
of. Another character istic 01ethod of suggestin g space in regard to direct ion is the depicti on of
114 KARANAS - voL,

the forward movements in profile. This is akin to the Rajasth ani paintings. Karai:ias 50, 63, 64
and 66 are examples for this.

With regard to the commentary that the sculptors followed at Thanjavur, very little can
be inferred. However, Dr. T.N. Ramachandran 's view that they have followed Abhinavagupta's
Abhinava Bharafi does not seem to hold good on a scrutiny. (*S) Abhinavagupt a's date is
generally ascribed between the 91h and 11111 centuries . The impac t of this Kashmirian 's work
could not have reached the Cola country in that short period. In fact some of the figures seern
to even differ from his Abhinava BharatI. The practical reconstruction of the Kara,:ias without
and with the help of this c01runentary reveals their evolution and the change they had undergone
during the centuries that had galloped between Bharata and Abhinavagupt a. By directly
following Bharata, we derive a particular movement. But Abhinavagupt a's interpretation
changes the shape of the same. The Thanjavur figures represent Bharata' s thoughts directly
and not through the help of this only available c01nn1entary. This is, however, a greater asset,
because, to a performer, it gives a bonus of more than one interpretation, for at least some of
the Karal)as . To quote a few examples of Kara9a figures, which differ from Abhinavagupta ' s
commentary and yet authentically follow Bharata are Kara9as 1, 4, 7, 8, 31 and 49.
(Vide Chapter VII for details.)

The Thanjavur Kara9a series is indeed a perpetual gift to the cultural world from one of
the greatest of Monarchs world ever produced . Raja Raja's contribution to art and culture is
widely known. His inscriptions reveal that he had a cream of 400 dancers chosen from various
places and attached to his favourite Brhadisvara temple. Apart from providing all the basic
necessities of life for them, he had benevolently patronized hundreds of musicians to accompany
them . Rajarajesvaram , as the temple was called, literally became the psycho centric force of
all cultural and religious activities. It is no wo nder that the Karal)aS were registered there, for
the artistes to draw inspiration and guidelines. It seems as though Raja Raja had the premoniti0n
of Bharata's technique getting erased fro m memory and practice as centuries passed. The
necessi ty to record them must have been felt by him due to the emergence of certain ne\V
50
elemenLs. We do not know if his attempt paid dividend at any point of time ns it is doing
• 11es th a t they had· been
now. nearly a thousand years after they were made . O ne on 1y vns
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 11 5

compl eted. But any person who dives into the subject of Karar:ias is sure to realize the genuine
value of these authentic scu lptu res though unfinished. They lend invaluabl e gu idance onl y to
those who seek, like the Lord revealing Himself only to those by whom He is sought. With
the gigantic awe inspiring ' Li1iga111 ' in the sanctum and also the varied manifestati ons of the
Lord, it appears as though Raj a Raja wanted to enshrine both the aspects of ' Being' and
'Beco ming ' in His ever lasting monument.

SUMMARY

The Brhadisvara temple at Thanj av ur built by Raja Raja Cola I contains 81 Karar:ia
Sculptures in the circumambulatory passage in the first tier of the toweri ng Vi mana. Slabs for
the rest of the 108 are left without any carvings. This was the first attempt to codi fy Bharata ·s
Karm:ias in stone. The series follows Bharata' s serial order perfectly. They are all fi gures of
Siva dancing with four arms . The four arms are utilized in most cases to bring out the animation
of the movements of the arms . They seem to be following Bharata' s Na~yasastra directly.
Abhinavagupta' s commentary does not tally with some of them . The Thanj av ur figures are
carved only up to the preliminary stage. They are yet to be given fi nal to uches . In spite of their
incomplete character, they seem to be live with action. They are the oldest, most authentic and
extremely well conceived products of the aesthetic genius of Raja Raj a' s well-infmmed sculptor.
The unful fi lled work is indeed a loss to dance history.
116 KARA~AS - VOL I

Fig.20.
Sarrigap,""i!1iswami
t emple
Kumbukor,am

H1~1dro u
II 1th

hmk f(,1n1J) •l
11.ill ➔ P,Jill'f.;
hiding
lhe panels
TI-If- r\RCHAE OI .OOWAI SOt IRrJ.: " 11 7

ht,!/ ,,,,,,,,,, & Sl1)'Cllllfllu Bult1l.ri1/1111111

r,•ctNJi11g tl,e i11t'ri11tiom of tlll• A.""'!'"\

•
11 8 KARANAS - VOL I

KUMBAKONAM
The present town of Kumbakona rn in Thanjavur District formed part of an important
city of the later Colas . It was called Mummu9i Cola Mal).9-alam a nd it included the anci ent
Cola si tes of Pazhayarai and Raj arajapurnm (the present Daras uram) . The entire city had an
area of about fi ve mil es length and three miles breadth . (*9) The prese nt Darasuram , which is
about a mile from Kumbakona m, is said to have had even a Cola palace to its South .(* 10) The
town ofKumbako nam, on the bank of the river Kaveri , had been e nj oying an abu ndant wealth
of art and c ultu re. Among the major temples of this town is the Sarngapai:iiswami temple
dedicated to T his temple has a very tall compelli ng Gop uram for its e ntrance on the
Vi~t)U.

Eastern s ide. (Fig 20) This tower has a beautiful set of Karai:ia Sculptures o n its exteri or,
aITanged in a hori zontal fashion on all four sides, as in Thanjavur. These are fitted in the stone
base of the Gopuram at a height of about 12 feet. (Fig 21) They are all made of granite stone
a nd are distinctly visible from the ground. These panels are about l foot in height. One would
not mj ss to notice them for the simple reason of their being quite out of place in that setting.
But they are obv iously an improveme nt on the incomplete atte1npt at Thanj avur. Each figure
is much more finished. They are not only artistic but more educative due to their being labelled
wit h the inscription of the rel evant numbers and names, of the Karar:ias . Hence, this series has
formed another major primary source fo r the present study of Karanas .

The Kumbakon am Karnr:ws were first noticed by Sri. P.R. Srini vasan and reported to
th e Archaeolog ical Departmen t in !he year 1955 . In 1958 Sri Aravan1 uda Iyengar publ ished
29 photograph s of these figures in the A nnual of the local monthly journal " Kfiveri "' (* 11 )
Later Dr TN. Ramachand ran, as Director of Tamil Nadu State Archaeo logical Department
took the task of examining and photograph ing all of them fo r the D epartme nt. Around th~
same time, the Epigraphica l Department also seems to have recorded the relevant inscriptions.
A general note about these inscriptions was published in the A nnual R epoit o flndian Epigraphy
for 1964-65. But, unfortun ately, the inscri ptions \.Vere not publish ed in that. T herefore, nn
independen t attempt had to be undertaken to copy the relevant insc riptio ns for this presenr
work. These are in the Cola Grant ha character with the serial numbe r and name engr::ivcd
below each figure. A ll these sc ulptures are mal e fi gures w ith o nl y two hands and not [our ns in
fhanjavur.
THE t\ RC'l IAEOLOG ICJ\L SOURCES
119

The dance figures of the Kumbak onam Karana series have been consider ed as
tho se of Lord Kr~1)a by Sri . P.R . Srinivas an and also Dr. C . Sivaram amurthy . ( * 12)
Dr. TN . Rarnacha ndran considere d them as human figures only.(* 13) But it can be categoric ally
stated that they are all those of Lord Siva only.

Sri . P.R. Sriru vasan writes " the performe r is a boy or youth with a high Ja~amaku~a like
head gear and two hands . It is rather difficult for us to ide ntify this figure. It is well known in
South Indi a that o nl y two deiti es are represent ed with features exactly to those of th e present
figur e. Th ey are Balasub rahma9y a (also sometim es, identifie d as bab y saint
Tirug nanas ambanda r) and Balak!·~t)a. The temple is dedicated to Vi~9u and that the number
of Sai vite figures occuning in it is negligibl e. This circumsta ntial evidence furni shes a clue to
the identifica tion of the performe r of the Kara9as as Balakf~9 a. " (* 14)

Dr. C. Sivaran1 ainurthy has devoted for this series an entire chapter called " Kara1)as
presented by Vi~9u as Kr~r:ia" on the Kumbako nam series of Karai:ias in his monumen tal book
"Na!araja in Art, though t and Literatur e."(* 15) He says "uuu Kr~r:ia was not only an adept in
folk dance, but he was also the master of classical dance, as he was, after all, the incarnati on of
Vi ~9u , one of the three creators ofthis great art. It is with this idea in his rrund that the form of
Krsna has been chosen by the sculptor to delineate the Kara9as in the Sarilgapar:uswanli temple."
(* 16) He further states " The very first sculpture here shows the Talapu~p apu!a, the first Karai:ia,
almost in the smne manner as in the case of Si va in the
BrhadTsv ara temple. The Vanamal a of Kr~9a is shown
extending over the shoulder s."(* 17)

Dr. T.N. Ramach andran writes , '' Though th e

Kumbako nam figures are of mal e, the delineati on is not of
Siva. They are of Sutradha ra w hich fact is proved by th e
first sculptur e being in scr ib ed below as
'Sutradha ra"'(* 18)(Fig.2 2)
Fig.22 Siitradhiira
Two points can be affirmati vely stated wi th regard to
the Kumbako nam Karai:ia series. One is that the figures are all those of Siva, and the other are
that originally none of them belonged to this present te mple . The presence of Ga1:1as as
120 KARAr~ AS - VOL I

accompanying fig ures is of considerable impmtance in co ncluding that these dance panels are
certainly Sai vite in nature . They are ne ither Vais,:iavite nor even huma n. In their original
setting, they must have been placed conti guo usly, pe rhaps along the c ircurnambulatory
(Pradak~ir:iam) of some other temple as in the case of the T h anjavur series. T he gap between
the figures must have been beautifully fi ll ed with these dwarf figures portrayed as pl aying
some instruments like the Mrdangam, Cymbals, Conch , Pancamukha Vadya and V11:ia. It is
significant that most of the S iva fig ures of the Thanjavur Karar:ia figures a lso have such Gana
accompanists. On the contrary, at Chidambaram, we have figures of human bei ngs portrayed
as acco mpanying artistes. Presently, at K umbakonam, 44 Ka.rai:, a figures have two Gary;:is,
one on either side.(Fig.22a) 35 of them have one Gai:ia each. In the rest, som e Gnt:1as are
either damaged or absent because of the sharp c utting of the slab , in order to fit them into their
present position . It is quite likely that all of them must have had two Ga1:ias each. The Gai:ias
have varied headgears and most of them are full of suggestion of d y nami sm . They are all short
and bulky. Their faces are quite varied, tho ugh most of them are human . The express ion on
the faces of some of these is vi vid and fasc inating. The Naryasastra speaks of Gai:ias like
Nandi and B hadramukha. (* 19) Many varieties of Gm:ia faces c an be seen in the most delectable
Bhuta Gar:ia panels in the base of the Kai lasanatha temple at Kanchipurmn. At Kumbakonarn .
there is a Gana with lion 's face seen between the Karanas Yaisakharecitam and Bhramarnbm
• • a •

(i.e. 37 and 38). But the most interesting and vital figure to decisively reveal the Saivite charctcter
is that of Nandikesvara himsel f (F ig.22b) along with the figure of Vrscikarecita q1
(No . 46).(Fig .22c) It is a slender figure, which is also taller than those of the Ga1:ias. The face
is that of a bull , seen in profile, with a crow n and thus different fro in the headgears cf the
ordinary Gar:ias. He is seen standing to the right side of his Lord and playing on the Pancamukba
Vadya (a big five faced dr um) which itself is m o unted o n a stand. Nandikesvara is often
spoke n of as the main percussion instrumenta list for Lord Siva ·s dance. It is therefore easy to
co nc lude that the f ig ures portrayed as the da nce r in thi s Karnr:1a series are certainl y those ol
Siva and not Kf-? lf.l. The garland (Vanamnla) referred to by Dr. C . Si vnramamurt hy is shown
in mos t of the sc ulptures o nl y to add a s ugges ti o n of gy rations , bends etc. In fact , i t is n
common featur e eve n in th e fe mal e da nce fi g ures at th e Ch id ambaram temple . Hen ce.
Dr. C. Sivarnmamurthy ' s view of assoc iating the ga rl and w ith Ki·~•:ia's Y:uwmala see ms r: t1hc1
far-fetched.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 121

Fig.22a KaratJa with Pramatha GatJas on either sides.

Fig.22c N an di k es vara pfaying

Pan cham ukha Va dli_vu

Fig.22b C/osq up of Na 11dik esvara

122 KARANAS- VOL f

Dr. TN. Ramachandran 's view that the Kumbakona m Karar:ia series are those of a
hum a n be ing was on ly beca use of the prese nce of an in scription as 'S utradhiira ' under
one of the fig ures. T hi s inscription is quite mi s le ading and he nc e hi s conclus ion is
justifiable . But, th e presence of two Gat)aS by th e s ides o f this p ar ti c ular main figure is so
promine nt that it leads o ne to infer that it is also th e figure of Lord S i va only, d e monstrating
the posture of the Sutradharn . If it were a human figure, atleas l in the case of the S utradhara
(th e director of the play), the Ga1:1as wo uld have been re placed by normal human figures .

In addition to the presence o f the Ga9a figures , there is yet another strong evidence to
prove the Sai vi te character of the Karai:ia series. Along with this series , there is a fi g ure of
Siva in O rdh v a Tiii)c;iava h av ing eighteen hands with the leg lifted up vertically. (Fig . 23 )
This figure is of the same size and stone as those of
the Karai:ias. This multi-armed icon has bee n identified
by Sri . P.R . Srinivasan as Vi~i:iu in the fo r m of
Viratapuru~a (cosmic being). He says "It is in this aspect
it was that Kr~i:ia gave darsan to Arjuna on the battlefield
ofKuruk~etra." (*20) Obviously Sri. P.R. Sriru vasan has
been misguided by the presence of this figure in a Vi~r:iu
temple . But unfortunately, he has missed to notice the
existence of the Gar:ias on either sides of this deit y.
Moreover this figure is placed in the North east side of
the Gopura. Rudra is the presiding deity of this direction.

Fig.23 Urdh vatii ,:, <Ja va

We are also familiar with the popular m ythology of Lord
Siva having won Goddess KaF through this very concept
of O rdh va Tiil)c;lava. Hence, it can be firmly established that this figure as well as th e Kar:in~1
fi g ures arc a l I th ose of Siva only.

The Ordh vatandava icon of the Sanigapaniswai..,. ..; te mp Ie O opur:1 1s

· a rare on e . Nor111~1
· · . .._ , u · 1,·
·
th e m ore know n fig u~cs of Ordhvalat)c;lava have only four, eight or te n hnnds . (*2 l) fl1 r
Ka!ikataryc;Iava111, the Agamas presc ribe e ig ht hands . ( * 22 ) But, at Badami cave in Bi_iapur
Di s trict, a fi g ure o f S iva with e ig· htee n hancls llns b d as anol he1. \,c1·s·,c,n <'f
" , • ce n ·tue
,1
n t·r·
1 1e ·
Kalikatandavam . (*23) In thi s sc ulpture tt1 e leg .·, s not · th - - d . gt11·,·e·u1 for
· · · · ' · • 111 c 1I 1tc · post ure as 1e
 _ RCHA EOLOGICAL SOURCES 123
TII E A

Ordhvatnl)c_:lava. The huge Sil pa of Ordhvatai:ic;tava in front of the sanctum of Sundaresvara at

the Meenakshi temple in Madurai has ten hands. The Kumbakonam icon seems to be a
eighteen hands and the lifted Jeg.
co'"y'lbination of · · • vam. with
Ordhvatai:ic;tava and Kalikatunda
The two Gai:ias on the ei ther sides are seen playing the Paiicamukha Vadya and the cymbal s.

Apart from the existence of the Ordhvata,~c;tava of Si vu, there is one more solid evidence
for the Saivite nature of the entire Karnt~a seri e.s on the Gopura. There is also a sculpture of
KaFin a dancing pose. (Fig. 24) This panel is on the Southern side of the ex teri or walI of the
Gopura . She is seen in a Ma9c_:lala posture with the right foot slightly lifted. She has the usual
four hands . But this figure is just half the size ofthis panel. This slab on the whole is of the size
of the other sculptures. Above Kali's figure, three faces are seen with their left hands lifted.
Only the faces and the left hands are shown. There is a curved line suggesting either clouds or
mountains above Ka!i , thus separating her from them.
By the left side of Ka!1 is a Gai:ia, either playing cymbals
or perhaps clapping his hands. To her right is a normal
mal e figure in Mai:ic_:lala Sthana. But, that the slab is
abruptly cut is obvious. The left leg is placed sligh tl y in
front of the right. Both the hands are lifted vertically
up ward. The right hand is holding a p::unaruka drum .
This panel must have been a part of a bigger one . It is
likely to have por trayed either Koc_:luko~~i. or
Pal).c_:larangam. Both these come under Ta~9ava, the
eleven kinds of Ac;lal (dances) mentioned in the Tamil
Fig.24 Kiif"i
epic Silappadik aram. (*24) It is said to have been
performed by Siva (Tripurantaka) after destroying the three As uras . Dc\'1 is said to have danced
along with him in Koc;lukogi . The sc ul ptor had probabl y interpreted it as the more \\cini form
of DevT viz. K5.~i . It suits the description of Koc;luko\ti, which is explained as a cbncc of
forceful nature . Siva is said to have drrnccci it in gny abandon, clapping his hands in rcjoicemcnt
01"his victory. The three faces in the panel proba bly represe nt tile three A.--ur~1--. The figure b)

the side of Kap, which is half seen, is Ii kc ly to be that orSiva. This pnncl 111:1y also lK' L·onsiderecl
as Piii)c;Iaratigam _another dance dcscrihccl in Si lappad ildram . Thi s is also con 11cc tcd wi th the
124 KAR ANAS
·
- vo L I

above-mentio ned sto ry of Tripurasamhara. In this Si va is said to hnve

d anced in th e g uise of B ha ratT (Kap ). In thi s c ase, the male fig ure With
two hands, in contrast w ith Bharatt w ith fo ur ha nds, m ay represent the
Pusari w ith hi s Uc;Jukku dr um . Pusari s d a nce in ecstas y w hile singing
and playing th eir little drum . Their d ance is th e d a nce of spell, li ke the
Velan Vcri yn c;Jal. (V icic Introduc ti on)

Wi th s uc h a stron g associatio n with

Sai vism , the Kara9a sculptures cou]d not have
been created for the Vais1:iavite temple, w here
they are found now. All these Siva panels m ust
have been shifted from some other place and
Fig. 25 Kr~rJa fixed in their new home. The mere existence
play ing fl ute in the Vi~9u temple cannot transform th eir
identity. Shifting of sculptures from one p lace a nd fixing them
elsewhere is n ot impossi ble. By the gracio us g u id a nc e of R. H .
Sri Candrasekhare ndra SarasvatI Fig.26 Gop i charm ed

Sri Sankaracar ya o f K anc i K amakoti PI~ha m , it \1.as

poss ible to c ome acro ss a parall e l. At Tirukkodikbro.l
(Thanjav ur D istr ict) we have a few Vai s 9avi te panels.
obvio usly transplanted from elsewhere into the Gopu1 :2 or 8
very old Siva temple . These panels are found in the inner \i. a\l ,
Fig. 27 Groups of Rath as of the Gopura at the entrance, at the eye kvel itself. One ofth..:
p ane ls c learly po rtrays the scene described b) the G ic .1!
Vais9-avi te saint Pe1i yazhvar, in connection w ith the charm of the m agic al flute ofK.f~tJ~1. (.Fig. 25)
V./e see Gopis (Fig.26), birds and anima ls and eve n pla nts in r,:g•m:;;;r:----~-- - ..,
an abso lute state o f trance w hile he is play ing the flu te. (*25) •. ~ 1

Apru-1 from these, there are so me pane ls appare ntl y q uite

d isconnected, de pic ting c hnriots (F ig . 27) , a nd w arri o rs
(Fig .28) and fo lk dances. (Fig . 29 , 30 & 31) It is most obv in us
that they have been removed from elsewhere and re fi xcd h ere
1n th e base o f th is Gop urn . ln th e sa m e fa s h i o n , th e Fi~.211 W/lrrio r.s
 THE ARCHA EOLOGICAL SOURCES 125

"J

Fig.29 Dar.ujaliisy a Fig.30 Folk danc ers Fig.31 Folk dancers

Si va sc ulptures have been fixed m the Vi~r:iu temple Gopura a t

Kumbakonam . This must have been done to save these beautiful panels
from either getting lost or ruined on account of some disaster to their
original place.

The Karana series must have

ori ginally belonged to a Siva
temple only. When, why and who
Fig.32 Kara~ws seen brought them to their present place
reset haphazardly
are all matters of conjecture. Still , Fig.33 Kara1,1a Argalaf!I by the side of
it is not impossibl e to infer, their origi nal home as well discon n ected figures

as the period in which they were refixed. The latter can be realized from the manner in which
they have been fixed. Figures 32, 33, 34 and 35 are a few examples to illustrate beyond doubt
that they have been hurriedly, haphazardly and disconnectedly
fixed in a place where they were never meant. (Fig . 32) shows
the clumsy setting of the sculpture. (Fig.33) has by the side of the
Karn1!a, an unconnected story panel. (Fig. 34) shows how the pillar
like new frames has been
unsuitabl y inserted.
Fig.34 Kcira{W slab 1111e1·euly cut
(Fig. 35) has two Karai!as
and placed inside th e 11cll' fra me
w ant on ly plas tered
contiguo usly. A part of the original fram e is noticeab le
on the right, near which the new frame is fi xed. Unless
the temple or at least the relevant building whi c h Fig.35 Two Kara,:,11 figures i11 t11·0 sluhs arc
seen set i11 bt'fH' ee rr tlll.' fra mes
126 KARA~AS - VOLJ

Fig.36 Airiivatefrara temple - Chariot shaped Ma1,1!apa, Darasrtram

originally contained the scu lptures got badly rui ned, these figures would not have been brought
here . In this case, it is possible to surmise that these Kara9a figures got shifted from the
Airavatesvara temple at Darasuram, Rajarajapuram as it was called, is hardly a few miles
from Sanigapar:uswami temple. Hence transporting them could not have been a major problem.
The temple at Darasuram is said to have extended up to the present Railway station. Many
parts of thi s greatest of Cola masterpieces are in a very sorrowful state. This ruined tempk
mu st have originally been attached to a Cola palace.

E xcavations are sti ll not complete. The main Gopura has actually collapsed. The mai n
shrine is that of Siva. It was built by Raja Raja II ( 1146-1173 A.D.), and expanded by Kulottunga
III ( 1178 - 1217 A .D. )(*26). The foremost attraction in this temple is the chariot shaped Mru~~apJ
leadi ng to the sanctum . (Fig.36) The wheels, elephants, horses and the thousands of Yalis
create an illusion of movement. There are innumerable dance sculptures strewn and scattered
in every nook and corner of this large complex. Many a.re still piled up among the ruins. They
are also found buried. Only two possible causes could be attributed for such a dilapidated
THE ARC HAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 127

condition of this most beautiful temple. It was either struck by the cruelty of a thunder stroke
or wanton devastated and plundered in some bloody war. The latter is more possible, for we
are told that the Muslims under the command of Malik Ka fur invaded and ruined the stability
of South Indian Kingdoms in the 14th century. No Cola ruler is known in established hi story
after his advent. The Gopura having been terribly destroyed, these Karai:ia figures must have
been pitifully lying around, when they were picked up fortunately, and transplanted in their
present setting, for their sheer artistic value. Thanks to whoever was responsible for thi s most
considerate act, which has preserved the history of dance.

There are several reasons to presume that the Kara.r:ia series must have originally belonged
to the Darasuram temple. The inscriptions under the Karai:ia figures are in Cola Grantha
belonging to 12Lh century. The Darasuram temple also belongs to the same period. The idea of
inscribing the subject of the panel is highly characteristic of the panel s and sculptures in that
temple only. This temple depicts several stories of the Nayanmars (Saivite saints) in its sculptural
panels with their names engraved in the same Cola Grantha character. The main Gopura,
which has collapsed, has only the stone base of it still remaining. Though the icons of the
several deities enshrined in their respective Ko~tas have been removed, their names are seen
inscribed in the same Cola Grantha on the empty niches. It is hence most likel y that the
Kararyas , which are also inscribed, must have been placed in one of the tiers of the Gopura on
its interior wall of one of the closed halls. We have two parallels in such a kind of utilization of
the inner halls of the Gopura. At the famous Ta]).umalayasvami temple at S ucindram, dedicated
to Brahma, Vi~ i:1u and Siva, fabulous frescoes are found in the inner walls of all the seven tiers
of the Gopura. At the large old Vi~J).U temple at Tirukkurunguc;li , the seven floors of the tall
main Gopura is flooded with fantastic woodwork. The halls narrow down as the height
increases in both these. At Darasuram, the Karai:1as must have been on the first floor, with a
fairl y large space in the centre. Since it is likely that a Cola palace was attached to the temple,
this hall might have been even used for a dance class fo r the royal ladies. It is interesting to
recall that the Karar:ias were first sculpted in the Thanjavur Vimana , having been con1111issioncd
by Raj a Raja I. Darasuram was the work of Raja Raja II. At T hanjavur, the K~u-a1:ias \\'ere not
in the open, but meant only for the selected few. In the same fashion , Raja Raja II must haYe
wanted to make the dream of Raja Raja I come true and that too in a complete and improved
form. This temple is also cal1ed Rajarajapuram .
128 KARANAS _ VOL I

. sme
The temple at Darasuram ts . to have had the Karana
· series, judging from the abuncta nt
representation of both dance and drama. The dance sculptures
figure almost everywhere. There are many such panels 011 the
pillars of the chaiiot Mru:i~apa as well as in the base of the same.
(Fig.37) They are also found in the base of the columned corridor
in the outer Prakara. These pan e ls include both individual and
group patterns in dance. (Fig. 38) These remind one of the
sculptures of the Rajakka! Tarn bi ran Mapgai, Nrtta Sabha and
the outer Prakara of the Par:ic;lyanayakam s hrine in the Na!araja
temple at Chidambaram.
Th e Darasuram dance
Fig .37 Kara,:,a Gh:1r{1itaf!1 -
Pillar, chariot Ma~1{ apa, panels have a lot in common
Darasuram
with those of Tribhuvanam,
which was also built by Kulottunga ill. At Darasuram, in
the base of the Ma~igai in the ambulatory, there is an
in teres ting 1ad y
Fig.38 Dancers & Musicians -
figure show ing the outer Priikiira
animation of the
Karnr:ia call ed GangavataraQ.arp.. (Fig.39)There is one
head for three bodies caught in three different parts of
this somersault like movement. A similar figure
Fig.39 Kara!,a Ga1igii1 1atara,:,af!I - showing animation of Argalarp. is seen with two bodies
a11imated
and one head at the
base of th e l 000 pillar hall at Chidam baram. These are
deliberate and conscious attempts to communicate the
dynamic aspect of the Kara9as. The group dances depicted
at Darasuram are probably varieties of Pindibandhas
.. . Ev en
th e orchestral group consisting of beautiful girls is portrayed.
(Fi g. 40)

Apait from these Nrtta

·
varieties , scenes
·
fron 1 N a_ya
- t are
Fig.40 Wome11 OrcheSfr£1
also portrayed in thi s temple. Scenes from the Ra- -
mayana are
THE ARCHA EOLOGICAL SOURCES 129

note worthy. The Valivadha is beautifully portrayed.

(Fig.41) We are able to realize that actors used masks
for the monkey-like roles . It has been possible to
identify an often-repeated panel, as a scene from the
Pallava Emp eror Mah e ndra varma n' s play
' Mattavilasam'.
Fig.41 Rama slaying Vii li
(Fig.42) Thi s
drama is a social and religious satire. The chief characters
are a Kapiil ika (a Saiva mendicant of the skull bearing
order), his damsel and a Buddha Bik~u (Buddhist monk).
The Kapalika and his concubine had lost the skull, i.e.
their begging bowl. They search throughout the city of
Kanchi. Both are intoxicated to the extent of being unable Fig.42 Drama Matta viliisaf!I
to maintain balance. They come across a Buddha Bik~u
and suspect him to be the stealer of the skull. Finally a mad man secures it from a dog . Earlier,
the Bik~u laments for his law forbidding enjoyment of wine and women. He resolves to
reinterpret his religious texts. However, he denies that his begging bowl is that of the Kapalika.
He blesses his master Lord Buddha for insisting on shaving his head since it prevents the
damsel from succeeding in her well-meant effort to aid her companion by pulling his hair. It is
this stage of intoxication and pulling the beard that has been most beauti fully portrayed in the
sculptures both at Darasuram and also at Chidambaram. How dance was used in drama is
shown in a crystal clear manner. The fat Kiipfilika stands with his
lady's leg intertwined with his. (Fig. 43) Both are in a Ma1_19-ab
Sthana with their knees bent and feet turned on their sides . Both of
them must have used the Kara1_1as like Mattalli and Madaskha.litakarri
meant for portraying the gait of an intoxicated person. These involYe
a movement in which the feet sli p in an interesting fashion in an
intertwining manner. The lady is also seen pulling the beard of the
Kapalika. The sculptor has man aged to c,·cn brin g o ut th e
characteristic expression on their faces. The presence of thi s panel
Fig.4J Drama Mattaviliisu,,, at Darasurnm and also nt Chidambaram in more than o ne place
130 KARA~AS - VOL I

reveals the popularity of ' Mattavilasaqi.' during the

J2 111 century. Apart from thi s, some other dramatic
scenes , like the one connected w ith the Asvamukhi
are also depicted. (Fig.44) A long with such Nii!ya
pan e ls, th e Daras uram temp l e includes man y
sculptures r e prese nting Des i d a nc es too . The
Kolhatika or the ropedancer is also one of those.
Fig.44 Ko/l,ii{ika - acrobatic da11ce
(Fig. 45) The Kolhatika and the Asvamukhi panels
are dealt with along with the similar sculptures of the Chidambaram temple. The gymnasium
is also not left out in the Darasuram panels. A temple,
which has represented so many aspects of performing
arts, is sure to have had a series of the Karar:ia sculptures
to portray the Margi or older styles somewhere within
its large campus . While there is a smaller sanctum on
the first tier of the Vimana, it does not seem to contain
an ambulatory passage as in Thanjavur. Hence it is
F ig.45 Asvamukhi
highly probable that the Gopura contained them. It is
obvious that at some stage, someone has tried to avoid the collapsing of it, for we are able to
see the stone scaffolding in the inner wall of the Gopura. In spite of such care, it is obvious
that the tiers have given way. It must have been during this same period that at least the
valuable Karar:ia sculptures were removed from there and fixed in its present place. The fact of
the nam es being inscribed as mentioned earlier is perfectly in consonance with the style of the
Daras uram temple panels, and more so with the Gopura itself.

The Sanigapa9 iswami temple Gopura is obvio usl y of a later date than the K ~u·Jn'.l
scu lptures, which it c ontains. T he name of the builder of this Gopura has no inscription~tl
evidence as 0 11 date. Its tall g igantic nature is s ure to give the idea of its ha ving been bui lt by :t
Ki ng. B ut it is quite contrary to its histo ry as evidenced from an article bv no less a person th an
H .H. Sri Candrasekharcnd ra Saraswan Sri Sankm-5carya of Kfific i Ka.makoti PT!h:rn1. ('2 7)
Thi s article is on the ordinary commoners who we re individuall y responsi ble for buildin g ao d
renovating templ es. Naturally, having been poor in wealth aml even soc i:.-tl status these incidents
Tl JE ARCHAEOLOGI C AL SOURCES 13 1

had never been publicized. In his scholarly and moving articl e , His Holiness has referred to a
poor Vai ~1Java priest by name Lakshminarayanan to build the big Gopura for Sarngapapiswami
by a life long , dedicated , personal effort in collecting f unds for the same. Being an orph an and
also having had the oneness of the p urpose ofli ving vi z. the b uild ing o f thi s G opura, he never
married. After several years of stress and strai n, he achieved his goal. It is sa id that pri or to the
day of his demise, Lord Sanigaptit)iswami himself appeared in the form of a priest of that
temple and infonned him that Laks hminarayanan would di e the following day, and that his last
rites should be performed o ut of the templ e f unds , taking the righ t of doing so from the hand
of the very idol of Vi~9u . This dream came true the next morning. From that time, the yearly
ceremony (Sraddhmn) of that great soul is being perfo rmed in the templ e when even the food
offerings to the Lord are only those dishes prepared for the Sraddh am . This custom is observed
in that temple even to this day. On requesting His H oliness Sri Sankaracarya regarding the
date of this incident in person, He was benevolent enough to reply that it happened about fi ve
hundred years ago.

The above said date seems to corroborate with the approximate period w hen the
Darnsuram temple must have got ruined. It was in the early 14 th century tha t M alik Kafu r
invaded the South. After Rajendra III, the Colas had moved into oblivion. (*28) Already, they
were under the powerful over lordship of the Hoysalas and even the P ar:ic;lyas. The Pai:i<;Iyan
power was crushed and a Muslim rule was established in Madurai . There were several temples,
which were ruined and plundered dming that period. It is hence likely that the Darasuram
complex , having been attached to a Cola palace was terribly affected. W ith an unstable
Government and lack of funds, the ruined Gopura could not have been saved. About a hundred
years later, this VaisI).avite priest is said to have built this San1gapn1:iis wanli temp le G o purn. If
the local Ki ngs or chieftains were wealthy enough, they woul d have come for \\'a.rd to help
hi m. B ut he had to go even to Benaras for coll ecting funds . It is no wonder that with weak
rul ers, on ly individuals had to carry on the tradi ti on of res toring or building temples .

Were the Kar ar:ia figures fi xed on the prese nt Gopurn w hen it \\'ns built aro und the 15 th
century or we re they added later by some renovators is another important fac tor. The answe r
for this q uesti on would g ive the date o f Bhara ta ' s Kara1:ins having hccomc obso lete, o ut o r
vogue and ac tu all y fo rg ott e n. Thi s is beca use of the rac t th at t hcse Kara1:i as me no t fo u nd in
 KARA NAS - VO! I
132

their correct seri al order. \Vhile the serial nu mbers and the relevant nan1 es of Karar:ias tally in
the inscriptio ns w ith the resp ecti ve fig w·es, they are not arranged in th e correct order. Th is is
o ne n1ore point of evidence fo r the fi gu1es having bee n shifted fron1 e lsewhere. The inscription
of th e name of each Karai:ia below the figure is preceded by the correct serial number of the
Karana. This numberi ng is in perfect accordance with Bharata's se1ia1 order. For example, it is
inscribed as '·38 Bhrrunarn.k.,·1.q1 '", ·'39 Calurary1", ·•54 UrornruJc;la larp" and so on. But their setting in
the Gopw-a is not according to Ulis numbering. For ex next to Karn.J)a 45 - Chinn.a.qi., 62 - YinI vrttarri
is placed. Nex t to Karn1:ia 76 - SucI, 95 -Avahittha karp is placed . In the same way, the Karai:ias are
scattered w ilhout any proper order. But, in the cases of two or three figures being sculpted in a
single unbroken slab. the serial order, lo that extent is perfect. For ex. K arai:ia 4 - Apaviddharp and
5 - Samanakhaf!1 are adjacently carved in the same slab. T he ir nu mbers are qui te legible. In
th e same way, K :mu! a 7 and 8 and 51 and 52 are seen placed s ide by side in the same slab.
Thi s is ample proof to co nclude that all Karai)aS were carved, nmn b ered, nan1ed and placed
according to Bharata ·s serial order in Lheir original setting. With such a haphazard setting there is
no question of describing any sc ulpture as the ' First figw·e' as done by D r. C. Sivaramamurthy and
even Dr. T N. Rarrwchandran. 171c Talapu~papu~a Karar:w has its label inscribed wi th its correct
number, L But it is fo und in th e mids t of th e several Karai)as on the Eastern side. The case of
the Sutradhfua fi g ure is also the sam e . It is rather surprising that an archaeologist and scholar
o f Dr. C. Si varamamu rth y' s stature did not notice certain basic points with regard to the
Kumbako nam Karar:ias. He writes «-----the entrance Gopura has a series of Karan as in dance
represented alm os t as in the Nataraj a temple at Chidambaram or in the BrhadTs varn temple at
Thanjavur: · (*29) That thj s is qui te contrary to his or her arrangement wo uld be real ized by
anyone \\ ho d oes fj eld work. It m ust also be pointed out that Dr. C. Sivaramamurthy has not
taken notice of the very existence of the inscriptions below the fi g ures . For ex ., he has described
the illustra.tjon ofMayuralalitarµ which has a clear label, as " probably Cakramar:ic;lalarp.". (*30)
It is unfor tu nate Lhat in s uch a monumental publication , many of the i1lustrati o ns from the
Kumbakonam Karar_1a series are not correctly identi fied . In fact, one of the Kararya fi gures is
even wro ngl y printed. This Kara9a, which is a standing posture n the G opura, has been
horizo nt::i lly printed , thus making it appear like a sitting posture . (*31) It is described as
"Dar_19-arecitarµ " whereas it has a clear label below the sculpture as " A.k~iptarp.". Study of the
Karai:ias based only on photographs, without taking certain factors of field work into consideration
THE ARCHA EOLOGICAL SOURCES 133

is bound to lead one to such erroneous conclusions. The haphazard placement of the Karar:ia
figures during transplantation must have been due to a lack of knowledge about the KaraJ).as.
Since Bharata' s Karai:ias gave way to new forms, gradually they became out of vogue. Moreover
with a political and economic instability, no art can flourish. Inevitable compromises naturally
reduced the level of the contents as well as the status of art and artistes. Knowledge in any field
gave way to mere commercialisation. Neither the sculptor nor the dance of the Post Cola period
had any steady patronage till the advent of the Vijayanagara Kings. The gap was nearly a couple
of centuries before the Na.yaks started their independent rule in the South. This gap of 200 years
was sufficient to wipe out certain older art forms. The Vijayanagara kings themselves were
ruling only with a zest for reviving Hindu culture. Therefore the Karai:ia figures must have been
removed from the heaps of ruins and placed here only for their artistic value and certainly not
based on knowledge of them.

