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Handbook of Forensic
Mental Health Services
Handbook of Forensic Mental Health Services focuses on assessment, treatment, and

policy issues regarding juveniles and adults in the criminal and civil systems.
Uniquely, this volume is designed for professionals who deliver mental health serv-
ices, rather than researchers. Just like its parent series, its goal revolves around
improving the quality of mental health care services in forensic settings. It achieves
this by integrating the findings related to clinical practice, administration, and policy
from trends and best practice internationally that mental health professionals can
implement.
Ronald Roesch, PhD, is a professor of psychology and director of the Mental

Health, Law, and Policy Institute at Simon Fraser University. He has served as pres-
ident of the American Psychology-Law Society and the International Association
of Forensic Mental Health.
Alana N. Cook, PhD, is a registered psychologist working in a private practice in

British Columbia, Canada, with academic appointments at Simon Fraser University
and the University of British Columbia. Her work focuses on psychology and law.
She received the Christopher Webster Young Scholar Award from IAFMHS.
International Perspectives on Forensic Mental Health
A Routledge Book Series
Edited by Ronald Roesch and Stephen Hart
Simon Fraser University
The goal of this series is to improve the quality of health care services in forensic set-
tings by providing a forum for discussing issues related to policy, administration, clini-
cal practice, and research. The series will cover such topics as mental health law; the
organization and administration of forensic services for people with mental disorder;
the development, implementation and evaluation of treatment programs for mental
disorder in civil and criminal justice settings; the assessment and management of viol-
ence risk, including risk for sexual violence and family violence; and staff selection,
training, and development in forensic systems. The book series will consider proposals
for both monographs and edited works on these and similar topics, with special con-
sideration given to proposals that promote best practice and are relevant to inter-
national audiences.
Published Titles:
How to Work With Sex Offenders: A Handbook for Criminal Justice,
Human Service, and Mental Health Professionals, Second Edition
Rudy Flora & Michael L. Keohane
Managing Fear: The Law and Ethics of Preventive Detention and Risk
Assessment
Bernadette McSherry
Case Studies in Sexual Deviance: Toward Evidence Based Practice
Edited by William T. O’Donohue
Forensic Psychological Assessment in Practice: Case Studies
Corine De Ruiter & Nancy Kaser-Boyd
Sexual Predators: Society, Risk and the Law
Robert A. Prentky, Howard E. Barbaree & Eric S. Janus
Forthcoming Titles:
Handbook of Forensic Social Work with Children
Edited by Viola Vaughan-Eden
Handbook of Forensic
Mental Health Services
Edited by
Ronald Roesch
and Alana N. Cook
First published 2017
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2017 Taylor & Francis
The right of Ronald Roesch and Alana N. Cook to be identified as the
authors of the editorial matter, and of the authors for their individual
chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
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from the publishers.
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registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-1-138-64594-3 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-64595-0 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-62782-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear
Contents
List of Figures viii

List of Tables ix
Notes on Contributors xi
Preface xvii
PART I
Introduction 1
1 Forensic Mental Health Systems Internationally 3

Anne G. Crocker, James D. Livingston, and Marichelle C. Leclair
PART II
Forensic Mental Health Assessment 77
2 Criminal Forensic Assessment 79

Amanda L. Reed and Patricia A. Zapf
3 Civil Forensic Assessment 104

Laura S. Guy and Amanda D. Zelechoski
4 Violence Risk Assessment Across Nations and Across

Cultures: Legal, Clinical, and Scientific Considerations 131
Alana N. Cook and Stephen D. Hart
5 Formulation for Forensic Practitioners 153

Caroline Logan
6 The Role of Protective Factors in Forensic Risk Assessments 179

Simone Viljoen, Jodi L. Viljoen, Tonia L. Nicholls,
and Michiel de Vries Robbé
v
Contents
7 Forensic Report Writing: Principles and Challenges 216

Richart L. DeMier and Randy K. Otto
Part III
Forensic Mental Health Interventions 235
8 Models of Change and the Use of Prevention and Early

Interventions 237
Lucy Guarnera and N. Dickon Reppucci
9 Change to the Fullest Potential: Doing What Works in the

Forensic Context 265
Heather M. Moulden and Casey Myers
10 Treatment of Personality Disorders in Forensic/Correctional

Settings 290
Michelle R. Guyton and Allison Foerschner
11 Treatment of Sexual Offenders 323

Rebecca Jackson
12 Intellectual Disability Among Offenders in Correctional and

Forensic Settings 344
Kaitlyn McLachlan
13 Female Offenders 369

Vivienne de Vogel and Marijke Louppen
14 Juvenile Offender Treatment 401

Keith Cruise, Evan Holloway, Anthony Fortuna,
and Emilie Picard
Part IV
Forensic Mental Health Systems 441
15 Implementation of Evidence-Based Practices in

Forensic Mental Health Services 443
Rüdiger Müller-Isberner, Petra Born, Sabine Eucker,
and Beate Eusterschulte
vi
Contents
16 Forensic Mental Health in Corrections 470

Robert D. Morgan, Angelea D. Bolaños, and Karen Grabowski
17 Guidelines for Improving Forensic Mental Health in Inpatient

Psychiatric Settings 496
Tonia L. Nicholls and Ilvy Goossens
18 Diversion and the Sequential Intercept Model:

Implications for Emerging Forensic Service Areas 543
Kirk Heilbrun, Patricia A. Griffin, Edward Mulvey,
David DeMatteo, Carol Schubert, Katy Winckworth-Prejsnar,
Sarah Phillips, and Sarah Filone
19 Mental Health Courts: Where Might We Go From Here? 566

Richard D. Schneider
Index 587
vii
Figures
1.1 Balanced Forensic Mental Health Care Continuum 41

3.1 Opinions Required in Fitness for Duty Evaluations 117
8.1 Model of Change Under Criminalization Theory 240
8.2 Model of Change Under Common Factors Theory 241
8.3 Proposed Typology of Offenders With Mental Illness 245
17.1 Essential Dimensions of Forensic Services 510
18.1 The National GAINS Center’s Linear Version of the SIM 547
viii
Tables
1.1 Availability of Fitness to Plead, Mental Disorder Defense, and

Diminished Responsibility in Law by Legal Framework and
Country 8
1.2 Hospital Discharge Provisions by Legal Framework and Country 16
1.3 Forensic Service Provision by Country 28
1.4 Target Group by Service Cluster 43
3.1 Assessment Instruments Frequently Administered to Parents in
Child Custody Evaluations 109
3.2 Assessment Instruments Frequently Administered to Children
in Child Custody Evaluations 110
4.1 Excerpt From Evaluators Qualifications of the SARA-V3 138
4.2 Example of a Recommended Program of Research to Evaluate
Cross-Cultural Bias of the PCL-R in Canadian Aboriginal
Cultures 143
5.1 Six Risk Formulation Quality Standards by Level of
Formulation 164
6.1 Summary of Youth Measures That Utilize Protective Factors 193
6.2 Summary of Adult Measures That Utilize Protective Factors 194
8.1 Levels of Prevention According to Gordon (1983) 248
8.2 Review of Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses of
Prevention Programs Targeting Antisocial or Criminal
Behavior Among Youth 252
11.1 Top Three Treatment Models Endorsed by Programs in the
United States and Canada 324
11.2 Empirically Supported and Promising Risk Factors 327
11.3 Sexual Offense Recidivism Odds Ratios and Adherence to
RNR 329
13.1 HCR-20V3 and FAM Ratings for Britt for the Context of
Inpatient Treatment With Supervised Leaves 380
13.2 SAPROF Ratings for Britt for the Context of Inpatient
Treatment With Supervised Leaves 385
15.1 Evolution of Our Implementation Processes 461
ix
Tables
17.1 Primary Sociodemographic and Mental Health Characteristics

of Forensic Psychiatric Patients Internationally 500
17.2 The Paradigm Tensions in Forensic Services 507
17.3 Key Components of Evidence-Based Public Health 521
x
Contributors
Angelea D. Bolaños is a graduate student in the Department of Psychological Sci-

ences at Texas Tech University. Her research interests involve the treatment of
persons with severe mental illness involved in the criminal justice system, and her
professional interests involve issues related to forensic assessment.
Petra Born has been a clinical psychologist at the Vitos Haina Forensic Psychiatric
Hospital since 1992. She helped develop and implement an inpatient treatment
program for psychopathic offenders. Since 2008 she has been the personal manage-
ment assistant of the director. She was instrumental in editing and implementing
the German versions of the HCR-20V3 and the START.
Anne G. Crocker is William Dawson Associate Professor of Psychiatry at McGill

University and Director of Policy and Knowledge Exchange at the Douglas Mental
Health University Institute Research Center. She currently leads national studies in
forensic mental health as well as a provincial research team on challenging behaviors
among vulnerable persons.
Keith Cruise is Associate Professor of Psychology, Fordham University, Bronx,

New York, and Adjunct Associate Professor of Law, Fordham University School
of Law. His research interests focus on the clinical utility of mental health and risk/
needs assessments with justice-involved youth, with a particular focus on trauma
screening and assessment.
Vivienne de Vogel is a psychologist and Head of the Department of Research at

De Forensische Zorgspecialisten in Utrecht, the Netherlands. Her research focuses
on violence risk assessment, including protective factors, psychopathy, and violence
in women.
Michiel de Vries Robbé is a psychologist and senior researcher at the Department

of Research at De Forensische Zorgspecialisten in Utrecht, the Netherlands. His
research focuses on applied violence risk assessment, and in particular on the addi-
tional value of protective factors for violence risk in adults and juveniles.
xi
Contributors
David DeMatteo is an associate professor of psychology and law at Drexel Univer-

sity, and director of Drexel’s JD/PhD program in law and psychology. His research
interests include psychopathic personality, forensic mental health assessment,
offender diversion, and drug-involved criminal offenders.
Richart L. DeMier is board-certified in forensic psychology by the American

Board of Professional Psychology. He recently began an independent practice,
following a 22-year career at the U.S. Medical Center for Federal Prisoners. He
is currently a member of the board of directors of the American Board of For-
ensic Psychology.
Sabine Eucker has worked as a psychologist at the Vitos Haina Forensic Psychiatric
Hospital since 1988. She is a licensed psychotherapist, a licensed instructor for the
Reasoning and Rehabilitation Program, and a registered forensic psychologist and
supervisor.
Beate Eusterschulte has been a forensic psychiatrist at the Vitos Haina Forensic
Psychiatric Hospital since 2001. She is a member of the advisory board of the Inter-
national Association of Forensic Mental Health Services.
Sarah Filone is a doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology (forensic concentration)

at Drexel University. Her research interests include forensic assessment, immigra-
tion court decision making, and multicultural assessment.
Allison Foerschner is a doctoral candidate in the clinical psychology program at

Pacific University School of Graduate Psychology. Her research focuses on cor-
rectional adaptation, and her forensic interests include psychological assessment and
treatment of individuals involved in the criminal justice system.
Anthony Fortuna is a research associate at the University of Utah. His interests

include the relationship between trauma and justice system involvement, the impact
of underlying psychophysiological profiles on risk for justice system involvement,
and psychopathy.
Ilvy Goossens has master’s degrees in clinical psychology from the Catholic Uni-
versity of Leuven, Belgium, and in forensic psychology from Maastricht University,
the Netherlands. Her research interests include trauma-informed care in forensic
psychiatry, and victim and offender perspectives in interpersonal violence. She is
currently pursuing her PhD in forensic psychology and law at Simon Fraser Uni-
versity, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada.
Karen Grabowski is a doctoral candidate at Texas Tech University. Her research

and clinical interests include forensic mental health assessment and forensic and cor-
rectional mental health treatment.
xii
Contributors
Patricia A. Griffin is a longtime consultant for SAMHSA’s GAINS Center for

Behavioral Health and Justice Transformation and Policy Research Associates. Her
interests are in developing community alternatives to forensic hospitalization and
incarceration for people with severe mental illness.
Lucy Guarnera is a PhD candidate in clinical psychology at the University of Vir-

ginia. Her research has focused on teen dating violence and statutory relationships
among at-risk adolescents.
Laura S. Guy is an adjunct professor at Simon Fraser University and a licensed psy-
chologist in Canada and the U.S. Her clinical and research interests include forensic
assessment and implementation of evidence based practices in field settings.
Michelle R. Guyton is a board-certified forensic clinical psychologist in Oregon.

She is a co-founder and postdoctoral training director at the Northwest Forensic
Institute. Since 2012, Dr. Guyton has directed the Oregon Forensic Evaluator
Training Program, which provides various training to psychologists and psychia-
trists conducting competency and criminal responsibility evaluations.
Stephen D. Hart is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Simon Fraser

University and visiting professor in the Faculty of Psychology at the University of
Bergen. His expertise is in the field of clinical forensic psychology, with a special focus
on the assessment of violence risk and psychopathic personality disorder. He is a past
president of the International Association of Forensic Mental Health Services.
Kirk Heilbrun is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Drexel University.

His research and scholarly interests include risk assessment, interventions to reduce
the risk of offending, and diversion from standard prosecution.
Evan Holloway is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Psychology at Fordham

University. His interests include mental health screening and risk assessment, and
facilitators/barriers to care in service delivery systems for justice-involved youth,
with a specific interest in juvenile probation officer decision-making.
Rebecca Jackson is Clinical Director of the Florida Civil Commitment Center. Dr.
Jackson has been working with the civilly committed sex offender population since
2003. She has experience in treatment, evaluation, program development, and research
with this population. She is the past president of the Sex Offender Civil Commitment
Programs Network, a professional organization comprised of professionals working in
sex offender civil commitment programs across the United States.
Marichelle C. Leclair is an epidemiology student at McGill University in Montreal

and a research assistant at the Douglas Mental Health University Institute in Dr.
Anne G. Crocker’s mental health and justice team.
xiii
Contributors
James D. Livingston is a criminologist who studies and teaches about issues of social
inclusion and social justice for people with mental illnesses, with an emphasis on those
who are involved with the criminal justice and legal systems. His research focuses on
stigma, service improvements, and innovations in forensic mental health.
Caroline Logan is the lead consultant forensic clinical psychologist in the Specialist
Services Network of Greater Manchester Mental Health NHS Foundation Trust
(GM) in England. Her research interests include personality disorder, psychopathy,
and risk, gender issues in offending, complex case formulation and management,
and forensic clinical interviewing.
Marijke Louppen is a clinical psychologist and treatment supervisor of a forensic ward

for long-term treatment at the Van der Hoeven Kliniek in Utrecht, the Netherlands.
Kaitlyn McLachlan is an assistant professor in the Department of Psychology at the

University of Guelph. Her clinical and research interests focus on youth and adults
with neurodevelopmental disabilities, including FASD and intellectual disability, in
the criminal justice system.
Robert D. Morgan is the John G. Skelton Jr. Regents Endowed Professor and
Chair in the Department of Psychological Sciences at Texas Tech University. His
research interests are in correctional mental health treatment, effects of incarcera-
tion, and forensic mental health assessment.
Heather M. Moulden is a psychologist in the forensic psychiatry program at St.

Joseph’s Healthcare Hamilton. Her research interests include risk assessment, evalu-
ating and enhancing treatment efficacy, and diagnostic issues relevant to risk and
treatment, with a particular emphasis on the intersection between mental illness and
violent and sexual offending.
Rüdiger Müller-Isberner has been the Director of the Vitos Haina Forensic Psy-
chiatric Hospital since 1987. He was the President of the International Associ-
ation of Forensic Mental Health Services from 2003 to 2005. In 2016 the
International Association of Forensic Mental Health Services presented him with
the Award for Outstanding Contributions to Forensic Mental Health Science and
Practice.
Edward Mulvey is a professor of psychiatry at the University of Pittsburgh School

of Medicine. His research interests include violence and mental illness, juvenile
offenders, and the juvenile justice system.
Casey Myers is completing her master’s degree in neuroscience at McMaster

niversity in Canada. Casey’s research is focused on the interface between mental
U
illness and sexual and violent offending. She has contributed to chapters and
xiv
Contributors
c onference presentations, and is an active member of the forensic research team at

St. Joseph’s Healthcare Hamilton.
Tonia L. Nicholls is Associate Professor in the Department of Psychiatry at the

University of British Columbia, and a distinguished scientist at the Forensic
Psychiatric Services Commission of the BC Mental Health and Substance Use
Services. Her research examines the intersections of law and mental health related
to the provision of services to mentally ill persons in conflict with the law and
diverse marginalized populations.
Randy K. Otto has been a faculty member at the University of South Florida since
1989, where he teaches in the Department of Psychology and the Department of
Criminology. His research and professional writing focus on the intersection of the
legal and mental health systems. He has authored and edited books on forensic
psychological assessment, violence risk assessment, criminal competencies, and
ethical challenges in forensic psychology practice.
Sarah Phillips is a doctoral student in clinical psychology at Drexel University. Her

areas of professional interest include offenders’ perceptions of stigma and risk-
reducing interventions for justice-involved individuals.
Emilie Picard is a doctoral student in the Department of Psychology at Fordham