The literature on dance, which had been written from around the 16th century, clearly
reveals a difference in style from the older Bharata tradition. For example, works like Damodara' s
Sang1ta Darpai:iaqi (16th century) do not throw enough light on Kara9as. The Sangita Sar~
of King Tulaja ( 18 th century) has no trace of the original concept ofKara9a. Only four Kara9-as
are described, all of which are mere acrobatic feats of no artistic value. Only the A<;iavus of
modern period are mentioned and dealt with. This proves that even authorities of post 16th century
had no proper idea of Bharata's Karru:ias. It is obvious that it was during this period that the
Kumbakonam Karai:ia Sculptures were re-set in their present places.

If we ass ume that the Kara9-a series were fixed in the Gopura when it was built, we will
have to conclude that the knowledge of Karai:ias was already hazy around the 15 th century.
The present placement is just below the Kumbhapafijarams of the Gopura, without disturbing
them. It is also possible that they were fixed only by the renovators at some point of time under
the Nayaka or the Marathas. If this is true, there is a possibility of post dating the fading away
of the KaraI_las from practice and memory. But even the renovators must be given due credit
for doing their best by not affecting the Kumbhapafijarams , but fi xing them just below them to
create an appearance of homogeneity. Still, one feels the unsuitability of that place for the
Karar:ias. If renovators fixed them, it is more likely; it may have been commissioned by Govinda
Dik~ita who was the Minister of King Raghunatha Na.yak ( 1597-1640). He is said to have
134 KARANAS-VOL1

undertook renovations and repairs of temples in a large scale. He is also said to have built the
Ramasvamy temple in the same town. Being a Vaisl).avite, he might have undertaken the task
of renovating the Sarti.gapal).iswami temple also. He was a patron of music and himself a
musicologist who wrote the Sati.gita Sudha. He might have come across these Karar:ia
Sculptures in some dilapidated surrounding and placed them in the present Gopura. Yet, due
to the unfamiliarity of the earlier dance style, they are not set in their due order. Vasudeva
Sastri in his introduction to Sati.gita Darpal).aiµ calls the period between 1300 and 1400 the
dark period. He writes, "The exact manner in which our artistic tradition was broken, and
broken irretrievably in the 14th century, has yet to be found out." (*32) He says that even those
like Saint Vidyaral).ya were at a loss to understand texts of the pre dark period. Great authorities
like Govinda Dik~ita of 16th century have not hesitated to characterize the classic of even
Sarti.gadeva as "Lak~ya L~al).a Viruddha, i.e. the practice and theory contradicting each
other." (*33) Hence Govinda Dik~ita or whoever was the renovator, could not have guided the
masons in the setting of the Karar:ias. But it is rather amazing why the inscriptions were not
taken into account at all. The inscriptions are fortunately on the same stone slabs in which the
figures have been sculpted. Hence, there cannot be discrepancy in relating the labels with the
figures. Either they never took cognisance of the relevance of these inscriptions or could not
even read the Cola Grantha.

Regarding the disorderly setting of the Karar:ia series, Dr. T.N. Ramachandran who
alone realized this fact, attempted a justification for the same. He believed that it might have
been to suit any particular Vais9avite song that this present order was chosen. (*34) But, with
due respects to this great scholar who guided the present work, it can be re-affirmed that it was
nothing but a lack of knowledge about the Kara9as that has resulted in this j umble. This has a
strong circumstantial evidence in the discovery of two more Karai:ia figures of this same series
isolated and fixed in the base of another Mar:i!apa in the Kumbhesvaraswami temple at
Kumbakonam itself.

When I d id research for my PhD., all 108 Karai:ias were not available. I had surmised
and w1itten in m y thesis that the rest of the Karar:ias must be behind the brick wall. This wall
was part of a residence and adjacent to the Gopuram on the left side when we enter the
temple . This was the house of the famous scholar Agni hot.ram Rmnanuja Thathacharya and it
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 135

was be in g used for hou s ing the

templ e e le phant. JO years after I
rece ive d my PhD . thi s wa ll was
mo s tly remov e d a nd I co uld
ph o tograph s ome m ore Ka raryas
from th ere for my telefilm serial
BharatTya Na~yasastra. Still 3 more
Karai:ias arc missing. It was poss ibl e
to locate two more Karan. as.' w hich
had strayed away. These are fou nd
Fig.46 Ma!' {apa r, ear the tank - Kumbhes11araswami
temple, Kumbukonam - two Kara!1as seen at the base in th e base of a Mai:i~apa near the
tank inside the Kumbhes varas wami
temple . (Fig.46) There can be no doubt on their
identity or association with the main Karal).a series.
They are of the same size and stone. Both the
figures are carved in one slab, and hence retain
their adjacent serial numbers. Most fortunately, their
numbers and labels were clearly visible. They are
inscribed as 91 Udvrttarµ and 92 Upasftakarµ.. It is
sad that they have been white washed recently.
(Fig.47) If the present order of the Karal).a series Fig.47 Close up of the Karuf)a fig ures

was chosen on the basis of a clear understanding

of them and intenti onally changed to suit any song, these two Karai:in figures \\'ould not haYe
been pl aced in a different temple, totally unconnected. These two figures also. do not suit their
present placement. The Mar:itapa has no stylistic affinit y with just these t\\'o sculptures in its
base.

Dr. Raghava n has safely left out many of the Kumba konnm Kara1_1as i 11 his notes on
the indi vidual Karai:ias. He has not mentioned that th e seria l order is compktcl y deranged .
Probably, taking the clue from Dr. T.N. Ramachandran , he o nly says ·· the discord bet ween
these number-name labels and the actual poses in some c ases proves that th ~re has bee n
dislocatio n o f pieces caused by repair in this tower too ." ( *35) As me ntioned earlier, the
136 KARAJ:,iAS - VOL I

inscript ions, if at all visible, clearly form part of the same slab in which the figure is carved. If
no inscript ion is seen, it is obvious ly due to conosio n or because of having been broken. No
label is intercha nged. They are only either present or absent.

Dr. Raghav an is of opinion that the Kara~rns , which are, illustrat ed as seated figures in
both Chidam baram and Kumbak onam have no basis in the Bharata tradition . He feels that they
are correctly portraye d as standing figures only at Thanjav ur and hence attribute s a Desi
characte r to the former. (*36) It is true that the medieva l works like Sali.g'ita Ratnakara and
Nrtta Ratnava li describe moveme nts ending in Asana (sitting) and Sayana (lying) postures.
But they are a differen t set of Karal)aS, which have no place in Bharata 's 108 Karal)a series.
At Kumbak onam, the Karal)a called SucI (No. 76) is actually shown in a lying posture with
both the legs stretche d on the ground on their respecti ve sides, while the body rests on one of
them. This is called Sama Suc1 in SailgHa Ratnaka ra and forms part of the Desi tradition .
There is every possibil ity of the influenc e of Desi tradition even in the interpre tation of the
older Kara9as . In fact this is additional evidence for presum ing that these Karal)a figures
would have been lifted form the Darasuram temple where we have both classica l and folk
traditions represen ted. One major factor must be rememb ered while deriving such conclusions.
The Natyasa stra was already more than 1000 years old. Many recessio ns must have arisen by
the time these sculptur es were created. Even a difference in reading can end in a totally different
kjnd of m.ovem ent. For ex. The Mayura lalitarµ Kara9a (No. 80) of the Kumbak onam series
has a very clear label and number. But the posture has no apparen t authenticity in matters of
follow ing Bharata 's descript ion. According to the Natyasa stra, this Karal)a is perform ed by
the foot being raised as Vrscika while the hands are Recita with the sacrum being twisted. The
posture s at Thanjav ur and Chidam baram answer this definiti on. (Vide Chapter XI). But the
fi gure at Kumbak onam is seen in a lying posture with the belly resting on the ground with
both the feet lifted backwards and hands seen near the head. The face is turned towards the
spectator. Vrscika Caral)a is to lift the foot backwards like the tail of the scorpio n. It is possible
that the sculpto r fo llowed a reading in which instead of the singula r 'Vrscikan1 Carar:iam
k.ftva', the duel 'Caral)a u' was prevalent. Hence he has depicte d it as both the feet being lifted
backwa rds, in which case the belly has to rest on the floor. The twisting of the sacrum is
 137
Tt-lE ARCHAEO LOGICAL SOURCES

shown by the raising of the chest and turning it along with the face towards the audiences. The
hands show the course of the Recita movement. It is beyond our capacity to judge which of
the readings is correct. Both the readings would represent different traditions.

The most intriguing factor about the description of the Karai:ias is that sometim es we do
not get enough information for a practical reconstruction. Bharata's definjtions are very brief,
given in couplets. Very often, he does not mention either the CarI or the Nrtta Hasta or the
Sthanaka involved in the specific Kara9as . Such a lacuna is filled only with the help of
Abhinavagupta 's comn1entary or by the sculptures . It is also erroneou s to assume that in
Bharata 's tradition, there were no sitting postures at all involved in Kara9a,s. However, a text
like Natyasastra, which is based on kinetic principles, could not have ignored the possibilit y
of sitting move1nents. Chapter XIII of the Natyasastra gives descripti ons of 9 sitting Sthanas
among which one of them has the back resting on the heels , with one knee touching the
ground. This is like the Ma9c_li Ac_lavu for the contemp orary Sadir. It is the same as the
Vinivrttarp (No. 62) of Kumbako nam and Vivartitakarp (No. 67 ) of Chidamb aram. Hence
we cannot assume that all the sitting postures are the
outcome of Desi tradition. Another example is Karal_la 52
i.e. Kuficitarp . One of the readings has the phrase "Adyal).
padonnata" i.e. the foot is bent well. This agrees with both
Abhinavagupta ' s commen tary and also the Chidamb aram
inscription. Moreove r Abhinava gupta clearly declares that
the knee must move on the floor. This has been dealt with
in detail in another chapter. (Supra Chapter XI) The above
description demands a seated posture for sure.

Dr. Raghava n 's opinion that there were no seated

postures in earlier tradition suffers validity for the simple
reason of the existenc e of such figures in the definitel y
pre-D es i per iod. We have quite a few sculptur es
portraying Lord Siva in seated postures in the Kailasana tha
temple at Kanchipuram, which belongs to the Pallava period.
Being the predecessors of even the Thanjavur Karru.ia series, Fig .-18 Kuircita
138
KARA~AS - VOLt

they are of very great value in matters of dance history. In fact the Ta99ava s seen in this
temple do not answer the descript ions in the known Agamas . Hence they may be said to
belong to pre-Agm na period, and directly following Bharata . There is a very beautifu l figu re
of Siva with many arms which resembl es the Grdhravalinakarp. Kara1_1a of Kumbak onam and
Kufic ita of Chidam baram series. (Fig. 48) Kail asanath a temple belongs to the 8 th century.
Another sculpture portrayi ng an exactly similar pose is seen in Pag adakal belongin g to the
Western Cal ukyas of the 8 th century. We will see later in the chapter on Pramba nan Karal)as
how seated postures and moveme nts were prevalen t in the 9 th century too. The Desi traditions
in dance cam e to be recorde d only around the 12 th century . Therefo re the seated figures of
Kum bakona m and Chidam baram cannot be regarde d as Desi . Hence Dr. Raghavan' s
conde1n ning the sculptur es of sitting nature like the Vinivftt arµ of Chidam baram as "absurd"
is rather unfortu nate and unwarra nted. (*37)

Regardi ng the commen tary that might have been followe d for the creation of the
Kumba konam series, it has to be confesse d that it is difficul t to be pin pointed . Abhinava
Bharafi has been of very great help. But, there are some figures, which do not agree with the
descript ions found in this text. They may either represen t some other reading of the Natyasastra
or even the contem porary practice. Kara1_1as 4, 19, 62, 76, 78, 80, 93 and 105 distinctly vary
from Abhina vagupta 's commen ts. Karar:ia 93 of this series seems to follow Kirtidhara as
quoted by Jayappa in Nrtta Ratnavali. This is not howeve r enough to conclud e that all of them
must have followe d Kirtidha ra. In any case, his work is not availabl e for verification. It is also
likely that these sculptures must have followed some other commen tary. No other commentary
other than that of Abhinav agupta is availabl e in full as on date. When the other commentaries
see the light of the day, more insight into the subject can blossom .

Apart from the Ordhva Ta1_19ava, Ka!I and Sutradh ara figures, there are 93 Kanu~a
figures in the Sartigap arpswami Gopura. As mention ed earlier, two more are in the base of the
Mar:itap a at the K umbhes varaswa mi temple. Hence 13 Kara1_1a figures are missing as such, to
comple te the seri es of 108. The modern brick wall of the residenc e was covering them. this
pri vate residenc e later came to be used for chaining the temple elephan t. I had envisaged thnl
Tl-IE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 139

by removing the brickwall there, we would be able to retrieve the lost Karai:ias.It is heartening
to note that nearly after three decades, this whole residence has been pulled down recently. the
brickwall has been removed. this has enabled me to recover and identify ten more Karar:ias .
three more are however still missing.

On the two sides of the exterior of the East facing Gopura, there are houses . In the
Northern and Southern sides lies the compound wall of the temple in such a way that the base
of the Gopura is projecting both outward and inward from these walls. The number of Karai:ia
figures is as follows : -

Eastern side: - i.e. the side seen from outside the temple - there are 22 figures on the
right side as one faces the Gopura. Out of these, two are facing north as they are projecting
outwards. 13 figures are on the left side of the entrance. Of these, two are facing South in
symmetry with those facing the North. The elephants shed have a wall covering some more
figures on this side.

Western side: - i.e. the side seen from inside the temple - there are 18 figures on the
right side of the observer. Of these, one faces the South. 20 are on the left side with two of
them facing North.

Southern side: - (inside the temple) -there are 10 figures with one of them facing East.

Southern side: - (outside the temple) - there are 5 figures here .

Northern side: - (outside the temple) - there are 9 fi gures on this side with one of them
faci ng the East.

Northern side:_ (Inside the temple) - there are no figures on this side .

A diagram (Fig. 49) in relation to the Karn1:ia nun1bers and their locations in the Gopura
13 given at the end of this chapter.
 11
r-

+>-
0

SARANGAPA.l~HSW AMY TEMPLE GOPURAM, KUMBAKON AM

CHART SHOWING THE PLACEMENT OF KARA~AS
DIAGRAM NOT TO SCALE
TEMPLE INTERIOR
~s s 9 61! 11sl ~
0
"' ,.._ I >1 IEE n.. ,_. / /1.:L,.. -- j..,J --Inn I I
0
Z9 j9L jss j 1ss101 zsjsz1 n1cz91si-1£9~~ ~

1'
S UTRADH.AR A
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,...
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~I WALL
1' ~KA.Li
WALL

....--1
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,...
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00
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z ..... 1s148 11s193 401106 194!67 241104 10s 8 I 11s 4
56 110 1108 I 72 107 119 116169 80 ~
w .....
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1'
BRICK WALL 1~ 1 48 33 t I 36 50 51 URDHVA TA~.t;>AVA z►
►
en
I EAST
~
Fig .49 ])i a ,v,ra m shM. vi,-,R th e pla cem e n t of t h e Krrur~ur fig u r<'s a t Kum b,.tJ,,o,uzm as i n the vet1r 1 9 78
)
 cHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES
, HE AR 141

There are 97 figures inc luding those of Ordhvatai:ic_lava and Ka~i . The figures have been
ered recently in the G opura. These nmnbers have nothing to do with Bharata' s seriaJ
11 um b
orde1.. Hence it would do well for the concerned authorities to erase these new unnecessary
nuIIl bers ' which is sure to confuse the visitors . The actual inscription of the relevant numbers
and names of the Karaf_las below each figure has been an inva]uable guidance, particularly in
the context of this disorderly setting. These Cola Grantha inscriptions have not been published
so far. This compelled the task of personally copying and also deciphering them. (Fig. 21 )
would give an idea of what a perso nal risk and task it was to copy each of them . It was
possible to complete a study of this series only because of D r. T.N. Ramachandran ' s selfless
guidance in reading these inscriptions. A copy of these inscriptions is given at the end of this
chapter.

There have been insurmountable problems with regard to the study of the Kumbako nam
series of Karaf_las. B esides being incomplete, scattered in more than o ne place and set in a
disconnected manner, o nly 30 of the figures have the inscriptions of the numbers and names
fully in tact. They are the following ones : -

2 Vartitam 28 Ardha Mattalli 58 Vik~ipta1!}

5 Saman a kham 36 Niipu ra1!} 62 Vini vrttam
6 LTnam 37 Vaisakharecita1!} 67 Vivartitaka m
7 Svast ik arecitam 38 B hram arakarµ 69 Talasa mspho!itarr,
8 Manda
. . las v asti k a m
. 39 C atu rarµ 74 Grdhravalinakam
9 Nik uttaka
.. m. 42 Vrscikakuttitam
. .. . 76 SucT
10 Ard hanik utta 45 Chin narr, 81 Sarp itru~1
. . kam
.
II Kati 54 U roma9c;Ial arµ 82 D a 99apadaq1
. cc h i n nam.
13 Yak~asvastikam 55 A.k ~iptarµ 9 1 Udv rttam
23 An c itam 57 Arga la111 92 Upasr taknr11
The Karai:ia f 1gures
' b e 1ow, m
· w hi'ch the seria
· • l numbers are intac t, but tht:' naml's an?
Partly corrod ed are e1g . num b er. It h a s been easier to ide ntify these K:ir::urns
. h t 111 · because o f Lhe
availab1·1 1·tYo f t h e sena
. n um b ers 1n
1
· scri· pu·on · Whe rever the nmn cs arc f<.1 u11d corrod~<l it
• tl1e m

has been supplied in brackets. T hey are the fo llowi ng o nes: -

 KARANAS _ VOL I
142

4 Apa (Viddham)

34 (Da)1~9apak~a111

41 Da99a (ka recitam)

49 Padaniku ~~a (ka)m _ Thi s s hould be Parsvanikugaka ryi. Bul th e inscription reads

only as Pada Niku~~aka111.

51 Kr5) ntam

77 Ard ha (sii) cT

80 Mayurala (li) tam

95 Avahitta (kam)

Fortunately, there are 17 inscriptions with the names intact, though the numbers are
corroded. The Grantha script has the numerals in tens written as number followed by ten and
then followed by other nun1bers. For ex. The number 64 would be written as 6 10 4. The
missing numbers are filled and given below.

( 19) Katisamam
. .

(20 ) Ak~i ptarec i takarp

2( I) Vi k~i ptak~ iptaka111

( 33) Lalitam

(4) lO 7 i.e. 47 Vrscikam

. .
(4) 10 8 i.e. 48 Vy amsitarp

(50) Lal5~ati laka111

5 10 (2) i.e . 52 Kuficitam

(53) Ca kram a t)<;iala 1~1

(56) Talavilnsitam

(64) Ni s ta mbitam

(7 J ) Gai:i9nsCicT
(7) 10 8 i.e . 78 SucTv !·u a m - mu s i be Sudv iddham

(8) 10 3 i.e . 83 I-Ia r i I) a p I lll a1 ~1

TI-IE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 143

(94) Jani tam

( l 06) Nagapasarp itn'Tl

(No number) Sutradhara

There are 18 figures with very badly corroded inscriptions in which both the numbers
and names are only partly legible. They are the folJowing ones : _

( I) Talapu~pa (pu) tarp

10 (6) i.e . 16 Pr (~ta) svasti (karp)

( 17) (Di k) sva (sti) karp

(2) lO 5 i.e. 25 -0 (rdh vaja) I) U

(27) (Matta) 1 (11)

3 ( IO) 2 i.e. 32 (Ghurn. i) tam.

4 10 (3) i. e. 43 Ka!ibhra (ntaqi)

4 10 (6) i.e. 46 Vrscikareci (taqi)

5 IO (4) i.e. 54 Varti (taqi)

(63) P a (rsvakra) ntaqi

(65) Vid y u (dbhrantaqi)

(68) (G aja) kr11itakaqi

(70) (G a) ru1 aplutakaqi

(7) 10 9 i.e. 79 A p akra (ntaqi

(84) P re (Jikh) olita111

9 ( IO) 3 i.e. 93 (Tala) sam (gha) gi (ta111)

( 100) Vi (~i:iukra) nta111
( 108) Ga rigavatara ( 1:1::u'11 )

23 fig ures of the Karai:ia series have practi ca lly no tn.1ce L)f an; inscrip tion. Ei Lhcr they
Were never inscribed or more probably they have bee n tnt aJly erased b) n~1tu1al process . The
identification of these has been the mosl difficult tas k. T'hL' K:ir:11_1as, \\ hil.'11 ha\'c been idenli ficLl
with ou t the help of inscriptions arc the follo wi11g 01 1c.s: -
144 KARANAS - VOLJ

KARA~AS IDENTIFIED
(without th e help or insc riptions)

Kara1~a Nam e Karnl)U No. K a rar:ia Nam e

Kara1Ja N o .

31 Valita111 72 Pari vrtta111

14 Unmatta.111 73 P a rsvaj a n u

15 Sv as tika111 75 Sa nn a t a 111

18 Al ataka111 86 S khalita fTl

22 A rdhasvastikafTl 89 S im hav i krT9 i ta fTl

24 B hujaiigatrasita~, 98 Orud v rWifTl

30 PadapaviddhafTl 99 Mada SkhalitafTl

40 B hujangaficitakafTl 101 SambhrantafTl

44 LatavrscikafTl 102 Vi~kambhafTl

59 Avartam 105 Loli tam

60 J?olapadafTl 107 Saka~asyaJTl (m ust be Vi 1·rttam )

66 AtikrantafTl

The Karar:ias , which were missing and I had believed that they were perhaps hidden
inside the modern brick wall were 13. Recently 10 of them have been discovered and
identified after the brick wall was removed. This led me to rethink on certain identifications
and I have made the necessary changes . They are as follows: -
KARA~AS RECENTLY IDENTIFIED

Karana No. Karai:ia Name Remarks

12 Ardharecitam Has no ins c rip t io ns

26 Nikuncitam Has no ins c rip t io ns
K arana N o . Karat)U Name R e marks

29 Re citakuqita111 Has 110 ins c ripti o ns

31 Valitam Has no i n scri pt io ns
35 f3 h uj::ui g a t rasta re c it nr11 Has a c le ar la be l
TII E ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 145

61 Vi vrttaf'!l Has no inscriptions

85 Nitambam Has no inscriptions

88 Prasarp itakarp Label clear

90 Simhakar~ita,"!1 Label partly clear

96 N ivesa m Label clear

Toe 3 Karaz:ias that are still 1nissing are as follows : -

KARA~AS MISSING

Karar:ia No . K ararya Name

87 K a r ihastam

97 E lakakrTditam

103

SUMMARY

The Sarngapa.z:i_iswamj temple at Kumbakonam contains a series of Karai:ia sculptures

in the base of its East facing Gopura. Though this series is present in a Vi~r:iu temple, they are
only fi gures of S iva, and not those of l(r~1~a or human being as opined by earlier authors .
They do not fo llow Bharata' s serial order. It is very likely that they have been picked up by
some art lover fro m the heaps of the ruined Gopura of Airavatesvara temple at Darasuram and
refi xed here. It was possible to locate two Karar:ias of this series in the base of a Mar:itapa near
the tank inside the Kumbhesvaraswamj temple. Most of the Karar:ias have their serial numbers
and names inscribed in the Cola Grantha script of the 12th century. The Gopurn, which contains
them, is attributed to a Vaisi:iavite priest by name Lakshminarayanan who li ved about five
centuries ago. The disorderly placement of the Karaips not only reveal the zest to preserve
them for their artistic value but also exrubits the fact of their having been obsolete and totally
removed from practice and memory. The opinion that the Karar:ias of sitting postures portray
an influence of Desi elements is erroneous, for such seated postures are seen in the Pallava
sculptures of pre Desi and pre Agama period. There is evidence of the existence of seated
146 KARAt:,JAS - VoL r

postures even in the Na~yasastra. The analysis of the number of Kara9as of this series is as
follows: -

1 KaratJas with inscriptio ns of names and numbers in tact 30

2 Kara9as with names intact by numbers assigned 17

3 Kararyas with both names and numbers corroded and hence supplied 18

4 Kara9as with numbers intact but names assigned 8

5 Kara9as which were identified without any trace of the inscriptio n 23

6 Kara9as recently recovered from the wall 10

I l
7 Kara9as missing 3

8 Siitradha ra figure (Ill 52)(Fig. 53) 1

T OTAL 109
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 147

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148 KARAN AS- VOL J

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6f w <r{ <!f 't;;~ crN-aJ .2i7
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Tiffi ARCHAE OLOGICAL SOURCES 149

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150 KARAl':JAS - VOLI

CHIDAMBARAM

Fig.SO Genera l view of th e sanctum of Na{ariija, Chidam baram

As one stand s at the thresh old of the great temp le of Lord Na~a raja
at Chid amba rrun. it
becom es almo st impe rative to perce i ve a flash back accou nt of the
work of dedic ated artistes
over a mille nnium evide nced in the beaut y of silent rhythn1 impre
gnate d into a vast enclosure
of 32 acres. (Fig. 50) Surro unded by four tower ing Gopu ras and four
Pr:ikara.ms , the Infini te
Danc er is enshr i ned under the Gold en roof of the sanct um. As thoug
h being accompanied,
thous ands of dance rs in stone belon ging to different centu ries seem
to be performing a gra nd
divin e baJl et. Their heter ogene ous nature itself is as beaut iful as
the homo geneo us effect of
asym metri cal gro up patte rns in chore ography. This gigan tic temp
le theat re has stood the teSl
of time under the shade s of astounding contr asts like religi on and super
stitio n, philosophy 311d
vand ali sm, royalty and poverty an<l peace ful tranq uillity and arme
d viole nce . This massi ve
mon ument kindl es a sense of anim ism and a passi onate ident ificat
ion.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 151

The temple has powerful mythological support as Bhu loka Kailasa - the abode of Siva
on Earth. The Lord has been worshipped by great seers like Patafijali, Vyagra Pada, Adi
Sankara, Appar and others. The connection of Sage Patafijali (2 nd century B.C.) with this
shrine ofNataraja is evidenced through his works. This marks the upper limit of the historic
antiquity of the sanctum as seen through literary works. The earli est king mentioned in the
Sthalapurar:iam (temple legend) is Si1nhavarman, later known as Hira9yavarman of Pallava
th
dynasty (6 century A.D.). He is said to have built Mai:itapa for the Svayambulinga, which is
the Mula Sthana. (*38) From the state of a tiny shrine, the temple grew and expanded to
gigantic magnitude through the contribution of royalists , chieftains, saints and commoners
developing its structural, artistic, religious and social aspects. Numerous Mar:ita_pas , Maµgais,
Gopuras and minor shrines and enclosures round them were built during the course of a
thousand years from the 6th century. Among the multifarious structures, the topic of the present
thesis imposes a restriction of dealing only with those structures wherein dance figures
predominate.

This temple can be described, as an encyclopaedia of Dance art in stone for, the entire
campus is flooded with dance sculptures. Almost every nook and corner has some interesting
architectural embellishment. Apart from their visual appeal even from a distance, the existence
of the Karar:ia sculptures have made the gigantic towering Gopuras of this temple serve as
perpetu al libraries for an intellectual and practical understanding ofBharata's art. Hence the
date of these colossal buildings is relevant, to the topic of Karar:ias. The other structures,
which are also being dealt with, are the Rajasabha, Nftta Sabha, and Tiruccurru of Amman
shrine, Rajakkal Tambiran Tirumfiligai of the outer Prakara and Par:i9yanayakam shrine. While
archaeologists and historians have been deriving their inferences from certain other ~mgles ,
the present work is an attempt to reconstruct the chronology of these structures based on the
study of the dance sculptures. Since the Karai:ia series are enshrined in the Gopuras , they are
being analysed first. Their chronology has been discussed later.

The Chidambaram Gopuras have been a mjlestone in the history of temple archjtecture
of South India. The Karai~a figures of these Gopuras ca nn ot be described as a mere
ornamentation for the temple. They are meant to be a lucid elucidat ion of these movements ,
 KARA~AS -VOLJ
152

• E I f the magnific ent Gopuras in the four cardinal points

for the real dance enthusias t. ac 1 o
contains all the 108 Karanas. Out of the four sets ofKarai:i as, two are more importan t because,
. l Na-tyasas tra defining each Karana have been inscribed in full ,
t h e re1evant coup Ie ts o f t 1e . ·
. The eastern and Western Gopuras have the pride of having these
. f'1gmes.
a b ove t he respec t1ve
inscriptio ns .

The Karm:ia inscriptio ns of the Chidamb aram temple were copied by the Epigraphical
Departme nt and published in their report in 1914. This publicati on includes many woodcuts
of the Karai:ia figures. These were utilized in the I volume of the Gaekwar d Edition of the
Natyasas tra by the Editor Ramakris hna Kavi, and publishe d in 1926. It did not contain alJ
the 108 figures. Dr. E.V. Narayana swamy Naidu, P. Srinivasu Ju Naidu and O.V. Rangayya
Pantulu jointly brought out a book called 'Tai:ic;Iava Lak~ai:ia:q1' in 1936 in which the photographs
of all the Karai:ia figures were given, (*39) for the first time. In 1956, the II Edition of Nafyasastra
of the Gaekwar d series appeared, with a scholarly preface by Ramasw amy Sastri, projecting a
greater insight into these figures. But, unfortuna tely none of the above mentione d works have
followed the serial order as seen in the Gopuras. Dr. V. Raghava n, in his introduct ion to Nrtta
Ratnavali has described the Karai:ias based on some of the above-m entioned sources only.

The Epigraph ical Report of the year 1914 gives the inscriptio ns of 96 Karai:ias, though
only 93 are numbered . It gives 90 woodcuts and states that three more were omitted by mistake
and conseque ntly do not appear in the plates. The report further states that ' The Bharatiya
Natyasas tra while it enumerat es 108 postures vv 33 to 53 of the printed Bombay edition,
describes only 101 , thus omitting seven postures. Of these latter six are supplied by Nos. 21 to
24, 42 and 69 of the Chidainb aram sculpture s. It may be noted that Bharatiya Nafyasastra
makes a mistake in the descriptio n of Pr~thasvastika:rp (No. 43) quoting wrongly the second
half of v 42 (in the list) and the first half of v 43. The Chidamb aram labels are also defecti ve in
as much as they do not supply us with the descriptio n of e 1even postures viz · . T.1a1av1·1-as1·tarn. ,

Vin1vrtta111, Nisumbita111, Gajak.rI9itaka 111 , Gan19 aplutaka q1 , Gai:i~a SucI, Apakriintarp,

hattitam .
d B a h'1stn·k·a, which · ti e
Mayurala litarp, Prasarpit akam, · Talasai'lg .. . . ... . an are found in 1
Bharatiya Na~yasastra. Illustrative pictures ' which· may , d
correspo nd to these, are however foun
in the compartm ents of the pillars in the Eastern G opuiarn . f . • t
o the Chidamb aram temple w1thou
r
11fE f\
RCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 15 3

bearing any labels above th em. The dance Parivrtta111 is omitted both in the Chidambaram
labels and in the descriptive verses of the Bharatiya Natyasastra. The numbers attached to the
verses in the inscriptions follow the order in which the postures are enumerated in the
Na~yasasu·a." (*40)

The Epigraphical report does not give the reason for having omitted the 15 other illustrations .
These same 93 drawings were reproduced in the I Edition of Natyasastra of the Gaekward
series. Ramakrishna Kavi in his preface conjuncts that the remaining 15 were either damaged or
the compartments were altered during repairs. These missing illustrations according to the
epigraphical report and the I edition are, Karal_las 9, 10, 56, 62, 64, 68, 70, 71 , 72, 79, 80, 93 , 95
and 102. (*41 ) Many illustrations of the Karal_las from 54 - 108 do not agree with the corresponding
definitions both in the report as well as the Natyasastra. The epigraphical report blames the
arrangement of the sculptures in the Gopuram itself. It says, "the order is correct (read from left
to right) on the seven projecting pillars of the inner wall of the Gopura on the right side; but the
corresponding figures on the left side are much deranged. This may have been due to the
ignorance of the masons whose work was not properly supervised." (*42)

The Tal_l9ava La~al_latµ is a book of commendable attempt. This book popularised the
existence of the Karal)a sculptures in the temple. For the first time, photographs of all the
Kara9as were published. It also contains a literal English translation of the couplets defini ng
the Karm:ias . But, the illustrations are not correctly correlated to the names and descriptions of

. which are wrongly illustrated in this book, are 54 to 58, 62 to 69

. The Karanas,
the Karanas.
and 71 to 106. Hence 44 illustrations are wrongly identified.

In the II edition of the Natyasastra of the Gaekward series, Ramaswamy Sastii has
given a scholarly preface, after taking much pain in discovering the order of the Karai:ias in the
Chidarnbaram temple. He has rightly pointed out that there is no irregulruity in the arrangement
of the Kara9-as in the Chidambaram temple including Knrm:ias 54 to 108 as complained by
earlier authors. The 15 so called missing figures were also found int ac t. Sastri also rightly
disagrees with the blaming of the renovators as a reason for the irregular arrangement. He sJ.ys
that only the photographs of the figures had been 'shuffled like a pack o f cards ' leading to
confusion. (*43)
154 KARANAS - VOLI

In spite of discovering the fact of the inscriptions being in the proper order, Sastri felt the
need to change the order of the figures. He writes "the arrangement of the sculptures in the
temple followed strictly the order of Natyasastra even for the Karal).aS from 54 to 108 except a
few figures which are found wrongly placed in the temple walls. Even in the case of such
sculptures, I have followed the definition of the KarUl)as and selected the figures, which respond
to the definitions."(*44) He also says that "It is only to be concluded that the ignorant renovators
of the temple or the supervisors of the repairing works have misplaced only the sculptures,
altering the111 from one place to another, but kept the verses below the sculptures in their own
places." (*45) The net result is that the II Edition of the Natyasastra also does not contain the
figures in the order in which they are found in the Gopuram.

With due respects for the enormous study that Sri Sastri has put in, the deliberate changes
made by hi111 in the choice of figures to suit the descriptions seem to be an unwarranted trouble.
It is only a lack of practical understanding that has caused this confusion. The figures may
portray the beginning, course or end of each Karai:ia. For example, the 65 th Karar:ia
Vidyudbhrantarp is illustrated in its correct place in the Gopura as having a cross of the feet
(Svastika pada) with the knees bent to form a rhombus. The hands are near the chest. The
inscription is also seen. This Karal).ainvolves rising of the leg backwards followed by a whirling
movement. The sculpture portrays the beginning of the movement wherein a light jump through
a cross of the feet is the key to gain momentum for this difficult movement. This is a subtle yet
vital part of the Kara9a. Hence, the figures portrayed are absolutely correct. Sri Sastri has
deliberately used the figure of 82 nd Kara9a Dai:i<;lapadarµ with the leg stretched up in the place of
this 6Yh figure. This is an example for the well intended yet, wrong conclusions of Sri Sastri.
Apart from such intentional changes, some of the drawings are also wrongly done as in the case
of the 64 th Kara9a Nistambitarµ. The figure in the panel has the leg raised backwards whereas in
the illustration it has only the knee raised as Urdhvajanu on its side. The Karanas, which are
wrongly illustrated in the II Edition of Natyasastra due to voluntary changes and unintentional
mistakes, are Kara9as 64, 65, 66, 71, 74, 75, 76, 89, 90, 91, 93 and 95 to 106. In all 23 Karn1Jas
are wrongly illustrated in this book.

The inscriptions are all actually found above each figure. They are not below them as
stated by Sri Sastri. While the inscriptions are found in the correct order, it is likely that the
figures also could not have been nusplaced. If they have been misplaced in one Gopma, the
 RCHAEOLOGICAL ~O URCES
rHE A 155

ncy could be clearly noted from oth •G ·

discrepa ei opuras . The order of figu res is exactly same m
. Western and Southern Gopurns th
Eastet n, ' oug h It
· · . .
vanes very shghtly rn the Northern. Hence,
not be any mistake o n the part of th . .
there can e tenovators or supervisors, for, all the G opuras
were not taken for renovation by Pachiappa M ud a1·rnr mt · he 18th century. He renovated onJ y the
Eastern Gopura in w hich hi s sculpture has been added along with that of his wife SubbammaJ.
'[heir nrunes and th.is fac t are reco rd ed in modern character in thi s Gopura. (*46) Hence, the
identical nature of th e 0rd er of the Karar:ias in the three Gopuras cannot be ignored. A n ardent
fieldwork with the help of a practical insight leads to the conclusion that there is absolute ly no
need to change the existing serial order of the Karai:ia figures in the Eastern G opura .