University. Research interests include the self-harm and violence risk assessment as
well as specialized assessments of sexual offenders.
Amanda L. Reed is a doctoral student in the clinical psychology program at John

Jay College of Criminal Justice/The Graduate Center, City University of New
York. Her research interests include evaluator bias in forensic evaluations and train-
ing in forensic evaluation.
N. Dickon Reppucci is a professor of psychology at the University of Virginia. He

has received the Distinguished Contributions in Research Award from the Society
for Community Research and Action (1998) and the American Psychology/Law
Society Mentoring Award (2007). His areas of research are juvenile competence,
juvenile justice, and delinquency.
Richard D. Schneider is a justice of the Ontario Court of Justice, deputy judge of

the Territorial Court of Yukon, chair of the Ontario Review Board, and alternate
chair of the Nunavut Review Board. A great deal of his time has been spent pres-
iding at the mental health court in Toronto. His major research interests are com-
petency and criminal responsibility.
Carol Schubert is a research program coordinator for the law and psychiatry program
of the Western Psychiatric Institute and Clinic. Her research interests include violence
risk and service provision to justice-involved adolescents and adults.
xv
Contributors
Jodi L. Viljoen is an associate professor at Simon Fraser University and an associate

director of the Institute for the Reduction of Youth Violence. Her research focuses
on youth violence, risk assessment, risk management, intervention planning, and
protective factors.
Simone Viljoen is a forensic evaluator for the state of Washington with the Office
of Forensic Mental Health Services. She conducts evaluations for the courts to help
address psycholegal issues such as competency to stand trial or criminal responsib-
ility. Her research focuses on the utility of violence risk assessment and manage-
ment, with a focus on the use of protective factors in these assessments; gender; and
psychopathic personality disorder.
Katy Winckworth-Prejsnar is a policy/advocacy fellow at the National Compre-

hensive Cancer Network (NCCN). Prior to joining NCCN, Katy worked at
Drexel University as Project Coordinator for the PA Mental Health and Justice
Center of Excellence, a community-based policy and advocacy research center.
Patricia A. Zapf is professor of psychology at John Jay College of Criminal Justice,

The City University of New York and her work focuses on best practices in forensic
evaluation. She has served as president of the American Psychology-Law Society.
Amanda D. Zelechoski is an assistant professor of psychology at Valparaiso Univer-

sity and a risk management consultant for The Trust. Dr. Zelechoski directs the
psychology, law, and trauma research lab at Valparaiso University and her research
interests include forensic and mental health assessment and trauma in law enforce-
ment and correctional settings.
xvi
Preface
The International Association of Forensic Mental Health Services (IAFMHS) is an

interdisciplinary professional society representing forensic professionals engaged in
research and practice in forensic mental health. Its membership includes psycholo-
gists, psychiatrists, social workers, nurses, and lawyers, representing over 22 coun-
tries worldwide. Its goals are to promote education, training, and research in
forensic mental health and to enhance the standards of forensic mental health serv-
ices in the international community. IAFMHS holds an annual conference, pub-
lishes a journal (the International Journal of Forensic Mental Health) and a book series
(International Perspectives on Forensic Mental Health).
The goal of the book series is to improve the quality of health care services in for-
ensic settings by providing a forum for discussing issues related to policy, administra-
tion, clinical practice, and research. The series covers topics such as mental health law;
the organization and administration of forensic services for people with mental dis-
order; the development, implementation, and evaluation of treatment programs for
mental disorder in civil and criminal justice settings; the assessment and management
of violence risk, including risk for sexual violence and family violence; and staff selec-
tion, training, and development in forensic mental health systems.
We are pleased that our book, the Handbook of Forensic Mental Health Services,
will be published in the IAFMHS book series as we intended it to advance the goals
of IAFMHS. To accomplish this, we drew from an international community of top
scholars and practitioners from diverse professional backgrounds. Many of our con-
tributors have served in leadership roles in IAFMHS from the student level, to
speciality interest groups, to the board of directors. The Handbook covers all major
topics in the area of forensic mental health: assessment, treatment, systems (includ-
ing management), and policy. We asked contributors to write chapters with an
international audience in mind. Thus, the major focus is on the psycholegal issues
and less on specific systems and procedures within a country. We also asked the
contributors to not only provide standards of practice in the topics covered but to
translate these standards for ease of application cross-nationally and push the bound-
aries of current practice around the world to align with best practice. Many of our
authors have also directed readers to other resources or organizations that will help
enhance and support the purpose and goals of IAFMHS.
xvii
Preface
The Handbook contains 19 chapters divided into four parts. Part I serves as an
introduction and overview of forensic mental health internationally. This review is
extensive and the first of its kind to review the history of state forensic mental
health practices around the world. Anne G. Crocker, James D. Livingston, and
Marichelle C. Leclair provide the broadest review of legal frameworks (e.g., fitness
to plead, mental disorder defenses), hospital discharge provisions, and forensic
service provision in existence in many countries. The authors go further to define
key organizing principles for forensic mental health systems, how to evaluate these
systems, and emerging approaches to organization of forensic mental health services
that can be applied cross-nationally.
Part II provides coverage of major areas of forensic mental health assessment.
Assessment and intervention are the cornerstones of forensic mental health work.
Amanda L. Reed and Patricia A. Zapf provide a comprehensive review of best
practices for criminal forensic assessments, with a particular focus on assessments of
competency to stand trial, criminal responsibility, and violence risk. Laura S. Guy
and Amanda D. Zelechoski review how forensic assessment is applied in the civil
system. The topics include assessments of child custody, fitness for duty for
employees with mental health issues, civil commitment, and civil damages. Part II
also contains a chapter by Alana N. Cook and Stephen D. Hart on the emerging
and important issues of cross-national and cross-cultural applications of risk assess-
ment. The authors include professional guidelines to inform the making of deci-
sions of when and how to use risk tools developed and validated in one country in
different jurisdictions. There is also a chapter on the quickly evolving field of
formulation. Caroline Logan uses a single case formulated in three different ways
for three different purposes to provide readers with an excellent example of ‘how
to’ formulate complex cases of risk and management. In their chapter, Simone
Viljoen and her colleagues focus exclusively on the important area of protective
factors in forensic assessment, helping readers shift from a sole focus on risk-
enhancing factors to a more balanced assessment to also include risk mitigating
factors. Part II concludes with a practice-oriented guide for forensic report writing.
Recognizing that an essential aspect of forensic assessment is writing clear and
informative reports, Richart L. DeMier and Randy K. Otto provide much sought-
after guidance on common challenges, aptly referred to as “The Tricky Parts,” in
forensic report writing that will be invaluable to readers of this book.
Part III covers a breadth of approaches and special topics related to forensic
mental health intervention. The first chapter in this section, by Lucy Guarnera and
N. Dickon Reppucci, examines models of change from a prevention and early
intervention perspective. It is well-known that the justice system places a dispro-
portionate amount of resources in interventions after an individual has already
committed a crime. Guarnera and Reppucci review two models of change that
could reduce offending, with one focusing on reducing psychiatric symptoms and
the other on reducing general causal risk factors for crime. The authors review
research on youth-focused crime prevention programs that have the potential for
reducing criminal offending, with particular attention to the role that mental illness
xviii
Preface
may play in criminal behavior. Heather M. Moulden and Casey Myers review
treatment models for justice-involved adults in forensic settings. Their focus is on
how the risk–need–responsivity (RNR) model of offender rehabilitation can be
applied to delivering empirically supported treatments to forensic populations,
including the treatment of psychopathy. Michelle Guyton and Allison Foerschner
focus specifically on the treatment of personality disorders in forensic/correctional
settings. They review empirically supported interventions for two of the most
common personality disorders found in forensic/correctional settings—borderline
personality disorder and antisocial personality disorder. Rebecca Jackson also applies
the RNR model, this time to the treatment of sexual offenders. Jackson overviews
theoretical models, including the relapse prevention and self-regulation models, but
also the biomedical model, to demonstrate how different models can inform treat-
ment approaches. An important contribution of the chapter is the discussion of
how protective factors might contribute to desistance of sex offending, and she also
shows how the good lives model can be a useful framework for treating sex offend-
ers. Kaitlyn McLachlan reviews the role that intellectual disabilities can play in
offending behavior. These disabilities include individuals who experience a range
of deficits in neurocognitive and behavioral functioning, including those who have
been formally diagnosed with intellectual disability, along with neurodevelopmen-
tal conditions, such as autism spectrum disorder and fetal alcohol spectrum disorder.
She notes that these groups are overrepresented in offending and forensic popula-
tions. Recidivism rates for these offenders is high, which highlights the need for
interventions addressing factors stemming from the ID itself, such as deficits in
social skills, impulsivity, low self-esteem, anger, and vocational and educational skill
upgrading, but also interventions designed to address criminogenic and offense-
specific needs in order to reduce offending behaviors. Vivienne de Vogel and
Marijke Louppen examine the unique needs of female offenders. They provide an
overview of specific risks and needs of female offenders and argue for gender-
responsive treatment in forensic mental health services. A case history is used to
illustrate how this approach can be applied in forensic practice. Keith Cruise, Evan
Holloway, Anthony Fortuna, and Emilie Picard review interventions with youth in
the juvenile justice system. They review community-based intervention programs
that have been shown to reduce delinquency risk factors and lessen the likelihood
of future offending. Cruise and his colleagues make a case for larger scale field-
based implementation studies that involve partnerships between researchers and
practitioners in multiple countries to more conclusively support the generalizability
of evidence-based interventions.
Part IV outlines various forensic mental health systems. Rüdiger Müller-Isberner
and his colleagues capture arguably the most challenging aspect of the field of for-
ensic mental health, implementation. The authors describe the process, challenges,
and potential solutions of implementation of standards of practice and new tech-
nologies in forensic services. They take lessons learned from other fields and use
their own attempts to implement a new version of a risk assessment tool into their
own services to highlight the challenges of implementation so others can learn from
xix
Preface
their experiences and insights. Robert D. Morgan, Angelea D. Bolaños, and Karen
Grabowski write about two major groups that require forensic intervention: defend-
ants found incompetent to stand trial and those who have been determined to be
not criminally responsible (or not guilty by reason of insanity) for their criminal
charges due to a mental disorder. They then turn to a review of best practices for
effective interventions with correctional and forensic populations. Tonia L. Nicholls
and Ilvy Goossens review forensic mental health interventions in inpatient forensic
hospital settings. They present a model for the delivery of forensic services that
addresses both traditional mental health needs (e.g., medications, insight) and crim-
inogenic needs. Kirk Heilbrun and his colleagues focus on community-based
alternatives to standard prosecution and incarceration. They describe the sequential
intercept model as a method to identify points of interception at which justice-
involved individuals with severe mental illness could be diverted into appropriate
treatment and alternative sanctions. The final chapter, by Richard D. Schneider,
provides an overview of the evolution of mental health and problem-solving courts.
He reviews the models that have been used to guide these courts and summarizes
the research on its effectiveness. He concludes with his perspective on the future of
these courts.
We hope that this book informs, and perhaps even inspires, improved quality of
health care services in forensic settings. While we aimed to include the most rel-
evant topics to our work as mental health professionals in assessment, intervention,
and systems, the book is limited to select topics. This book does not include
important areas of practice getting increased attention owing to changing demo-
graphics and new laws in many countries, such as the long-term care of aging for-
ensic patients and competency assessments for medical assistance in dying. We
direct readers interested in emerging areas of practice to the IAFMHS book series
as several books in the series provide coverage of areas that warrant further atten-
tion. The IAMFHS journal (the International Journal of Forensic Mental Health) also
provides coverage of other important areas of practice. This book also does not
include depth of coverage of topics to a degree that may be needed for some profes-
sionals. The authors of the book chapters have all directed readers to other recent
and high-quality resources or organizations for further information. We would like
to thank all of the authors who contributed to this book to provide what we hope
can be a key source of translating standards of practice for psycholegal issues into
applied practice globally.
Ronald Roesch and Alana N. Cook
xx
Part I
Introduction
1
Forensic Mental Health
Systems Internationally
Anne G. Crocker, James D. Livingston,
and Marichelle C. Leclair1
Forensic mental health systems have evolved over time as a function of legal frame-
works, health care environments, and broader social and cultural processes. The
past 20 years has seen a general increase in demand for forensic services in many
countries around the world (Jansman-Hart, Seto, Crocker, Nicholls, & Côté,
2011), a phenomenon that has sometimes been referred to as forensication (Seto
et al., 2001). This increase has been attributed to a variety of factors such as signi-
ficant changes of Mental Health Acts or civil commitment legislation, the succes-
sive downsizing of psychiatric institutions, a lack of community-based resources
and supports, the criminalization of people with mental health and substance use
problems, the increasingly complex clinical profiles of certain persons with severe
mental illness, increased media reporting of violence, and public intolerance of
nonconforming behavior (Jansman-Hart et al., 2011; Lamb, 2009; Priebe et al.,
2008; Rock, 2001; Whitley & Berry, 2013; Whitley & Prince, 2005). It is also
influenced by broader social phenomena linked to society’s handling of risk, such
as how modern societies are organized to respond proactively to risk and neoliberal
tendencies to frame risk as a problem within individuals rather than a social problem.
Authors have even suggested that, in some countries, forensic services may become
the de facto mental health services (Seto, Harris, & Rice, 2004). In addition to
posing a number of humanitarian questions as well as questions regarding the capa-
city of the regular mental health services to deal with sometimes more disruptive
patients, this trend may also come at significant economic cost. In Alberta, Canada,
the cost of forensic cases has been estimated about CAD$275,000 per year, which
is almost five times the costs for any other psychiatric inpatient (Jacobs et al., 2014).
This number compares to the cost of care in forensic psychiatric hospitals in the
Netherlands (R388 per day, or R142,000/CAD$207,000 per year: Avramenko,
Evers, Philipse, Chakhssi, & Ament, 2009) and in the United Kingdom (£131,000
per year, or CAD$243,000: Barrett et al., 2005). In England and Wales, treating
forensic patients in secure hospitals costs 15 percent of the total adult mental health
3
A. G. Crocker et al.
investment (Wilson, James, & Forrester, 2011). To date, however, there remains
relatively little research into the economic cost of forensic mental health services
over time. The immense cost of forensic services should give rise to questions about
the degree to which this is a wise investment; that is, are the potential benefits of
the forensic mental health system being optimized?
The goal of this chapter is to review the scientific and gray literatures regarding
the provision of forensic mental health services around the world. In particular, we
attempt to address the following question: What system-level characteristics are
important to consider in relation to the organization and structure of forensic
mental health services? To do so, we first examine the general legal frameworks that
provide the contours of the forensic populations and services in various countries.
We then synthesize publically accessible information to describe how forensic
systems are organized throughout the world. Following this, we examine the funda-
mental system-level principles for organizing forensic mental health systems. The
question of how to assess the performance of forensic mental health systems is
addressed before turning toward the identification of the major challenges facing
the organization of forensic services moving forward and followed by emerging
approaches in forensic mental health services.2
1 How Are Forensic Mental Health Systems Organized