Dr. V. Raghavan in his introduction to Nrtta R atnavali has re1ied on the two editions of
Na!yasastra and in some cases the T~~vaLak~ai:iarp for his descriptions of the Karai:ias. Hence
his conclusions are someti1nes enoneous. For exarr1ple he says , "Though all the 108 are shown,
only 93 are clear, the rest having become damaged, and the inscriptions also, in a few cases had
strayed away frmn the sculptures." (*47) He also says " several of the discrepancies are due to
subsequent repairs and consequent displacements of the pieces." (*48)

The general practice with regard to renovation of Gopuras is that the stone base is least
tampered, unless it is damaged much. The stuccowork above the stone base is alone elaborately
repaired and repainted. Hence, the Karai:ia figures could not have been altered much. Howe ver,
the renovators have obviously been extremely careful in their work. This is evidenced from the
relevant placement of the inscriptions of the definitions of the Kara-i:ias N ikugakaqi and
Ardhanikuttakarp.. These are in the niches next to the big figure of the king o n the left side as one
exits the temple . It is obvious that some repairs had been m ade in that part. The inscriptions are
however carefu lly preserved on the sides of these two figures and no t above them. Perhaps, this
is the reason for their sketches not finding a place in the Epigraphical Report. They must haYe
been missed w hen the inscriptions were not in their us ual place . These insc riptions are ho\\'ever
recorded in the report. The renovators had obviously taken pains to prcserYc the inscriptions b~
placing them 0 0 the side. It is likely that they were disturbed with the intentjon of replaci ng them
With the status of Pachiappa Mudaliar and his wife . Probably the idea changed and they were
Placect on th e opposite• s1'de 111
• a new ly 'ar·
- r·anged njche · It can be conc luded wit h n fair amount of
assurance
. th a t there 1s
. no d.1screpanc or
. y in the 0 1-cler Kmanas · and th nt all the l 08 are fo und
intact wi th a major numbe r of insc ripti o ns we ll preserved .
 156 KARAN AS _ VOL I

Fig.SJ East Gopuru - Nafara ja temple

The prese nt work contains the photo graph s of all the 108 Karat ~~
orthe Easten1 Gopur:i.
(Fig . 51) For the first time, each Kar::u~a has been individually photo
graph ed taking the inscriptions
into cons ideration . This has been a very diffic ult task since many of
them are much beyond lhe
normal reach. More over the el ectric cables were a dange rous hindr
ance . It is regretted that in
some of the photo graph s these could not be avoided. The work ing
still (Fig. 52) would gi\'e
some idea of'the diffic ulties in photo graph ing them . All the figure
s are photo graph s of Eastern
Gopu ra on ly. With regard to the Karni~a photo graph s, the order found
in the Gopu ra hJS been
HIE ARCHAEOLOGI CAL SOURCES
157

·1&,.'(, ,
'
t
~'\:,
, !I
. .:+1 '

- •• •' • j
. '"......_,___ "~

Fig.52 Kara!lll pat1e/j• of East Go1mru - Rulukrisl,111111 11111/ 1wtlwr fl / ll'o r l< 11hot1>xr.1µhin,: rh ., J•im .-1,
 158 KARA!:-JAS - VOLJ

strictly followed. These photographs are given along with those of their respective counterparts
at Thanjavu r and Kumbako nam along with the enumerat ion of Karar:ias.

The Karai:ia figures are arranged in all the four Gopuras vertically in 14 pilasters, unlike
those at Thanjavu r and Kumbako nam . There are 7 pilasters on each side of the inner walls of
entrance. These pilasters have the Kara9as as Ardha Silpas (bas relief sculpture s), fitted into
tiny niches. The slabs, which contain the figures of the Eastern and Southern Gopuras, are
approximately one foot in height. The Western Gopura has s lightly smal1er figures and the
Northen1 Gopura has slightly larger figures. But the costume and headgear of the figures as
well as the Koc;Iungai (roof or bracket) are all of the same style. In all the four Gopuras, there
are two accompan ists, one on either side of the dancing figure. While the accompanying
figures are much smaller than the main figures in the Eastern Gopura and Southern Gopuras ,
those of the Western and Northern are more prominen t. In all the Gopuras, the first Kara9a is
found at the bottom most figure of the first pilaster on the left side as one exits the temple. The
second Karar:ia is above the first and that is how the serial order is maintain ed. The numbers
proceed vertically upwards in all the pilasters. After the top most figures on the 7 th pilaster, the
series continues fron1 the bottom most figure of the first pilaster again on the left as one enters
the temple. (Fig. 53)
NATARAJA TEMPLE, CHIDAMB ARAM
PLAN OF PILASTERS IN THE GOPURA MS

INTERIOR
14
1

EXTERIOR
Fig.SJ Chidambaram pilm·ten, ;,, the G . .
0 11 11 m - A g111de <iwgram
Tl IE ARCHAE OLOGIC AL SOURCE S 159

The Karai:ia figures of the Chidam baram Gopura s are al1 female figures . The
accompanying 1nusicians' figures are all those of males. But they are not Gai:ias as in Thanja vur
and Kumbakonam. The hair do of these Kararya figures are like that of DevI of Cola bronze
icons. Probably they are meant to represe nt Parvati DevI. But the dance figures in the base of
the 1000 pillar Mai:iiapa, Nrtta Mai:itapa and in the Prakara ms of Sivakam i Amman and
Subrahroanya shrines have a different hair do, probably represe nting human dancers . They
have their Ko99ai hairdo on the side, while those of the Karar:ia series of the Gopura s have
them in a vertical fashion. The striking facial resemb lance of all the figures of all the four
Gopuras is rather amazin g. There can be two explanations for this. Some promin ent dancer of
that period may have modelle d or at least inspired the sculptor. The other possibility, which is
even more likely is that, the same school of sculptors created them all.

In point of finish, the figures of the Western Gopura are most beautif ul and also withou t
much of the scars of ravage of time and cannons. Hyder Ali is said to have used the temple as
a fort against the French around 1781. (*49) Therefore, the temple still has the wounds of war
as a permanent record of the beast in man. In spite of this, the Karm:_ias are fairly well preserved
in the Eastern and Western Gopuras. While the other three Gopura s depict the Karai:ias , which
involve lifting the leg backwards in profile, the Western Gopura figures of such Karm;i as
suggest a more conscio us attempt to bring out a three dimens ional effect, with the leg shown
raised backwards. The figures of the Souther n and Northe rn Gopura s are rather affected . In
the Eastern Gopura, figures, which are at a higher level, are extremely well preserved and
fascinatingly beautiful.

The number of the Kara9a figures in each pilaster of the fo ur Gopura s is different from
each other. Sri Ramasw amy Sastri has wrongly describ ed their arrange ment in the Eastern
Gopura. He writes, "Thus the 54 Kara9as will be found on the 7 pillars .'' (*50) Actuall y there
are only 53 Kararyas on this side. The following tables give the correct order of thei r arrange nent
1

in all the four Gopuras.

160 KARAr':lAS _ VOL I

I Eastern Gopura : Left side as one exits

l
Pilaster l consists of 8 Karai:ias
" 2 " 8 "
" 3 consists of only 5 "
" 4 " 8 "
" 5 " 8 "
" 6 " 8 "
" 7 " 8 "

TOTAL 53 Karanas

Left side of the Eastern Gopura as one enters

Pilaster 1 consists of 8 K aranas

" 2 " 8 "
" 3 consists of 8 "
" 4 " 8 "
" 5 " 8 "
" 6 " 8 "
" 7 " 7 "

TOTAL 55 Karanas

Il Southern Gopura : Left side as one exits

Pilaster 1 consists of 7 Karanas . Karana 2 is Missing

2
6 " Karm_1as 9 &
10 are missing
TIIE ARCHAEOL OGIC AL SOURCES 161

" 3 cons ists of only 5 "

" 4 " 8 "
" 5 " 8 "
" 6 " 7 "
" ,,
7 8 "

TOTAL 49 Kara nas

Left side as one enters

Pilas ter consists of 9 Kara nas
" 2 " 8 "
" 3 consists of 8 "
" 4 " 8 "
" 5 " 8 "
" 6 " 8 "
" 7 " 6 "

TOTAL 55 Kara nas

Four Karai:ias are miss ing in the Sout hern Gopu ra.
Ill Wes tern Gopura : Left side as one exits
Pilas ter 1 consists of 9 Karanas
., 2 " 6 "
,,
" 3 consists of 6
" 4 " 9 "
,,
" 5 " 9
" 6 " 9
,.
7 " 9
"
TOTAL 57 Karnnas
r

162
KARANAS - VOL t

Left side as one enters

Pilaster 1 consists of 9 Karanas
" 2 " 9 "
" 3 consists of 9 "
" 4 " 9 "
" 5 " 9 "
" 6 " 6 "
" 7 consists o f some
other sculpttu-es

TOTAL 51 Karanas

IV Northern Gopura : Left side as one exits

Pil aster 1 consists of 8 Karanas
" 2 " 7 "
" 3 consists of 7 "
" 4 " 8 "
" 5 " 8 "
" 6 " 8 "
" 7 " 8 "

TOTAL 54 Karanas

Left side as one enters

P il as ter I consists of
,. 8 Karanas
2 " 8 "
" 3 consists of ,.
8
4
.. 5
"
"
8 "
., 7 "
6 " 8 "
" 7 " 8 "

TOTAL 55 K aranas
 r:: ARCH AEOL OGIC AL SOUR CES
l il t.:-
163

108 Kara nas

· are foun d in both Eas tern an d wester n Gopu ras. Four Kara · mg
i:ias are nuss ·
. their respe ctive nich es in the Sout hern Gop ura Th
,n . ey are K aran as N o. 2 - y ar t"t
·1 am, N o. 9
rd
_Niku!!akarp , No . lO - A hani kuga karp and No. 102 - Visk
a~bh am. It look s as. thou gh
thew Ol·k was neve r begu n for these va · t)as, t· .. h ·
L~cla 01, t e slabs are seen · flush ed up with· the
1
projecting fran es. They inay also have been destr oyed in war
and just pure ly refill ed by som e
renovators . The Nort hern Gop ura has 109 danc e figur es .

But for the Nort hern Gop ura, the seria l num bers are base
d on Naty asastra in all the
other three Gop uras . The orde r is inter rupte d by the abse nce
of Kara 9a 11 - Ka!icchinnarp in
its place in the Nort hern Gop ura. ln this Gopu ra, the prese nce
of 109 figures is quite baffl ing.
The order seen in the East ern, Wes tern and Sout hern Gopu ras
are in perfe ct acco rdan ce with
the Natyasastra. A char t give n at the end of this chap ter gives
a com paris on of the Karai)a
figures in rega rd to their plac emen t in the four Gopu ras.

The four sets of 108 Kara9-as are almo st ident ical. But, in som
e case s, diffe rent parts of
the same Karm)a are portr ayed in different Gopu ras. Thes e are
however rare and the variations
are quite subt le. In the case ofKa ra9a 66 - Atikrantarp., an anim
ation of this move ment can be
seen by conn ectin g the postu res of the same Kara9-a in Eastern,
Wes tern and Sout hern Gopuras.
Karat)a 74 - Gfdhravalinakarp. is show n in two different stages
in East ern and Western Gopu ras
respectively. Thes e com paris ons can be seen in the chart .

Rega rding the com men tary that migh t have been follo wed
, very little can be said.
Abhinavagupta ' s Abh inav a Bhar afi has been extremely useful
in interpreting the Chid amba ram
series than even thos e of Than javu r and Kum bako nam. But,
it is high ly probable that the
Chidambaram serie s were base d on a work calle d "Kara9abhusa
r:iam" whi ch is yet to see the
light of the day. It migh t have even been one of the chap ters ofN
andi kesv ara 's Bha.r:1tfu9ava,
Which is said to have run to abou t 6000 verses. Whil e desc ribin
g some dances, Nand ikesvara
recommends Sum ati (to who m the work is addressed ) to look
into " Kr1rn9nbhCTsm_1:1m" for
details regar ding Karai:ias. (*51) Kopp eruncitiga is said to have
built the Eastern and Sout hern
Gopuras o fCl ·d b
11 an1 aram temp Ie. APai·tfrom hi s vari ed tit les con nected with arts. he has the
titles of' "Bh - - ·
arntfu 11ava Kara na 0 anna n " 1·•e · one who holds the oar to sai l thro ugh Bhar atam- ava
(ocea
n o f Bh arata ·
) and "B. h ma
·. t~. vabh ·uTnan" (one who bear s B harn t:in_rnva). (*52
a11_1a " • )
164 KARANAS - VOtJ

Obviously Bharntan_1ava must have included the chapter Karai:iabhii~ai:ia. This text must have
supplied the necessary guidance for the sculptors. When this lost chapter is discovered, it is
sure to throw 1nore light on the dance sculptures of this temple. The influence ofBharatarryava
is clearly seen in the dance sculptures of that period.

The chronology of the Chidambaram Gopuras and also of a few other important structures
containing dance figures within the campus of Chidambaram temple is a relevant point of
study for a reconstruction of the history of dance technique. In this regard, the dance sculptures
seem to reveal the order of the construction of the existing structures as follows: -

I. Rajasabha (1000 pillar Mai:itapa)

2. Tiruccuq-u Maligai of Amman shrine (Kamakogam)
3. Nrtta Sabha
4. Rajakkal Tambiran Tirumaligai and the encircling Ma!igai of Pai:ic;lyanayakam
5. South Gopura
6. East Gopura
7. West Gopura
8. North Gopura

9. The sculptures in the base of the older Cola structure (Ma!igai) on the three sides
of the actual sanctum of Sri N ataraja are the latest.
1. Raja Sabha

This is the 1000 pillar Mal)tapa situated to the North of East Gopura. According to
Ferguson, many of the structures in the third Prakara belongs to the 15 th century and he eve n
believes that the 1000 pillar Mai_1~apa was the last major structure of iinportance built sometime
between 1595 a nd 1685. (*53) But the dance sculptures in the base of this l\t1::u_1~apa 15
undou btedly late C ola in style. No such dance sculptures were created in the 17th century.
E ven if any dance sculpture had been carved somewhere, the style of dance could not hn\'C
been same as that of the Cola period. Moreover, the use of the percussion instrument called the
Ic;lakkai was out of vogue in that part of the country during the ]7th century. It is still in use
only in Kerala and its adjoining regions. The Mrdaiigmn, Ic;iakkai and the TaJam (cymbals)
n-TE ARC HAEO LOGI CAL SOURCES 165

are the three major in struments seen portrayed as being handled by the accompanying men in
these figures. These musicians ' figures are found quite abundantly. The use oflc;Iakkai suggests
a much older period. The dance movements suggested in the sculptures and even the dancers
represented refl ect the contents of the medieval works on dance. To be more precise, they are
close to Nandikesvara ' s Bharatan;iava. These series of sculptures mark the transiti on period
when Bharata' s style was getting infused wi th Desi or creative elements, influenced by
indigenous fo lk traditions . In this series, we find representation of Bharata' s Nrtta of Margi
(older) style; N atya (dram a) and also Nr tta of Desi styl e intermingled. Nandikesvara ' s
Bharatan:iava itself is a deviation from the Natyasastra. It incl udes many new Karar:ias and
also describes certain specific kinds of dances. These descriptions are fo und under the heading
"Caryalat"1kara N atana" in which Sapta Lasya and Spiga Natya are included . T he chapter on
Karai:ias called Karar:iabhusar:ian1 is however nussing.

The dance figures are interspersed between those of the musicians of equal height. The
fi gures are slim and tall and are almost two feet in height. This size is in conformity with the
sculptural style of the dance figures of an older nature. For e.g ., the dance fig ures in the base
of the mai n str ucture in the Siva temple at Bahiir belong to the Pall ava period. They form a
good com parison with those of the Raja Sabha at Chidambaram. In fact, the KaraI_Ia series of
Thanjavur are themselves fairly big in size c01npared to the later figures at Kumbako nan1, the
Dance fi g ures of Rajasabha are taller than those of the Kumbakonam Karm;ias. As centuries
passed, we see the size of the dance figures getting diminished. T herefore , apart from the
dance technique they portray, their size itself suggest their later Cola character.

There are several hundreds of dance figures in Raj asabha, which have formed a separate
topic of study. (Fig.54) For lack of space they are not being dealt with elaborately here . Only
the most important points are being presented.

After t he introduction of Bharala ' s Karat~as at T ha njav ur, irrespective of its

incompleteness, the atte1npt at Rajasabhti seems to be a portrayal of the Angaharas. The
Angaharas of Bharata' s style usually ends with the Kapcchinna111 Kma1Ja . This Karar:ia is
seen often repeated after every six or seven other Karm~ns . It has been possib le to ide nti fy the
Angaharas represented. This is indeed a great masterslroke in the concept ion of these fi gures.
166 KARJ\t~ AS _ VOL I

The influ e nce of Bharatfin)ava is cl earl y see n in som e of th e D es i dance figures in the
sa me se ries. The Da1;1<;lika . one o f the seven L 5syas menti o ned in the tex t is seen as two girls
ho lding the sti ck and perfonn ing the pre.sent Kotanarn . Apart from thi s , the Kolhatika of
Bharat a n)ava is als o see n represented as al Daras uram (sim il ar to F ig.44). T hi s is a kind of
Prci'1kha1_1i da nce in w hi ch a ropcda nccr ha nd les severa l objec ts like the knife o r sword at a
time whi le he dances v igoro us ly. Pre1ikha1Ji in ge nera l, is a vio lent kind of dance with an
acrobatic o utl ook. A male ri g ure is seen represe nt ing th e Kolh a ~ika in Rajasabha seri es. He
has a beard and a tu rban of a ru sti c na ture and is seen di splaying s kill in handling a knife on
the tight hand whic h is s tre tc hed in front , another on his rai s ed left hand , another instrument
on his fore head which is tilted up and also one on hi s right toe w hi c h is s weepingl y crossed in
front of his bent left knee, w hil e the left foot is resting on th e ground o n th e toes . It resembles

AIC:Fllt-!;: a!Gt

Fitr.5 ../ /)a11 ce jii,:11res at t/,e h11s1' n_( /()()() 1,,·11,,r J" ' II, ( '}11'd <1111 oara1n
•
o
ril l:. ,\RC HAEOLOG ICA L SOURCES 167

the circus feat seen even performed by the I;)ombas or acrobatic street players in some viJlagcs
and towns. This figure is seen on the Western side of the MmHapa.

Another Kolha~ika male dancer is seen to the East of the stairs of the Mm:1µpa. Here, he
is seen in a Vaisakba Sthana posture with the knees apart and quite bent with a large space
between the feet. The we ight of the body is seen resting on the right leg. Both the hands are
stretched on their sides. The right palm has two knives , one vertical and the other horizontal
with a few balls hanging or falling below them. A larger ball is on the top of this arm, probably
to be roll ed along the elbow. The left hand is seen handling another knife. His teeth are
holding some other instrument. He has a cap and a big moustache. The former figure is seen
repeated again on the Eastern side of the Mm:itapa. On the Western side, towards its Northern
corn er, there are two mal es seen holding weapons in a fighting like attitude. On the same side,
we have a man w ith a big pot-like belly in Vrscika posture holding a stick on his shoulders
with the hands in an unmistakably folksy way. He too has the same kind of cap like turban.
Thi s man is accom pani ed by the Dep or Tambanam (folk drum) player, also seen in a lovely
dancing attitude . By th e s ide o f thi s, a lady figure is seen dancing holding a weapon like the
axe (KodilliJ . A ll these are exa mpl es of the Prenkhar,ii dances of the vigorous kind, which got
associated,, ith the K5.palika Saivism of a weird nature. It is significant that the graceful and
refin ed dances are see n represented side by side with those of acrobatic types. This is in
conso nance with th e nature of Bharatiin:iava and also certain other texts like Nrtta Ratnavali
and Sar'1g1ta Ratnakara o f th at period. Hence, we can safely ascribe these sculptures to the late
11 th or 12111 ce nt ury. Tha.t was the time when authorities on dance were recording both older
and cnntcmporaneo us techniqu e in dance.

Apart fro m these dances representing Nrtta, we also see Natya drama portrayed along
wit h these figures. The existence of both the forms are given du e importance. In consonance
with the Prei'lkhani dances of wild Sai vism , we see the Kapalika and hi s conc ubine pulling
h.is beard\\ h.i le their legs are intertwined with each other. Th.is fig ure has been already described
(as see n at D aras uram ), in connection with the Kumbakonam Karai)a seri es . It represents the
scene fron1 King l\1ahendravarman ' s Sanskrit pl ay Mattavilasarp. Another panel shows a lady
With the face of a horse (Asvamukhi ) tempting a man with a long beard. He may be a Ri sh i or
even a Kupalika. He is seen holding a weapon (umbrella like). Her left leg is placed above hi s
168 KARAt:-JAS - VOLI

1ight leg. Asvamukhis and Gomukhis are said to belong to the G andharva class. They nre
found represented even in Safici (II century B .C .) Tun1buru is also a Asvamukha Gandharva.
They 01ay perhaps be even shown in ridiculous situations, as clowns. But these Asvamukhis
are ogress. It is popular belief that they te1npt n1ales and finally eat them. They are fanciful
creatures and creations of artistes. Perhaps some drmnas of the period had such scenes . The
lady must have used a mask. Similar panels are seen in the D arasuram temple. (Refer Fig. 45
of Darasuran1) It see111s to have been a popular drama.

Another exainple for Natya panel is also seen on the Western side in which a man is
seen fighting with a tiger. This 1nust be representing some popular drama of the masses. It is
likely that it represents the concept of valour that romantic Tamil folk tales projected. It is
believed that the Tali - symbol of marriage, which is tied round the neck of the bride, is a
strictly Dravidian cust0111. The Tamil bride would accept only the m an who had the valour to
fight a tiger and bring a couple of teeth or claws of that fiightful animal and tie them round her
neck. The Tali came to be made of silver and gold during later times. Perhaps, this panel
shows the popularity of such stories during that ti1ne.

Such native tales formed the main entertainment for the masses. It is hence interesting to
note the simultaneous existence of both the Sanskrit and local traditions. The classification of
Ari yam (meaning refined language i.e. Sanskrit) and Tamizh given by Ac;liyarkkunalHir who
wrote the commentary for Silappadikaram becomes more meaningful to us through these
sc ulptures . The assimilation of the spontaneous folk traditions into the fold of the classical
dance star ted around the 11 th century. It is even likely that, it was to preserve the older tradition
in the midst of the growing popularity of new forms that Raja Raja himself planned to give
Bhmata ' s Kara r:ias a stamp of permanence as early as the early 11 th century. Probably within
I 00 years, the enrnmo us growth of newer forms could not be possibly ignored. These sculptures
are probably older than the Kumbakonam series, which could have belonged to the Darasuram
temple bui lt by Raj a Raj a IT ( l146- ll73 A.D.) and Kulottunga III (Ll 78-1 2 18) . Unlike the
Kumbakonam seri es we have Angaharas of Margi style and also Desi dances in the Rajasabha.
It is relevant to fi nd out when and who built this structure. An important problematic fact is
that no inscriptions have been fo und so far from the Rajasabha, nor have there been any
epigraphical evidence for knowing its exact date. Sri S.R. Balasubrahmanyam attributes the
 l: ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES
f i·h, 169

iooO pillar hall a

nd
°
certain th er str uctures to Kulottunga III. (*54) But he has not shown any
th th
clear evidence to prove is eory. It is however heartening to find that this scholar has attributed
.
u·ucture to the late Cola period ' and 11 0 t s t uc k to the earlier .
1he s view of Ferguson. But, the
dance sculptures SUggeS t even an earlier date than that of Kulottunga III . It was during the
reign of Kulottunga ill th at th e expansion of the Airavatesva ra temple was compl eted . Th.i s
temple has been crowded wi th dance sculptures, which do reflect the contents of a technique
ahnostsame as seen in Rajasabha. But they are diminished in size in contrast with th e bi gger
figures ofRajasabh a. Moreover, they represent more of the Pi99ibandh as (group formati ons)
technique than the solos of Angaharas as seen in the 1000 pillar Ma9tapa. Hence they cann ot
belong to the same period. We could safely ascribe the 1000 pillar Mai:i!,apa to either Kulottunga
I or at least Vikrama Cola ( 1118-1133). We have some indirect evidences from both literary
and epigraphic sources for such a conclusion .

Poet Sekkizhar is said to have been a contempora ry of Kulottunga II ( 1133-1150 A.D.).

(*55) He is said to have commence d his Periyapura 9am and also read it at the Rajasabha.
More than this, it is relevant to note that Kulottunga II had his coronation at Chidambara m. (*56)
The term Rajasabha must have been given to the 1000 pillar Mar:itapa from this time. We are
sure that the deity was never enshrined there. It is also possible that it formed part of a palace ,
th
which is said to have existed at Chidambar am. Neelakanta Sastri says, "Lastly in the 12 year.
A.D. 1130, Vikrama Cola is found living in a palace in Chidambar am." (* 57)

The present 1000 pillar hall is like a forest of pillars, perhaps meant only for huge
congregatio ns of both political and religious nature. The 100-pillar hall might have been used
for the ladies of the royal household. In order to celebrate the coronation of Kulottunga II.

Yikrama Cola must have built the 1000 pillar Mai:itapa.

1s :.m
· on the Western ·s ·ide o f the S iva Ganga
Th e l oo p1·11 ars M ai:itapa 1s . . tank. There
a~ J chieftain
• beeil built by Naral
inscri'pt·1ona1ev1'd ence o f· 1•th av1ng · o kav1ra w ho had sen cd
Und b l y ·1,.. " Coh'· ('~58) It has ah.s(, luteh· no sculptural . . .
er olh Kulottunga I and a so 1iuamu
orn . . d 1 • M 31 tapa fort he use of the rl)\· al ho usehold , Lt 1s l1k.ely
amental1on. Havmg complete t 11s ~. _ ..

thatN . . ,,· of a IO00 pillar i\lan\ apa also, lor poliucal and
aralokavTra undertook the consh uc 1 011 ·
fboth th ese Mantapas might h:wc been commenced
re)' · . . ,.
igious congregatio ns. The consll uclton ° ··
 170
KARANAS - VOLJ

duri ng the reign of Kulo ttung a I. Thre e figur es in the

1000 pilla r hall are calle d Chitrardha
Silp as of Bud dhis t natu re and are attri bute d to l l ,ti cent
ury. (*59 ) This take s us close r to the
date of Kulo ttung a I. Mor eove r, Jayankor:ic;lar, his cour
t poet who com pose d the Kalingattu
Parar_u refers to his quee n as "Ezh isaiv allab i " (expe rt in
the art of mus ic mad e of seven notes).
Hen ce, it is likely that she coul d have influ ence d him
in the inclu sion of the danc e sculptures
in the 1000 pilla r hall. How ever, there is an insc ripti on
of Kulo ttung a I in that temp le which
happ ens to be the earli est exta nt epig raph ic reco rd (*60
) avai lable there . It is not far fetched to
assu me that the 1000 pilla r Mar:itapa with the danc e scul
ptur es at its base , was com miss ione d
by Kulo ttung a I and com plete d by Vikr ama Cola . It
has been note d that the coro natio n of
Kulo ttung a II was cele brate d at Chid amb aram . The
venu e of this even t mus t have been the
I 000 pilla r Mar:itapa. Prob ably it cam e to be refer red
to as Raja sabh a from that time. Perhaps
this is the earli est struc ture in that temp le to cont ain danc
e figu res.
The pres ent Kap- temp le, whic h is in the outs kirts of
Chid amb aram , has in one of its
Mar:itapas som e stray danc e sculp tures , whic h appe ar
exac tly like thos e of the 1000-pillared

Fig.55 Sc ulptur es i11 tl, e miter l'r{ikli ru of Sivaki

'J imi .--..••n,n, an s h r111
· e, Clu'd am b arum
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 171

hall. But there is no evidence of any removal of the sculptures from the base of the 1000 pillar
ball. Hence it is easy to conclude that those figures disconnectedly set at the Kafl temple
belonged to some other Mal).tapa of the same period. The other Mal).tapa must have either got
destroyed or dismantled.

2. Tiruccurru Ma}igai of Antman Shrine (Kamakottam)

The Karnakotµm or Dev'i shrine is situated to the West of the temple

tank. It has a separate Gopura and also a couple of Prakaras. The outer
circmnan1bulatory has the columned Maµgai in the base of which is the
Sirpavaiisai or the dance sculptural series. These figures are fairly large, yet
smaller than those of the Rajasabha. Unlike in the latter, each sculpture is
,I ,) •
v r
bifurcated from the other forming individual niches. (Fig.55) Those of the
acc01npat1ists are all male figures as in the Rajasabha. They are mostly the
Ic;iakkai, ¼cla.ngam and T~am players here also. (Extreme left in Fig.56)
Fig.56 Pre,ikha,:ii dance The sculptures are much more beautiful in point of finish, probably because
they are better preserved. (Fig. 56, 57, 58 and
59) Their costume design and hairstyle are the same as in those of the
1000 pillar hall. Both male and female figures have a similar Kol).c;iai
on the side as their hairdo. As in Rajasabha, here also we have the
Pre11khal).i dance represented. A lady is seen with an axe-like weapon,
dancing in Ma9c;lala Sthana. The weapon is held horizontally over
her shoulders behind the neck. Another is seen holding it like a V'il).a
in more or less Sama Sthana. Yet another
Fig.5 7 Karatra Urdhrnjiinil
sculpture is that of a lady in probably Mattalli
Kara9a with the right hand raised and holding
a Qamaru (small drum as in Siva' s hand) and the left ha nd ho lding a
Trisiila (trident). (Fig.56) This is typica l of the Saivite Prenkha1_
1i
dances associated with medi eval extrem ists w ho me said to have
continued such a traditi on aro und Kalahas ti even ti ll las t ce ntury.
(Fig.57) portniys Orclhvaj anu Kan11Ja and (Fig .58) sh ows ParsvGj anu
Fig.SB Kara,:,a Piirsvajiinii
172 KARA~AS - VOLI

Karat)a. (Fig.59) depicts Ardha Mattalli Karar:ia in which the

oscilJation of th e garland caused by the characteristic movement
is clearly seen. (Fig.60) reminds us of the dancers seen in the
fresc oes of Thanjavur of Raja R aja's time. It represents either
Bhramar1 (fu11 whirJ) or the Karar:ia called Udvfttarri (half turn ).
These danci ng pane ls of Kamakottam have a great simjlarity with
the other danc ing frescoes of Thanjavur. (Fig .61 and 62) Another
panel has the copy of the first Kolhatika male figure described among
Fig.59 Kara,_,a Ardhamattaffi
the figures of the Rajasabha. (Fig. 63)

These sculptures
reflect both the Bharata
and the Desi traditions as
in the case of the
Rajasabha. It establishes
the simulta neou s
existe nce of both the
sty les . No sign ificant
stylistic difference is seen
between these two sets
of panels. \Vhi le the

Fig.60 Kura~w s Bhramurt a11d Fig. 61 KaraT_1as Bhramarf and panels of the Rn_jas[lbh'.'i
Ud11rtta'!1, Cola f resco, Tha11ja1 ·ur
Udvrtta,,, se em to por tra y th e'

Angaharas, the sc ulptures round th e A mman s hrine offe rs a good scope for .s wdying the other
combinations o fKarat) as li ke Npta Matrkas , Kalapaka, Sai:i~aka and Sangh~1tak~. These forni:;

involve fewer Karni:ia.s. The ir c omb inaLio ns a re not specified in th e N :i~yas:l.~.ara or any other
known text. I knee , lh c,\e pan e ls are cx tre rn cly use ful in discove ring th e details of s uch forms.
Si nce th ey form a separate s tudy , th e d e tail s nrc not included he re .
 e ARCHAEOL OGICAL SOURCES 173
'jll1.:-

ft .,.,....,. In point of time, the dance figu res of Amman shrine

{.J
could not have been far removed from those of the
~ ':,,
•~\ ,,. Rajasabh a. It is likely that they were commiss ioned by

.
l
,,,r,4)~-; ) ' ..,

\
, ·--
'
,· 1
~ Kul ottunga II ( 11 33- 1150). Kul ottungan Co la Ula of
>\ \. OHakkut tar mentions the contrib utions of this King
~i
towards expandin g and improvi ng Chidamb aram temple .
(ftll~lf ., • )' I
I
Among other structure s, it mentions the Karnakot tam
Fig. 62 Cola fresco, Tha11ja vur
(Devi shrine) also. (* 61 ) Hence it is likely to be a fact.

3. Nrtta Sabha .
The Nrtta Sabha is situated in front of the Nataraja shrine towards the Southern Gopura.
It joins part of the present second Prakara in front of the Dvajasth ambha. It is one of the
greatest of the n1asterpi eces of late Cola architectu re in which we clearly see the influence of
the Hoysala art. This elegant stone chariot immediat ely reminds one of the fabulous Mar;itapa
of the Airavates vara temple at Darasura m. Both these MaQtapas are almost same in style with
their wheels , elephant s and horses creating an illusion of the whole mass of stone moving .
The base of both these MaQtapa s is embellish ed with dance sculpture s of the same size and
style. It is most unfortun ate that the Nrtta MaQtapa has been recently cemented , plastered so
crudely that a major portion of the invaluabl e sculpture s has been pitifully buried. There is still
evidence to prove a stylistic lineage towards the Darasura m dance
sculpture s. There is a beautiful panel facing the main shrine , in which
the Paficam ukhavad hya (fi ve faced •
\

drum) is seen being pl aye d . This

favourite drum of Si va was played until
recently only in the temple at Tiruvjru r
"
by the last exponent who passed nway
in the recent years. lt. is a large drum made
of brass and has fi ve faces. l t is ()11 C nf
the very few o f'lhc ancient dr ums of such Fig .6.J Tu~•ilu at the fu t of
Fig.63 Koll,iitika i\'11(,miju bru 11 ~t', Vu 1th is 1·ara11koil
Chidambar~ m '
174 KARA~A S-VOL I

a colossal size which have survive d from the Buddhi st period . Such fantaS tica1ly huge drums
are still in use in some Buddhi st shrines of the trans-H imalaya n region.

The Nrtta Sabha also contain s another panel of the Kapalik a and hj s concubi ne from
the 'Mattavilasaf!1' , which is simi lar to the one at Darasur am. The size of these sculptures are
almost identical as those found in both Daras uram and also Tribhuv anam. They are quite
small compared to those of the Rajasab ha.

It is likely that the Nrtta Mr:H)~apa originally ex tended more towards the South, and
connected the present Mar,1tapa, which enshrines the Nandi. The wall on its Southern side is
obvious ly a later addition. From the Souther n Gopura, the pilgrim s must have had access to
the main sanctum without a round about way. This arrange ment is not there now.

There are two possibilities in justifying the existence of a Nftta Mar:itap a which is isolated
in style and also rather unconne cted with the main shrine. The same chariot- like Ma9tapa
leads us into the sanctum at Darasuram. But here it is quite separat ed. It could have meant for
the temple dancers as in Konarak. Dance formed part of worship in all maj or temples. We
have literary evidenc e (*62) to show that dancers were attached to Chidam baram shrine during
the reign of Kulottunga II. Nrtta Sabha might have been the place where the musical instruments
like the Paficam ukha Vadya were placed and played. An inscript ion belongi ng to the 21 st year
of an uniden tified KuJottu nga Cola Devar from Puva!aikkoc;li mentio ns a grant for
Pancam asattam . (*63) This is obviously the Paficam ahasabd ham or the loud sound of the
instru ment Pancam ukh a Vadya with five mouths covered with mem brane. This instrum ent is
seen being played by a Rishi, probabl y Tar:ic;lu at the foot of the Ananda T ar:ic;lava of Na~araj a
at Vaidees varan koil. This bronze image with fo ur hands shows the animati on in playing this
Vadya. (Fig. 64) The Nrtta Mmgap a could have been used for such ritualistic music and
dance performances.

Anothe r conject ure is also possible with regard to the purpose of the so-calle d Nrtta
Mmgap a. S.R . Balasub rahman yam has said that there was a stone Ediram balam - a sh.line or
hall opposit e which was removed or pull ed dow n. (*64) It has al so been suggested that thi s
migh t be the Mula Sthana. (*65 ) But it is more likely that the Goddes s Kali was originally
enshrin ed somewh ere in or near th e present Nrua Mnt:1fnpa , and then shifted.at some point of
time. There is an inscript ional evidence fo r the presence of the Till ai Kn,F shr ine the South
0 11
 TI-IE ARCHAE OLOGICA L SOURCES
175

side of the Vikram a Colan Te11gut tiruvidi, which should be taken to mean the II
circumambulatory passage . (*66) The column ed corridor is to be taken to mean the Vikram a
Colan Tirumal igai. The inscript ion on the wall 01~ this Tirumal igai mention s the Pi9ari
ruuccifr ambalam akaF's shrine as well as its Tirumur ram, which means its courtya rd as being
situated on the Souther n side of the Vikram a Colan Tengutt iruvidi. The record further states
that the idol of the main deity is taken out in process ion to the seashor e for the concern ed
festival via this shrine of Ka!i . Hence, it is more than likely that the South facing main deity
had the Ediram balam enshrin ed with His rival in dance namely Kap. The legend connect ed
with the temple has the story of Tillai KaF being defeated by the Lord through His perform ing
the UrdhvaUi99ava, by lifting his leg vertically up in the act of refixing his eardrop , which had
fallen while dancing . It is said that Kap: did not venture to repeat this action. As per original
understanding, she had to allow Him to enter the Tillaivanam (woods), which she was guardin g.
The KaF shrine is now in the outskirt s of the Chidam baram town. Even there, she is onJy a
subsidiary deity. Howeve r we do not see her icon in a dancing pose, as one would normall y
expect.

The name Nrtta Mru:i!apa suggests that the scene of the Divine Dance competi tion would
be depicted, enshrin ing both Siva in Urdhvatai:i9ava posture as well as Kafi in some other
dancing attitude or, at least in a standing posture, suggest ing her confess ion of defeat. While
we have no KaJ1 shrine at all there, even the Kap: beyond the town is seen only in a seated
. posture. She is not depicte d in any dance posture.