Internationally?
Forensic mental health services generally function to assess and treat the mental
health and criminogenic needs of individuals who intersect with the legal and
criminal justice systems, including those who are found unfit to plead, found not
criminally responsible on account of mental disorder,3 mentally ill offenders in cor-
rectional facilities, persons whose aggressive behavior is unmanageable in adult
mental health services, and, in some jurisdictions, persons detained under mental
health legislation such as a compulsion order.4 The legal framework (civil and crim-
inal) of a jurisdiction is a strong determinant of who receives forensic mental health
services and how those services are organized.
For this section, we conducted an international review of the academic and
nonacademic literature to examine how forensic services are organized around the
world. Studies and reports were first identified by searching Academic Search
Complete (EBSCO), ProQuest Central, Scopus, PsycInfo, Google Scholar, and
Google. Keywords for the search included: forensic psychiatry, forensic services,
forensic service provision, forensic mental health services, insanity defense, and
mentally ill offenders, by themselves or with the name of a specific country or
region. Selected publications and reference lists were then manually scanned.
Several notable efforts to review forensic systems in different parts of the world
have been undertaken (special issue of International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 23,
2000; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Mundt et al., 2012; Priebe et al., 2008; Salize,
Dressing, & Kief, 2005; Taylor et al., 2013). Our current review brings together
information from these previous reviews and adds information from other key
4
Forensic Mental Health Around the World
sources such as the World Health Organization’s Assessment Instrument for Mental
Health Systems (WHO-AIMS)5 reports, as well as stand-alone government reports
and scientific papers.
Legal Frameworks
In this section, an overview of forensic services and provisions across four general
legal frameworks is provided, including: common law, civil law, the legislation of
former Communist countries (Soviet, Soviet-controlled, and the Balkans), and
Islamic law. We summarize how they address the main issues of fitness to plead, the
mental disorder defense, diminished responsibility, hospital discharge provisions,
forensic population composition, and forensic service provision. Additionally,
information available in English, French, or Spanish is reviewed to gain insight into
issues such as the presence of dedicated forensic institutions, the degree of integra-
tion between forensic and general mental health, the centralization of services, the
continuity of services at discharge, and the presence of dedicated housing support
for the forensic population. It is important to note that the information presented
below relies exclusively on academic and nonacademic literature, and is accurate,
complete, and up-to-date to the extent that the source documents permitted.
Information was readily available for some jurisdictions (e.g., Canada, United
Kingdom), but it was scarce for many regions of the world.
Fitness to Plead
Common-law countries
Most common-law countries provide procedures for raising the issue and evalu-
ating the fitness of an accused to stand trial (see Table 1.1), which may bear a dif-
ferent name according to the jurisdiction. Although there are minor variations,
most legal tests for unfitness are based on the incapacity to understand the nature
and severity of the charges; to understand the nature, objects, or consequences of
the proceedings; and to communicate with or instruct a lawyer in a defense
(Brinded, 2000; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Gunn et al., 2013; Mudathikundan,
Chao, & Forrester, 2014; Scott, 2007; Taylor et al., 2013). Many jurisdictions
factor in the severity of the offense as well as the probability that the accused has
committed the offense (e.g., New Zealand, South Africa) in their decisions con-
cerning dispositions following unfitness to stand trial (Taylor et al., 2013).
Jurisdictions use different settings and procedures for conducting fitness assessments
or detaining those who are found unfit. In England and Wales, forensic assessments
occur most often in prison, but treatment of those detained for reasons of fitness
occurs in a general psychiatric facility or a specialized forensic facility (Salize et al.,
2005). In South Africa, the assessment generally takes place in a forensic psychiatric
hospital (Taylor et al., 2013). In Scotland, the assessment takes place in a hospital
(Criminal Procedures Act 2016). In Canada, fitness assessments can take place in a
5
forensic hospital or jail (Criminal Code of Canada, 1992); when an individual is found
unfit to stand trial, jurisdiction is transferred from the court to a provincial or territo-
rial review board, which decides on future dispositions of the case.
It is possible for the duration of detention for persons found unfit to be indefi-
nite (see Table 1.2), but many jurisdictions have special provisions for people who
are deemed permanently unfit. In Canada, there are no time limits to the detention
in hospital of an unfit accused; however, an individual declared permanently unfit
to stand trial who is also judged to be nondangerous may be granted a stay of pro-
ceedings by a review board and, subsequently, discharged (Criminal Code of
Canada, 1992). In New Zealand, permanently unfit individuals must be brought
before court or committed civilly after serving half of the maximum custodial sen-
tence that would have been given for their index offense (or 10 years if the offense
is punishable by a life sentence; Taylor et al., 2013). In the United States, if the
competency of an accused to stand trial is not restored within a reasonable amount
of time, charges must be dropped and the individual must be either released or
civilly committed (Bloom, Williams, & Bigelow, 2000; Jackson v. Indiana, 1972). In
Australia, procedures differ from one jurisdiction to the next. Proceedings may be
discontinued in Queensland when an accused is found permanently unfit or unlikely
to regain fitness within a certain period. In New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania,
and the Northern Territory, a special hearing to determine guilt and detention will
be held if a judge or a jury finds that the accused is unlikely to regain the capacity
to stand trial within 12 months (Hunyor, 2012; Jager, 2001; Taylor et al., 2013).
Such special hearings do not seem to exist in South Australia and Western Australia:
if the accused is found unfit, they will be held indefinitely in a secure hospital and
will be tried when they recover sufficiently (Taylor et al., 2013).
CIVIL-LAW countries
Since civil law is more inquisitorial and less adversarial in nature than common law,
thus leaving defendants with a more passive role, Continental European countries
and other jurisdictions that belong to the Roman law heritage do not tend to test
fitness to plead (Taylor et al., 2013).
Napoleonic Code legal family. In France and Brazil, accused persons may be
tried and judged despite showing symptoms of severe mental illness (Salize et al.,
2005; Taborda, Cardoso, & Morana, 2000). In Italy, if a psychiatric expert con-
siders during the inquiry or the pretrial that the accused is ill and the offense is
minor, the general attorney might not prosecute them and, instead, may prescribe
community services or general psychiatric care. If the offense is serious and the
person is considered dangerous, a trial will usually take place, despite the mental
illness (Salize et al., 2005). In Chile, an accused who is unable to stand trial will be
diverted to a forensic psychiatry network until they are ready to return to trial (Cid,
2010; St. Denis, 2008). Similarly, in Argentina, such individuals are sent to a special
institution if their behavior is considered dangerous (Folino, Montero Vazquez, &
Sarmiento, 2000).
6
The forensic assessment takes place in prison in France and Belgium. In Italy, it
may take place in prison, in a forensic hospital or in a psychiatric facility. In Spain, the
observation for the expert report regarding the mental disorder defense will take place
in a psychiatric penitentiary hospital or a psychiatric penitentiary. A defendant sus-
pected to be mentally ill may never be placed in a prison prior to trial in Portugal and
the assessment must, instead, take place in a specialized forensic facility (Salize et al.,
2005). In Chile, defendant assessment units (penitentiary units within civil hospitals)
were recently created to provide forensic assessments (Cid, 2010).
Germanic legal family. Germany uses criteria similar to common-law jurisdic-
tions to determine competence to participate in the trial. In addition, an accused
can be found to have ‘limited fitness to stand trial,’ in which case the trial may
proceed in such a way that allows the accused to participate, such as in the presence
of a specialist (such as a psychologist), with extended breaks, or with limits on the
duration of the proceedings (Edworthy, Sampson, & Völlm, 2016; Rothschild,
Erdmann, & Parzeller, 2007). The forensic assessment will be carried out in a public
psychiatric hospital or on an ambulatory basis if possible.
Nordic legal family. Sweden, Denmark, and Finland do not have the concept of
fitness to plead; however, Finland does have provisions allowing for a forensic psy-
chiatric assessment to determine whether an accused can be heard at the trial (Salize
et al., 2005; Taylor et al., 2013).
In Denmark, forensic assessments may take place in a forensic psychiatric facility or
in the community. In Finland, it can be carried out in a forensic psychiatric hospital,
in forensic psychiatric wards, or in a prison psychiatric ward—rarely, the assessment
can be performed based solely on the patient’s record (Salize et al., 2005).
Other civil-law jurisdictions. In the Netherlands, fitness to stand trial does not
exist in practice (de Ruiter & Hildebrand, 2003; van der Wolf, van Marle, Mevis,
& Roesch, 2010). In Taiwan and Japan, fitness to stand trial exists as a legal concept,
but is rarely successful. In Japan, mentally disordered offenders are generally not
prosecuted, but are rather referred to the forensic mental health services (MTSA
process; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Fujii, Fukuda, Ando, Kikuchi, & Okada, 2014).
In China, mentally ill accused may be found unfit to stand trial, in which case they
will be referred to a psychiatric hospital or released into the care of the family
(Every-Palmer et al., 2014).
Former Communist countries
The legal concept of fitness to stand trial was mentioned in the literature for Russia,
the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria (Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000; Every-Palmer et al.,
2014; Tătaru, Marinov, Douzenis, Novotni, & Kecman, 2010; Vevera et al., 2009).
In Russia, if the accused is found unable to stand trial—that is, if they are unable to
understand the course of the proceedings or mount a defense—the trial will be
suspended and the accused will be hospitalized. If the accused does not regain the
capacity to stand trial within a reasonable time, there will be no trial and the accused
will remain hospitalized.
7
Table 1.1 A
vailability of Fitness to Plead, Mental Disorder Defense, and Diminished
Responsibility in Law by Legal Framework and Country
Legal Framework/ Fitness to Mental Disorder Diminished Responsibility (For Any

Country Plead Defense (Insanity) Offense or For Homicide Only)
Common Law
Australia Yes Yes No: SA, TAS, VIC, WA
Yes: NSW, QLD, ACT, NT
Botswana n/a Yes n/a
Canada Yes Yes No
England and Wales Yes Yes Yes
Ghana Yes Yes n/a
Hong Kong Yes Yes Yes
India Yes Yes Yes
Ireland Yes Yes Yes
Israel Yes Yes No
Kenya n/a Yes n/a
New Zealand Yes Yes No
Pakistan Yes Yes No
Scotland Yes Yes Yes
Singapore Yes Yes Yes
South Africa Yes Yes Yes
Tanzania n/a Yes No
Uganda n/a Yes n/a
United States Yes Most states Most states
Civil Law – Napoleonic

Argentina Yes Yes n/a
Belgium n/a Yes No
Brazil No Yes Yes
Chile Yes Yes Yes
France No Yes Yes
Italy n/a Yes Yes
Luxembourg n/a Yes Yes
Portugal n/a Yes Yes
Spain n/a Yes Yes
Civil Law – Germanic

Austria No Yes No
Germany Yes Yes Yes
Greece n/a Yes Yes
Switzerland No Yes Yes
Turkey n/a Yes n/a
Civil Law – Nordic

Denmark No No No
Iceland n/a Yes n/a
Finland No Yes Yes
8
Legal Framework/ Fitness to Mental Disorder Diminished Responsibility (For Any

Country Plead Defense (Insanity) Offense or For Homicide Only)
Norway n/a Yes Yes

Sweden No No No
Civil Law – Other

China Yes Yes Yes
Japan Yes Yes Yes
Netherlands No Yes Yes
Taiwan Yes Yes Yes
Former Communist
Bulgaria Yes Yes n/a
Croatia n/a Yes n/a
Czech Republic Yes Yes Yes
Hungary n/a Yes n/a
Poland n/a Yes Yes
Russia Yes Yes Yes
Ukraine n/a Yes n/a
Note
n/a indicates that the information was unavailable or not expressly specified in the literature.
Mental Disorder Defense
The mental disorder or insanity defense is available in most countries belonging to

the common-law legal system, though there is wide variation in its application. It
is beyond the scope of this review to examine the insanity defense criteria in each
country, but most have adopted some form or adapted form of the M’Naghten rule
(Asokan, 2014; Brinded, 2000; Cheang, 1985; Edworthy et al., 2016; Every-Palmer
et al., 2014; Gunn et al., 2013; Hassan, Nizami, & Hirji, 2015; Mullen &
Chettleburgh, 2002; Shaidi, n.d.; Shea, 2001; Thomson, 2008; Yannoulidis, 2012;
Yeo, 2008), sometimes with a volitional component. While most states in the
United States do carry some version of insanity defense, Idaho, Kansas, Montana,
and Utah have abolished this defense completely (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2004;
Greenberg & Felthous, 2007). Many states have adopted the ALI standard for the
insanity defense, which comprises a volitional component (American Law Institute:
Model Penal Code, 1962).
While a psychopathic disorder is grounds for a treatment sentence in England
and Wales, it is not the case in most common-law jurisdictions. In Scotland, for
example, despite the existence of a specific legal category allowing the commitment
of people with a psychopathic disorder, there are, in practice, very few that are
detained (Darjee & Crichton, 2003; Gunn et al., 2013). In Canada, personality dis-
orders do not qualify for a defense of not criminally responsible (Sparr, 2009) and,
9
as a general rule, they do not qualify either in Australia and the United States;
although the fact that states are autonomous on this matter gives rise to exceptions
and ambiguities (Greenberg & Felthous, 2007). Personality disorders are excluded
in the American states that have adopted the ALI test, as well as in a handful of
other states, including Arizona, Colorado, California, New Mexico, and Oregon
(Greenberg & Felthous, 2007). In New Zealand, the Mental Health Act excludes
personality disorders, but this may differ in practice (Brinded, 2000). Most jurisdic-
tions do not restrict the mental disorder defense to serious or violent offenses;
however, in many countries the forensic populations are comprised mainly of
people who have committed violent offenses (e.g., New Zealand, South Africa,
India, Zimbabwe: Chadda, 2013; Marais & Subramaney, 2015; Mellsop et al.,
2016; Menezes, Oyebode, & Haque, 2009; Skipworth, Brinded, Chaplow, &
Frampton, 2006; Strydom et al., 2011), but this is not reflected in the forensic
populations of other countries (e.g., Canada: Crocker, Nicholls, Seto, Charette, et
al., 2015b).
Dispositions available to the accused found not criminally responsible due to
mental disorder vary from absolute discharge to hospital detention. In several Amer-
ican states a treatment order is mandatory (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2004). In
England and Wales, forensic services may be provided for individuals with person-
ality disorders or mental impairments who have been found guilty of an offense and
sentenced to mandatory treatment, known as a hospital order (Salize et al., 2005).
Some jurisdictions adapt the dispositions to the seriousness of the offense. In the
Australian Capital Territory, for example, if the offense is serious (i.e., involving
actual or threatened violence or endangering life) the court must give a custodial
order. If the offense is minor, the court can make other orders, as appropriate
(Williams, 2000).
CIVIL-LAW countries
Napoleonic Code legal family. Criminal irresponsibility owing to a mental disorder

exists as a legal concept in most countries belonging to the Napoleonic Code legal
family. The criterion for criminal responsibility is not entirely dissimilar to the
M’Naghten rule, with most countries adopting a variation that includes a volitional
prong (Folino et al., 2000; Salize et al., 2005; Taborda et al., 2000; Téllez, Arboleda-
Flórez, Ortiz, & Navarro, 2004).
Personality disorders are excluded from the insanity defense in France and in
Italy, but they are accepted, with different levels of success, in Belgium, Luxem-
bourg, Brazil, Portugal, and Spain (Salize et al., 2005; Taborda, 2001). In terms of
offense, the index offenses are mostly severe and against a person in Italy and Brazil
(Russo, Salomone, & Della Villa, 2003; Taborda et al., 2000).
In France, offenders found not criminally responsible on account of mental dis-
order who are not considered a risk to society can be committed through an ‘admis-
sion en soins psychiatriques à la demande d’un tiers’ placement. If they are considered
socially dangerous, they will receive an ‘hospitalisation d’office’ placement, which
10
requires mandatory assessment prior to release (Salize et al., 2005). Similarly, coun-
tries such as Portugal detain all convicted mentally ill offenders lacking criminal
responsibility in specialized facilities (e.g., forensic units: Cartuyvels, Champetier,
& Wyvekens, 2010; Salize et al., 2005). Brazil and Chile offer outpatient treatment
to mentally ill offenders who are not considered harmful, in replacement of inpa-
tient forensic detention (Cid, 2010; Taborda et al., 2000). In Spain, forensic patients
may be placed under security arrangements, such as being detained in a psychiatric
penitentiary hospital (Salize et al., 2005).
Germanic legal family. In Germany, mentally disordered accused persons can be
considered not criminally responsible if they are “incapable of recognizing the
injustice of the criminal act or unable to act according to this insight” (Müller-
Isberner, Freese, Jöckel, & Gonzalez Cabeza, 2000). Austria, Switzerland, and
Greece have also adopted a test based on cognition and volition (Code pénal suisse,
1937; Salize et al., 2005; R. J. Simon & Ahn-Redding, 2006; Tătaru et al., 2010).
In Austria and Germany, mentally ill offenders with lack of criminal responsibility
will be acquitted; however, if they are still dangerous due to their illness they will
receive a criminal commitment (Edworthy et al., 2016; Schanda, Ortwein-
Swoboda, Knecht, & Gruber, 2000). In Switzerland, mentally ill offenders are also
acquitted but they can be given a hospital disposition only if (1) there was a direct
connection between the illness and the offense; (2) they are at high risk of relapse;
(3) their disorder is treatable; and (4) their prognosis is likely to improve with treat-
ment. If they are not socially dangerous, the treatment may take place on an out-
patient basis (Graf & Dittmann, 2007). In Greece, if the person is a danger to the
public they will receive guardianship in a public hospital (Salize et al., 2005).
Severe personality disorders are included in the insanity defense in Germany,
Austria, and Greece. In Germany, nearly 37 percent of the patients in forensic psy-
chiatric hospitals have a primary diagnosis of personality disorder (Konrad, 2005),
and around 85 percent have committed a serious offense (Müller-Isberner et al.,
2000). In Austria, 40 percent of people found NGRI had committed an offense of
homicide or severe bodily injuries (Schanda et al., 2000).
Nordic legal family. Denmark and Sweden are similar in that criminal respons-
ibility does not exist as a legal concept. Rather, the mental state at the time of the
offense is taken into consideration at the time of the sentencing (Taylor et al.,
2013). In Iceland, the mentally disordered offender is found innocent (Pálsson,
n.d.). The Norwegian legal system adopts a medical principle where the mere pres-
ence of psychosis at the time of the offense is sufficient to find an offender not
criminally responsible (Måseide, 2012). In Finland, a person cannot be held crimi-
nally responsible if they were unable to understand the nature of the act or to
control their behavior. Dispositions that are available for mentally ill offenders vary
according to the risk they pose to society and the severity of the offense. In
Denmark, a mentally ill offender found guilty can be given psychiatric treatment on
an outpatient basis, on an inpatient basis, or as a patient in a psychiatric maximum-
security institution, depending on whether they are given a treatment order or a
placement order,6 whereas in Sweden offenders are sentenced to forensic care with
11
most (about 80 percent) requiring a special assessment prior to discharge. In Finland,