The remova l of Ediram balam gives

room for two possible inferenc es. It may be
that the present Nrtta Mai:itapa origina lly
housed the Vi~r:iu shrine. The deity of Vi~i:iu
was remove d and thrown into th e sea
accordi ng to literary evidenc e. (*67) It was
reinstal led only during the Nayak period. The
other possibil ity is that there 111ight have heen
a Buddhis t shrine, which also included a shrine
of one of those we ird form s of T nntri c
Goddes ses like Miirici (Fig.65) or D:ikkin1
(Fig. 6 6) or Sarva Buddha Dakk_inI of the Fig .66 Uor, l1 eaded
Fig.65 Miirici, Tibet Diikki11 1, Tib et
176 KARAi~AS _ VOL 1

Mahayana sect. (Fig.67) H. Zimmer has

an interesting c01nment on this Goddess.
He writes, '"Originally an ambivalent
demon , she was turned by the conjuring
power of the Buddhist Lama sorcerers
into a helpmate in their Tantric witch
craft. Her magnificent sex appeal , her
self-i ntoxicated sensuality, was
overcome by the ascetic attitude of the , "'
Fig.67 Sarvabuddha Diikkin,, , ,.,_t.,.. ;tt
Nepa l Buddhist Yogis; hence she was forced to L - - -- - - - - - - . J
Fig.68 Diikkin, or Miirici
serve them. She is akin to the Sak ti Nepal - Urdhvatiindava'
Goddesses of Tantric Hinduism. Like Kali, she lifts to her lips a
goblet that is the upper half of a skull , and like all Saivite superhuman beings, she treads down
conquered demons. She is known as Sarva Buddha DakkinI, "The Demoness of all Buddhas"
- (Sarva Buddhas)." (*68)

We often come across icons and paintings of Buddhist Goddess in such dance postures
in the Trans-Himalay an region including Nepal. One such figure is actually in Ordhvatai:ic;lava
posture itself. (Fig.68) This Buddhist culture had influenced even Hindu territories like Bengal.
We have an inscription of Kopperuncinga ' s period, which records an endowment of flower
garden by a Bengali, Ganguli to provide flower garlands to both the shrines of God and
Goddess at Chidan1baran1. (*69) The Buddha shrine, which could have been opposite to that
of Nataraja, might have been pulled down, retaining just the figure of KaF alone, being a
common deity for both the religions.

The legend of Kap- having been defeated by Siva could have been created to establish
Saivite supremacy. This story must have been conceived only after the four Gopuras containing
the Karanas
. were erected. The Ordh vatandava.. is closest to Lalatatilakan
. .1 Karnna.
. This Karn1_1[1
is portrayed in all th e fo ur Gopuras as bei ng performed by a lady. Thi s proves that Kri)i, the
Mother of the Universe being de feated in da nce through this Karni_rn was not known to the
sc ulptors then. If we as s ume that it was not lack of skill, but the question of modesty th nt
prevented Her from performi ng Lalata ti lakaf!1 , we could still have to concl ude th::il this concept
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 177

of modesty or even Lasya - the sculptor of those Gopuras did not know feminine grace.
Hence, the story of Ka!i 's defent is obviously a later account. It could not have been prevalent
before the 14111 century.

The use of the entire legs from the root of the thigh , down to the toes was s lowly giving
way to the concentration on mere footwork technique from around the LSLhcentury. The KaF
story only reflects at least the beginning of such a transition stage in the actual technique of
dance.

The dancing KaF must have been west facing in the present Nrtta Mar:i!apa. There is an
Drdhvata9c;lava Siva shrine which is east facing today. Dr. Suresh B. Pillai has stated that all
the West facing shrines could have been originally Jain converted into Hindu , because Hindu
shrines are always East oriented. (*70) However, the Nataraja and Daksir:iamurthy shrines are
always south facing. The reason for the absence of KaF in the Nrtta Mar:itapa can also be
explained in two ways. Being originally a Buddhist shrine, it may have attracted some Buddhists
too. The orthodox Dik~itars must have thought it better to remove even the ~ I shrine beyond
the town. The local saying like "Tillai KaF ellaikkappal" meaning Tillai KaF is beyond the
city limits do suggest certain stigma attached to that deity. Moreover the KaF shrine is not even
the main shrine in that temple.

The other probability is that the original KaF which might have been in a dancing
posture may have fallen prey to the cannons of the Anglo-French wars hardly a couple of
centuries ago. The present shrine of Ka!I in the outskirts perhaps had nothing to do w ith the
Na!,a[aja temple.

The Nrtta Mai:itapa with its existing dance sculptures suggests that it might have been
the work of either Raja Raja II (1146-1173) or Kulottunga ill (1178- 1218) who were responsible
for the Darasuram temple. This Mai:itapa might be older than the one at Darasuram. for \\"e are
able to see rn : :is ked improvements in the latter. For e.g ., there are- more dance sculptures C\Cn
in the pillars in D arasuram. The stories of the Saivitc Niiyanmars arc found\\ ith thei r names
inscribed. Not one inscription has been found in the Npta l\ lnt~!apa as it st..rnJs toda) In nll
probabili ty, the present Nrtta Mat~~apa must have bee n the ro1 cr u111wr of such t\la1_1!apas in
other places includ ing those at Darasuram and Trihhuvn nnm .
 KARA~AS _ VOL I
178

4. Rajakka! Tambiran Tirumaligai and Paqf;lyanayakam

This columned corridor is in the present third Prakara, connecting either many shrines
or rooms for the noble guests. The very name suggests that it formed part of the palace attached
to the temple. Such palaces or at least royal guesthouses must have been there in the major
centres of worship. Chidambaram started gaining importance from the time of Vikrama Cola.
In fact, it was one of the centres for the coronation itself. It is interesting to note that it is in the
courtyard of this vast expanse of Rajakkal Tambiran Tirumaligai that both the 1000 pillar
Mal).tapa and 100-pillar MaQtapa stand. The Rajakk~ Tambiran Tirumaligai must have been
of great utility in times of war, with the convenience of a large sized tank within its enclosure.
It is interesting to note that no King of any other dynasty had contributed towards the building
of the structures in the temple, as far as we know, till the end of the Cola supremacy. It is an
additional point to prove the existence of a Cola palace in that large complex. We have parallels
of more recent times in the Padmanabhaswamy temple attached to the Travancore palace at
Trivandrum and even the Sri Rariganathaswamy temple within the fort of Tippusultan at
SrlrarigapatI_lam.

There are hundreds of dance figures in the base of the Rajakkal Tambiran Tirumaligai.
It is a tragic fact that even within the last ten years, portions of this Ma!igai have been gradually
missing. The dance figures are tiny and even smaller than those in the base of the Nftta
M aQtapa. They are mostly group figures . They probably reflect some PiQc;libandha patterns.
They are in general close to the Maligai in the circumambulatory of the Darasuram temple.
But the group figures are even smaller than those at Darasuram. A close study of these dance
panels might be helpful in studying Pi9-c;li varieties. Some parts of these dance panels are
buried and not clearly visible. Only after a proper excavation, a thorough study of these can be
taken up.

The RajakkaJ Tambiran Tirumaligai might also be the work of Kulottunga m, the last
ruler of merit of the great imperial Colas . The dance panels around the Pal).c;lyanayakaJll
(Subrahmanya) shrine also seem to belong to this same style. and period. The name of the
deity tempts one to believe that Sundara Pa99ya built it. But,just like the Cola Gopura on the
West, the name might have been changed after the tinpreced en t e d victory
· o·f t h e p-a0. dyan
.
Ki ng. The dance panels reveal an umn ixed Cola character.
'J1[E ARCHAEOLOGICAL ~OURCES 179

THE GOPURAS

Many scholars including Percy Brown have followed the view of Jouveau Dubreuil that
the Chidambaram Gopuras are all Pai:ic;lyan (*71) This was perhaps due to lack of availability
of more information on them in the early stages of Indian archaeology. With due respects to
them, the study of the dance sculptures reveal clearly a Cola character. The other available
sources have also been helpful in confirming this basic idea. Each Gopura is now being dealt
with.

5. South Gopura:

Of the four gigantic Gopuras of the Nataraja temple, the South Gopura seems to be the
earliest. This is attributed to Kopperunciilga who was a feudatory of Colas and much later of
the Par:ic;lyas . He is said to have defeated the Cola Raja Raja ill and even imprisoned him. He
is also said to have crowned Himself as an Emperor. The defeat of the Cola King happened
around 1231. (*72) He was released with Hoysala intervention. From the Attur inscription
belonging to the Yh year of Kopperunciilga, we come to know that he had built the South
Gopura. (*73) Having imprisoned the Cola king, the Chidambaram palace must have also
fallen in his hands. Hence, his building the first of the big Gopuras is understandable. This
Gopura must have been completed at least by 1236.

The shrine of Nataraja had already gained prominence,

shadowing that of the Mula Sthana long before this time. Hence, a
Gopura on the south must have been thought of earlier. While none of
the other three Gopuras are facing any sanctum, it is noteworthy that
the South Gopura is situated exactly opposite the Dancing Deity. This
Gopura was known as Sokkaseeyan Gopura. (*74) The Pal)c;lyan
emblem of double fish found near its domj amb is obviously a stamp
of his subordination to Pal)c;lyas, which followed son1etime later.

The Karat:ias and their arrangement have already been desc1ibed.

On the Eastern wall of the Gopura, a large niche is found empty.
Fig.69 Empty niche - South (Fig.69) It however, has traces of a fl owing garme nt (Vesti) like that
Gop ura, Cliidambaram
180 KARA~AS - VOL1

of the (Fig.70) in the Eastern Gopura. In the East Gopura, the

smaller figure by the side of the main one is probably that of
, Solakon' who has inscribed most of the inscriptions at
Chidambaram on behalf of his master. Both these
corresponding sculptures have been destroyed in the South
Gopura. Two Kmai:ia figures are also lost. Renovators have
justly plainly filled this empty place to support the only existing
Karai:ia figure . The main niche must have contained

• ~1-....:..:_ ..~,.;--;._;, ..; _ _/ ~· .J-J-1 - -

...
Kopperuncinga 's figure. The Southern Gopura was probably
the first Gopura ever created with a vertical arrangement of
Fig. 70 Kopperu11ci1iga- lady figures portraying the 108 Karai:ias. There is inscriptional
East Gopura, Chidambaram
evidence to prove the artistic achievements ofKopperuncinga.
He has titles such as 'Sahityaratnak aran', 'Bharatari:iavakarai:iadarii:ian', ' Bharatam Valla
Perumar , 'Kalanatyaved ambudi' and so on. (*75) That he was an ardent devotee ofNataraja
is also known from several of his inscriptions. With such an ardent devotion as well as love for
art, it is no wonder that he ventured to build the Eastern Gopura also.

6. East Gopura:

The East Gopura is of utmost importance for the present topic of Karai:ias, for the simple
reason that it has the pride of having the inscriptions ofBharata's verses defining them. It is
reasonable to assume that the addition of the inscriptions was an improvement on the work of
the Southern Gopura. This idea itself must have occurred to Kopperunciti.g a through an urge
to copy the Gopura at Darasuram where even the names of the deities were inscribed in their
respective niches. It is also not unlikely, for a King of his scholarship on the subject to have
known about the Kara9a series with their names alone inscribed. There is evidence of
experience in the arrangement of the number of Karai:ias in the Eastern Gopura. Apart from
the Karar:ias, this Gopura contains only the figure of the king and those of the sculptors. The
King is in Anjali posture (denoting prayer) . He is seen here as a fat middle-aged man with a
belly and beard. The South Gopura must have had a figure of this same King as a Youth.
Kopperunci nga declares the source of the capital for building this Gopura as the booty obtained
Tl IE ARC HAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 18 1

from his successful wars . (*76) Th.is inscription is found at Tripurantakam in which it is staled
that a copy of the same has been inscribed at Kanchi also. It is hence beyond any doubt that
this Gopura was constructed by this "Bharatam Valla Perumal".

Some scholars tend lo believe that the East Gopura was the work of Kulottunga II on
the basis of literary evidence. O~~akkuttar, while eulogizing Kulottunga II mentions several
structures incl uding Mai;i~apas, Ma!igais and Gopuras built by his patron. The same poet who
wrote on Viknun a Cola does not attiibute these to him, while there are many inscriptions to
beli eve that he had contributed considerably in the expansion of this temple. (*77)

Among other structures, Kuttar mentions a Gopura Mac;lam. This means a building
with more than a tier. Apart from this, he also mentions ' Ezhu Gopurangar meaning seven
Gopuras . Tilis also seems to have been close to each other resembling a row of seven mountains.
Obviously, it does not mean the present East Gopura. Moreover the direction in which these
were situ ated is not even suggested. Ifwe do not want to ignore the poet' s praise, it should be
reasonable enough to assume that there were seven entrances built by Kulottunga which may
have resembled the present Aka!angan Tiruvayil on the Western side connecting the second
and the third Prakaras or even the smaller Gopura on the Western side. The credit of building
the most important Gopuras containing the Karat)as with inscriptions goes only to
Koppenmc inga and not any other King. It is most likely that at least the base of the Northern
Gopura was al so his work - an unfulfilled desire.

7. West Gopura:

The West Gopura is called Sundara Pa1)9yan Gopura popularly. It also has all the 108
Kara1Jas along with their explanatory couplets inscribed. There is nothing Pal)c;lyan about it. It
is an impro\'ed version of the same postures, sculpted as high relief figures. There is a conscious
attempt 0 11 the part of the sculptors to prove this to be an improvement on the others . The
postures involving the rising of the leg backwards are suggested in profile in the others . B ut
!1ere, they are seen raised backwards itself. The accon1panying fi gures of musicians are also
more prominent in this Gopura.
182 KARA~AS - VOLI

Apart from the Karm)aS, there are certain other panels, which are hard to identify. The
Karana series end with the sixth niche of the sixth pilaster as one enters the temple. The last
three and the entire set of niches on the T11 pilaster contain some other sculptures. But, they do
seem to suggest some inner meaning, apart from their apparen tly unimpo rtant nature. We
come across some musicians, Apsaras and on the top-mos t panel of the seventh pilaster, there
is a three headed or four headed figure, perhaps that of Brahma . It may represen t Brahma
creating Apsaras to handle Kara9as - a story seen in the Natyasa stra itself.

This Gopura is definitely Cola in style. Apart from the Karar:ias, even the names of the
deities are inscribe d in the Gopura as in the case of the Darasur am Gopura . The authorship of
this Gopura is yet to be proved through inscriptional evidenc e while each scholar has suggested
his own surmise s. One more is submitt ed here under.

After Kopper uncinga was compell ed to release Raja Raja ill, the Cola King certainl y
had to suffer a loss of face. At least in a spirit of compet ition with Kopper uncinga , either he or
his son Rajendr a III might have undertaken the task of buildin g the Western Gopura soon
after the Eastern Gopura was built. On the Souther n wall of this Gopura , there is a figure of a
youthful King, also with a similar Dhoti and beard with folded arms. (Fig. 71) Tiris is probably
that of Rajendr a ill. But it is rather perplexing why his name is not engrave d while many
niches are seen with the respective names inscribed. However, one can be sure that this Gopura
is not a Pa9c;lyan structur e. The Pa9c;lyan inscript ion only relates the Tulabha ra ceremon y and
it is sure they had no perman ent interest in the territory.
Hence, the Western Gopura is only a Cola Gopura . But it
could not have been built prior to the Souther n and Eastern
Gopura s, for no deity is west facin g. Howeve r, the East
Gopura is not directly in front of eve n the ~1ula Sthana.
Probably, it was placed in betwee n the shrines of Niula
Sth ana and Nataraj a to enable the pilgrims to branch off
into any sanctm n they wish ed to e nt er. In point of
I ., • authenti city or beauty, the West Go pura is in no way less
Fig. 71 Rajendra I II ( ?) - importa nt than the more popular ised East G opura.
West Gop11ra, Chidambu mm
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 183

8. North Gopura:

The North Gopura has been declared by historians and archaeologists as belonging to
the I6 1h century, and having been built by Kr~i:iadevaraya. The inscription on its waJI clearJy
states this. But the style of the dance sculptures compels one to believe that it surely belong to
the 13 1h century and not later. In all probability, it was built immediately after the East Gopura,
by Kopperunci1iga himself. The stone portion alone must have been completed during his
lifetime. Soon after, in the 14th century, the whole of South India had instable Government
with Malik Kafur' s attack. The construction of the seven tiers had to wait for the most powerful
saviours of Hindu valour namely Kf~ryadevaraya. There might have been stone scaffolding to
enable the construction of the tiers, which were kept unremoved for over two centuries. This
can explain for the lack of earlier inscriptions on the walls of the Gopura. However, by the
mere fact of lack of any older inscriptions we cannot conclude that the structure is of a later
date. Only a thorough field study can suggest certain facts. For example, the Karar:ia sculptures
of this Gopura are all very much like those of the Eastern and Southern Gopuras. Here also
we find a niche corresponding to the one at Eastern Gopura, which contains the figure of
Kopperuncinga. But, in his place, the figure of Kr~i:iadevaraya is found here in this Gopura.
But, it is evident that some other figure has been replaced with that of Kf~9adevaraya. The
stone is different and the figure itself is taller than what that niche should normally encompass.
(Fig. 72) There might have been a few unfinished Karai:ias, which were completed during the
16th century. The knowledge ofKara9as was almost moving into oblivion during that period.
Hence the Karar:ia figures could not have been even copied meticulously. The hurry in which
it was done is perhaps the reason for the
additional number, probably a duplicate of one
of the figures.

The Karai:ia figures at Tiruvannamalai are

only a careful copy of those of the Eastern
Gopura. It does not mean that al l the Karai:ins
( J were in vogue during that period. The base of

Fig. 72 Kr~·radevariiya and sculptors or cl1ieftains -

the North Gopura.m surely belongs to the last
No rth Gopura, Chidttmbaram part of the age of the In1perinl Colas. T he view
184 KARAl':-IAS - VOL I

that all the Chidamb aram Gopuras are Pal)c;lyan was first projected by Dubriel and echoed by
many later authors and scholars. The study of the Karai:,.as in them clearly reveals their allegiance
to Cola artisans and even Cola tradition of sculpturi ng these units of dance. (*78) The dance
figures even in the ceiling of all the four Gopuras are an additiona l proof of their unity in time
and style.

9. The first Prakara around the Sanctum:

The sculptures just around the sanctum of the most Holy place seem to be quite modern.
They are either the work of the Late Madurai Nayaks, or perhaps even that of the Nagarathars.
The themes are taken from some of the 64 stories connecte d with Madurai temple. There are
very few dance sculpture s. The portrayal of the European violin suggests that these panels
must have been either placed or replaced within the last 150 years only. The costumes of the
Kings connecte d with the stories have a clean Maratha touch about them. It is likely that some
of the dance figures on the East side are older than the rest.

SUMM ARY
None of the publicati ons, which have so far appeared , have correlate d illustrations of
the Karar).a figures and their definitions from Natyasas tra accordin g to serial order found in
the East Gopura of the Nataraja temple. Fieldwor k has revealed that all the 108 Karai:,.as are
set in their proper serial order in the East, West and South Gopuras of this temple. The order
is slightly disturbed only in the Northern Gopura.

All the major structure s of the Nataraja temple, which have dance sculpture s, seem to
belong to the later Cola period. It is highly probable that the temple had a Cola palace attached
to it. The Rajasabh a (1000 pillar Mai:,.tapa) must have been commiss ioned by Kulottunga I
and completed by Vikrama Cola. The dance sculpture s include some Angaharas of Nrtta
nature and also some Natya (drmna) panels. The dance sculpture s around the Karnakkottam
may be the work of Kulottu nga II. These seem to include Nrtta Matrkas. The Nrtta Mantapa
. . . ..
has a dose resemblance to the chariot shaped Mar:itapa of the Darasuru m tem ple. This MmJ~apa,
rt IE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 185

the MfiJigai around the Pa9<;lyanayakam shrine and the Rajakkal Tambiran Tirumaligai may
have been built by Ku]ottunga Ill. The Nrtta Ma9tapa mjght have also contained a Buddhist
Goddess , which rrught have been removed beyond the city. The story of the victory of Siva
over Kaff in their dance competition signifies the religious supremacy of the Saivites. It also
signifies the starting point of the period in the technical history of dance when the extensions
of the leg were giving way to mere footwork technique. This story must be later than the
Gopuras oftrus temple. Each of the four Gopuras contains a complete set of 108 Karar:ias. The

-
East and West Gopuras have their definitions inscribed. They all seem to be]ong to the same
period - 13 th century. Kr~•:iadevaraya must have completed the Northern Gopura in the 16th
century. In point of time, the Southern Gopura may be the earliest. Kopperuncinga built the
--
-
South and East Gopuras and probably began the work of Northern too. The Western Gopura
may have been the work of Raja Raja III or Rajendra Ill. Most of the dance figures of this
temple 1nust have been sculpted based on the text Bharatan:iava; Kopperuncinga seems to
have had a title in connection with trus work.
186 KARA NAS . VOL I
CHAR T SHOW ING PLAC EMEN T OF KARA ~AS
in the four Gopur as of Chida mbara m temple (WitJ1 remar ks)
NO . KA.RA~A EAST I \\1:STG OPURA I S OUTH GOPUR A NO RTH GO PUR A
GOPl..iRA
1
I Pi l. I -
. APUT. AM
I T ALAPU SP Pi! I - Niche Pi!. I - Niche I Pi!. I - Nic he I Damaged.
I Bad] ~ rorrode d Niche I Hands ha ve fingers pointed
I
dow nward s. Left foot is
Ag r:11ala .
2 VA RTITM I Pi ! I - 1'1che Pi!. I - Niche 2 P1I. l - Pi!. I - Nic he 2
:! Face slightly turned Niche:! H airsty le is somewh at
to wards the ri ght S l!ib left \\ itho ut any different from th e rest.
C.'.lf"\ ing
1
3 V AL ITO RUK.Ai\-f Pil. I - N iche Pi!. I - Niche 3 Pi!. I - Pi!. I - Nic he 3
3 S li ghtl v co rroded Niche 3
4 A PA V IDD HAM

-~
Pil I - Ni che Pil. I - Niche 4 Pil. I - Pt!. I - Nic he ·I
~
14 Ni ch e 4
5 SAM AN A KHAM P tl . I - Niche P il. I - Niche 5 Pi l. I - P t! . I - Ni c he 5
5 Ni che 5
6 1 L [:\. A ~ I Pi l. I -
Niche 6
P i!. I - Niche 6 Pil. I - Pil. I - Ni c he 6
Niche 6
7 SV ASTIKA Pi ! I - Ni ch e P1I. I - Nic he 7 Pil. I - Pi l. I - Ni c he 7
-RECIT AJ\,1 7 Niche 7
Tribhaii ga - Ri g ht
hand on th e wais t
! ___,
H M AND A LA
SVAST IKA ~ t
P1I I - 1'1.:-he
b
p-,1 I - Ni che 8
and le ft on thi l! h
Pil. I - Ni c h e 8 Ptl . I - Niche 8
- --
9 N IK UlT A WI - Pi l Badl y corrode d Not clea rl y seen
fl Pd I - Pil. Il - Pil. n -
:0-:,c C 2 N1<.hc 9 Niche I Ni c he 2
- S lab wi thout carv ing
10 ARDHA P l II ,ache Ptl II N ich e 3 Pil. Il - Pil. II - Ni c he 3
-N IKlfIT A KAM 3 Nic he 2 Left foot is Agra taJ a
- . S lab without carvin g
11 KA Tf CCJfJ~../N ,H, I hi II •,,chc P ,i II · Niche 4 Pil. U - Pil. III - Ni c he 3
: Rig ht foo t 19 Ag rn . Niche 4 Ri g ht hee l lifted near th e Id)
r:.a.r .u1A.\ 9 111 Righ t ha nd a l No carvi ng . 9, IO & a nkl e . Ri g ht knee s uggests th e
& 11 ;in; , hou ldcr leve l 11 w itho ut Ins t part o f th e twi st
M~Utt 7.cd 1 w ar. tang clear ly Ko9u1~ gai .
~llhfJJt "•UC ~L-,!C{J
Kodu11g111
Nomwl y 1h11
,p:ice can I
I contam onl1 I
tv.o fi urcs
12
I
ARI"'ll l -\
- - L
Pd. II - N1c:he Ptl u N iche 5 Pil. Il - Pil. ll - N ic he 4
Rl ·C IT -\K-\:-- 1 5 Niche 5 Ri ght foot i~ Agra, left is
\ \ 1-...S \ H Pd n -
Ptl JI - t-; iche 6
P5r<va , bu r b~1d ly dam~ .<!:.__
I' Pil. n - 1-'al. 11 - N ic he 'i
S\ \~Tl1', \\I :---: i.: hc o Niche 6 JJortray6 rla c s tage before the
- h anrl ,; ~e l c.roc,scd
14 ~"\/\1--\ IT -\~I Pd II - Pd n. 1J1cne 7 P il. II - Nic he 7 6
Pal [I - Niche
::--:1.:he - L.rgc:- Sf,.1Ce in R ii ht foot ts A gra .
bet'.1.ee;, the feet.
Left lurid hang m g a
'. .de IO\I.C f than
nghL W c-ight o f the
bod ,· on left le 2.
15 SYAS TIKAl\_ 1 P i! II -I Pil IJ - Ni che 8
-
Pi!. II - Niche 8 P il. II - Niche 7
N iche 8 I Han ds on chest not seen
cl early
16 P~$TH A Pi!. II - Pil. ID - N iche 3 P i!. II - Niche 9 Pil. II . N iche 8
-S Y ASTIK Al\1 Nich e 9

-
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 187
NO. KARAl:JA EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA
GOPURA
17 DlK Pi!. m - Pil. III - Niche 4 Pil.ill- Pil. III - Niche 4
-SY ASTIKAJvl. Niche 3 Niche 5 Face turned to a comer instead
No work . Niche I, of being shown in profile.
2, (3&4) - A single
big niche -
completely
corroded)
18 ALA T AKAJvl. Pil. III - Pil. III - Niche 5 Pil. III - Pil. UT -
Niche 4 ~ight leg Niche 6 Niche 8
Urdhvajana Legs as in W . Not seen clearly because it is
Right hand Gopura But left places at a height.
Kha\akamukha, left hand
is Lota Khalok amukh a,
ri ght Lala
19 KA TIS AMAJvl. Pil. ru - Pil. In- Pil. m - Pil. III -
Niche 5 Niche 6 Niche 7 Niche 6
20 AKSIPTA Pil. III - Pil. Ill - Pil. Ill - Pil. III -
-REC ITAKAJvl. Niche 6 Niche 7 Niche 8 Niche 7
very badly corroded One hand on the
waist, other al the
side of the breast
21 VJKSIPT Pil. III - Pil. III - Pil. III - Pil. III -
-AK~rPTAKAJvl. Niche 7 Niche 8 Niche 9 Niche 5
Mru:i<;lala Sthana, Agra foot and Khatakamukha
Samabhanga -right Hasta are clearly seen
foot SucI
22 ARDHA Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Niche I Pil. IV - Niche I Pil . IV - Niche 1
-SV ASTIKAJvl. Niche I Corroded Above the figure traces of
designs seen as in
Kumbakonam Karru:ias.

23 ANCITAJvl. Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Niche 2 Pil. IV - Niche 2 Pil. IV - Niche 2

Niche 2 Corroded Beautiful figure Hairdo
slightly damaged - wears a
blouse - ornaments clearl y
seen - Vanki ornament and
blouse does not reveal a Cola
character - might be one of the
figures replaced by
Viiayana gara chie ftains.
24 BHUJ A NG A Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Niche 3 Pil. IV - Pil. IV -
-TR ASITAM Niche 3 Face is corroded Niche 3 Niche 3
25 ORDH VA JANU Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Pi!. IV - Ni che 4
Niche 4 Niche 4 Niche 4 Sugges t a space of 2 T alas
between the fe et. Right foot
SucI, iust abou t to be lifted .
26 NIKUNC ITAM Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Niche S Pil. IV - Pi!. IV - Ni che S
Niche 5 Left hand not clear Nich e S Left hand Pa tiika Right leg
Left hand not li fted behind shoulder as in
clear Ordhvatan<;Java, and not as
Yrscika wi th bent knee as in
th i:: other Gonuras
27 M \ TTAL LI Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Ni che 6 Pil. rv - Pil. lV - Nic he 6
Niche 6 Left h:md Recita Ni che 6 Same as \V . Gopura
Sam e as W . Gor,ura_
r - --- ----
28 ARDHA Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Ni che 7 Pi l. IV - Pd . I V - Ni che 7
-MA TI ALLI Niche 7 Niche 7
- -
29 REC!T/\ Pil. IV - Pil. IV - Niche 8 Pil. IV - l'i I I\' - Niche R
Niche 8 Ni che 8
-NIKUTTITAM -- - -
30 Pil. V - Niche Pil. IV - Nich e 9 Pi l. V - Nich..: I Pil. V - Niche I
P ADAPA
C leaning might Ri ght hand brok.en Khat ak. 5. muh.h ,1 hands \e~
- VIDD H A KAJvl. I
reveal more cl..:arly scrn

--- -~
188 KARA NAS_- VOL I
NO . KAR ANA EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA

31 YALITAM
GOPUR A
Pil. V - Ni che
2
Pil. V - Ni che I
Hi gh reli e f figure;
Pil. V - Ni che 2 Pil. V - Nich e 2 -
rig ht font sli ghtl y in
front face & breast
corroded
32 GHURN ITAM Pil. V - Ni che Pil. V - Niche 2 Pil. V - Niche 3 Pil. V - Niche 3
3 Hand raised as Qola Head mi ssin g - Chest co rroded
Has la instead o F - probab ly broken by fl yin g or
Lala cannon bal ls
33 LALITAM Pil. V - Ni che Pil. V - Niche 3 Pil. V - Niche 4 Pil. V - Niche 4
4 Right foot o nl y
sli ght ly in Front of
lert - it is not a ful l
Svastika
34 DANDA Pi l. V - Niche Pil. V - N iche 4 Pil. V - Nich e 5 Pil. V - N iche 5
-PAKSAl\1 5 Body not bent Right Foot portrays beginnin g
o F Ii Flin g the same
35 BHUJANGA Pil. V - Niche Pi l. V - Niche 5 Pil. V - Niche 6 Pi!. V - Nic he 6
-TRASTA 6 R ight hand Recita
-RECITA:tvl Left hand stretched
across as I;>ola and
body bent on right -
po rtrays movement
on th e other side
36 NUPUR AM Pil. V - Niche P il. V - Niche 6 Pi l. V - N iche 7 Pil. V - Nic he 7 I
7 Feet well separated S way I
beautifull y indicated I
37 YAISAKHA Pil. V - Niche Pil. V - Niche 7 P il. V - Niche 8 Pil. V - N iche 8
-RECITA:rvt 8 Corroded - leg not Legs not clearly Diffi cu lt to observe due to I
lifted seen because of heigh t I
I
height
38 BHRAMARAKAM Pil. YI - Pi l. V - N iche 8 Pi!. VI - N ich e I Pil. VI - Nic he I
Niche I Cleaning might R igh t han d Patak.a - I
Right breas t broke n - Right I
Hands not reveal more details left hand hand Patiika - Left faces ches t.
clear Hamsapak~a faci ng stretched hori zon tall y - co urs e
damaged. up - B egin ning of of Hasta Kar:u:i a
H asta Karanas I
39 CATURAM Pil. VI- Pi!. V - Niche 9 P il. VI - N iche 2 I
Pi!. VI - Niche 2
Niche 2 Needs cleaning
Beauti ful figure - well
Left leg
p reserved
I
damaged
40 BHUJANG Pil. VI- Pil. YI - Niche I P il. YI - Niche 3 Pi!. VI - Niche 3
-ANC ITAKAM Niche 3 Hi gh relief fi gure
41 DANDAKA Pil. VI - Pi l. YI - Ni che 2 Pi l. YI - N iche 4 Pil. YI - Niche 4
-REC IT AM N iche 4 Right foo t s li ghtly Foot is fl at ly pl aced Same as in Sou th Gopura
lifted suggesti ng I
as Parsva and not
Dar~1apada Can - Ancita - shows
adds majestici ty - beginning o f I
also suggests Dar:idapada CarT.
swaying i.e. for the
beginning of
Nup urapadikii CarT.
42 VR.SCIKA Pi l. YI - Pil. YI - Niche 3 Pi l. YI - Ni che 5 Pil. Y I - NiL' he 5
-KUTTlTAM Ni che 5 High relief fi gure
43 KATI Pi l. VJ - Pil. VJ - Niche 4 Pi l. YI - Ni che 6 Pi! . V I - Ni ch e 6
-BHRANTAM Niche 6
Body is more bent -
right hund
Khaiak amukha - lert
fingers po int
dowmvarcls
44 LATA Pi l. VI - Pil. V I - Niche 5 Pil. VI - Niche 7 Pil. Y I - Niche 7
-V~SCIKAIVI Nich e 7 Totall y corroded
nothin g left
I
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 189
NO. KARANA EAST · WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA
GOPURA
45 CHINNAl\1 Pil. Vl - Pil. VJ - Niche 6 Pil. VII - Pil. VI - Niche 8
Ni che 8
Niche 8 Placed at height difficult to
46 V~SCIKA observe
Pil. VII - Pil. VI -
-RECITAl\1 Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche I
Ni che I Niche 7 Ni che I Face corroded - fig ure
co mplete but stone portion of
slab to be scooped . Incompl ete
wo rk of Cola period hurriedly
co mpleted by Vijayanagara
sc ulptors C hi eftai ns left behind
by Kr~r:iadeva raya obvio usly
had to rush on their onward
march
47 V~SC IKAl\1 Pil. VII - Pil. VI - Niche 8 Pil. VII - Pil. VJJ -
Niche 2 Ni che 2 Niche 2
48 VYAMSITAM Pil. VII - Pi!. VI - Niche 9 Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Nic he 3
Niche 3 Hands not clearly Niche 3 Left hand . Patii.ka
Hands badly seen Left hand is at the Same as South Gopura
corroded side of breast - right
palm upturned in
front of chest -
shows process of
crossing & releasing
(Svastika &
Vi prakirna)
49 PARSVA Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche l Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche 4
-NIKUTf AKAl\1: Niche 4 Palms upwards with Niche 4
cross at wrists
50 LALATA Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche 2 Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche 5
-TILAKAl\1: Niche 5 Face corroded - leg Niche 5 Hand holds the lifted foot
extended backwards
as Vrscika
51 KRA.NT AKAl\1: Pil. VII - Pil. VII - Niche 3 Pi!. VII - Pil. VII - Niche 6
Niche 6 Aficita foot stretched Niche 6 Right hand Pataka - Left not
with straight knee as Hands have Afijali clear - beautiful figure
in Naga9avu of Hasta suggesting a broad sweeping
Sadir mo vement
52 KUN CIT Al\1: Pil. Vll- Pil. Vll - Niche 4 Pi!. VII - Pi!. VII - Niche 7
Niche 7 Niche 7 Right foot not lifted instead, on
the ground as Agra. Left foot
also Agra - Right knee on floor
- Resembles Sarukkal MaJ.11i
Adavu of Sadir
53 CAKRA Pi!. vn - Pi!. Vll - Niche 5 Pi!. YID- Pil. VII - N iche 8
-MANDALAM Niche 8 Niche 8
54 URO Pi!. vm- Pi!. vn - Niche 6 Pi!. vm
-Niche I Pi!. VID -Niche I
-MANQALAl\1: Niche I Waist raised on left - Left foot placed Left foot Agra - Waist raised
right hand Pataka - forward as T ryasra - on le ft - indicates reel ing
Left Kha\akamukha Pataka of right hand, movement for which
middle finger bent mo mentum is gained through
as for Sucyasy.1 sacru m
Nrtln Hasta
55 AKS IPTA¥ Pil. VIII - Pil. VII -Niche 7 Pi\. VIII -Niche 2 Pil YIIl -Ni..:he 2
Niche 2' Right fo ot pheffi fl atl ) - Bod)'
sho ,\~ course of sitlln g do,\ n -
bad. nnt tl,t.1J ly !l:Sling on left
I
h""t"l. Ld1 foot S uci. ma:,
rortr.1\ pro,.""~' of getting up -
1,·s,·111hle~ l\ !JJ_HJi Ad:n u of
S:1dir
r---
56 -TALA Pil. VITI - Pil. VU -Niche 8
f-
Pll .
-
vm Ni che .I l't! . \ ' Ill -Nid1e J
-VILAS ITAM Niche 3 I lami s b ~111 to~"ards shriu lders
t---
57 ARGALAl\1: Pil. Vlll - Pi!. VII -Ni che 9 Ptl . Vlll -Niche 4
-
I'll. \'UI -N1.::h~ 4 - -
Niche4 -- - - - - _J
190 KARANAS - VOL I
NO . KARAf:,IA EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA
GOPURA
58 Vll<~IPTAl\1 Pil. VIII - Pil. vm -Niche I Pil. VIJI -Niche 5 Pil. vm -Nich e 5
Ni che 5 Corroded
59 AVARTMvl Pil. Vlll - Pil. VIII -Niche 2 Pil. Vill -Niche 6 Pil. VITI -Niche 6
Ni che 6 Corroded All fingers separated
in left hand ,
showi ng Hasta
Karana
60 QOLAPADAl\1 Pil. VIII - Pil. VIll -Ni che 3 Pil. Vill -Niche 7 Pil. Ylll -Niche 7
Ni che 7 Exq ui si te sculpture,
breast broken, eyes
li fe like.
61 V IVRTTAl\1 Pil. vm - Pil. VIII -Ni che 4 Pil. VIIl -Niche 8 Pi l. v m -Niche 8
Niche 8
62 VIN IVRTT Al\1 Pil. IX - Pil. vm -Nich e 5 Pil. lX - Niche I Pil. IX - Niche I
Niche I
63 PARSVA Pil. IX - Pil. VIII - Pil. IX - Niche 2 Pil. IX - Niche 2
-KRA NT Al\1 Niche 2 Niche 6 Right hand Pataka, Gracefu l figure. Right foot
Right foot Aficita - left Lara, waist Aficita but not stretched too
knee stretched raised on right much - foot broken , weight of
without bend - Body body on left foot. Right hand-
bent to enable Lata beautiful Latii Has ta- left is
hand to almost touch Patiika
Aficita toe
64 NIST AMBHIT Al\1 Pil. IX - Pil. VIll- Pil. IX - Niche 3 Pil. IX - Niche 3
Niche 3 Niche 7 Same as in East but Same- well preserved
Corroded, leg Same as in East but very clear
lifted at the in better condition
back not
clearl y seen,
unless
observed
carefull y
65 VIDYUD Pil. IX - Pil. VIII - Pil. IX - Niche 4 Pi l. IX - Niche 4
-BHRANTAl\1 Niche 4 Niche 8 Left foot is Kuficita- Ri ght foot s uggests beg inning
crossed at back of leg being lifted-feet not
instead of ri~ht com p letel y crossed
66 A TIKRANT Al\1 Pil. IX - Pil. VIIl- Pil. IX - Niche 5 Pi!. IX - Niche 5
Niche 5 Niche 9 Same as East Same as East Gopura
Both feet flatly Gopura
placed as Piirsva
with large space in
bet ween-portrays
end of Ciiri with left
foot-body weight
fallinR on left foot
67 VIV ARTITAKAl\1 Pil. IX- Pil. IX - Niche I Pil. IX - Ni che 6 Pil. IX - Niche 6
Niche 6 Hands broken
68 GAJA Pil. IX - Pil. IX - Ni che 2 Pil. IX - Nich e 7 Pil. IX - Niche 7
-KRIQIT A KAl\1 Niche 7 More suggestive of Left hand near the
the swaying forehead & not near
movement the ear
69 T ALASAMSPHO Pil. IX - Pil. IX - Niche 3 Pil. IX - Ni che 8 Pil. IX - Ni che S
-TJTAl\1 Niche 8 Corroded & also
broken
70 GARUQA Pil. X - Ni che Pi l. IX - Ni che 4 Pil. X - Niche I Pil. X - Niche I
-PLUTAKAl\1 I Corroded-High
reli ef figure Has leg
extended at back
Pi l. X - Ni che Pil. IX - Ni che 5
-
71 GAI":-fl?ASUCI Pil. X - Ni che 2 Pil. X - Ni che 2
2
72 p ARI v~·rr Al\1 Pil. X - Ni che Pil. IX - Niche 6 Pil. X - Ni che 3 P il. X - Ni che 3 ---j
73 PAR SVAJANU
3
Pil. X - Ni che
4
Pil. IX - Ni che 7
Co n·oclecl
Pil. X - Ni che 4 Pil. .X - Niche 4 - I
I
-
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 191
NO. KARAr~A EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA
GOPURA
74 GRDHRA Pil. X - Ni che Pit. IX - Niche 8 Pil. X - Ni che 5 Pil. X - Niche 5
-VALINAKA¥ 5 Ri ght foot lifted as
Vr~cika
75 SANNATA¥ Pil. X - Ni che Pil. IX - Niche 9 Pit. X - Niche 6 Pil. X - Niche 6
6 Badly corroded Feel crossed as
Kuii ci ta (as in
Mauall i)
76 suci Pil. X - Niche Pil. X - Niche I Pil. X - Niche 7 Pil . X - Niche 7
7 Broken Cannot sec clearl y Peet cannot be seen because o f
because of heigh t heigh t
77 ARDHASUCI Pil. X - Ni che Pil. X - Niche 2 Pil. X - Niche 8 Pil. X - Niche 8
8 Badly corroded Feet cannot be seen Right hand stretched up as
nothin g left because of height Recita-Last part of Karana
78 s Dci VIDDHA¥ Pil. IX - Pil. X - Niche 3 Pil. XI - Ni che I Pil. XI - Niche I
Niche I Ri ght Foot placed fl atly-left
Agra
79 APAKRANTA¥ Pit. XI - Pil. X - Niche 4 Pil. XI - Niche 2 Pi l. XI - Niche 2
Niche 2 Corroded
80 MA YURA Pil. XI - Pil. X - Niche 5 Pit. XI - Niche 3 Pil. XI - Niche 3
-LALITA¥ Niche 3 Well preserved
beautiful fi gure
81 S ARPITA¥ Pil. XI - Pil. X - Niche 6 Pit. XI - Ni che 4 Pil. XI - Niche 4
Niche 4 Badly corroded Left hand on waist
82 D A~ APADA¥ Pil. XI - Pil. X - Niche 7 Pil. XI - Ni che 5 Pil. XI - Niche 5
Niche 5 Corroded
83 HARTI;JAPLUTA¥ Pil. XI - Pil. X - Niche 8 Pit. XI - Niche 6 Pil. XI - N iche 6
Niche 6 Right foot crossed in Large space between feet-
front as in Matta!li - sho ws th e process of the leap
shows stage after
jump
84 PRENKHOLIT A¥ Pil. XI - Pil. X - Niche 9 Pil. XI - Niche 7 Pil. XI - Niche 7
Niche 7
85 NITAMBA¥ Pil. XI - Pil. XI - Niche I Pil. XI - Niche 8 Pil. XI - Niche 8
Niche 8 Corroded
86 SKHALITA¥ Pil. XII - Pil. XI - Niche 2 Pil. XII - Niche I Pil. ill - Niche I
Niche l Corroded The figure must be in normal
course foun d in Pi!. XII -
N iche I. But is replaced by 2
chie fta ins of Vij ayan agara
peri od . Change of place puzzle
fo r present study. It pro ves
h urried and haphazard
com pletion of reno vation by
Vijayanagara chieftains -
obvious they did not bother
about serial number-
com pletion of Gopuran1. a
result of the ir reli gi ous ze:tl
87 KARIHASTAfyt Pil. XII - Pil. XI - Niche 3 Pil. XIl - Pil. XII - N iche: 2
Niche 2 Ni che 2 No Tribha.i'1ga-A1ici t.1 foot not
cl,:Jr-corroded-hand nc:ar the
shoulder J.nd not near the ,:;u-
I
-
88 PRASA RPIT Afyt Pil. xn - Pil. XI - Niche 4 Pil. Xll - Pil . Xll - Niche :-
Niche 3 Well preserved- Ni che 3 S.1me :is tn South liL>pu r:i -
Corroded lovely fi gure-left Ri ght hnnct at ches t. Ldl k g bwkcn

-
fo ot sli ghtl y lifterl Le ft is Recita -
Badh corrodeu
89 ')IMHA Pil. XII - Pil. XI - Nid1e 5 Pil. Xll - !'ti "\U - N1d1c l
-VIKRIJ?IT Al'yt Niche 4 Right fool crossed in Nich~ ➔ F,·c t not crnssed-R1 ght lt'-.'t l\

fro nt -Both hands F l:d not c1ossed Id'\ Suet

near ri ght brcasl. fo ot Sflc1 W:1i~ t
1n1s~d on ldt -lllilh
p nl111s fn cc thrn 11 l
192 KARANAS-V OL I
NO . KARANA EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH G OPURA -
GOPURA
90 Pil. XI - Ni che 6 Pil. XII - Pil. XII - Niche 5
SIMHAKAR~IT AM Pil. XII -
Ni che 5 Righi fool crossed in Ni che 5 Samabhariga Mar:i1ala Sthiina-
front -Palms Tribhariga with right and left hands ha ve palms
probably down waist rai sed on the and fingers upturned and down
turned-Nol cl ear left turned res pective ly
91 UOV~TTAfyl Pil. XII - Pil. XI - Niche 7 Pil. XII - Pi!. XII - Niche 6
Ni che 6 Ni che 6 Left foot crossed in fro nt as
Kuncita
92 U PAS~TAK.Al'yl Pil. XII - Pil. XI - Pi!. XII - Pi!. XII - Niche 7
Ni che 7 Ni che 8 Ni che 7
Ri ght fool crossed in
front
93 T ALA Pi!. XII - Pi!. XI - Ni che 9 Pil. XII - Pi!. XII - Ni che 8
-SANGH ATTIT AM Niche 8 Niche 8
94 JANITAfyl Pi!. XIII - Pil. XII - Pil. XIII - Pi!. XIII - Niche I
Niche I Niche 1 Niche 1 R ight hand Pataka
Face corroded
95 AV AHITTHAK.Aiyl Pi!. XIII - Pi !. XII - Pil. XIII - P i!. XIII - Niche 2
Niche 2 Niche 2 Niche 2 Righ t so le as SucT almost
Left hand not clear- Hands seem to be touching left heel-Hands touch
corroded Mu~~i each other without being
crossed
96 NIVESAfyl Pi!. XIII - Pi!. XII - Pil. XIII - Pi!. XTil - N iche 3
Niche 3 Niche 3 Niche 3
Corroded
97 ELA KA.KRIQIT Al'y1 Pil. XIII - Pil. XII - Pil. xm- Pi! . Xill - N iche 4
Ni che 4 Niche 4 Niche 4 Almost same as in Western
Face & body turned Gopura-Ri ght hand not clear
towards left-Both
hands near left
breast similar to
handling of
Karatiilam
98 URUDV~TT Al'yl Pil. XIII - Pi l. XII - Pil. xm - P i!. XIII - Niche 5
Niche 5 Niche 5 Niche 5 Same as in East-but more
Corroded-Right beautiful -Suggests the grace of
shank crossed in a-light footed ease
front -shows stage of
action next to the
one in E.Go pura
99 MAD A Pil. XIII - Pil. xn - Pi!. XIII - Pi!. XIII - Niche 6
- SKJ-I A LIT A l'yl Ni che 6 Ni che 6 Ni che 6 Same as in South Gopura
Right shank crossed Right foot lifted on
in front-Portrays left-portrays stage
stage before left leg before land ing it to
is lifted-Lala hands reach stage seen in
. hangin g down Western Gop ura
100 YISJ\/UKRANT Afyl Pi l. xm - Pi!. XU - Pil. XIII - Pi!. A'TII - Niche 7
~
Niche 7 N iche 7 N iche 7
IOI S AM BI IRANTAfyl Pi!. XIII - Pi l. X TI - Pil. XIII - Pi!. XIIl - Niche 8
Niche 8 N iche 8 Niche 8 Left foot SC1c.-T-Ri ght hru1d on
Co n·odccl -feel Feet crossed as for waisl-Left stre tched on side as
crossed as in Aviclclhii Cari-ri ght \)lila
Mana lli -wa isl ra ised hand in fro nt o f
on left-ri ght hand chest
KJ1n~akii111uk ha &
- - - left is Latii
102 Vl~KA MBIJ AM Pi l. X I V - Pil. XII -
-
Pil. XIV - P il. X CV - Niche l
Niche 2 Ni che 9 Ni che l Ri gh t foo t Tray:isrn- R ight
Righi foot Agru _ S lab without any hand near tile chest-Le ft is
Ri ght hand at the carvi ng I .ati'i
side o f breast-Le ft is
--- -- in front of chest -
,HE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 193
NO. KARAl~A EAST WESTGOPURA SOUTH GOPURA NORTH GOPURA
GOPURA
]03 UDGHA TTITAtvl Pil. XIV- Pil. xru - Pil. XIV - Pil. XIV - Niche 2
Niche 3 Niche I Niche 3 Right foot is Agra
Corroded-Sampu\a Same as in East
hands seen clearly
104 V~~ABHA Pit. XIV - Pil. Xill - Pil. XIV - Pil. XIV - Niche 4
-KRIP ITA fyl Niche 4 Niche 2 Niche 4 Right foot Agra-Right hand at
Face corroded-Left Left foot is crossed the side of chest-left in front of
foot crossed behind- behind it with palm down turned
Right & left hands
above & below
breast respectivel y
105 LOLITAfyl Pit. XIV - Pil. XIII - Pil. XIV - Pil. XIV - Niche S
Niche 5 Niche 3 Niche 5
106 N AGAPA Pit. XIV - Pil. XIII - Pil. XIV - Pil. XIV - Niche 6
-SARPITAM Niche 6 Niche 4 Niche 6 Left hand is Recita Feet are
Left hand raised on Right foot Agra- natl y placed
its side as Dru:i<;la hands are as in West
with down turned Gopura
fingers.
107 S AKATA.SY Atvl Pit. XIV - Pil. XIII - Pit. XIV - Pil. XIV - Niche 7
Niche 7 Niche 5 Niche 7
108 GANGA Pil. XIV - Pil. XIII - Pil. XIV - Pit. XIV - Niche 8
-VATARANAtvl Niche 8 Niche 6 Niche 8 Damaged-Must be
Gangavataranam only
194 KARA~AS - VOL1

TIRUVANNAMALAI AND V~ DHACALAM

• •

The sculptu ring ofBha rata's Kara9a s and also other dance figures seems to have been
the fashion during the Post Kopperunci11ga period in the Tamil countr y. The Vijayan
agara
dynast y arose as a strong reactio n to the Muslim suprem acy. Its chief policy was to revive
and
patron ize true Hindu culture . As stated before , the dark period of about a couple of centuri
es
had practic ally erased the older art forms, and made them beyon d the unders tanding
of even
schola rs . Under such a circum stance , it was with zeal to revive the already forgotten Karar:ia
s
of Bharat.a that they were being sculpte d on the walls of the Gopur as that were being
built.
A major part of the South came under the Vijaya nagara rulers , who were really the
saviou rs of a dying culture . We are told that dance was encour aged even in the courts.
Many
temple s were built and older ones were renovated. It is said that it was saint Vidyara9ya
who
influen ced and induce d such a revivalist zeal into the hearts of Hariha ra and Bukka
, the
founde rs of the new Hindu dynasty. The greates t of Monar chs of this line was Kf~r:iad
evaraya
( 1509-1 530) who was known for his strategy in war and also peace. He was a lover of
arts and
is said to have encour aged poets and artistes. The King is attribu ted with the renovation
and
expans ion of severa l temple s all over the South. He is known specia lly for buildin g towerin
g
Gopur as for the already existing ancient sites of worshi p. Amon g these , referen ce to the
North
Gopur a of Chidam baram temple has already been made. At Tiruva nnamalai , he is
said to
have built all the fou r outer Gopur as of the Aru]).acalesvara temple . This temple is one
of the
most ancien t centres of worship. Many kings have contrib uted to the expans ion of this comple
x.
All the o uter four Gopuras are ascribe d to :l<r~]).adevaraya. (*79) Amon g these, the tallest
one
is the one on the East. It is perhap s the tallest Gopur a in the whole of South. It is in the
inner
walls of this Gopur a, anothe r beautiful set of 108 Karar:ias are found. They are set
in the
pilaste rs arrang ed vertica lly as al Chidam baram . A con1pa rison of the Karar:ias of
the East
Gopur a of Chidm nbaram with these, clearly reveals , that they are but a n1ere copy
of the
former .

All the four outer Gopur as at Tiruva nnama lai contai n dance fi gures in the pilasters. But
only the east Gopur a has a system atic copy of the Chidai nbanm Karm)aS . The other
1 Gopuras
have stray dance sculptu res, mixed up with other figures portray ing theme s like Dasava
tara. In
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 195

we Western Gopura, there are some interesting mal e figures in dance poses. They are a mi xture
of both the older and later (Desi) traditions .

The East Gopura has ten ornamental pilasters on either side at the entra nce. These ten
are wel l separated covering a wider space to suit the gigantic magni tude of the Gopura.
Uni formly, there are nine niches in each pilaster. Of these, in most of the pil asters, the lowest
two niches have some figures of deities or stray dance poses . The next five belong to the
Kara1Ja series, in perfect serial order as in Chidambaram. The 8 th and 9 th figures are also dance
poses. But they are only repetitions of some Karai:ias. These are at great height and hence
difficul t to be seen, and observed well. Probably this is the reaso n for repeating the poses and
not continuing the serial order. The avoidance of Karai:ia fi g ures in the lowest niches of most
of the pilasters , also seem to be fashioned, taking into consideration the convenience of the
observer. This sensible arrangement is a proof of the builder 's deli berate zest to resurrect the
already lost technique. The Karm;as have absolutely no difference from those of the East
Gopura of Chidambaram. But, being of later date, they are well preserved and fascinatingl y
beautiful.

The Vrddhagirisvara temple at Vriddhacalam in South Arcot Dist. is also another

important one, which had gained prominence from the days of the Imperial Colas. From the
time of the Cola queen Sembiyanmadevi, many kings have contrib uted towards building and
renovating this campus. The outer Gopuras belong to the post Kr~i:iadevaraya period. All fo ur
of them contain the Karar:ia series of less importance from both the points of view of elegance
and authenticity. Each of them contains six pilasters on either sides of the entrance. These
pilasters a.re more ornamental than those of Chidambaram. Each niche has a couple of Ya.I is .
one on either side. The figures are made of granite. In points of beauty, some of them are quite
crude co mpared to those of the other temples. Each pilaster has six niches . There are only 72
panels on the whole in each Gopura. All the four Gopuras have identical pnnels set in an
identi cal ma nner. Out of the 72 panels , 32 have tvvo figures each. In the re- mni ning -t-2 niches
there are single Karai:ias. Even in these cases, in most or th em. the re a.rt; fig ures of the
accompanying druinmers. There are onl y 102 Karm~as in each Gopur:l.

The serial order is not always correc t. at Vriddh:tl.·nL1m . lt gets di sru pted t)ftc n. A maj o r
difference in the arrangement of the Kara1Jas, here, is that tht') .. r l' 11 0t in the Yc rti ca1 order as
 KJ\ RJ\N AS - V()1_ I
196

Fig . 73 Kara,:,a pan els - Vri ddh aca lam

 Tl IE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES
197

al Chid amba ram and Tiru vann amal ai . They are set in a horiz
ontal mann er. The first Karai:ia
Talapu~papura111 is in the lowe st niche of the first pilas ter on
the left as one enter s the temp le.
The seco nd is also in the same niche . The third is in the lowe
st niche of the seco nd pilas ter on
the same side. It cont inue s in the clock wise direc tion . Afte
r the s ix niche s on the left, as one
enters, one has to see the six of the lowest niches on the left
side as one exits the temp le . Agai n
the serie s cont inue s from the seco nd niche in each pilas ter
on the left as one enters. But, even
in this arran geme nt, the serial orde r seem s to chan ge with regar
d to the third and fourth pil aster s
on eithe r wall. The serial orde r is fairly main taine d from Kara
n as l to 76. In this, the enum erati on
is conti nued by avoidi ng the third and fourth pilasters. It is not
prese ntly possi ble to comp rehen d
the reaso n for such a disor derly arran geme nt. More over,
only 102 Kara 9as are portr ayed .
Amo ng these 102 figur es, 18 of them cann ot be ident ified
with certa inty.
The plac emen t of the Karar:ias is given in the fol1o w ing list,
in whic h the Karai:ias are
numb ered and not nam ed , for conv enien ce. In the follo wing
enlis tmen t, the six niche s of each
pilas ter are num bere d from botto m upwards. The left side of
the entra nce is mark ed as entra nce
and the left side of the exit is mark ed as exit.

KAR ANA NO. LEF T SIDE OF PILA STE R NO. NIC HE NO.
1&2 Entra nce I 1
3&4 " II 1
5&6 " V 1
7&8 " VI 1
9 & 10 Exit I l
11 " II 1

12 & 13 " V l
14 Exit VI l
15 & 16 Entr ance I 2

17 & 18 " II 2

19 " V 2
 KA RANAS - VOLJ
198

LEFT SIDE OF PILASTER NO. NICHE NO.

KARANA NO.
YI 2
20 & 21 "
Exit I 2
22
" II 2
23 & 24

25 " V 2

26 " VI 2

27

28 Entrance I 3

29 " II 3

30 & 31 " V 3

32 & 33 " VI 3

34 Exit I 3

35 " II 3

36 " V 3

37 & 38 " VI 3

39 &40 Entrance I 4

41 &42 " II 4

43 &44 " V 4

45 &46 " VI 4

47 &48 Ex it I 4

49&50 " II 4

51 & 52 " V 4

53 " VI 4
54 En trance I 5

55 " TI 5
1111 \ l{ C II A I P l lKi lCA I. SO LI RCbS 199

Kr\R ANA N O . LEFT SIDE OF PILASTER NO. NICHE NO.

..
56 V 5
..
57 VI 5
58 Exit I 5
..
59 II 5
() (J .' V 5
{Doubtiul )
..
61 VI 5
(j 2 Entrance I 6
..
63 & 6-t II 6
()5 & 66 ..
V 6
..
69 & 70 VI 6
7 1 & T2 E \.it I 6
..
73 & 7..i II 6
75 & 7() ..
V 6
..
77 VI 6
..
78 TY 3
..
79 m 5
80 E nlr~rn cc III 5
SI
~; Ex it III
I. - 2
SJ & S-t-
S5 & S6 Exit III 6
87
88 Entrance III 1
89
.. IV 6
90
200 KARA~AS - VOLI

KARANA NO . LEFT SIDE OF PILASTER NO. NICHE NO.

91 Exit IV 6

92 " IV 2

93
94 Exit IV 3

95 to 99
100 Exit IV 4
101 to 108

The Vriddhacalam Karar:ia series is perhaps the last such attempt during the pre British period
in the history of Karar:ias. Its incompleteness, haphazard placement as well as their
comparatively crude look mark the setting in of the recession of that technique.

SUMMARY
The Tiruvannamalai temple contains a set of 108 Karal).as in its gigantic outer Gopura on the
Eastern side. This Gopuram belongs to the Vijayanagara period. These sculptures are a
faithful copy of those of the Eastern Gopura of the Chidambaram temple. A couple of
sculptures of the lowest and highest panels in each pilaster, either contains some figures
other than Karar:ias or repetitions of so me Karal).as. This enables a clear visio n of all the
Karal).as . All these bas-relief sc ulptures are weH preserved and extremely beautiful. But_:_
the fou r Gopuras of the Vriddhacalam temple contains 102 Karal).as in 72 niches. Some of
them have two Karar:ias each. The serial order is to be pursued in the horizontal way. Still it is
not in the correct order. In point of finish, they lack elegance compared to the earlier attempts.
Tl IE ARCHAEOLOGICA L SOURCES 20 1

REFERENCES
l. K.A . Neelakanta Sastri - The Colas - Page 112
2. Ibid - Page 168

3. Percy B row n - " Indian Architecture - Buddhist and Hindu peri ods" Page 85

4 . D r. V. Raghavan - Nrtta Ratn ava li , Introduction - Page 87

5. Dr. R. Nagaswamy - M agazine " Kalvegu" No . 1 - Article o n Raja Raja .
6. Dr. T. N. Rarnachandran - "Dance Karm~as ofBharata Natya sculptures in Thanjavur
and Kumbakonam temples" - An article in "The M ail", Madras, 1970
7. Dr. V. Raghavan - Nrtta Ratnavali , Introduction - Page 87
8. Dr. TN. R am achandran' s article - Ref. No. 6

9. Epigraphica Indica - Volume XXII - PP. 267 and 281

10. N. Sethuraman - " Aruludaichcholamandalam"
. . . .. - PP. 1-2
l l. The journal " Kaveri" is now defunct
12. Sri. P.R. Srinivasan - Archaeological society of India Transactions for the year
1958-1959
Dr. C. Sivaramamurthy - " Nataraja in Art, Thought and Literature"
13. Dr. T.N. Ramachandran's article - Ref. No. 6
14. Sri. P.R. Srinivasan - Archaeological society of India Transactions fo r the year
1958-1959 - Page 36

15. Dr. C. Sivaramamurthy - "Na!araja in Art, Thought and L iterature" Chapter V -

Pp. 60-69]

16. Ibid - Page 60

17. Ibid - Page 61

18 . Dr. T.N. Ramachandran's article in 2 "The Mail"- Ref. No. 6

19. Na!yasastra - English translation- Chapter IV - Line 256

20. Sri. P.R. Srinivasan - Refer to Ref.no.12 - Page 36

2 1. " A.<;favallan" - Tiruvava<;futurai Adheena Publication 1967 - P. 138

22. Ibid - Page 130

202 KARAr~AS - VOL I

23 . T.A . Gopinatha Rao - "Elements of Hindu Iconography" - Part II, Vol. I, See
chapter on Nrttamurtis for details on Ta99ava
24. Supra Chapter XIII gives details
25. "Idavanarai
. . . . . saiththu ... .
idaththolodu
Govindan Kuzhalkodu oodinapodu ....
Mangaimargal malarkkundal avizha
Uc;lai negizha or kaiyal thugilpatri
Olgi oc;lari km.).909a nindranare ....

MarmJc;lu manga9anga! meiygai marandu ....

Yezhudu chiththiranga! pole nindranave
Marangal nindru 1nadu tharaigal pay um, malargal vizhum ....
Tirumal nindra pakkam nokki avai seyyum gur:iame"
26. K.A. Neelakanta Sastri - The Colas
27. H.H. Jagatguru Sri Candrasekharendra Saraswathi Sankaracarya of Kanchi
Kamakoti Pithan1 - "Tiruppar:ii seida Siruththondargal" - Article, Kalki Annual
Deepavali Issue, 1974
28 . K.A. Neelakanta Sastri - "A History of South India" - Page 208. He writes,
" Kulasekhara (Pa9c;lya) pressed the war against Hoysala Ramanatha, who had
allied himself closely with Cola Rajendra III and defeated both in 1279. That is
the last we hear of Rajendra III and the Colas."
29. Dr. C . Sivaramamurthy - "Nataraja in Art, Thought and Literature" - Page 60
30. Ibid - Page 61
31. Ibid - Page 64

32. K. Vasudeva Sastri - Catura Damodara's Sai'1gita Darpai:ia -

Introduction Page 1-2
33 . Ibid - Page 2
34. Dr. T.N. Ramachandran's article in 2 "The Mail"- Ref. No. 6
35. Dr. V. Raghavan - Nrtta Ratnavali, Introduction - Page 89
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES 203

36. Ibid - Page 113-114

37. Ibid - Page 100 see under Vivrttam
38. J.M . Somasundaram Pillai - "The University 's environs, cultural and historical " -
Page 97

39. Dr. D.V. N. Naidu, P.S . Naidu and O.V.R. Pantulu - "Ta1_1c;tava La~a1_1am" - This
book has been reprinted in 1971
40. Epigraphical repo11, 19 14, Page 74
41. Bha.rata' s Na!yasastra - Vol. I, II Edition (G.O.S) Page 34
42. Ibid - Page 34
43. Ibid - Page 34
44. Ibid - Page 39
45. Ibid - Page 34
46. Epigraphical report, 1914, No. 342
47. Dr. V. Raghavan - Nrtta Ratnavali, Introduction - Page 88
48. Ibid - Page 114
49. R. Sathianathaier - History of India - Vol. III - Page 202
50. Bharata' s Na!yasastra - Vol. I - II Edition (GOS) Page 38
51. Nandikesvara's Bhara~ava - Page 482
52. S.R. Balasubramaniam - Kopperunciri.ga - Page 37
53. Fergusson - History of India and Eastern architecture - Two Volumes - II Edition
(1910) - Pages 374 & 379
54. S.R. Balasubramaniam - The oldest Chidambaram Inscriptions - Journal of
Annamalai University XII (1943) Pages 81 & 83
55. K.A. Neelakan!a Sastri - The Colas - Page 348

56. Ibid - Page 348

57. Ibid - Page 346
58. J .M. Somasundaram - University Environs - Page 92 (Refer Tamil Inscription)

59. Ibid - Page 75

204 KARA~AS - VOL J

60. S.R. Balasubramaniam - The oldest Chidambaram Inscriptions - Journal of

Annamalai University XII ( 1943)
61. Ottakkuttar - Moovar UH.i (Kulottunga Cola Ula) - Lines 110 to 114
Cite ... .
lrukkadi enm1araiyu n1evvulargu rninral
tiruk KAMAKKOTTan tigazhvit - tarukkar
punaiya mai:iiya lum ponnalu minna
manaiyalo rorter vaguttu .......
62. Ibid - Lines 6 to 8
63. Inscriptions in the Pudukkottai State - 1946 (Translated by K.R . Srinivasan -
Inscription no. 222)
64. Annual reports on Epigraphy - 1913 - NOs. 290 & 291
also see S.R. Balasubramaniam's -The oldest Chidambaram Inscriptions -
Journal of Annamalai University XII (1943) - Page 85 Vol. XIII
65 . Ibid - A.R.E. 1914 - Page 88 and S.R.B. - Page 65
66. South Indian Inscriptions - Vol. XII - 1943 - No.159
67. Ottakkuttar - Moovar Ula (Kulottunga Cola Ula) - Lines 74 to 80 - Also see the
conunentary by Sangu Pulavar - Page 72, 73
68. Henrich Zimmer - The Art of Indian Asia - Vol. I Page 200
69. South India inscriptions - Vol. XII - 1943 - No.216 Also Annual Reports 1934-
1935 - No. 105
70. S uresh B. Pillai - Introduction to the study of temple art - Page 33
71. J .Dubreuil.G - Archaeologie du Sud de I' lnde - Two Volumes - Paris 1914 - I
Volume
72. S.R. Balasubramaniam - Kopperunci11ga - Page 84 (Based on Vayal ur
inscriptions)

73 . South India inscriptions - Vol. XII - 192 1 - No .11 9 & 285. A copy of thi s record
is also said to have been engraved in Kanchipuram . The other copy found at
Chidambaram is from Annual Report 1902-No. 463
Tl IE ARCHAEOLOG ICAL SOURCES
205

74. Sokkasiyan is another name for Kopperunc inga - Refer S.R . Balas ubramaniam -
Kopperuncinga - Page J 19
75 . Ibid - Page 37 & 38
76. South India inscriptions - Vol. XII - 1943 - No.247 & Annual Reports 1905 -
No . 198
77. Ogakk uttar - Moovar Ula (KuJottunga Cola Ula) - Lines 92 to 100
C ite ....
A9un tirupperumbe rambalamum gopura
mac;lam parandongu maligaiyum - kooc;iip
polongottu mamerup pootaramum poya
va~aiigot tigi1iyu manat ta!ango!
NILA! YEZHU GOPURANGA nere nerunga
Malai yezhu menna vaguttut talaiyil
Magarango! gopurangan maga vimanac
Sigaranga lagit tigazha ....... .
also see Sangu Pulavar's commentary PP. 75 & 76
78. After coming to this conclusion independantly, I was happy to note that J .
Harley has concluded that all the four Gopurams are C ola in character, based on
the study of sculptures other than the Karai:ias.
James C. Harley - "Temple Gateways in South India" - He writes '·I have been
forced to omit all but passing references to the celebrated bas reliefs of dancing
fig ures, with accompanying verses from the Na~yasastra, which line the entry
ways of the Gopuras. These are of great importance and I became sufficiently
acquainted with them to realise that none of the accounts of them so far
published are even remotely satisfactory. Nothing short of a full scak
publication, a very large task indeed wo uld serve any use ful purpose ~lt present. "
Introduction - Page XI
79 . F. H. Gravely - The Gopurns of Tiruvannamala i - Page 2
206 KARA~AS - VOLI

CHAPTER - VII
KARANAS
•
CULPTURESOFSATARA
The Hindu concept of transcend ing time has been experien ced by those chosen few of
the 20 1h century, who were made to perceive thi s phenome non in the fragil e human frame of
the Sage of that century, Pujy~ri Candrase kharendra Sarasvafi Svamiga!, the 68 th Sankaracarya
of the illustriou s Kanchi Kamakot i P1tharp . One wonders with awe at his "Sarvagnatva"
character, with unbelievable total knowledg e from the most profound to the most mundane. In
his 100 years of perceivab le human fonn , many individua ls were turned into trailblazers in
their respectiv e paths , perhaps by kindling their own preordai ned intuitive fire . I am one of
those privilege d lot to have a profound sense of fulfilmen t of the purpose of this God-gi ven
life; I have enjoyed his benign blessings as a tiny tool, gaining some historic significan ce,just
because of having been in his holy hands.

Though my mind was fortunately tuned by my parents, parents-l ike brother Balakrishnan
and his wife Shyamal a, and Guru in research Dr. T.N. Ramacha ndran, to adore "Periyaval"
(as he is affection ately and reverentially referred to), Pujyal?ri Acarya himself drew me close to
him like a magnet. It was he who illuminat ed like a torchbear er, for me to venture into a path
hitherto not treaded by many in the last five centuries. I made bold to enter this with unshakable
faith and love to explore. Only years later I even came to know the name qf that Vista. That i_s
lhe pathway - MARGA , that was common to all Hindu dancers, and their cousins, viz. , the
Buddhist s and Jains. That Marga was common not only for the Hindus ofBharat a Var~a, but
also for all those who were spread in all parts of the world under the spiritual and theological
canopy of the Sanatana Dharma. Initially I thought that I had entered this path just inadvertently,
without the least anticipat ion of the insurmou ntable problems caused by the non-used path
over the centuries. Slowly I realized that it has all been a divine plan meant as the \'ery purpose
of my life. This PATH had numerou s hurdles and puzzles; but they got solved one by one.
through that di vine torch showing the way to clear the shrubs, untw ine knots, unlock
subterran ean passages and reach a point from where the vista became more surmountable.
Yes, my hidden strength and perhaps the prime source of strength was the unlimited grace of
the M ahasvami of Kanchi .
KARAT:JA SCULPTURES OF SATARA 207

One may ju stifiably wonder as to what guidance a sanyasi can give with regard to the
art of dance and how? The counter query is "What subject has not received attention in the
omniscient Mind of his Holiness?" Whether it is History or Geography, or the History of
Geography, Linguist ics or Atomic Physics, Archaeology or Astronomy, Medicine or Social
Science, Economics or Administration, Epigraphy or Painting, Fine Arts including Music
and Dance - Scholars, Artistes, Scientists, Poets, Politicians, Philosophers and Administrators
have all recei ved His benevolent guidance, whenever sought for with humility and devotion.

Earlier, when my Guru in research, Dr. T.N. Ramachandran died, the one and only
Mahasvami gave me crucial clues for my research. Before I submitted my thesis for the Ph.D. ,
degree, I took those 1000 pages before binding them, to Hampi where he was camping in the
midst of the ruined heritage of the Vijayanagara Empire. My ambition was just to take it
within a radius of one kilometre of his presence, so that the radiation of his blessings will
sanctify my work. But in that tranquillity of his solitude, I could take the bundle close to him.
Looking at it, he exclaimed with a single word, "Doctorate!". In my excitement, I heard it as
torchlight and I quickly placed the new torch light nearer him, still holding my thesis. He
smiled and asserted - "I asked if this is for your Doctorate?" My blood ran cold in fear. In that
deserted Mal).!,apa, I saw him sitting next to an idol, which I presumed was that of Adi Sankara.
In that shrine, I placed my thesis at his holy feet. His remark even before he turned the pages
was reveali ng. He said, "You had to bring this work to me to Hampi, right at this shrine of
Svami Vidyaral).ya, for it was he who started the task of re-establishing all the lost facets of
Hindu culture, when he founded the Vijayanagara empire." Even then I did not realize the full
significance. In the following ninety minutes, my viva-voce seemed to have been over. Later
my humble thesis had the unique blessing of remaining inside his palanquin for weeks together.

In 1979, the Mahasvami was camping at Satara in Maharashtra. I was made to stay
there for abo ut four days; it was to get his approval for n1y paper prepared for the World Tamil
Conference. The way he guided me and prepared me to counter opposite views with confidence,
conviction and courage to speak the truth, are all golden moments in the process of moulding
me. Those details are beyond the purview oft.his work. Anyway, I am consc ious of how Satara has
blossomed as an important centre in the history of Asian dance art. Only Lime will reveal its full
significance, for the Mahasvfuni is beyond time. It was at Satara that bee Sri. Shmnanna - a
208 K/\R ANAS - VOJ.J

promi nent hotel ier of the region - had the Mahasvami 's u nique blessings and guidance to
build a temple fo r Lord Natarnja. Si nce the whole of B harat has only one temp le for Nata.raj a
at Chidambaram in Tamil Nadu , this temple was named as Uttara Chi dambaram Nata.raja
Mandir. It was j ust when th e fo undati on wo rk had s tarted that I went straight from Delhi to
Satara to place my Presidential Award of "Padmas ri" at his lotus fee t. H e graciously asked my
brother Balakrishnan, his w ife Shyamala, their so n Kannan and 1nysclf to go to the site of the
new Mandi r and see the work being do ne there. After seeing it, we returned to him and in that
excitement, I as ked him "Will this Chidamba.ram tem ple also have the "Karai:ia" sculptures?"
He sm.i Jcd and sai d that I must collect al l the relevant infonnation about the "Desacfua" (regional
codes) of Maharas htra in perfo rming arts and bring that note to hi m. When I boarded the train
at Pune (to Bom bay), I noticed an old
Gazetteer of the regi on in the hands
of a n elderl y ge n t le m an . I was
amazed at this programming of the
J ag a dguru . In t h at jou r ne y, I
completed th e w ork, wh ich the
Mahasvami had g iven m e. Within a
month I w ent again to Satara with
that note, but he as ked me to keep it
pendi ng .
Fig. 74 General view of S atara Temple

Mea nwhile , he had deputed

one of his experienced senior disciples , Sri. P. Kannan to be in the Tr ust Board and be in
charge of the construction. The architect-cum-sculptor was the renowned Sri. Muthiah Sthapati.
The devotional contribution of Sri. Shamanna and his family was su bstan tial. The State
Gm ernments of M aharashtra, Tamil Nadu , Andhra Pradesh, Karnata ka have built the four
Gopuran1s and the Kera.la Government gave the entire wood for b uilding the mai n shrine.
(Fig. 74) As the work was progressing , the A.carya left Satara and walked towards Andhra
Pradesh. When he went in search of him to take his blessi ngs for my tour of USA to collect
funds for the H indu Temple Society of North America, we found him in a cow shed in a small
hamlet. It was here that he commanded me to take steps to install a new set of 108 Karai:ia
 ANA SCUL PTUR ES OF SATARA
!<A R .
209

sculptures at Satara, based on Bharata's Natyasastra. He desired

that the new sculptures must
be made as per "Marga" tradition, so that it would be common to
the whole Hindu world and
not pertain ju st to any "Desi", i.e. adhering to a restricted region.
I was excited beyond words .
on my return from USA, we went to have his darsan at Kurn
ool. I took some samp le
photographs of Kara9a sculptures from Thanjavur (Siva with
four hands), Kumbakonam
(Siva with two hands) and Chidambaram (Parvati with two hands),
for him to make the choic e
for being copied at Satara; probably the time was still not ripe
for his final proclamation. I
returned with no answer.