after an offender is found not criminally responsible, the jurisdiction passes on to
the Authority for Medico-Legal Affairs (TEO), which issues a treatment order
(Salize et al., 2005).
Finland excludes personality disorders from the mental disorder defense, and
Denmark excludes them from the possibility of receiving a special provision (Kramp
& Gabrielsen, 2009; Salize et al., 2005). In Sweden, where all are criminally respons-
ible, an offender with a personality disorder may be sentenced to forensic care;
however, efforts have been taken to reduce the number of offenders sentenced to
forensic treatment (Belfrage & Fransson, 2000). In practice, almost all forensic psy-
chiatric examinations in Finland take place for serious violent crimes (Eronen,
Repo, Vartiainen, & Tiihonen, 2000).
Other civil-law jurisdictions. Criminal responsibility is a legal concept in the Neth-
erlands, China, Taiwan, and Japan, although it is rarely used in Japan due to the prin-
ciple of discretionary prosecution (Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Fujii et al., 2014; Hu,
Yang, Huang, & Coid, 2011; Mellsop et al., 2016). While China, Taiwan, and Japan
have adopted the cognition and volition prongs that are widespread in the civil-law
tradition, the Netherlands does not have a standard for legal insanity (Radovic, Meynen,
& Bennet, 2015). TBS-orders (disposals to be involuntarily admitted to a specialized
maximum-security hospital on behalf of the state: de Ruiter & Hildebrand, 2003) are
available to mentally ill offenders in the Netherlands who have committed a serious
and violent offense and who are dangerous to others. Other offenders, whose offense
was less severe but are still dangerous to themselves or others, are given a hospital order
and admitted to forensic psychiatric hospitals or general psychiatric hospitals (de Ruiter
& Hildebrand, 2007; Salize et al., 2005). In Japan, mentally ill offenders can be hospi-
talized, given outpatient treatment or released, while in Taiwan they will be put in
criminal custody if they are a threat to public safety, which can translate into detention
in a mental or general hospital, in charity group facilities, or under the next of kin
(Every-Palmer et al., 2014). Two-thirds of mentally ill offenders in China are released
to the family, who will be responsible for the arrangement and supervision of the treat-
ment, although outpatient and inpatient treatment orders are also available (Gao, Reid,
& Li, 2011; Hu et al., 2011; Wang et al., 2007; Zhao & Ferguson, 2013).
The Netherlands accepts personality disorders for the insanity defense, and about
80 percent of patients under a TBS-order have been diagnosed with a personality
disorder as a primary or comorbid diagnosis (de Ruiter & Hildebrand, 2003; Salize
et al., 2005; van Beek & Kröger, 2007). In China, personality disordered offenders
are excluded from the defense. In Japan, offenders with personality disorders are
not excluded from the insanity defense, but they are rarely successful, comprising
only 1 percent of individuals under inpatient treatment order (Fujii et al., 2014;
Kuo, 1983; Zhao & Ferguson, 2013).
The insanity defense is used for severe offenses against a person in the Nether-
lands, in Japan, and in China (Edworthy et al., 2016; Every-Palmer et al., 2014;
Zhao & Ferguson, 2013). A study found that 57 percent of a Chinese cohort of
persons found not criminally responsible had committed or attempted to commit
12
murder (Wang, Livingston, Brink, & Murphy, 2006). In the Netherlands, for a
judge to impose a TBS-order the offense committed must result in an imprison-
ment sentence of at least four years in cases where the offender is fully responsible
(Edworthy et al., 2016).
Criminal responsibility is a legal concept in many former Communist countries

(Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000; Douw et al., 2015; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Margetić,
Ivanec, Zarković Palijan, & Kovacević, 2012; Mellsop et al., 2016; Ruchkin, 2000;
R. J. Simon & Ahn-Redding, 2006; Tătaru et al., 2010; Vevera et al., 2009). Most
of these countries have criteria that contain a cognitive and a volitional prong, such
as in Russia, Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria (Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000; Ruchkin,
2000; R. J. Simon & Ahn-Redding, 2006). In Croatia, offenders with a primary
diagnosis personality disorder do not generally have access to the insanity defense
(Margetić et al., 2012; R. J. Simon & Ahn-Redding, 2006).
Dispositions available to mentally ill offenders found not criminally responsible
are usually comprised of some variations of inpatient treatment, although Russian
and Bulgarian courts may also order outpatient compulsory psychiatric treatment
(Ruchkin, 2000; Tătaru et al., 2010). In Croatia, an offender found not criminally
responsible will be sent to a forensic hospital and treated under the civil law
(Margetić et al., 2012). In Poland, the offender will be detained in a psychiatric
hospital under a ‘protective measure’ if the offense is considered seriously socially
harmful and the risk of recidivism is high (Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000). In the Czech
Republic, offenders who are socially dangerous will receive ‘forensic protective
treatment’ (Vevera et al., 2009).
Islamic law countries
Criminal responsibility as a legal concept is present in many Islamic countries, but

little information is available on the exact processing and treatment of individuals
(El Hamaoui, Moussaoui, & Okasha, 2009; Elsayed, Al-Zahrani, & Rashad, 2010;
Milner, 1966; Muslim & Chaleby, 2007; Qureshi, Al-Habeeb, & Koenig, 2013). In
Iraq, the insanity defense is primarily used for offenses punishable by death and is
primarily used for people with schizophrenia (Muslim & Chaleby, 2007).
Diminished Responsibility
The availability of diminished responsibility for offenses other than homicide is not
widespread in the common-law legal system. Generally, a plea of diminished
responsibility can be effective when the defendant argues that, while they did
commit the offense, they should not be held fully criminally liable owing to the
13
partial impairment of their mental state (Every-Palmer et al., 2014). Since the only
sentence available for murder in many common-law jurisdictions is life imprison-
ment, reducing the category of crime from murder to manslaughter allows to
impose a lighter sentence to those whose mental disorder played a substantial role
in their offense (Salize et al., 2005).
CIVIL-LAW countries
Napoleonic Code legal family. Diminished responsibility is available in many coun-

tries within this legal system, which typically results in a diminished sentence
(Davidson, 2015; Salize et al., 2005; St. Denis, 2008). In addition to diminished
responsibility, Portugal has three other levels of responsibility: full responsibility,
slightly diminished responsibility, and lack of responsibility. In Italy, two options
are available following a finding of diminished responsibility: (1) the sentence can
be mitigated by one-third, or (2) the offender can receive inpatient treatment for
half the period imposed if they completely lacked responsibility and then serve the
remaining half in prison. In Spain, judges can also order a forensic placement prior
to the imprisonment, but, in the event that the forensic placement yields good
results, the imprisonment can be suspended. There is variability with respect to
whether forensic treatment occurs before (e.g., Italy, Portugal), during (e.g.,
Luxembourg, Spain), or after (e.g., France) a person’s imprisonment.
Germanic legal family. In Germany, diminished responsibility may result in a
sentence of incarceration and indeterminate treatment if the offense was serious and
the criminal acts were symptomatic of the disorder. The time spent in hospital is set
against the imprisonment sentence (Edworthy et al., 2016; Müller-Isberner et al.,
2000; Salize et al., 2005). Similarly, in Switzerland a mentally ill offender with
reduced responsibility will receive a decreased sentence and possibly a hospital dis-
position (Graf & Dittmann, 2007). In Greece, the offender will be detained in a
forensic hospital or imprisoned if they are dangerous to the public; however, their
sentence will be reduced (Salize et al., 2005; Tătaru et al., 2010).
Nordic legal family. In Finland, a mentally ill offender found to have diminished
criminal responsibility will receive a sentence reduced by 25 percent, and cannot
receive a life sentence; however, treatment cannot be imposed by the court (Eronen
et al., 2000; Salize et al., 2005).
Other civil-law jurisdictions. The Netherlands has five levels of criminal respons-
ibility; ‘partially’ responsible offenders can receive a TBS-order if the severity of the
offense and the risk to society justifies it, often in addition to a prison sentence. The
forensic care most often takes place after the imprisonment and, while the time
spent in an institution can be counted toward the imprisonment sentence, the
offender must serve at least one-third of their sentence (de Ruiter & Hildebrand,
2007; Salize et al., 2005). In China and Japan, the offender will receive a lighter
sentence or compulsory treatment (Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Fujii et al., 2014; Hu
et al., 2011; Mellsop et al., 2016). In Taiwan, they can receive criminal custody
after their prison term or be granted pardon (Every-Palmer et al., 2014).
14
In Russia, diminished responsibility may be argued when an individual was not able,
on account of mental disorder, to completely realize the nature of his or her actions
or to completely control them. In this situation, the court must take into account the
mental disorder when ordering a sentence, and, if they are still considered a danger to
others or to themselves, they may receive an outpatient treatment order (Ruchkin,
2000). In Poland, mentally ill offenders with seriously limited accountability may
receive lighter penalties, but may only receive treatment in prison (Ciszewski &
Sutula, 2000). In the Czech Republic, individuals with diminished responsibility will
be sentenced to both prison and forensic protective treatment, with the forensic care
occurring most often after the imprisonment (Vevera et al., 2009).
Discharge Provisions
Discharge from hospital following treatment in forensic institutions may be the