Within a few weeks, the Mahasvami sent Sri. P. Kannan to my resid

ence at Madras with
a message of definite command and detailed instruction to me. Follo
wing were the points: -
l.Satara temp le shall have twin figures of Siva and Parvati depic
ting all the 108 Karar:ias
of Natyasastra.

2.No earli er desig ns from other temples need to be copi ed

and that they have to be
freshly desig ned by me, base d on my reconstruction of the move
ments. He graciously
recalled that I have been ordained to discover that the danc e
sculptures are like still
photos of mov ing dancers, portraying a frozen mom ents of a
movement. Now I was to
catch those mom ents of the movements, which have not been
recorded in the three
temples.

3.They are to be fixed at the eye level around the s~nctum so as

to give the efficacy of
108 Prad ~ina iµs (circumambulation), even if the devotees went
roun d once .
4.Th e coup lets defin ing each Karal)a had to be quot ed in
Nagari script below the
respective Karal)a pane ls.

For a few minu tes I was dumb-founded. Wha t a trem endo us

responsibility towards
posterity! All this adde d a new mean ing and dime nsion to
my life. I gained stren gth by
surrendering myse lf to the danc ing deity whos e icon was bein
g prep ared at Mah abali pura m
for the main sanc tum. Shya mala Balakrishnan and I went with my
stude nts to recite the prayers
as the Nataraja icon was bein g given final touches just after casting. (Fig. 75)
2 10 KARAr':-/AS - VOL I

Fig. 75 Bhupathy S thapathi giving fi nal touches as Shyamala, author and the students observe

SATARA KARA~AS - THE CREATIVE PROCESS

As I started work, I had a little confu sion in my mind with regard to the portrayal of the
Karai:ias in which the movement involved lifting the entire leg near the head . There is a popul ar
legend of Goddess Kap being defeated by Lord Siva through his performance of "Urdhva
Ta1:i9ava", which he did by picking up his fallen ear ring with his toe. This was said to be
due to her inabi lity based on fe minine modesty. In my thesis, I had proved that this story
must have been conceived only after the 13 th century, when the K arar:ias were being
forgotten . (Refer Page. 176) Such Karar:ias are seen portrayed in the Gopurams of the
Chidam baram temple as being danced by Parvati herself. If she could dance it as part of
Lasya, Kali, a more fierceful deity could have easily done it. Anyway, I wanted a clarification
11
from the Acarya for my designing the figures i. e. whether to follow the pre- 13 th or post- lY
century belief. He was in Chinna Kanchipuram Ma!ham pren1i ses, in the cowshed. The
Mahasvarru graciously commanded me to design the sculptures based on "Murga" and adhere
to pre I3 th century concepts.
 ANA SCULPTURES OF SATARA 211
J(A R .

It took one year for me to design the figures. After making the rough drawings on my
0
wn for my memory, I modelled for making the final sketches. Prof. Tirugnanam prepared
these diagrams in Cola stYle in accordance with "Talama9a" and "Prama9a" (proportions). I
have used the twin figures (about 12" height) to bring out the animation of the respective
movements. Parvati 's figures show the beginning or an earlier part of the movements . The
secondary hands of Siva indicate either the course of action or the end of the Karana. Every
line drawing was taken to Sri Periyaval for his approval. When the Mahasvami was returning
to Kanchipuram, he was halting at Ranipet. I went there with my family to place at his holy
feet the amount of Rs . 10,000/-, which I had just received as part of the Sangit Na!,ak Academy
Award. I prayerfully requested him to accept it as a starting point of collecting a separate fund
for the Satara Karai:ia project. Without any hesitation, he not only accepted it, but also gave a
historic benediction by stating: "It is the fruit of her hard work in dance; her research product
is going to be perpetuated as valid for thousands of years. The Karal)a figures which were
planned to be done as pilaster-cast need to be carved in black granite, as in the case of the
Thanjavur temple. Even sandstone used in Mahabalipuram has corroded due to salty air. The
stone for Satara KaraJ?-as must come from Pattimalaikkuppam near Tindivanam." This meant
much more work for Sri. P. Kannan, who was in-charge of the entire temple project.

-
The Cola style has been followed with less importance for ornamentation, so as to
-
~et figure prominence. At the command of the Mahasvami, the manuscript for the
entire inscriptions in Nagari script was personally inspected and corrected by no
less a person than Sri Bala Periyaval (Pujya~ri Sankara Vijayendra Sarasvati SvamigaJ ,
the 70 th Sankaracarya of the Kanchi Kamakoti Pi!ham). The polished granite slabs with the
inscriptions were the devotional contribution ofM/s. Enterprising Enterprises.

The Mahasvami felt that the Govt. of India must share the cost of the Karai~a project;
accordingly, the Department of Culture, gave a grant of Rs. 1,00,000/- to the Temple trust at
Satara for this project. Apart from this, in my own hun1ble way, I collected Rs. 1,53 ,000/ - for
this project and donated it to the Trust. Sri. Muthiah Sthapati took keen interest and we have
spent hours and days together to inake the sculptures as authentic and beautiful as possible.

l
 KARM~AS _ VOL I
2 12

(Fig. 76) Shyama]a Balakrishn an , Gayatri , Kannan &

Sujatha spent enormous time and energy in checking
the respective numbers and couplets in the inscriptions.

It was on a Diwali day that all the sculptures were

loaded in Lwo lorries and taken to Kanchipuram after
due Puja at the work spot with ceremonial fire works.
After duly washing the panels (Fig. 77) the figures and
inscriptions were placed before the Mahasvami ; Sri
Bala Periyaval offered Yil va and Harati; Shyamala
Fig. 76 Muthiah Sthapathi and
th e author at work with Gayatri B alakrish nan
& Kannan assisting
and I sang the
"Sambhu Na!anarµ" of Pataii.jali Mahari.~i. Since
Puj yasri Jayendra Sarasvati Svamiga! was then camping
at Bombay, the sculptures were taken there for him to
see, before being taken to Satara. (Fig. 78) My nephew
Kannan and I went there along with the Sthapati to
take his blessings and then proceeded to Satara for the
placement of the figures. Fig. 77 Shyamala and the author
washing th e pan els at Kanchi Math

Muthiah Sthapati. Kannan.

Fig. 78 ~ujya.'f~i Jeya,11/ra Saraswathi Swamigal
111sp ect111g th e panels ;,, Mtunbai.
my disciple Jayashree
Rajagopala n and I sat through the
whole night at the temple premises
m easuring each Kara1~a slab to
adjust their pbccment around the
sanctu1n in the manner in which
His Holiness had des ired. (Fig.
7':)) In spite of repeated measwing,
we were perplexed because the
l 08 slabs were not fitting into thnl
 ANA scULPTUR ES OF SATARA
)(AR . 213

spac.e Sthapati thought that a second row

(Tlight be necessary for some parts. Since each
J(arai:ia occupied space accordin g to the
-
. !.I I ..

posture the length of the slabs differed from

each other. Somehow the total length of the
space available there was not kept in the mind
of the sculptors when the figures were carved.
Though we were breaking our heads the
whole night all four of us had the conviction Fig. 79 Muthiah Sthapathi, Jayashru &:
Author discuuing in Satara
that what was in the mind of His Holiness
would certainly become a reality with His own blessings . Around 4 'o' clock in the morning
when we calculate d again, it was a miracle the 108 slabs could fit into the same available
space as foreseen by Mahasva mi. (Fig. 80 and 81)

Satara has been a centre of historic significance. It was the capital of Chatrapa ti Sivaji
(date) who was responsib le for the revival of Hindu spirit and the common Hindu self-estee m
among the life of the people. It is noteworthy that the first Kara~ia slab was cemented after
special prayers by Her Highness - The Raja Mata who hails from the lineage of Chatrapa ti

Fig.&O Pan els beltind

tlte sanctum
 KARA~AS - VOLI
2 14

r· 81 Panels - Frontal view

rig.
){ARANA SCULPTURES OF SATARA 215

Sivaji. (Fig. 82) It is a known fact that Sivaji

was a Si va Bhakta and the personal Puja
(including th e Sivaliriga) , which was
worshipped by Sivaji , is still in private
worship at the palace.

Satara is also the town where the

Samadhi of S vami Samartha Ramadas
continues to be a pilgrimage centre from the
days of Sivaji hin1self, who was his disciple. Fig.82 Author, Shyamala
& Rajmatha
His Holiness Sri Sankaracar ya used to say
that Maharashtr a is the meeting point of Northern and Southern traditions in India. I hardl y
realised that it would become the meeting point of cultural crosscurren ts from the S .E. Asia.

After the entire work of fixing the sculptures were over, Sri . Muthiah Sthapati went
to Kanchipura in and reported to the Mahasvami about the completion of the Karar:ia project

., ~- ~

.. \ \.
~

~\
....
"1,...
. ''
\I :

. ..·\•
l \ \
' '
.
;

Fig. 83 "Samprok~alJ"lf'" (l'11riflct1tor_v cere111011y)

 KAR At-:-JAS - VOL I
2 16

. happened to beJ·ust two days prior to the Acarya attaining Siddhi . Later in
(Jan 6, l 994 ) . Th ts . _ . . ~ ..
· Holiness Sri Jayendra Sarasvatt Svanuga~ and Sn Sankara Yljayendra
February 1997, th eir
for the 108
_ . 1 d ly performed "Samproksanam"
Sarasvat1. Svanuga u · · · (Purificatory ceremony)
Karai:ia pane1s at S atar
a and also most graciously blessed me with a title, (Fig. 83) _"Bharata
Sastra Ra~a Mai:ii " · (Fig. 84 )

ILIA KAN AS
P
OF MATYA
i "\
SASTRA.
01
J·r,ttl'Ti .. - ' . ," ' CHANDR-.SBKNA'1E
""Ml 'JAGADGUAU
CUfYASAI MAHAS W,.. " y,,
SIU"''' P(f,
;. ... .,,,
f~R"S\'V/t TI r, 1 f I I.., ., ..- ..d, r y•
T II n,,, ••'" ...,. .
¼_ •A"~ JAYJNOIO. SAflASWA
1
I ,.,,.. ,m,-, Kffl'I
• ... , c .SA1fKAll~ VIJAVENORll SARAS WA'fl .:::ii,.,
'AHlitA 'I\... U I J&. ► ., MUTHJA,ll S111APA
.. - ,., ., t\ ,_,

'

Fig.83 Muthaiah Sthapalhi, author, Balakrishnan, Pujyasri Swamigal and

Smt.& Sri. Ram esh (Mara aging Tru stee of th e temple) al t/,e serene award ceremony

TI-IE INDONESIAN LINK: -

The Mahasvfuni 's interest in this project was so phenomenal that even after he left his
mortal frame, I have been able to realize some totally new dimensions. Even when I began
taking the line drawings for his approval, he made a passing statement that I must visit Indonesia.
1 realized the significance of that comment, only after the Karanas were installed at Satara, i.e.
about 13 years later. I discovered a set of Karai:ia sculptures· at Prambanan Siva temple in
Central Java, Indonesia belonging to the 91h century A.I). It is a miracle in my life that my
 ANA SCULPTURES OF SATARA
KA R ·
217

eeonstruction of the Kara9as and the Satara ve . . . . . .

r rsion has a tremendous hnk and surulanty with
those sculptures of Java.

During the course of several years of my w k .

or on the practical reconstruction of Karanas
Pramana (source) has been three fold First] th s' - . . ·
01Y · ·- Y e astra, mcludmg the literature concerned,
d the sculptures. Secondly, I was trying t O b
an ° serve whatever was available in tradition
irrespecti
_ ve of the region where it was preserved This can be termed p - from L o k a'
· as ramana
(World).
_ Thirdly it has been Adhyattnika Pramana which ·
. , - mtmhon
imp11es · · · b. d
ase on se If-
experience - both in this life as well as the lingering fragrancecv- -)
asana from previous
• b.1rths.
This is meaningful only to those who are conscious and convinced of the Vedic concept of
cycles of life and death that the eternal spirit undergoes. Whenever there was a lacuna in
information regarding the practical application in the definitions of Karanas I turned to the
. '
sculptures for guidance. When there was no help from the sculptures also , I ventured on
a journey in wards and made bold to suggest solutions. What has been most gratifyi ng is
that - every such conclusion that I made in filling up these gaps have gained a tremendous
~ authenticity through the discovery of the Prambanan Karar:ia sculptures . When I
had to give definite shape to these Kara9as when designing the Satara set, I did not know
about the existence of the Kara9a sculptures in Central Java. I was particularly thrilled to
observe at Prambanan includes Karar:ias with sitting postures as part of the Marga tradition,
which had been questioned by Dr. V. Raghavan (Vide - Chapter - Archaeological sources).
Some of the Recakas that I had introduced on my own in some Karal).as are clearly noted in
the
-
Prambanan version. These details are given along with the description of the practical
.
reconstruction of the respective Kara9-as. (Volume II)

This "link beyond time and space" has been the s_ubject of a detailed study for the
post-doctoral research of-an Italia~ archaeologist, Dr. Alessandra Iyer, who arrived on the
v;ry day Mahasvami had attain:a Siddhi. Her book "Prambanan: Sculpture and Dance in
Ancient Java" which is published in Thailand contains the diagrams of Satarn KaraI_l~s
a d th .
n e corresponding Karana figures at Prambanan · This has proved beyond doubt the authentJc
· · · h I am a tool in the holy hands of our
validity of my work. How could it be otherwise, w en
Pujyasri Mahasvami.
ls of Satara have been included along with
All the photographs of the 108 Karm:ia pane '
 KARANAS - VOLJ
2 18
par t of vis ual gui dan ce in
.h er scu 1ptu res 111 · yo lun1 e m of the pre sen t wo rk as
t h ose o f ot as (Vo lum e II)
· · h h h . t . or the pra ctic al rec ons tru ctio n of Karat~
connect10n wit t e c ap et
1

link tha t bin ds the ent ire Hin du wo rld is obv iou sly wh at I had been
Th.is "M arga"
Sat "ra tein ple wil l sta nd as a mo num ent lin kin g the pas t and future
ord run • ed to. wo rk on. T.h . e , u. , ·
ple of
of Hin du aes the tic phi los oph y. Thi s tem ple , like the Ch ida mb ara rn tem
of the wo rld
g the two con trad icto ry c onc ept s of th e Lo rd Inf init e, wo rsh ipp ed as the
Tantil Nad u , is hou sin
ms. Perhaps
Bra hm an and His phy sic al ma nife stati on as a Co s nii c Da nce r in 108 for
fo rml ess tudes ,
our Un ive rsa l Par ent s can be vis ual ize d in suc h 108 var iou s dan cin g atti
now her e else ,
the syn the sis of ma tter and ene rgy . I stro ngl y bel iev e tha t this "life" of
as tho ugh rep res ent ing
con cep ts of
giv en as one mo re cha nce to ser ve tow ard s re- est abl ish ing Hin du
min e was
s did in my pre vio us "Ja nm as" of mi ne und er the beh est of the same
aes the tics , as I per hap
me in the dis tan t pas t.
Sai ntly sou l wh o sho uld hav e gui ded
, traversing
The re is no beg inn ing , no end either.
It is a pro fou nd fee lin g of con tin uat ion
one
futu re, a fulf ille d task fill s my min d wit h a sen se of ful lne ss - Pun:ia as
freel y in pas t and
the act ion s, oriented
ht trad itio nal ly des crib e. The life , the phy sica l for m, the int elle ct and
mig
ce. How
Div ine Ord er, too k a cou rse of eve nts at the app oin ted "Ti me " of exi sten
in the slo t of
the se per cep tion s ? Voc abu lary fail s me , for it is not jus t an intellectual
can I fin d adj ect ive s for
e. The
e sha pe to the unm ani fes t "Pa ra" in me , to be con ver ted int o "Vy kar i" stat
exe rcis e to giv
ain s in tha t sta te wit hou t get tin g exp res sed as Sth iila , exc ept in the
Su ~m a som etim es rem
titu de to
pea rls of tea rs , ooz ing fro m my inn er eye in bli ssf ul gra titu de. Yes, gra
for m of a few
to hav e giv en m e this bir th to hav e bee n bor n to my n1 ost lov ing , revered
the Lord Alm igh ty
y han ds of that
ers tan di ng par ent s, and to hav e bee n cho sen as an ins tru me nt in the hol
and und
as Puj y~ ri Ch and ras ekh are ndr a Sar asv ati Svf uni ga! , the 68 th Sankaracfuya
Di vinity person ifie d
in his frail
ous Ka nch i Ka ma kot i PI~ har p. In the cou rse of his Ce ntu ry lon g life
of the illu stri
ote es hav e bee n ble sse d to rea lize the sec ret of his Avatarn. Tim e
mo rtal for m, co unt less dev
iati on of his int elle ctu al and spi ritu al
aura.
nd inf lue nce on his spr ead ing the rad
a spa ce had no
th tru e detach me nt,
e vib rati on of a mo the r's lov e and his con cer n for the wh ole wo rld . Wi
Th · d~ce-d·
ny dev t f· · s wa lks of. life . . Wh at a goo d fortun e lll
have bee n per cei ved by ma 0 ees rnm Va nou · ·110o
tho se ble sse d . l h • tha t sw eet nec tar of cxp en enn
to have bee n one of · sou s, to ave dire ctly tas ted · t .II
gui dan ce lov e a d . . e· in sho rt it has bee n, and 15 s J
his init iati on and ' 'n me icy , pro tcc tton and car
'
li ke bre ath ing his bless ing s .
 J(ARA~A SCULPTUR ES OF PRAMBAN AN 2 19

CHAPTER - VIII
KARA~ASCULPTURES OFPRAMBANAN

" Bharat " in Indonesian language denotes ~st. This is significa nt because of the
psychological, cul tural , religious and economic links that Indonesia and Bharat had enjoyed
freely for thousands of years. The E uropean scholars have suggested various causes for this
link such as invasion, colonization or Indianization; later some scholars modifi ed and described
it as borrowing fro m India to be digested and localized as their own. With due respects to all
these opini ons I beg to view the whole link from a different poin t of view.

For this , the first step is to tear oneself from the idea of today 's political boundari es and
present conventio ns in naming geograph ic classifications. Accordin g to Indian Cosmolo gy,
the Cosmic Mountain Meru, which is the symbol of Goddess S akti or Cosmic Energy, reaches
into heavens housing the Gods. It is in the Centre of the continen t called Jambudvipa. Some
scholars have suggeste d the present Pamir Mountain to be Mt. M eru of the Purar_rns. This
continent is said to be ringed by concentri c chains of Mountain s separated by Oceans . The
Matsya Purar:ia gives a detailed descriptio n of this Geography. Referring to this, the daily
Hindu ri tual begins with a Sankalpa (i.e. A solemn vow with expectati ons of advantag e from
a resolution ) by the person who offers the prayer. This mantra is a proof for the accurac y in
time/space sense of the ancient Hindus. The mantra denotes the space, which is occupied by
the devotee with astronom ical precision in time. Starting from the larger space gradually it
pinpoints the address from where the prayer is pronounc ed. The postal addresses in Russia
still foll ow this method, which is the reverse of today' s custom in India, which is borrowed
from the British legacy. The mantra says" In Jambudvi pa, in Bh[rrata Var~a, in Bharata Khanc:[n
Which is South of the Meru Mountain .. ... . and proceeds with smaller geograph ic de tails and
astronomi cal time . Forgettin g the significan ce of daily rituals has caused a lot of damage in :i
cosmic view of life.

Jambudv ipa is a continent with Meru in the ce ntre \.vi th fo ur petals th ut inc lude the
present Europe in the West, Russia in the North , China in the East and the Indi an subcontin ent
 KARAf~AS - VOL I
220

and South East Asia in the South. Each subcontinent is a Var~a. Bharata Var~a includes
Islands like the present Indonesia. Bharata Khanc;Ia is a part of Bharata Var~a and it denotes
the Indian subcontinent. The names and the significance of each Var~a is beyond the purview
of the present paper.

Bharata Var~a, which includes Indonesia, gets the name with an esoteric significance.
As seen earlier, 'Bha' is the bheeja or ' seed ' syllable which signifies Brahman or the all-pervading
Divinity. 'Rata ' signifies ' One who enjoys the experiencing of that Divinity'. The significance
of the term Bharata will reveal the inherent oneness in the core of the spiritual culture of
Bharata Var~a including the entire India and South East Asia as one entity. There is no question
of what went from where. The fact is that the basic Dharmic core has given India and Indonesia
this unmistakable unity in thought forms, verbal expressions, and naturally in the concept of
--
the very philosophy of aesthetics including the art ofliving.

If Vedas and Itihasas are common inheritance of the area, the Upavedas that include
knowledge of Music, Drama, Architecture, Warfare and Medicine are also branches of the
same trees. In short the unity and similarity in cultural concepts that India and Indonesia enjoy
are because of the inherent common genetic civilizational binding. With this ancient view of
Bharata Var~a, Indonesians referring to West as Bharat falls in its slot. It is high time that we
view our culture from our own point of view and discard the European coloured glass smoged
with both unintentional ignorance as well as intentional misinterpretat ion, of the colonial
period.

Even from the Epic period, Java is referred to as Yava and Sumatra is mentioned as
Suvarnadvipa. According to the Centenarian Sage of 20 th century, H.H. Sri Canclrasekharendra
Sarasvafi Sri Sankaracarya ofKanchi Kamakoti Pitham, Ba!_i is named after King Mahabali ;
it was into this Pata.la loka with serpents that he was pushed down by Mahavi~i:iu as Trivikrama (* 1).
The Serpent in the sea seems to be one of the favourite myths in Bali to this day. Indonesia is
supposed to have inherited from different parts of India, like Kashmir, Gujarat, Orissa and
Tamil Nadu. Instead of describing them as an amalgamation of arts of various parts oflndia it
would be more appropriate to view it as truly indigenous to Indonesia. If the similarity in
sculptures found between Kashmir~ ~~ Tamil Nadu, or Assam and Gujarat in India is caused
by common codes in sculptural and dance traditi~ns, the srune reason must be extended to
 J(ARA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN 221

Indonesia and any part of India. The Ag ama s-astras relating

.
. to rules of arcrutecture, and laws
· causmg• revelation · the
. of the deJ·ty m
of pi·oportion and the psychological factor s Of me d"1tation
stone to the ~ u_lptor, are all common religious and spiritual factors of aesthetics for the whole
of Bharata Var~a region. The sculptor is said to just project the figure to the onlooker by
:__--- d .
removing the unwante portion of the stone.

T.!1e concept of Siva as dancer, and dance becoming part of worship and the influence
of Sage Bharata Muni 's Natyasastra on Agama Sastras get reflected in all the llindu dance

--
and dance-like icons . The Natyasastra of Sage Bharata has been one text that had influenced
the entire Eurasia - i.e. Jambudvipa. Bharata himself says that hi s work is meant for the whole
-
world with special reference to Jambudvipa and Bharata Var~a in parti cular (*2). Naturall y
Indonesia has a rightful claim over the text irrespective of where it originated. Knowledge is
everybody 's property and Rishis made it universal and beyond time in their treatment of the
subjects . Natyasastra is one such text, which is relevant beyond time and space. The 108
Karar:ias of the Chapter Tar:i<:fava Lak~ar:iarµ of Natyasastra later influenced the Agamas and
they spoke of 64 Tar:i<:favas and reduced them later to nine or even seven Tai;iqavas . These
basic units of dance have been common heritage of Asian dance theatre. Bharata is still
reverentially worshipped in regions like Thailand, where he is referred to as Phrot Muni. llis
mask finds a place in the altars of all the theatres in Thailand. The dance of today is influenced
by the sculptures of bygone days in many parts of Asia. The Asian Dance sculptures have a
story link with the Natyasastra. This is as true as the region's link with the Ramayana. We
have already seen that Natyasastra is as old as Ramayana* (*3). It is no wonder that the
Natyasastra reached Indonesia along with the Epic. It is amazing that the Prambanan templ e
in Central Java is the oldest extant temple to contain a systematic stone codification of Bharata ·s
Na!yasastra Karal).as portrayed!'s being danced by Lord Siva himself.

Prambanan in Central Java has one of the largest Hindu temple complexes in the world.
It had housed the Hindu trinity along with over 200 subsidiary deities. This mammoth temple
11
complex belonging to 9th cent_ury got destroyed in a severe enrthquake in the IY century. The
Whole area resemble-;-;- sea of stones today. Dutch archaeologists had been worki ng on the
reconstru c t·ion 1or
.c
nearIy a cen t ur y. Three Candis
~ ..
(major temples) for the llindu trinity have
already. been reconstructe d . Th es e are three ma.1·or temples are faced by three more middl e
222 KARAJ-:lAS-VOLI

sized Cai:ic;Iis. These are presentl y known as Cal)c;lis for the respecti ve Vahana s. Apart from
these two more Cai:ic;lis have also been reconstr ucted in the same comple x. My humble study
pron1 pts me to make the following surmise , with regard to identify ing the eight structures:
I. Cai:ic;li Brahma facing east
2. Cat)c;li Siva (bigges t of all) facing east
3. Cal)c;li Vi~i:iu facing east
The three temples in front of these, which are facing west, are now taken to be temples
to house Hamsa (Swan), Nandi (Bull) and Garu9a (Eagle) being the respecti ve Vahanas of
the three main deities. It is likely that these temples include d the six Hindu deities of the
~al)lllata concept , which has come down from the time of A.di Sankara carya (509 BC).
Normally the Vahana s (vehicle s) are not housed in such big separat e temples . The six major
cults of the Hindu fold include

• Gal)apa tyam - worship of Gar:iesa

• Kaumar am - worship of Kaumar a or Skanda
• Sauram - worship of Surya
• Saivam - worship of Siva
• Vaisnav am - worship of Vi~i:iu
• Saktam - worship of Sakti

Since there is a separate temple for Brahma at Pramba nan, we can see a minglin g of the
~anmat a concept and the worship of Brahma , which is a Vedic concept . From this point of
view we can surmise that the following temples housed these deities and not the Vahanas:

1.Cai:ic;Ii Skanda - facing west - in front of Cal).9i Brahma

2. Cal)c;li Gar_1esa - facing west - in front of Cai:ic;Ii Siva
3. Cal)c_:ii Surya - facing west - in front of Cal)c;li Vi~l)U

During my fieldwo rk there when I was discussi ng the ~at)n1ata concept with the staff of
archaeo logical survey of Central Java (Suaka Peningg alan Sejarah dan purbaka la) at
Pramba nan they gave interest ing informa tion with regard to what they called Cai:i9i Garu~a.
J{J\RA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN 223

F11.15 Author In front of Prambanan Te,nple co,np/e.:c

 KARA~AS _ VOL I
2'24
level ·f
d .1 r vess el with a gold Yan tra from the foun. datio n o
In 1991, they had unea rth e a s1 ve of thei·r
. . f hat they quot ed was enou gh proo f for me, m spite
Candi Garu da. A port1 0n o w
yam a pray er to S iirya from Ram ayan·a. Henc e
11

. ·
· · . t10n hr tiII Adi tya Hrda
•
,

pronuncia to be p ase rom

gthe ned.
· a Sury a temp le and not a temp le for GaruC,a gets stren
. t h at 1•t 1s .
my hypo thesi s
two mor e Ap1t temp les (middle
_ A art from the six abov e-me ntion ed temp les, there are
4
res rese mbli ng a Devi temple.
te:p les ). The Cru;t"i that is facin g nort h has certa in featu
Cai:i<;li Dev i - facin g north.
Hen ce this temp le mus t have been devo ted to Sakt am.
D~ii :iam urti
_ The temp le that is facin g sout h mus t have been for hous ing eith er the
5
to this day.
from Lord Siva or Sage Aga stya who se cult is popu lar

on the eigh t direc tions . Probably

Apar t from the eigh t temp les, there are eigh t tiny shrin es
es whic h are now fixed in the Siva
these mus t have hous ed the Loka pfila s, guar dian deiti
le all of whic h are gene rally referred to
shrine. Ther e are twen ty-fo ur figu res in the Siva temp
take n to be Kub era and henc e forming
as Loka Pala s. One of them whic h is a fat figur e can be
need to be iden tifie d. They coul d have
part of the eigh t Dikp ala set. The othe r sixte en figu res
prob ably orig inal ly hous ed in Cai:i~i
also been the eigh t Vasus and eigh t Grah as (plan ets)
Surya.
pane ls have inter chan ged their
In the main three temp les, it is likely that scul ptur al
refe rred to Aps aras in the Siva temple
original plac eme nt. It is likel y that the trio figur es now
prob ably port raye d Vi~i:iu with Sridevi
must have been in the balu strad e of Vi~r:iu temple~ they
is. The num erou s figur es in meditative
and Bhudevi and Kr~i;ia with Bha ma and Ruk mini or Gop
all prob ably orig inall y fixed in the
postures now seen in Brah ma and Vi~i:iu temp les were
Brah ma temple.
facin g east. (Fig . 85) On the huge
_ The main temp le i.e. Ca99 i Siva , has a shrin e of Siva
is a giga ntic stan ding Siva figure. Siva
Avudaiyar or yone inste ad of the usua l Ling arµ ther e
raise d hand he has the usua l weapon
has on lhe righ t hand ~am fila (rosa ry) and on his left
nd
ukha (pai ntin g one' s own self) a
(Mazhu) . The lowe red righ t hand is on the ches t as Unm
d facin g up with som e obje ct held in the palm . My genu ine doub t is that the
t~e left hao
· · . , th
Lu1 · d have been mea nt to represent e
garp is nuss mg now a nd that this stan ding Siva coul
ing a Sali gram am. The right hand
teach ing form of the Lord . Perh aps his left hand is hold
(
o ANA SCULPTURES OF PRAMRANAN
f( ,\ ... .
225

deno tes the Advaita Daksinnm

· · urti as seen 111
· t he templ . Tamil• Nadu.
e at: Mayavara m rn There
st th
are also evidences , which reng en the concept of Sanmala c ult with the addition of Brahma
. . '
and Guru Sage AgaS t Ya popularly referred to lndonesja as Bhattara guru is taken to be an
avatara (incarnati on) or amsa of Lord Siva .
All the above m e ntioned points are all my interim conclusio ns w hi ch need to be probed
based on an inter-disc iplinary st udy of the archaeologists, historians and the traditional sculptors
who are experts in the Agamas.

,
KaraI]aS of Siva temple:

Cai:ic;li Siva is a magnific ent structure which stunning onlooker with a sense of beholding
the cosmic form of Siva. It is not unlikely that this great structure could have influence d the
builders of the big temple at Thanjavu r, which was conceived and structured after nearly 150
-
~
----- - --
The Ramayal) a panels are unparalle led for their aesthetic and communi cative value .
This is a world-ren owned sculptura l series of the great epic. They are placed in the inner wall
of the balustrad e and cannot be viewed from outside the temple. The Karai:ia panels are
viewed from outside the temple on the balustrad e. (Fig. 86) The photogra phs of the Karar;ia
picture had to be taken with zoom lens only from the ground level , for there is no enough
place to shoot the panels from the same level. '!'her~e sixty-two reliefs showing dancers and
musicians. They are intersper sed with 70 panels of what is locally called as Apsaras. These
- .== ------ - ·
are in groups of three in standing posture. Out of the 62 reliefs I had identified 53 , wi th
definitene ss. These descripti ons are all included in Dr. Alessand ra's book. She has published
the diagrams that I have prepared for the Satara sculptures and described in detail. the connectio ns
between th e Pramban an version and the Satara Kara~as.

The Karnt~a sculpture s are not seen in proper serial order today. Ob\'iousl y the: ha\c
been picked up from the jumble of stones and the dance world should be thankful to the
restorers for at least preservin g what is avai lable . Though the sc ulptures arc mostly broken.
their beauty and authentic ity are beyond qu es ti o n . The re can be no doubt that the~ arc
· o t·- Bl1ara1.u,., , 5 N "'.
represe 11 t 1·ng K aranas
. ;:; ty"snstra ·md arc faithfull .y fo ll owin g lhc codes . The
• .. • • -

Prambanan templ; was in shamhles whe n it was first notic ed in 17JJ and it took 222 yc~u-s for
declaring the completi on of the reco nstructi o n o r th e Sivn tem ple . Prom 1955. the Ram ay an a
 KARANAS - VOL I
22 6

Fig.86 Author and Dr. Alessandra studying the panels

KARA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN 227

sculptures attracted art lovers from all over and it was a dream for me to view them some day.
It was in early eighties, I was ordained by H.H. Sri Candrasekharendra SarasvatT Sri Sankaradirya
of Kanchi Kamakoti Ptthum , to desig n a new set of Karm:ia sculptures.

I had the opportunity to dance a solo-mono acting program of Ramayana at Bali for the
Internati onal Conference of Ramayana in 1992. I had just one hour for Borbodur and another
one hour for Pra1nbanan apart from the travel tune. In that lightening speed, the one impression
I got of Borbodur was as though I was walking and climbing the Holy M eru - which is in our
domestic alter for six generations . Though I went to see the Ramayana scu lptures at Prambanan ,
the ~itherto unpublicised Kara1:ia figures caught my eyes almost instantaneous ly. I had no time
to record then1, but was quite convinced that they are Karar:ias of Na!yasastra.

In 1994 on the day His Holiness the Sage of Kanchi attained Mahasamadhi
Dr. Alessandra Iyer, an Italian Archaeologist arrived from the British Academy to study under
me for ten months in connection with her Post Doctoral Research on Na!yasastra in Indonesia.
On my way to Japan to receive the Fukuoka Asian Cultural Award, my brother V. Balakrishnan
and I went to Pran1banan with Alessandra and documented the entire Karar:ias as photographs
and video. (Fig. 87) The result of her study under me is published in her worthy book
'Pra~banan ' (*4). The extra ordinary miracle was revealed when she compared my des igns
for Satara temple with the Prambanan ~ara9as. I~ entified the 53 of the 62 available sculptures
and even taught Alessandra to dance them, so that later she can identify such sculptures from
any part of Asia. The amazing unity between the Prambanan Karai:ias and my reconstruction
proves beyond doubt the following -
1. The Na!yasastra has been a common text for dance in both India and Indonesia.
2. The reconstruction that I had done has been stunningly ~mthentic.
3. Another dimension to this is the fact that I have been an instrument in the Holy hands
of His holiness, whose subtle suggestion to me to go to Indonesia bec:une meaningful
14 years later. My reconstruction was based on literary and sc ulptuntl sources . vYhen
there was a lacuna in information, I had applied my practical sense for dance and filled
those gaps. What is amazing is that the Prambanan figures fi ll up these gaps exac tly
like my interpretation. The shifting of weight of the body, the nuances in connec ting
link s of the movement and the Recakas in general which I had C\'Ol\'ed out of my own
 KARANAS
·
- vo L I
22 8

}J
-----~.

~~~~-
uw,.,_.
~
.,

Flg.8 7 Atttllor on tli e bnlmtralle r, e11r tll e pan els

 f(ARA~A SCULPTU RES OF PRAMBANAN
229

Fig.BB Kara~a 25 Urdhvajii11u - Pramba11an Siva & Satara De vi

experience and intuition totally tallied with the Karru,ia panels. For example, Karai:ia
25 of Prambanan is stunningly similar to the Devi figure of Satara. (Fig. 88)

I have annexed a detail chart showing the similarity between Prambanan figures and
those done for Satara. The numbers are given according to Na!yasastra, as well as, according
to their placement presently at the balustrade of Siva temple at Prambanan.

From the jumble of stones only 53 Karar:ia figures have been placed now. The rest are to
be discovered. The placement of the existing figures is also not according to the original serial
number as found in Naiyasastra. In the booklet 'The Siva temple of Pran1banan ' the authors
Write that the " ..... Dancer and musician reliefs under the Rahm of the Balustrade are in
accordance with the dances according to Tar:ic;tava Lak~m~mp '' •·• . The fixing of the Karar~a
figures was obviously done in I 950s. Tar:ic;lava Lak~at.1n111 book of 30s as pointed earlier are
230
KARANAS - VOL1

·
full of nustakes · · · of· the figures
1111dent1ty · an d m -· I o rder· I had an opportunity to explain this
· sena
to the Ch1ef• of Archaeological
• Survey at p mm . b anai1 , and he was open minded enough to
assure me tImt t h e f-·1gmes
. can bes h'fted
1 1·r1 could guide them in that work. Ifl am destined to
complete that task , it wou ld perhaps be a milestone in the revitali sing of ancient aesthetic

Fig.89 - Author and Dr. Alessandra (Extreme right) with the Head of the Archaeological Survey

Dept and other officials,

links. (Fi g. 89)

Even though presently incomplete the Prambanan Karm:ias are very significant for Dance
Hi story. The discovery of the Sivagraha inscription is ample proof for the date of the temple.
The temple was completed in 856 A.D. It precedes two important sources fo r the Karar:ia
history in India. One is the Kashmirian philosopher Abhinavagupta's commentary on
Na~yasastra, and the other is the oldest of the available Karar:ia sculpture series viz. that of
Tanjavur Brhadisvara temple. The consecration of the temple was in 1010 A.D. Abhinavagupta
also ]i ved in early 11 111 century. The visual codification in Tan1il Nadu and the literary
commentary from Kashmir were preceded by Prambanan figures by nearly one and a half
centuries. That the Prambanan figures tally with my designs for the temple at Maharashtra
completes the time and space circle. But I did not know about the existe nce of the Prambanan
K~r:m:i sculptures when I dcsign0d the Satara series .
-,
, \ N \ ~( 'l 11 I' I'\ IIU'S OF l'l{ ,\1\111 1\NAN
"\N , '•
23 1

t I, .,' , ", bl'l' I\ nbk lu 1\·nw 11 it l' S l I( 111• 1 1· ~·

{' • • • · u .1111-i ro m lhc balustr ade o f Pramb anan SJVa temp I e.
n,c~ :1ll l1:l\'l' " "'t'H Sl ud it•d l'll th L' hnsis l)f z111 i111ulio11 wi th the drawin gs ofSata ra seri es. Most
I. tit,,,'
,, l,
1~ 1:11nb.llll \ll Knrn 11• n s l11hs hnvc- 1hrcc figures ~ll <)w i· g
· • , n , one mam· f 1' gure
. m· th e ce ntre
"·ilh t,, ,, ,,n llw s ides. 1.•illll'I' wi th l 1 r wi thout musica l instrum e nts . J was am azed
to find
1 th
,1n1n1:1lll'll "(' k.cd uut roug h llt l: th rci: figures in each of the Pramb anan represe ntation
. This
,X:1.·ut1'-'ti l l ' l\lL' be1..·.,u1't' 1 hn<..I introdu ced ani111 ntion in the twin figures at Satara . Pl , P2
and
p3 rd~r 11.) thr ll1rL'L' figures in Si ng le s lab represe nting Karai:ia. SD is Satara Devi;
SS is
s:1i :m1 Si, n. Fi ,·~ stages oLmim alion of a s ingle movem ent caJ led Ak~ipt arecita
rp (Karai:ia no .
~0 ac(:ordi ng to Na~yMnstTa) are as follows. The figure is 51 of Pramb anan B alustra
de -
identified us Kar.11_1n 20 Ak~ip tarecitm~1. The 5 stages are - SD, P3 , P2, SS , Pl. Since
it is Loo
techaica.l a subjec t, I prefer to give a table relatin g to the compa rati ve study of the Karai:i.a
s of
Prombanan with those of Satara . The Pramb anan Karar:ia figures are all includ ed in Vol. III
as
part of the vis ual guide to the chapte r on Practic al Recon structi on of Karar:ias (Vol.
II)

It can be stated with confid ence that the dance sculptu res of Pramb anan Siva temple are
authentic codific ation of Karai;ias. It is most likely that all the 108 were origina lly
presen t
there. It is also likely that the Balust rade contain s only the 108 Karar;ias in perfect serial
order
as found in the N a~yasa stra. It is likely that the trio figures of what are termed as Apsara
s.
which are prese~ tly placed betwee n Karar:ias, were not in that place origina lly. Each Kar~a
roughly measu res 17 X 25 i.e. 41 cm. The square base of the Kalasa (Ratna ) is 105".
There
are slight differe nces betwee n each other. This would work out as

Trio figure s= 17'' X 68 = 1156"= 96.3 ft

Karar:ia figs= 24" X 62 = 1488" = 124 ft

2644" 220.3 ft
-------------------------
Probab ]e No. of Kuraryas le ft out = 11 56 / 24 = 48 K arar:ias

E xi s ting Kan.irya slabs -= 62 K ara,:ias

Tota l = 11 0 Karnr:w.s
2 K.Jrn t)a,t; frn pl11:,lc1111g 2 Knranns
I OX Kar~mn..:;
'I ot.11
23 2 KARANAS - VOLt

Fig. 90 Kara{,a 74 Grdhriil'uli11akc,q1 - see11 <mi mat eel, compure Fig. 48(Pctge 137)
t(ARA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN
23 3

Fi,:. 91 Ktir"("' 73 Piirfr uj,1,w

 KARAr:-~AS - VOL I
234

•se ·s that that the existing 62 Karan· as p]us

· the lost 46 Karan. as to get her
M ly mm b] e surm.J 1
would have been
would have been just right for the balustrade. A space of 2 Kara9 a measu re
been identified
necessary for plaste ring the 108. Out of 62 availa ble dance figure s 53 have
s Jike being
without doubt. The rest are not identified with defini teness for variou s reason
damaged beyond recognition etc.
human
It is commendable that Indon esia has manag ed to prese rve herita ge and project
truth . No matter
history of hanno ny and spiritua1 values throug h recog nition of beaut y and
that Indonesians
whether the reconstruction is truly according to the original or not~ the very fact
on self esteem of
take pride in protecting and proclainiing values of herita ge, swell s the comm
cultur e. This has
Bharat.a Var$a, which has been one entity in matte rs relatin g to a spirit ual
ever and will ever bind Bhara t with Indon esia.

REFERENCES

.
l. Natyasastra and National Unity - Govt. Sansk rit Colle ge Tirup punit ura Kerala
2. Dr. Alessa ndra Iyer, "Prambanan: Sculp ture and Danc e in Ancie nt
Java" _Lotu s_

Thailand.

Page 18.
J.Drs. Moertjipto and Drs. Bang Bang -The Siva templ e of Pram banan -
l{ARA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN
235
The chart annexed below was prepared by Dr. Alessandra Iyer for her book, "Prambanan: SculpLUre and
Dance in Ancienl Java"
Key:
NS _ Nafy::isasLra
PS - Dr. P::idm::i Subrahmnnyam
BNS - ·'J3haratiya Na~yasastra " video made by Shri Y. Bnlnkrishn an
p I , 2, 3 - Fig I . 2, 3 of Pra m ban an panels.

-
SD - Dev i in Salara Kar::m a

NS
NO
I
KARANA NO.

T AI. APUSPAPUTAt\l
-
Pra111ha11a n
Kara 1_1a
Serial No .
Relationship with Satara Ka;:;_ma
Panels ·
- Re lat 1onsh1p with PS Practic~I -
Reconstruct: ~ _ _ _ __
l
1---- -

2 ~ ~ ~ ~ - - -1- - - ~ - - - - - - - - - - -
VARTTTAM I
.l V ALITOR UKAI\ I P25 P 1 Sho ws the first stage of Ak ~ipta Tall ies wi th practi cal reconstru ction .
CiirL SD and SS sho w the fol lowing
stages, P, shows the last one. P: and
Ss have simi lar hands .
-~ APr\ VlDDH AI\ I

5 SAI\ IANA KH Al\ 1

6 LfNAt\ l
I
7 SVA STIK.A RECITAM
s l'vlANl:;>ALA S V AS Tl KAM
!
9 NIKUTL-\KAl\ l P3 Similar to Ss. The Apaviddha hand Talli es wit h second ty pe of practical
is taken as Oru Hasta in P and Qola reconstruc tio n of this Karana I
in S. (Niku ttakam ' J
10 ARDH AN IKUTTAKAt'-:f
11 KATI CCHI NN Al\ ! P30 Course of action not as clear in S Very close to practical reconst ruc uon.
panel. P 1 sho ws right hand in course or
Recita, as done in performance. P:
hands also dep ict transit io n as seen in
performance . P, shows repetition or
Karana with other leg , as do ne by PS
cfr. BNS video

The raised nght waist of P 1 and the

tight Kunci la foo t is ty pical 0r PS
perl'orn1.1.nce.

The r:11 scci wai st of P, confirms the

Kati c,·hi111wm that PS perfonns . P,
sh~ws return fro111 b:id, to front . :is

-L------+-- -4------=- =- =- =- =- =- =--r

,-11---~
DI KS VASTIKAM
µ 1s~ iA~ L~A~T~A~K
~ A~ML_ _ _ _-+-;:::;---;:-- --t-;s;-:a;-;-t;;-;
ar:-;;a-:;shh;:;-
O~\\l~S-;;a~cti;;io;;11; ;w;jiit~hl thh~
- -~ 11<.:_i n 11_r,1-1 i,.1l 1cro11stniction_

L'-;:;n~ghhlt
-1

Till: I' I'·' llC I lll',ll I:,, ,·om:sponds \\ llh

19 KAl.'l SA M AM
. P35
leg, p panel portrays t 11c mm c1 1k~111 I' S f' l'rll•n11.111cc ,, hirh .1dhercs to
wilh the left . _ ___ _:_\ hh111 .11 ,1t ur.!_.1 ·~ ,·\1111 111e11_t,1_1_\_ _ __,
f----1--- -----1--- - -,~.:,.;__-

-----
2:\6 KJ\RANJ\S - VOL I
NS Prambanan Relationship with Satara Karana Rclatio·nsh1p with PS Prac ti cal
NO . KA RAl;-IA NO . Karar_ia Pane ls Reconstruct ion
- Seri al No .
20 AKS IPTA RECTTA KAfyl PSI SD shows the end of Ak!iipta C ari". The placi ng o f the ri ght hand~ thc
The nex t stage (Yalana111 ) is seen in thigh and of the le ft a t chest leve l seen
r ., . P, shows the right leg in in P 1 is seen in PS perfo rm ance. O n
Ordhvaj:lnu Ss shows th e extensio n the who le the mo ve ment portrayed in
o f th e same in S0c1. The same p tallies with PS reconstru ct ion
consecuti ve ness is seen in hand except for the Svasti ka Piida end in g.
move ment of both fi g ures (ri ght
hand ).
21 VIKSIPT AKSIPTA KAJ\1
22 ARDHA SY ASTIKAM
23 ANC ITA.lvl P23 P has the ri ght hand m:ar the nose PS too has used Av iddha Can , though
and th e oth er is ex tend ed in bo th B harata and Abhinavagupta do
Karihas tam (011 ly one f"i g ure is not ment ion th e Cari' o f thi s Karan a.
seen). Ss has the Ka.rihustam o n the TI1 e hand near the nose is also s~n in
oth er side. PS practi cal reconstru ction .
24 BHU.I ANGA Pl 4 P 1 corresponds to SD and P 2 to Ss. Ta ll ies w ith prac tical recon structi on.
-TR ASIT AM P 1 shows the napping of the leg
performed before executing
A pakriinta Cari'.
25 0-RDHV AJA NU P49 P 2 rese mbl es SD PS performs Ordhvaj anu as a sideway
mo ve ment. This is what this panel
shows .
26 NIKUNCITA fyl P33 SD has Ancita, Ss has Karihasta. The Karih asta hand is mentioned by
The P panel indicates both. Abhinavagupta and is used in PS
construction.
28 ARD H A MA IT ALLI P6 On ly the central figure is seen in P. Tall ies with practical reconstruction .
1l1is is the reverse of SD.
29 REC ITA
-NIKUTTIT AM
30 PA.DAPA
-YIDDHAKAM
31 VALITAM
32 GHURNITAM PS C lose to SD. Tallies with practical reconstruction
3] LALITAfyl PIS Like a reverse print of Ss. The actio n of the hands of P 2 and also
the feet o f position suggest UdghaHita
action, w hich has been used by PS in
perfo rmance.
34 D AN"QAPAKSAM P4 The Urdhvajan u seen in PI, 2, 3 is The Urdhvajiinu feature is typical of
close to SD. PS's reconstruction .
35 BHUJANGA P42 P 1 shows the beginning o f The begi n ni ng of the Cali
-TRASTA Bhujangalfiisita CiirI which corresponds to the practical
-RECITAfyl culminates in SD. P2 shows the reconstruction .
process of landing which ends as in
ss.
36 NUPURA~1 P36 SD and Ss immediately follow P 1 The Lala and Recita hand of P1 tally
and P 2 • with the second varie ty of
reconstruction (N0 puram 2)
37 V AISAKH ARECIT AM
38 BHRAMAR AKAl\:1 P24 P 2 shows the beginning of the Can, It is a reeling movement of a forceful
SD and Ss show the next stages. nature. The action as portrayed in the
panel tallies with the practical
reconstruction .
39 CATIJRAM

40 BHUJANGANCIT AKAM P56 P 1 is !oll owed by S s; P 3 by SD. P~ shows the end of the movement.
The A viddhavaktra movement of hands and a rms is also a feature of PS
practical reconstruction .
 NA SCULPTURES OF PRAMRANAN 237
"J\ RA
NS Pram ban an Relationship with Satara Karana Re lations hip w ith PS Prac ti ca l
NO. K1\RA!':JA N O . Kararia Panel s

- ..JI 0 1\NDAKAR EC IT A ~'I

Serial No .
PR
R eco nstru ct io n

P: and SD depict different parts--;,:-- PS practical reco ns tructi o n of thi s

the Nupuraparlik a C ii rT. Karana makes usc of the
NCi pl;rapiidika Cii rT fo ll o wed by
Dan<lapiirla . Thi s is see n in th e P

---:i-2 VR SC IKAKUTTITA M ~ - ---

43 KATIBHR A NTA ~1 P 29 SD sho ws the stage that -
The Recak a o f ~ e lbo w ty pi c;i l o f
immed i;ite ly precedes P and S s PS s ty le o f o rn ame nt a ti o n is ~ee n in
2
co mes aft er P , P ,.
-1.J L AT A V RS C IK A M -- - --
.J5 C HIN NA t--1 P3 <1 -
TI1 e C hinna act io n fo r the w ais t
--
in vo lvin g ree li ng throu g h the ra i, ,n g
o f the hee l and th e turni ng ;ind rai sing
of th e w ai s t b::ick ward s on th e same
sid e is seen in P, .
-16 VRSCI KA RECIT AM
.17 VRS C IK AJ\ I --=-1
48 VY A MSITA~'I PIO P 1 is like Ss P, s ugges ts la rge s paci n g a nd sway in g \
- -
as see n in performance
49 P ARS VA
I
N IKUTT A KAJ\I
-50 LALAT A TIL A KAM ---'

51 KJ~ A NTAKAM
52 KUNC ITAt0 I
53 C A ~A M A NDA L At-. 1
5-l URO M AN D AL At0 P32 Similarity between P 2 and SD Th e St hi tii va rta Cari used by PS is \
seen he re . Bharata does not mention
the Cart and PS has used bo th
Sthi tiivarta and S a m o ts arita Matt alli
I
as we ll as Badd hii in he r
I
reconstruction . T h is tall ies wnh the P
pane l.
55 AK-'?fPTA l\1 P7 P 1 precedes SD while P 2 and SS Talli es with th e: prac tical

56 T r\ L A V IL A SITA J\11 P21

show the same s ta i;e
The P figure sugges ts the beginning
recon s tru ction
The palm/sole con tact is memioned
I
of the palm/sole contact, whi ch by Ab h ina vag up ta and has been used
cu lminates in Ss. R ight leg, is used by PS in her perfo rm:rnce of thi s
in P and left in Satarn. K ara na
57 A RG ALAM
58 V IKS IPTAt0 P59 P , is close to SD P 2 s ho w s the cross of the T°ct' t sa:n in
PS recon s truc tio n
59 AVA RTAM
60
r - - - DO L A PADAM
61 V IVRTT1\ M P39 SD and Ss show the turn 0 11 th e ldt The: P pan c:1 is vc: ry close: tu PS
side, P 2 shows the turn on th e right. prac tic al rt'co nstruction sho\\ n :i, .1
Both P and S depict the turn from sitt in g 1110\"t'.lllt' nt
fron t to back
62 - -
Y IN IVRTTA M
63 --
P.~ RS V A ~ANTAt0 P l8 See Ss Qnla and rai sed ha nd T alli es wi1h th.: pra, tic·.11
--
64 N IST AJ\ IBHIT A T\! P60 P, is a " n.:versc po int ·, of S D
recons
- - - f - - - truc tiu n
r a ll1 t' S \\ ith lht· p r.1c t1-:.1l
- -

~- rc-c,111, 11uct ,o n

--6'.'>

---
fi6
(l7
_ VID YUDB HR A NT A M
~T IKR r\. NT A M
_ V IVA RTITAKAJ\ I
-- ---
----
- -- - --
- -
-
-
-
- - - -- - -- - -
68 O A.l i\ KRIDJTAKA t0 p~ and Ss ha ve icl c ntll·al ha1nls 'I he· l l1dll\.lJ.tllll a t th,· sl.lrt ,,t" the
Pl7
l_)o l.1 p.,cl.1 C.11 1 pc·1 t",xtl\ l.llhc , \\ 1th
the· j>r,1d ic·al rc,·," 1struc·t1c•11 T l11s ,., .1
llll .lllc·,· llllt,1d 11c·,·J h\ I'S
69 TALASAMSP I IOTITAl\·I
-- - 1;-hcgins th-;;; lll \'C ll h' nt ~ la~1·s ll (() n,: 1b1•1' 1ng or the· iq; IS t) 111ZiG r
Pl I
cn ntinui 11g s tages th e p, occ~s 11I L°\.tc 11 d111g ll l°ll r l) .\ n (b

- - -- --- - - P.,cla , cl' uls;o I'~

-
 KARANAs - Vor I
238 -
Pramba11a11 Relationship wi lh Salara Kara,_w Rclalio nship wi1h PS Prncii ca l
NS Panel s Rcconslru cti on
KARA1\JA NO . Karana
NO .
Serial No.
-
,_70 GA RUDA PLUTAKAtvl -
71 GANDASUCI
77 P/\RIVRTTAM In SD and Ss lh e hanJ is on the
Pf\ RSVAJf\NU 1'3 I
7."\ thi gh, here ii is on Lhe knee . Perh aps
P follows a variant version as
Abhinavagupta mention s Lh e hands
on th e thi gh
P46 Both P and S depicl th e action on C lose to performance ---
74 Gl~DHR AVALTNAKAtvl
the ri ghl as far as th e glidin g goes .
P. (sealed li gure) is close lo Ss.

75 SANNATAM
76 sOci
77 ARDHASU CI
78 SUCIVIDDHAl'vl
P44 PJ and SD show the same action but The animation of the P panel (PJ and
79 APAKRANTArvt
on different sides. P2 , P 1 is mi ssing) Tallies with the
practical recon struction
80 MA YURALALIT AM
81 SARPTTA~1 Pl3 Agratala foot is seen in both The body lines and the feet. sug gest
this Karana
82 DA~APADA~1 P45 P shows the more forceful style of Close lo PS performance
performance and S shows the softer
one.
83 HARINAPLUTAfyl P38 Ss shows the movement on the 1ight The Mrgasirsa hand of the practical
side, whi le P shows the leap on the reconstruction can be surmised in P,.
left
84 PRENKHOLIT Afyl P2 S shows the action of reeling in the Tallies with the practical
air. P shows the end of the reconstruction
movement
85 NITAMBAM
86 SKHALITAM
87 KARIHASTAM
88 PRASARPIT AKAM P55 P'" and SD are comparable T he hands of P 2 show the mo vement
link as reconstructed by PS
89 SIMH AVIKRIDIT AM
90 SIMHAKARSIT AM
91 UDYl3-TTAfyl P27 SD and Ss show the next 2 stages It goes well with the reconstruction as
in P the turn is also shown without
landin g the leg/foot in Aviddha
92 UPAS~TAKAM Pl2 P sho ws the beginning of the Tallies with the practic:il
A.k~ipt5. C5.rf, SD shows the end of reconstruction . The Arala
the CarT, Ss shows the end of the Ka!akiimukha Nrtta Hast:i is sec>n 111
Kara na. P,.
93 TALASANG HATTITAM
94 JAN ITAM P37 SD is in Sama Sth5..na like the P SS is seen in J\fanclala beca use this
fi gures. Karana usi.:s either SLhfoa
,_.21 ~ A YAlt'JI!i A KA~__ -
96 NIVJ ·.SA M
- ---
97 . AM
I ELAKAKJ{JIJIT . PS2 P I is the reverse or SD The turn on opposite sid,·s II a~
in lroduci.:d by PS as a subtle .
I en1 bcllish1ni.:nt nncl its :lll th..: ntic·it) ,s
f-
98
-
URUDV Rn AM
-
l' ICJ
--- -
I\ hus hands co mparable to SD
conrinn..:cl b1 th..: P p:uwl
PS hus provickd an al tem,1tin:
- -
whi ch shows the actio n pcrl"ormcd n::nding or the NS Sft tra in her tlws is.
C)':)
-- -
I\ JADASKHALIT/\ M- -
P16 ___ wl!_!1 !_!1':__other leg -----
P tullics with her rcacl in t _ -
-- P! is__£Q_r nparab l~ 10 S~ II goc; wt:11 ~ ill~ -;:-.;~ i~ tJ_o~
100 \'ISN UKR ANTArvt P26 S show:.; lhi.: uction ~ 1~e~ igh1 \\-;-;II, - PS performs the - - u11 Iw ti 1 s·1dc·,· ·
-m:t1011
the liftin g of lhe right leg, p shows This gcK'S \\'di wilh I'
the Ii ft ing of the lcfl leg
-- -~- - - -
J(A RA~A SCULPTURES OF PRAMBANAN
239
Pramba nan Relation ship with Satara Karana
NS Relatio nship with PS Practi cal
KARAl'~A NO. Karai:ia Panels
NO. Serial No.
Recon structio n
~

102 VISKAMBHAM
~

103 UDGHA TTIT Afyl P47 TI1 e feel of P 2 and SD are identical The forward /backwa rd sway ing o f PS
reco ns truction is in simi lar style
104 VRSABHA KRIDIT AM
105 LOLIT AM P4 3 P shows th e rotation of the torso , The rotati o n is continu ous as show n
head and hands, th e other stages can by PS in the video
be seen in S, with rotation in other
directio ns.
~

106 NAGA PASAR PIT Al\1 P9 If th e move menl continu es in lh e Mov ing in both directio n s can be seen
same directio n it ends as Ss, in PS perform ance
otherwi se it ends as P 2 • SD shows
lhe beginni n g
107 SA KATAS YAM P 20 P shows lhe beginni n g, S follo ws Tal lies with perform ance
108 GANG A
-YAT ARANA M
2-tO KARAl':JAS - VOL 1

CHAPTER-IX

THE NATYASASTRA IN THE ANCIENT TAMIL

•
SOIL
- ,,. -
PAN-INDIAN NATURE OF NATYASASTRA

hTespective of the date of the present form of the Natyasastra, one cannot but agree that
the details of the technical virtuosities contained therein could not have been created just at the
time of writing. The codifier had obviously collected materials from various parts of the
Jambudvipa and woven them into one fabric. The Natyasastra and many of its commentaries
are believed to have hailed from that region. But it is a historic fact that the Natyasastra has
penneated through out the length and breadth of our country from remote times. The various
elements collected from every possible source
got codified and returned to the regions from
where they came, but now in a fully developed
form. This inter-action probably went on
taking place for several centuries when finally
Bharata took the responsibility on himself to
enlarge his work into an encyclopaedia on the
subject. Though we are unable to fix the exact
date of the Kernels of the legend of the IV
chapter, its contents regarding the technical
aspect must have existed long before they were
penned. When do we see the influence of the
Natyasastra in other parts of India, particularly
down South?

The Hathigumpha insc ription of

Kharave!a of K$nga, styles him as ' Gandharva
15
Fig.92 Rii11i Gumplia Veda Budhah'. (*46) This inscription
assigned generally to 2 nd century B.C.
THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 24 1

The Gandharva Veda must

have been sti ll prevalent
during that time. The Natya
Veda obviously includes the
principles and practices of
Gandhar va Veda as
evidenced in the chapters on
music. A figure of a dancer,
along with musicians is found
in one of the caves of the
Udayagiri monuments,
within a few yards from the
famous inscription of Fig.93 Riini Gumpha
Kharave!a . (Fig.92) This
sculptural panel is said to belong to the I century A.D. It reflects the A.lidha Sthana and it can
be recognized even as one of the Karai:ias of the IV chapter. In the same Rani Gump ha there
is another panel, which portrays another Apsara dancing with flowers and a tray of fruits or
flowers in the right and left hands respectively, extending them on the sides. (Fig. 93 ) The
posture is unmistakably one of the Carls called Syandita used in some of the Kara.r;ias. These
suggest the possibility of knowledge of the Karai:ia chapter in that part of the country during
the early Christian era.

Around the same time further down South of Tamil Nadu we get an interesting Brahmi
inscription fr01n Arichalur from the rocks near the cave settlement of Jain n1unis. It is made of
rhythmic syllables with Tattakara. I had reconstructed this and set it to Tfila and danced it at
the II World Tamil Conference in Chennai in 1967. this is the earliest Sushkak~ara (Jalhi)
inscription that is available. It proves that the dance art was quite prevalent in the region in that
distant past.

Apart from this archaeological evidence, the Tamil Sm'lgam literature of early Chri stiJ.n
era compels our attention. Tolkappiynm is the earliest extant tam.i i grammar. There a.re
Unrnistakable parallels with Na!,yasasu·aic concepts in this early work.
 KARA~AS - VOL[
24 2

. t d by all scholars of Indian literature, that all post Bharata corn

It ts genera11 y accep e _
. t lly follow Bharata for the art of poetics, but even employ the termi
mentators on poett y no O 1 . . -
. b . H s the first to give the Rasa Theory and 1t ts not surprising that all
no 1ogy given y 111m. e wa
the present North Indian literature is influenced by the Natyasastr~, for, all these languages are
accepted to be various Prakrtas of Samskrta. It is generally believed by some scholars that
Tamil has a structure, which is totally independent of Samskrta. But there are also scholars
who have established that it has an unmistakable link with Samskrta, through Pdikrta. Tarrtil
itself has been considered as Dravic;li Prakrta by scholars like Rajendra Lal Mitra, a philologist
of the nineteenth century, T.V. Mahalingam, an archaeologist, and more recently by KV.
Srinivasan, a literary historian. It is heartening to have their comprehensive perceptions from
different stand points, converging with my view point of history of our performing arts and its
influence on the cultural matrix of our country. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee's towering work
"Origin and development of Bengali language" includes points of similarity between Indo-
Aryan and Dravic;lian languages showing probable influence of the latter. It only indicates the
multi way traffic, based on indivisible common ethos. These links only enhance the greatness
and antiquity of both Tamil and Samskrta.

ANCIENT TAMIL LITERATURE:

Scholars like. R. Swaminatha Iyer (in his "Dravidian Theories") and K.S. Srinivasan
(in his "The Ethos of Indian Literature") have shown beyond doubt that there is a definite
close connection between Samskrta and Tamil through Prakrta.

Swaminatha Iyer who served as ,a school master form 1880 made bold to point out the
mistake of Bishop Caldwell ; the second edition of Caldwell's book had appeared in 1875.
The disconnection between Samskrta and Tamil was being propagated to ignite separatism
thr0 ugh an intellectual conspiracy. K.S. Srinivasan has brought to limelight the fact that th e
strncture of all I nd ian languages and their syntax are alike; this adds strength to my study of
th e parallels in ancient Tamil literature for Natyasastraic concepts. Only the two most ancient
and
,.
relevant
.
works of Tam .. 1· l )"1t eiatme
. ·
. viz., .
Tolkapp1yam - the Tamil. grammar nnd
S1bppad1karam - the Tamil ep·ic, are d eat .
· hereunder. The mfluence
l · with - - · on
of Nafyasasun
•
. t Ut.·tes, are not elaborated here for the simple f_. t thnt
'- et• cen
Tamil literature which sprang in lat ac •
· t h e N-a~ya y e d a.
they are only a continuance of an earlier traditio 11 o f respecting
 Tl-IE NATY ASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 243

, -
NATYASASTRA AND TOLKAPPIYAM

Tolkappiyam is the earliest extant grammatical literature in Tamil. It is called "Tol'' i.e. ,
ancient and "Kappiyam" ,i.e., the Prakrta form of Samskrta word kavya or literature.
Tolkappiyam is said to be authored by a Muni by name Trr:iadhumagni , who was a direct
disciple of Sage Agastya. This work is agreed to be the earliest extant literature in Tamil , the
date of which is beyond the p~trview of this book.

While dealing with the topic of "Poru!" a whole chapter is devoted to "Meippa9u" . In
other words the Meippagiyal is a part of Poru!adhikaram. Though this is meant as a guide to
poets, it is also of interest to the theatre artists. This chapter reflects a tremendous connection
with the concepts of Bhava and Rasa as dealt with in the Na!yasastra. It must be remembered
that the Na!yasastra is the mother of Alankara Sastra, i.e., poetics that has percolated throughout
India in post -Bharata period. Bharata was the first to give a psychological analysis of Bhava
and Rasa.

Meippattiyal means the skill to communicate to the people, the happenings of the world,
in the most authentic manner. The other term for this skill is "Viral". Perhaps it is because of
this ability that the dancers of the Sangam age are referred to as Virali. "Meippac;lu" is the
equivalent of the Natyasastra term "Bhava". It is called Bhava because it makes one feel
(Bhavayanti). The eight "Suvais" born out of the Meippa9us are a counterpart of the eight
Rasas, which blossom out of the eight Bhavas. Both Bharata and Tolkappiyanar do not include
Santa ofNa9uvu Nilai of later days. The eight Suvais are:

,u;ms;~w ~(Ylms; @ml6lJl]ffl' LO(_!,LA>B;

c:,ici=s=Lb 6lU(!!;IDl~Lb 6'6lJ@)mll46lJfflc$6'1U61f ~

c:,fLJL.JT6\) 6TL~L 6lLOWLJUT6'L6lSTU

Nagaiye Azhugai llivaran Marutkai

Accam Perumidam VeguJiyuvagaiyenru
Appal Ette Meippa9enba
The above correspond to H-as ya , Kru·una and
. ' , Bibatsa ' Adbhuta, Bhayana.ka, VTra, Raudra
Srngara Rasas. Suvai means taste, Rasa also implies the same. The first Siitra of Meippa<;liyal
 KARAl';JAS - VOLJ
244

• · th eight Meippad. us into four-fold expansio n, we get 32 Meippa9us

says that by mu 1tip 1ymg e .
_ t· n of the com1nentator takes this to be concept of Bharata's
or Bhavas. T11e exp1ana 10
classification ofBhavas into four viz. ,

Vibhava cause
Vyabhicari Bhava fleeting emotions

AnuBhava
effect of the emotions or the manifesta tions noted in the
physical behaviou r .
SatvikaBhava Physiological reactions, horripula tion, tears etc, caused by
intense mental involvement.

The above four are referred to in Tamil as Suvaippo rul, Suvaiym:iarvu, Kurippu and
Viral. The comment ary called Perasiriy am states:

"Viraleni num Sattuvam eninum Okkum"

which means that the tenus Viral and Sattva are synonym ous. Physical expressio n of tears
through gestures is Kmippu , but Viral implies actual shedding of tears. "The Suvai is born
through a blend of the four kinds of Meippaqus of Bhavas. Hence we see the parallel terms for
the psychological analysis found in the Natyasastra. _

For the blossomi ng of the Uvagai Suvai ie., upi.gara Rasa, Tolkappi yam enlists a set
often Vibhavas. They are, equality in the standard of the genesis, discipline, valour or conviction,
age, physique, love, magnanim ity, compassi on and wealth. In another context it gives four
Meippac;Ius for the Uvagai Suvai. They are Selvam i.e. Bhoga or experience of worldly
pleasures, Pulan i.e. wisdom attained through knowledge, PmJarvu i.e. , unison in passion and
Vilaiyattu ie., sporting in rivulet, pond, grove and garden and such other pleasant environment.
Together all the Meippac;Ius include the Uddipana and Alamban a Vibhavas of the Samskrta
tradition.,

The Vyabhicari Bhavas or the fleeting emotions that strengthe n the basic Sthayi Bhava
of
ofRati lead to the birth the Srngara Rasa. Tolkappiyam speaks of Ka!aviyal ie., secretive
Jove and enlists the following Meippa9us connecte d with it.
THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 245

1. L.l®l!Jls;Lb L.lrfl~ru Pugumugam puridal mutual gaze of Jove

2. 6lUIT~J91~6U 6l5lwlj'~pj6U Porinudal Viyarttal js to perspire in coy
3. ,!f,@,,!f,W LOm!):)fi>~ru NagunayaM araittal is to control oneself
from smiling
to hide one's Jove
4. LJl!I)lj'a;~6lSTmLO Pirarkkinm ai is to loose the ability
to hide
one's love from the
understandi ng of
others.
All these have their parallels in the Natya Sastra.

Next, when we move to the idea of wonder, the causes of Marutkai '' is said to be
11

"Pudumai literally meaning new, "Perumai" - very big, "Sirumai" - meaning tiny and also
11

II 11

anyone of these suddenly turning into another. The Meippa<;Ius which cause Azhugai
(sorrow) are insult, loss of a near and dear one, losing status, and also loss of enjoyments . The
causes for Perumidam " are: - "Kalvi" (achieveme nt through concentrati on), "Tarukkail"
11

(bravery), "Iraimai (Happiness or contentmen t and abstaining from wrong practices even
11

while suffering reverses in business) and "Ko<;Iai" (giving in charity, one's life, body and
limbs).

~ivaran or Bibatsa is disgust for either others' or one's own self. Hnsya also has these
two varieties in Natyasastra . Exaggeratio n is one of the causes for laughter. The above analysis
found in Tolkappiya m clearly proves its conceptual allegiance to Natyasastra as far as th e
Meippa<;Iu and Suvai analysis is concerned. The one interesting additional analysis giYen in
Seyip-iyam is the idea of "Nilam", when a particular Sthayi Bhava like Krodha leads to totally
another Sthayi Bhava like Soka in the mind of the reader or spectator. Thoug h the Nj!y:isasLra
does not give a technical term to this concept, the idea is an1ply exemplified in a Sloka which
says that o ut of the eight Rasas, only four are primary and the others are born . fro m them. The
Primary sentiments are Sn:i.gara, Raudra, Vira and Bibhatsa. Mimic ry of sn·1gara leads to
Hasya, Raudraresu lts in Karm:ia, VTTa gives rise to Adbhuta and Bibhatsa ends up in Bhayanaka.
In this verse ofNatyasas tra, the concept ofNilam as seen in'' Seyiq-i ynm " - is alread y
246 KARA~AS _ VOL I

. d . 1no th er
impregnate wm·ds, the Sthayi Bhavas themselves,, act as Vibhavas for strengthening
ot I1er Sh - • Bh-avas. Another example is the scene in Silappadik aram, the Tamil epic in
t ay1 ,
which Km:u:iagi , s anger bun1s the city of Madurai. It is Krodha that leads to creating Bhayanaka
in the minds of reader, ultimately reaching the point of pathos, in her having undergone the
pain of losing her beloved husband. This will also amount to Nilam. One major difference
between the Tolkappiya n1 and Natyasastra is that the former is Kavi Sik,Jarthaf!l i.e. meant to
11
educate the poet, and the latter is "Kavi Nafa Sik,Jarthaf!l, i.e., meant to instruct the poet as
well as the actor. The f01n1er merely gives us the psychologic al analysis, but the latter gives the
guidance to stage them and thus turn Sravya Kavya into Drsya Kavya ie., what is read or
heard into what is seen and enjoyed. That is why the Natyasastra gives details of how to
perform the Anubhavas (resultants), to establish the Vibhavas (causes). Naturally this is absent
in Tolkappiyam, which is only a grammar for literature.

"The first well lighted epoch in the history of the Tamil land is that reflected in the
literature of the Sangam (the first 3 or 4 centuries A.D.)*. (* 1) In this age, there were
four classificatio ns of artistes under the names of Pai:iar, Porunar, Kiittar and Viraliyar. Par:iars
were singers, Porunars were poets who sang too, Kuttars were actors and the Viraliyars were
female dancers. They were all roving bands of artistes, who preserved the indigenous technique
of an earlier age. The names of some Tamil works on music and dramaturgy, which are
believed to have existed during the first, and second Sangam periods are mentioned in some
later works . The classificatio n of Tamil literature as Iyal-Lyrica l, Isai-Music al and Natakam-
theatrical , has existed from very remote times. Works like Mudunarai, Mudukurugu, Bharatam,
Agattiyam, Muruval, Jayantam , Gur:ianiil, Seyigiyam , Isainui:iukk am, Indrala!iyam.
Pancamarn bu, Ku tta niil , Bharatasen apatiyam, Madivai:iar ' s N a~akattami z hnul and
Suddhanand aprakasam are either totally or partially lost. What little is available now seem to
be of on ly post-Bharata period. None of the available Sangam works throw any direct light on
the actual techruque of the dance art of the Tamils. The earliest Trunil source is Ilangova9igar 5
SiJappadikararp , which belongs to a period immediately after the III Sangam. (*2) Irrespective
of the controversy of its date, it seems to be the only source for studying the nature of ancient
Tamil dance. However hazy it might be, one is able to gaze at the undercwTent of the Na~yasastra
flowing freely in the medium of the Silappadikararµ.. Ac;liyarkkunallar who wrote the
 THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 247

commentary on Silappad ikaraqi after the 14th century, most naturally and obviously was guided
by the later works, which were based on that ofBharata. The very titles, "Bharatasenapafiyam"
and "Pancabharafiyam" mentioned and quoted often as Tamil works in his commentary prove
the recognition that Bharata enjoyed in the Tamil country. By the time Ac)iyarkkunallar wrote
the conunentary, Bharata ' s 108 Kara~1as had already been sculpted and given a stamp of
permanence in the Tamil country. So, Bharata's Natyasastra had indivisibly got di ssolved into
the Tamil cultural soil by then. Hence, its influence on the contemporaneous tradition reflected
in A<;liyarkkunallar ' s c0111mentary is beyond any question . It is therefore more relevant to
probe into the possibility of any direct semblance, reference or influence of the Natyasastra on
the text of the Silappadikaraill itself. The following pages are a humbl e attempt to interpret
Ilangova<;liga! ' s verses, without being biased by the commentaries .

One of the heroines of the Epic is Madavi. She is conceived as a great dancer, belonging
to a family of courtesans. !Jango paints her as a personification of artistic talents in music and
dance, coupled with an extra-ordinary beauty. The details of her maiden performance
(Arangetram) form the subject of an entire chapter in the Puhar kar:i<;lam (Canto) . This chapter
throws invaluable light on the indecipherable Tamil dance and music of the dim past. In spite
of A<;liyarkkunallar's characteristic infallibility in his elucidation, there are quite a fe w
insurmountable riddles in the main text. The time that had galloped between l!ango and
A~iyarkkunallar cannot be overlooked. A<;liyarkkunallar himself had to depend on standard
works on dance to interpret I!ango's verses. l!ango belonged to a period when Desi elements
had not come into existence, or at least received considerable notice for codification . The term
Desi is met with in the Arangerrukadai ofJ!ango's work, in connection with the list of all that
the ideal musicians must be well versed in. these lines------ viz 30,3 1 and 47 of this chapter
1h
seems to be an interpolation. The word Desi became popular only from around the 8 century.
Matanga's BrhadDesi is perhaps the earliest work on Desi Sailg1ta. Silappndikara~1 is said to
bel ong to a period immediately after the III Sangam, i. e., the first few centuri es after Christ.
the term
c
No sc h o l ar h as so iar · ned to Silappadikaram
ass1g • a period later than 600 A. D . I·frncc
. h 1s
Des1/. ( w h1c · a Iso a s ans kr·t
.1 woi·d) could not have bee n used hv · Ilnngo
· before the time of
. - kk a11-. 1· , ... t a - ge when these later developments like Desi codifica rjons
M atanga. A.d 1yar un at 1vec ... , 11 •1 . . .
· II cc 1 ·s commentary see ms to be cnlarg111 g the range ot tcch111quc.
had attracted due attent10n. - en 11 ~
 K A RA~t\S _ VO L I

even wl'lile interpreting the older Marga forms. These details will be scrutinized in the following
paragraphs , taking the Arangerrukadai into consideration. In this process, the link between
the Natyasastra and Silappadikarmµ gets automatically unveiled.

The very first lines of the Arangeq-ukadai are a clear indication of the influence on
Silappadika.rcif!1. Madavi' s ancestry is gi ven as an anecdote. She is spoken of as the descendant
of the celestial dancer -Orvasi . (*3) -Orvasi and Indra's son Jayanta exchanged looks of passionate
love whjle she was dancing in Indra' s court. This distraction caused her erring from rhythm.
Saint Agatti yar cursed her to be born on Earth and Jayanta to incarnate as a bamboo in the
sacred Vindhya mountain range. Even today, dancers practice their art according to the rhythm
produced by th e teacher through the stick. We can see a symbolic representation of -Orvasi in
the dancer and Jayanta in the stick. It is likely that the tradition of such a practice that had
already existed was given a poetic and fanciful interpretation in the legend given in the Silambu.
-Orvasi was called Madavi when she was bon1 on earth. Madavi of Silambu is said to be a
descendant of that Madavi. In an y case, Orvasi the p1ime ballerina of Indra' s court is dragged
into the story for the sake of eul ogi zing the artistic ancestry of the heroine.

Associating -Orvasi with love themes is known in literature even from the Vedic times. The
Vedic story of Orvas i and Puru ravas was retold by KaFdasa in his Vikramorvasiyam. While
l~ango mentions sage Agattiyar, Ka1idasa conceives the idea of sage Bharata cursing her. The
factor, whi ch is common to all these stori es, is the place of dance -namely Indra's court with
the da ncer being Orvasi.

According to Bharnta's Natyasastra, the first drama was enacted in front of Indra, and it
was he who prese nted the actors, his Jharjarn - flagstaff. In Silappadiknrarµ we see that the
presentati on of the '·Talaikkol" (a piece cut from the stem of the umbrella of the defeated
enemy ki ng) to the dancer is the sign of highest honour. We are able to see how stores were
conceived and re-written to suit the surroundings. The following are all revealing interesting
links .

l. The i1nportance of Indra's flag-staff

2. J ayanta becoming the bamboo
3. The concept ofTalaikkol (*4) and
THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL
249

4. its bein g pres ente d to the danc er (*5),

5. Ta99u (literally mea ning stem or stick) being the first
teac her of Ta99 avar p
One very clea r indic ation is that, there was a free exch
ange of thou ghts and cultu re
between the vario us parts of our vast sub-continent. It is
worth noting that in Sila ppad ikar arr,
Madavi danc es the 12 A9a ls as part of the grea t celebrati
on, Indr a Vizh a, a festival in hono ur
of Indra the Vedic deity . (*6) Acco rdin g to the Na~yasast
ra, the occasion for the first Na~ya
was the festival of Indr a Mah adva ja. Thes e make one reali
se that I~angova9igal was part of a
common cultu re that Naty asas tra conc epts had already
taken deep roots and got fu sed with
the local artistic tradi tions . The underlying unity with the
Na~yasastra is revealed herein . But
~ango has adap ted it to suit the regio nal surroundings. The
unde r-cu rren t, whic h caus ed th.is
free flow of cultu re at diffe rent levels and aspects, was
undo ubte dly relig ion in its vario us
strata . The flow was two way traff ic in nature and just
not one side d. For exam ple, in the
Natyasastra we have the story of the Jhar jara -flag staff
- bein g gifte d to the actors by Indr a
himself as a ward agai nst any hindrance. Correspondin
gly, in the SilappadikaraITl, we see a
great impo rtanc e give n to the stick. Talaikk.ol seems to be
a well -esta blish ed anci ent Tamilian
concept. The Tala ikko l is said to have originally been
a part of the umb rella stem of the
defeated enem y king .

Apa rt from the myt holo gy, the actu al tech niqu e of
danc e as disc usse d in the
Arangerrukadai seem s to be rathe r clos e to the Natyasast
ra. ]'he beau tiful Mad a vi is described
~ ell versed in danc e and music. (*6) This is close to the
concept of the Naµ of the Na~ya.sastra,
who had to sing and danc e ..

Whil e layin g dow n the requ irem ents of an ideal dance mast
er, flango puts forth a stream
of technical words and conc epts . Thes e will be disc usse
d one by one. The first line that is
considered is "lru vaka ik kutt in ilakkm.iamarindu" , i.e. know
ing the rules of the t\\'o kind s of
Kuttus. (*7) A iyark.kunallar give s the following coup les
9 of Kuttus for explaining this li ne .
(*8) They are: -

Vasa nkku ttu and Pugazhkuttu

Vettiyal and Poduviynl
Varik.kuttu and Varisantikkuttu
Santikkuttu and Vinodakkuttn
 K A R At:,IA S . VOL I

Ariyam (Marga) and Tamizh (Desi) (meaning)

and Iyalbukkiittu and Desikkiittu
Though I!ango mentions only two, Ac;liyarkkunallar takes many of his contemporaneous
Desi dances into account.
Even without taking Ac;li yarkkunallar·s commentary into cons9deration , the two types
of Kuttus may be interpreted as :-
1. Kuttu and Ac;ial
2. Ada] of Purvanga and as pait of Kiittu
3. Kuttus based on Na!yasastra and those belonging to the indigenous tradition (Marga
and Des i)
4. Rupakas and Uparupakas
Each of the above ai·e being discussed below.
I . Accardi ng to the Natyasastra, the two theatrical forms which we come across are
Nrtta and Natya only. Nrtta forms part of Natya. Though both these terms are met
with in the Natyasastra, they are not been strictly bifurcated as in the later centuries. In
Silappadikarar p we come across two terms namely Ac;Ial and Kuttu. Ac;Ial literally
means Nftta or dance, whereas Kuttu is closer to the concept of Natya. Like those
Samskrita terms, these two Tami l terms are also seen used in a somewhat ambiguous
manner. Inspite of laying down the rules for Natya and Nrtta, no clear line is drawn
betwee n them in the Natyasastra. It has already been noted that according to
Abhinavagupta , there is no difference between Natya and Nftta at all. The case of
Ac;tal and Kuttu also seem to be identical. The "Iruvagaikkutt u" (two types of KUttus)
mentioned in the Silappadikararp , probably meant only Ac;ial and Kuttu. Kuttu can be
taken to be a common term, while Ac;lal is a specific nomenclature, the parallels being
Na!ya being a common term and Nrtta a specific term. The Tamil dramas were also
known under the naine of Kuttu. The indigenous ancient folk theatre is still called the
Terukkut tu. The actors sing, speak and dance in this form of drama. Apart from this,
we have the reminiscence of the ancient Kiittus in the Chakkiyar Kuttu of Kerala. The
. . . ' which is one of the rarest examples of
. Attam
Chakkiyars jointly perform the Koodi
preservation ofBharata's Natya with a suffix Attam in pure Tamil. The Terukkuttu of
the Tamil Nadu also has a stamp of Bharata's tradition garbed in a folk style. The
TIIE NATYAS ASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL
251

Kathaka!i is said to have emerged from the Ramanattam and Krishn anattam . "Attam "
.. . . .. . ..
merely means dance. But these forms seem to have been close to drama too. Hence ,
we again see confus ion in the te1ms of Attam (A.c;lal) and Kutlu (*9). Such confus ion
exists among the eleven A.c;lals mentioned in Silappadikararµ. The " Kuc;lam" which
belongs to this group is also referred to as Kuc;lakkuttu by Ac;liyarkkunallar. It forms
part of the Vinod akkutt u also according to his comme ntary. Most of the Kiittus
describ ed by Ac;liyarkkunallar seem to be various dances. Hence , there is hardly any
differe nce betwee n Ac;lal and Kuttu. The eleven Ac;lals are groupe d under the catego ry
of Deiva Yrtti or Godly style. In other words, they are spoken of as having been
concei ved by Gods. We may conclu de that Kuttu came to mean drama and Ac;lal
meant dance during the later centuries. Like the Natyasastra, Silappadikararp also
belongs to a period when no clear line was drawn between these two forms. Yet the
terms corres pondin g to Nrtta and Natya were evolved. It is hence possib le to infer that
the two kinds of Kiittus mentio ned in Silappadikararµ may refer to Ac;lal and Kiittu .
Just as Nrtta being part ofNaty a, Ac;lal must have been part of Kiittu.
2. The two Kuttus may also refer to the Ac;lal that was to be perfor med as Piirvaranga and
that woven into Abhin aya of the actual Kiittu (Natya). Ac;liyarkkunallarcomments that
the two Kiittus may refer to Santi and Vinodam. Santi may be taken to mean Nftta of
the Piirva.ranga which was meant for a ritualistic purpose. Ac;liyarkkunallar quotes an
early verse to explai n Santi, but seems to interpret it wrongly. Accord ing to the
quotation, Santi is of four kinds of Natam (dance). The first one is Sokka m. It is
defined as that made up of the 108 Karar:ias. (* 10) Obviously it is for the Santi Narta.na
- prelim inary of the Kiittu. It was also part of temple rituals till a few centur ies ago.
The seco nd is Meikk iittu, define d as being made up of body movem ents for
Ah amarg am . It is obvio usly the emotio nal approa ch of Nrtta to produ c e
Vakya rthabh inaya, as eviden ced in Abhin avagu pta' s work. The third one is
Avinay akkiittu, which can be understood as that dance, meant to bring out the meanin g
of the song withou t being involved in any story. This is nothin g but Padart habhinaya
as eviden ced even in contem porary Bharat a Natyam. The fourth one is Na!aka m,
explained as that Kiittu which engages a story. The Santi Kiittu must have bee n the
Nrtta of Piirvar anga. This and the Nrtta occun ing in the body of the Kuttu (drama)
were probab ly the two kinds of Kiittus mentio ned by Qango.
 KARANAS - VOL J
252

us based on
. The two Kiitt us men tione d in Silappadikaralfl may even mea n the Kiitt
3
kunallar desc ripti on of the
Natyasastra and thos e based on folk traditions. In A<;liyark
tra and all the seven varieties
Santi Kiittu, all its four varieties are based on the Natyasas
n1ost of the quot ation s from
of Vinodakkiittu, which seem to be folk in nature. But,
een the Naty asas tra and the
the earlier authorities only further prove the link betw
all thes e Kiittus are said to be
contemporaneous technique. For exam ple, the basi s for
Vart anai and thirty Nrttakai
six Nilais (Sthanas ), five Pada m, sixte en Angakryai , four
Bharatarryava , the others are
(Hast.as). Exce pt the Angakryas , which are clos er to the
dakk uttu s, Ac;liyarkkunallar
all based on the Naty asas tra only . Even amo ng the Vino
er obsc ure.
mentions a danc e calle d Karai~am but its defin ition is rath
also be take n to mea n the
4. The two Kutt.us men tion ed in Silappadikararµ may
s. Whi le the Rup akas
Riipakas and the Upa rupa kas i.e. the majo r and min or play
Man y Upa rupa kas were
were base d on Vrttis , the latte r were base d on Prav rttis.
ed in Silappadikara111
dance dram as. The reas on for mos t of the Kutt.us men tion
crib ing the Kais iki Vrtti for
being clos er to danc e, explains the reason for Bha rata pres
the Da~ inat ya Pravrtti.

ed in the vari ous types of

~ang o men tion s that the dance teacher mus t be well vers
appr opri ate to take the two Kutt.us to
Kutt.us apm1 from the two .(* 11 ) Hence, it is even mor e
us othe r Kutt.us to mea n the regional
mean Natya and Nftta base d on Nacyasastra and the vario
Vasaikkuttu, whic h is still performed
dances. One of the characteristic South Indian Kutt.us is the
the righ t to use a satir ical style and
as Chakkiyar Kuttu in Kerala in which the acto r has
asan a men tion ed in the Natyasastra.
critic ize even the King . This is perhaps influ ence d by Prah
Naty asas tra. This proves that f1ango
None of the Vino dakk uttus seem to be deri ved from the
Kutt.us) to pres cribe a comprehensive
has consciously men tioned the "Palavakaikkiittu" (various
knowledge of all that was avail able.
elev en Ac;lal or danc es.(* 12)
The nex t term of impo rtanc e is the 'Padinorac;lal' mea ning
alac;lu Kad ai , as bein g perf orme d by
IJango hims elf has men tion ed all thes e eleven in the Kac;l
te1npts one to infe r that •Ac;tal' meant
Mad avi. (* 13) Obviously, thes e are solo danc es. This
a or at leas t a grou p danc e. The l l
solo dance, whil e Kut.tu generally indic ated eithe r a dran1
 TifE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOlL 253

Acpls are Alli yam, Koc;Iukotti, Kuc;Iai, Kuc;Iam, Par:ic;Iarangam, Mallac;Ial, Tuc;ti, Kac;Iayam , Pedu ,
Marakkiil and Pavai. These 11 Ac;Ials are said to have been created by different Gods on
specific occasions. Of these the Koc;Iukoni and Par:i<;iarangam have the same subject as that of
the Trpuradaha - a Pima kind of play mentioned in the Natyasastra. (* 14)

Apa.rt from Koc;Iukotti , another dance is also referred to as Konicchedam in connection

with the dance perforn1ed by Parayur Kiittacchakkayan . (* 15) This seems to be close to the
concept of Ardhanarisvara dance, when the right and left ha] ves of the dancer have to be
masculine and femini ne respectively, in gait and gesture. This dance is also attributed to Siva.
He is said to have danced the Ko9ukogi by clapping his hands and moving wildly after
annihilating the three Asuras as Trpurantaka. Devi is said to have watched him in awe, while
providing Him the rhythm through the cymbals. This dance is described even in Sangam
work called Kalittogai. (* 16)

Pai:i9arangam also has the same subject. Siva is said to have danced in the garb of
Bharafi (K~i) with the ashes of the burnt Asuras as his stage.

:Qango states that the dance teacher must be knowledgeable in the rules of A.9al, Pa<;lal,
Pai:ii and Tookku. The first two pertain to the realm of dance and music respectively, while the
third and fourth belong to that of rhythm. Pal).i is the very word used in the Natyasastra in
connection with the Musical form called Candaka. (* 17) Abhinavagupta says that the three
Pai:iis are Sama, Ardha and Upari Pai:iis. (* 18) Probably these mean the beginning of a song
or Jati in the three patterns in the following ways: -

SamaPani Equipoise
Ardha Pani Falling after the beat. It literally means half. In colloquial Tamil , it
is referred to as Arai (half) I9am (place) . It is also call ed Anagata.

Upari Pani Means to be above the beat, i.e. before the beat. It is also usually
referred to as Afita E<;luppu.
The next line of Silappadikararµ is of utmost importance to reveal a direct connectj on
between the Natyasastra and the ancient Tamil system of dance. :Qango says and gives four
technical terms in this line.
25~ KARAl':JAS - VOLt

"Pii)c;liyum Pil)ayalum Ezhirkkaiyum Tozhirkkaiyum" (* 19) The commentary that

Ac;liyarkkunalla.r has written for Pii:ic;li and Pii)ayal clearly indicates that he must have lived
only after the ]4 th century, when the contents of the Natyasastra had gone out of vogue. He
has surmised that Pi9c;li means the single hand gestures and Pil)ayal means combined hand
gestures . Pi9c;li is one of the single hand gestures according to the older Tamil text on dance,
which he has quoted. But the quotation he has used does not mention Pi9c;li and Pil)ayal, but
uses the terms "Ir:iaya vinaikkai" and " I9aikkai" to mean single and combined hand gestures.
(*20) These Tamil terms correspond to Asamyuta Hasta and Samyuta Hasta. The Term
"Vinaikkai" means the hands used to express ideas. Therefore it denotes the Abhinaya Hastas.
In spite of this clear picture Ac;liya.rkkunalla.r has tried to connect Pi9c;li and Pii:iayal with the
gestures performed by one hand and both the hands respectively. This shows that the term
"Pi9c;li" had become indecipherably obsolete by the time of Ac;liyarkkunallar. It can be
emphatically stated that Qango has used this term to mean the Pir:ic;libandha of Nawasastra.
The variations of Pi9c;iis are meant by his mentioning Pir:ic;li and Pii:iayal. Pi9ayal means
combining,joining, chaining, clustering and so on. Hence, Pir:iayal indicates Srnkalika, Gulma
and other such varieties of Pi9c;iis as mentioned in the Natyasastra. (*21)

Ac;liyarkkunallar explains Ezhirkkai and Tozhirkkai in the Kai (hand) used beautifully
(Ezhil) and Tozhirkkai as the hand employed (to represent some idea) (Thozhil). The vague
explanation is because of a lack of continuity with the older tradition. According to the
Natyasastra, H astas can be classified into two groups. One is Nrtta Hasta - meant for the
aesthetic beauty of Nµta. This is Ezhirkkai. Qango seems to be meaning the 30 Nftta Hastas
mentioned by Bharata. (*22) T he second sets ofHastas are the Abhinaya Hastas, meant for
expressing ideas. 111e Tozhirkkai that :Qango mentions is nothing about this. Abhinaya Hasta
can be sub-divided into two as those shown with one hand (Asamyuta Hasta) and those
performed with both the h ands. (Samyuta Hasta). These are called the Ir:iaya Vinaikkai and
Ii:iainda (Vinai) Kai. According to :Qango, the dance teacher was supposed to be an adept in
Pil)c;li varieties and the various Hastas. He had to know these while he conceived or taught the
Kiittus.

The "A.san" - teacher who knew the subtleties of the art had to make use of them in such
a way that there was no monotony in his choreography. So, he was expected to provide an
r
I THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 255

interesting variety. This is to be achieved by not repeating the Hastas used in the form of
"Kuc;lai" in the other form "Varam" and inter-alia not using those used in " Varam" in "Kuc;lai".
He was also to avoid the hand gestures used in Piryc;li while choreographing Ac;tal , as well as
eliminate the hand gestures perfonnecl in A.c;lal, in the Piryc;li. (*23) The terms "Kuc;tai ", " Varnm",
"Pii:ic;li" and "A.c;lal" are worth being analyzed. Ac;liyarkkunallar does not give a clear explanation
for "Kuc;tai" and " Varam" . He takes them to mean Desi and Margi or also as the hands for
Purakkuttu and Ahakkuttu (*24) Aham usually denotes Srngara (Love) in Tamil literature.
Puram denotes VIra and other Rasas. But all these interpretations do not seem to be valid. The
terms Kuc;tai and Vararn seem to lend themselves to an interpretation based on Bharata.

Among the various kind of ancient songs based on different meters , Kuc;lai and Varam
are also mentioned. "Tradition in the music of the Tamils recogni zed four tempos , the Muc;lal
Nac;lai , Varnm , Kuc;lai and Tira!. The first was very slow and dragging . The last was very fast
and jaw breaking. So, Kuc;lai and Varam were popular. Tamil hymns in prai se of Siva were
called Tevaram. " (*25) That Kiic;lai and Varam are specific kinds of songs based on their
meters is known from the ancient Tamil work on music called "Pancamarabu" by A.fi vanar.
(*26) The art and grammar of composing poems is called Yappiklakka9am in Tamil. The
exact duration of each syllable of every line, as well as the number of lines determine the
classification of the various meters. For this, words like Tannana, Tanana, Tatta, Tayya and
Tanda act as guiding and governing factors, on the exact duration of which the lyrics are
composed. The Yazh Niil gives details of various such meters in relation to the sacred Tevfuam
hymns. (*27) These remind one, of the traditional rural folk songs of Tamil Nadu in which the
singing of the verses are preceded and followed by the singing of the non-representational
rhythmic syllables like Tannane nane tanane etc., which govern the Chandas (meter) of the
specific song. N. Shyamala's thesis on "Folk Music and Dance of Tamil Nadu .. gi\·es us
details and even the underlying spiritual significance of such syllables. (*28) No folk so ng is
sung without these being interspersed.

Against such a backdrop, the term Varam of Silappadikarn111 appears to be sim.ibr to

A11gahararµ of the Natyasastra. Varam is said to be a song only in prnise of God and the word
Tevaram is ample proof for this. The Aiigaharn is also mainly meant fo r the PC1rvara1i.ga o f
Na~ya, to please the Gods. The word " hara" meaning garland in Sanskrit is called '·A.ram.. in
 KARAt:,JAS-VOLI
25 6

Tamil. Varam in Tevaram would mean the Armn of songs for the Tevar (God). The Tamil folk
songs show us the tradition of singing the lyrics as well as the rhythmical syllables like Tannana.
It is highly probable that songs in praise of Gods known as Va.ram were used in the Piirvaranga
by the ancient Tamils. For the lyrics , the dancer must have used the Abhinaya Hastas. The
Va.ram songs probably were also sung like the Tamil folk songs by interspersing the various
stanzas with the singing or reciting the Tannana syllables . For this part, the dancer must have
performed Nrtta, using all the major Angas (litnbs ). This part must have been referred to as
Angavaram consisting of pure Nrtta passage made up of many Karal)aS. Hence the dance
must have been given equal importance to Abhinaya and Nrtta. This practice is still seen in the
Svarajati , in which the same tune is used for singing the rhythmic syllables as well as the
lyrics. The former is danced as Nrtta and the latter is performed as Abhinaya. The term Anga
- Varam probably became Angahararµ in Sanskrit. If we treat Varam as a Sanskrit word, it
also means "anything enclosed or circumscribed with the idea of meter of songs as understood
in Tamil. Though it cannot be proved beyond any doubt, it is not far fetched to assume that, by
Varam, J:lango means the songs, which involved the Anga-Varams or Angaharas. We are also
told that Angaharas were used to link various songs or lines of a song. (*29). Hence, like the
folk songs, the Varam songs must have had the passages of "Tanna" etc. for performing the
Ati.gabaras.

As far as the term "Kiic;lai" is concerned, it is also said to be a specific kind of song.
(* 30) That it is to be in the third degree of speed has also been mentioned. Kuc;iai Pac;lal (song)
is said to be impregnated with lyrical and musical beauty. (*31) In mathematics, addition is
termed as Kunal in Tamil. Kiidudal also means to converge. The tern1 Vardhan1ana used in
Natyasastra seem to be close to the Kiic;lai of Silappadikara11-1 on the basis of three factors
namely, 1. Idea of Elaboration 2. Musical value and 3. Lyrical value. Bharata with regard to
th e Purvaranga mentions the Vardhamana. A deeper comparative study .is sure to yield wor th Y
results in th e field of Music. Vardhamana depends on the increase of the Avartas . How th e
concept of "Niraval" in contemporary Manodharma Sangita has been derived from such forms
has been dealt with in a later chapter. (*33) Ku9ai inust have given scope for Sancar1 Bhfiva in
dance i.e. elaboration of given ideas tluough Abhinaya.
THE NATYASASTRA IN TI---fE TAMI L SOIL 257

I!ango next mentions the Pi99i and Ac;ial. He says that the choreograp her or teacher
must not repeat the Hastas used in Pi9c;ii while setting the Ac;ial and also vice versa, Hastas of
A9al in Pit)c;ii. T his very c learly indicates the high standard that existed in the very concept o f
choreograp hy in contrast w ith our own ti mes . We often come across choreograp hy in whi ch
there is hardly any difference in movements between the solo, duet or group dances. The same
movements of a Tillana, taught for one dancer is being very often performed by two or three
dancers without an insight for group choreographic patterns . :Qango says that the conception
for A.9al must be differe nt fro m that of the Pi 99i. Bharata's remarkable sense fo r group
choreograp hy has been dealt with in a separate chapter. (*34) Since :Qango contrasts P iryc;li
and Ac;ial , we have one 1nore evidence in favor of concluding that Ac;Ial meant only a solo
dance. These were all some of the branches of the art that the ideal dance master was expected
to know during the age of Silappadikararp..

Apart from the above-men tioned technical terms, the Arangenuk adai has mentioned
another very important nomenclatu re. :Qango has used the term " Ma99aJam" three times with
regard to Madavi ' s actual performanc e. (*35) He says that without any detriment to the rules
of the tradition, she tied eleven Mai:ic;lalas with each of them being regulated by two KoTT,u.
Kogu is probably some specific duration or cycle of rhythm played on the drum. This was
performed in the Palai Pai:i i.e. the Palai musical scale. After giving the details of its parts, he
again repeats the term Mai:ic;Iala. The given musical form was to be danced through Five
Mandalas.

The words "Aidu Mai:ic;Ialattal" is interpreted by Ac;liyarkkun allar as being made up of

the beautiful Mal).c;iila Nilai (Sthana). Moreover Ac;liyarkkun allar takes M ar_1c_iila to mean only
the Nilai or Sthana and also quotes the saying that all the Desi dances are based on the l\fa99ila
Nilai. (*36) Like the term Pir:ic;li, the concept of M a99ala as seen in the N ti!y::ististr::i seems to
have become obsolete during the time of A9iyarkkun allar. It is true that M:11_19afa is one o f the
Sthanas described by Bharata. But, in this context I!ango means the groups of CfuTs and not
the mere static Sthana. The word "Aidu" actually means only the numeral fiYe and not mere
beauty. The Maryc;lalas made up of the Car'fs which accorcting to the Na~ya.,rnstra are meant for
depicting fi ghting seque nces, were obviously used for dance by udding the N ~-ua I-fas tas . T he
Ma,:iqalas are so aesthetical ly appealing that they are sure to satiate vvhen they are beautified
 KARAT';JAS - VOL t
25 8

with hand gestures. The Tamjl dancers must have recognjzed the artistic value of Mat)c;ialas.
Unlike the Natyasastra, the later works like Natyasastra Sangraha mention the hand gestures
for the various Caris. The mention of Ma1:ic;Ialas while describing the nature of Madavi's
dance, prove that adding Nrtta Hastas to Caris was a much older tradition in the South. The
actual pattern of Madavi 's dance could be surmised with some difficulty. The eleven Ma9c;lilas
were performed with each Mm:ic;Iala made up of two Kogu (*37). Like Ragamalika, this might
have been a Talamalika composition with two Ma9c;Ialas for each of the five Tala Jatis (*38).
Abhinavagupta has explained the idea of 10 Khm:_ic;iis or parts in connection with the Asarita.
(*39) Ac;liyarkkunallar uses the tem1 Pa.nu for Khar:ic;li meaning parts. The term Kha9c;Ii is still
in vogue in Tamil Na.du to mean the parts of dances ofNrtta nature like Tillana. The eleventh
Mai:ic;Iala must have been in the form of "Antarakkogu" i.e. the finale or Tirmanam. This
would have been followed by all the four parts of Asarita as mentioned in the Natyasastra.
This should have included the Varam, both as lyrics and Anga-Varam. The Varam was
probably followed by a ramification of the same in the three tempos as suggested by the word
"Munralandu". The song in third speed is called Kuc;Iai. Increasing the speed of the Varam
and making it Ku<;iai was danced in the form of Aidu (five) Mar:i<;ialas. Each of the Mai:ic;Iala
was probably performed in the faster tempo as a climax. It is also interesting to note that
A<;iiyarkkunallar is quoting an earlier text which has specific use of Vaisakha Nilai (Sthana),
which is the very Sthana mentioned in Natyasastra for Pu~pafijali in Purvaranga. (*40) All
these prove that :Qango has practically followed Bharata's footsteps. The Citra Purvaranga
Vidhi ofNatyasastra seems to be the basis of Mada.vi's dance. Itis highly significant because,
the performance being the maiden one, both from spiritual as well as technical points of view,
strict adherence to the Bharata's tradition seem to have been the inevitable and prestigious
choice.

The Silappadikararµ has obviously taken much from the Natyasastra in the aspects of
both m usic and dance. The mythological connection, as seen in the story of Madavi's ancestry,
as well as the connection between the various technical terms and concepts has already been
mentioned. At the peak of all this, we are able to see a direct internal evidence for Uango 's
indebtedness to Bharata in two different contexts. l!ango mentions the necessity to strictly
follow the "Natya Nannul". Nannul means the standard work or text explaining the rul es .
Nannul is also a work on Tamil grammar. Natya Nannul would mean only the rules or Sastra
THE NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 259

of Nii~ ya. The refore, Na~ya Nannul is none other works than the Natyasastra . If I~ango were
referring to any Tam.ii source, he would have mentioned Agattiyam , Jayantam, Kuttanul or
any other such work . His categorical statement "Nagiya Nannul Nangu Kac;lai Pic;littu" meaning
"to infa ll ibly fo llow the Natyasastra " is mentioned once with regard to the poet w ho is to
compose th e relevant songs and again at the end of the description of Madavi ' s dance. (*41)
The King is said to have awarded M adavi with the "Talaikkol" only because s he danced in
perfect acco rdance wit h the rules laid down in the Natyasastra (Nagiya Nanniil ). What other
proof do we need to establish that the Tamils, who were ardent lovers of dance art, had no
prejudice for the source of artistry ? They not only created form s but a lso absorbed freely
anything that was beautiful and worthy of being preserved. The knowledge of and an adherence
to Bharata' s work were considered a prestigious thing. Right from the days of Silappadika rfilTJ ,
Bharata's Natyasastra had penetrated deep into the Tam.ii soil.

The credit of preserving the contents of the works of Sage Bharata goes to the Tami ls.
The Natyasastr a, which got transplante d in the Tamil soil even before the age of
Silappadika rarµ, remained as the very root of the Tamilian theatrical arts till the end of the later
Cola rule. The anxiety to preserve that tradition is reflected in the creation of the Karai:;ia
sculptures during the medieval period. :Qango lived in the era that was closer to that ofBharata.
His commentat or Ac;liyarkkunallar lived in a period when the actual technique reflected in the
basic text of the Natyasastr a or even Silappadika rarp. had become obscure. He nce , his
interpretati ons of even the quotations of other works, which }le had used, for guidance are
often misleading . The direct connection between the Natyasastra and Silappadik ar~1. studied
without taking much notice of Ac;liyarkku nallar's commentar y proves that I..1 ango had freely
used the contents of Bharata's Natyasastra and adapted them to suit his ow n surro unctings .
The earliest extant source for a study ofTam.ilian dance is Silappadik ar~1 o nly. Since \Ve a.re
able to see that much of it is based on the Niityasastra , we can be rest as sured that the Tamil
works of the post I!ango period up to the 15 th ce ntury were eit he r based o r inrluencc:-d by
Bharata' s work. During the Pallava period Bharata had gai ned g reat 1-e,·erc-nce and popu lari ty.
We have already dealt with hi s sculptures along v.rith that ofT~u.1~iu nt ~ LLhaha lipuram (Ref.) .
the Dharmaraja ratha which contains these figures arc ascrihcd t0 7 111 ce ntury .-\ .D . there is
also an inte resting insc ripti o n of Raja S imha (700-730 A. D ) a t S ul u \'::rn kup pam. in
Mahabalipu ram relating to Bharnta. T he inscriptio n mc:1ns - " \Vho will he :1hlc to un ders tan d
260 KARANAS - VOLt

the music of Kala Kala, if it were not Vidatri (Brahma), Bharata, Hari, Narada or Skanda?
(*?) it is noteworthy that the name of Bharata is appearing before those of Hari and Skanda. It
clearly indicates the reverence that Bharata's name had attained in the Tamil country during
the Pallava period. All the later works adhering to Bharata's work became a routine. But the
later works reveal that the older concepts had been forgotten after the dark period in the
cultural history of South India, starting from the time of the invasion of Malik Kafur (1310
A.D). The interest in reviving Bharata's precepts crept in again only after Swami Vidyaranya,
and the valiant prince of Vijayanagar Kumara Kampana. (1345-1371 A.D)

SUMMARY

_The Natyasastra itself is only a compendium of material collected from various sources,
which of course, must have included that of the Tamil country. The materials gathered as
such, came back to the various regions, in a fuller and codified form. Hence, it was not
difficult to be learnt and followed. The flow of culture must have been both converging and
diverging. Apart from the mythological connection, the technique reflected in the
Silappadikara1µ seems to be a very close to that propagated by Bharata. The underlying
connection between the Natyasastra and Silappadikara1 µ is amazing. :Qango seems to have
Ii ved in an age when the Natyasastra had been totally accepted and was adhered to in the
Tamil country. Apart from the mythology of-Orvasi, the technical terms, which lend themselves
for interpretation on the basis of the Natyasastra, are the following: -
TH E NATYASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 26 1

SILAPPADIKARAI\1
.
NATYASASTRA
Iruvakaikkuttu (A.c;lal and Kutt.u) N!1ta and Natya
Palavakaikkuttu (Various forms of (or Uparupakas and Rupakas)
indigenous art) Trpuradaha - A kind of :Qima play
Koc;lukoqi and Pat~c;larangam of Pani
Padi norac;lal Pindibandha
Pai:ii Srnkalika and Gulma
Pi1~c;li NrttaHasta
Pii:iayal Abhinaya Hastas
Ezhirkkai Anga-Varam i .e. AngaharaJTl
Tozhirkkai Vardhamana
Va.ram Group dance
Kudai Solo dance
Pindi Mandala
Adal Natyasastra
Mandala
Nagiya Nannill

Hence, ifwe want to recreate the dance of the ancient Tamils as found in Silappadikararp.,
we will have to depend on a study of Bharata's Natyasastra. E ve n Ac;li yarkkunallar's
commentary proves to be of not much use because the technique that :Qango projects is much
different from what existed during Ac;liyarkkunallar's time.
262 KARA~AS - VOLI

REFERENCES
I. Nilakan ta Sastri - A history of South India - P. 110
2. ~angovac;ligal - Silappadikarm11 with Arumpa davurai and Ac;liyarkkunallar urai _
A.rangen-ukadai - Line 1 - Edited by U .V. Swamin atha Iyer - 5th edition (1950)
3. Ibid - Lines 114 to 128 - See commen tary pp. 116 - 117
4. Ibid regardin g Talaikkol - Line 161 - Com1nentary - p.120
5. Ibid - Kac;lalac;lu Kadai - Lines 39 - 66
6. Ibid- Arangen-ukadai - Line 8
7. Ibid - Lines 12 - 25
8. Ibid - Page 79
9. Ibid - Page 80 - the use of the words like "Mu~al Attarµ" - meanin g first show in
connect ion with cinema is in vogue even now in the villages . The word Anam is used
in the sense of play. This is true of games and sports where it is used in the context of
mrungs.
10. Ibid - Page 80
11. Silappadikararp. - Arange qukada i - Line 13
12. Ibid - Line 14
13. Ibid - Ka~ala~ u Kadai - Lines 39 to 66 - Comme ntary PP.190 to 193
14. Natyasastra (M.M. Ghosh) - Chapter IV - Lines 9 and 10
15. Silappadikararp. - Vafijikkai:ic;lam - Nac;lukar Kadai - Lines 70 to 77
. rkku------------------
. l. Vazhttu - "Arariv andana
16. Kalittogai - First verse of Kadavu
Koduko' . ninra"
.. A.di
. tti .
17. Natyasa stra - GOS - Chapter IV - Line 30 I
18. Ibid -Abhin ava Bharata - P. 196
19. Silappa dikararp. - Aranger rukadai Lines 20 to 24
20. Ibid - PP. 91 to 98
21. Refer Infra Chapter "Pil)c;libandha" for details
22. For details - Refer Infra Chapter "Eleme nts of KaratJas"
23. Silappadikararp. -Arangen-ukadai - Lines 20 to 24
24. Ibid - Ac;liyarkkunallar - P. 99
THE NATY ASASTRA IN THE TAMIL SOIL 263

25. R. Rangaramanuja Iyengar - History of South Indian (Carnatic Music) - Page 52

26. Ariva1~ar - Pancamarabu - I Part - Page 70
27. Swami Vipulananda - Yazh Nul - See Chapter on Tevarav iyal
28. N. Shyamala - Thesis on "folk music and dance of Tamil Nadu" S ubrrutted to the
Madras University, 1960 - Page -
29. Monier Willian1s - Sanskrit English Dictionary - Page 943
30. For Details -Infra - Chapter " Angahara"
31. Arivanar - Pancamarabu - P. 70
32. Kazhagattantizh Kaiyagaradi (Tamil Dictionary), 1960
33. Infra - "Pii;ic;libandha"
34. Infra - "Pit)c;iibandha"
35. Silappadikararµ - Arangenukadai - Lines 144, 145 and 152
36. Ibid - Line 152
37. Ibid - Line 119
38. Ibid - Line 144 to 153
39. Natyasastra - Abhinava Bharafi - Chapter IV - Page 190 (GOS)
40. Ibid - Page 185
41. Silappadikararµ - Arangequkadai - Lines 40 and 158