responsibility of various entities and is more or less centralized, depending on the jur-
isdiction. On one end of the spectrum, the discharge of mentally ill offenders requires
ministerial assent (e.g., New Zealand, several Australian states: Brinded, 2000; Mullen
& Chettleburgh, 2002). On the other end of the spectrum, this responsibility lies with
the treating psychiatrist or hospital, sometimes unless the offense was serious or violent
(e.g., England: Salize et al., 2005). The responsibility for making discharge decisions
may also rest with the courts or administrative tribunals (e.g., Canada, Ireland, Israel;
see Table 1.2 for a review: Bauer, Rosca, Grinshpoon, Khawalled, & Mester, 2005;
Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Gordon, Kirchhoff, & Silfen, 1996; Hands, 2007; Queens-
land Government, 2012; Salize et al., 2005).
The duration of detention also varies across jurisdictions; it can be indefinite or
fixed. In some jurisdictions, such as Ireland and some Australian states and territ-
ories (Hands, 2007; Hunyor, 2012; O’Donahoo & Simmonds, 2016; Salize et al.,
2005), the length of the hospitalization is related to the seriousness of the offense.
For example, a nominal term based on the maximum imprisonment sentence pos-
sible for the same offense may be set to prevent arbitrary and indefinite detention.
The review of detention occurs most often every six months in the common-law
legal system (Bauer et al., 2005; Brinded, 2000; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Salize et
al., 2005; Sarkar & Dutt, 2006). In Canada, however, the detention must be
reviewed at least every year, every three years if the offender is designated a ‘high-
risk accused.’
Roman law countries
Napoleonic Code legal family. Discharge can be the responsibility of the court (e.g.,
Spain, Portugal, Brazil, Argentina: Salize et al., 2005; R. J. Simon & Ahn-Redding,
15
Table 1.2 Hospital Discharge Provisions by Legal Framework and Country
Legal Framework/Country Duration and Frequency of Review Authority Regarding Discharge
Common Law
Australia State-specific State-specific (ministerial assent or Mental
Health Review Tribunal)
Canada Unlimited, reviewed every year (every three years if ‘high-risk accused’) Provincial/Territorial Review Board
England and Wales Six months (must be renewed after six months, then annually) Treating psychiatrist/hospital (unless restriction
order)
India Reviewed every six months Court
Ireland Related to seriousness of the offense, reviewed every six months Mental Health Review Board
Israel Reviewed every six months Regional psychiatric board
New Zealand n/a Ministerial assent
Scotland Six months (must be renewed after six months, then annually) Mental Health Tribunal
Singapore Reviewed every six months Visitors board of independent psychiatrists and
members of the public
South Africa n/a Treating hospital (ministerial assent if index
offense was violent)
United States n/a Court (most states)
Civil Law – Napoleonic

Argentina n/a Court
Belgium Reviewed every six months Social Protection Committee
Brazil Minimum duration imposed by judge Court
France Reviewed every six months ‘Hospitalisation d’office’: Two different experts
(mandatory assessment for release)
‘Hospitalisation à la demande d’un tiers’:
Psychiatrist from treating facility
Italy Minimum duration depends on severity of the crime n/a
Luxembourg Review two months after admission, then each year Special commission
Portugal Limited, based on diagnosis, severity of the offense, and clinical state, Court
review at any time as required by the patient or the public prosecutor
but at least every two years
Spain Reviewed every six months Court
Civil Law – Germanic

Austria Unlimited, reviewed at least once a year Court
Germany Unlimited, but must be related to severity of the offense; reviewed at Court
least once a year
Greece Minimal duration established (lower than half the maximum sentence for Court
the offense), reviewed every 2 years after minimal duration (detention
cannot continue beyond 10 years for misdemeanors or 15 years for felonies)
Switzerland Unlimited n/a
Turkey n/a Court
Civil Law – Nordic

Denmark Placement order: Unlimited, reviewed at least five years after sentence, Placement order: Court
then every second year Treatment order: Psychiatrist
Treatment order: Time-limited (three or five years, can be extended by
court order), reviewed every year
continued
Table 1.2 Continued
Legal Framework/Country Duration and Frequency of Review Authority Regarding Discharge
Finland Unlimited, reviewed every six months Final decision by the Authority of Medico-
Legal Affairs (TEO)
Iceland Depends on psychiatric state, reviewed after a year Court
Norway Unlimited n/a
Sweden Reviewed every six months Court
Civil Law – Other

China Unlimited Treating psychiatrist (with approval of local
police station)
Japan Every six months Court
Netherlands Two years, then extended for one or two years each time, independent Court
expert report every six years
Taiwan Limit of five years n/a
Former Communist
Bulgaria Every six months Court
Croatia Depends on psychiatric state, should not exceed upper limits of n/a
imprisonment
Czech Republic Unlimited n/a
Poland Unlimited, reviewed at least every six months Court
Russia Limit is duration of the sentence, reviewed after six months, then annually Court
Ukraine Related to nature of the offense n/a
Note
n/a indicates that the information was unavailable.
2006; Taborda et al., 2000) or of special commissions or committees (e.g., Belgium,

Luxembourg: Salize et al., 2005). There is variation within this group of countries
regarding whether the length of hospitalization should be related to the severity of
the offense or to the treatment needs and safety issues. In Italy, the severity of the
crime determines the minimum duration of the hospitalization. However, if the
individual is no longer considered dangerous it is possible to transform the order
into an outpatient treatment order or even to revoke it (Traverso, Ciappi, & Fer-
racuti, 2000). In Brazil, the judge imposes a minimum duration to the treatment,
regardless of what the most appropriate interventions are, but a maximum duration
is not imposed (Taborda, Folino, & Salton, 2007). In Portugal, the placement for
treatment is time-limited and the duration is established based on the diagnosis, the
severity of the offense, and the clinical needs of the individual (Salize et al., 2005).
Germanic legal family. In countries belonging to the Germanic legal family, the
discharge decisions are most often made by a court. The hospital order tends to be
unlimited in time (e.g., Austria, Germany, Switzerland: Edworthy et al., 2016; Graf
& Dittmann, 2007; Müller-Isberner et al., 2000; Schanda et al., 2000). In Germany,
the length of the commitment must be related to the severity of the offense: the
patient’s right to be released intensifies as the length of hospitalization increases
(Müller-Isberner et al., 2000). In Greece, the court will establish a minimum dura-
tion, and the hospitalization will not be allowed to continue beyond 10 years for
misdemeanors or 15 years for felonies (Salize et al., 2005).
Nordic legal family. In Denmark, the decision to discharge rests with the treating
psychiatrist for cases in which the accused received a treatment sanction instead of
a placement sanction (in which case the decision rests with the court); the same is
true in Finland, although the decision must be approved by the Authority of
Medico-Legal Affairs (the TEO: Kramp & Gabrielsen, 2009; Sestoft & Engberg,
2000). A court must make discharge decisions in Iceland and in Sweden, where, if
the accused were considered to pose a risk to society at the time of the verdict, they
may only be released after trial in a county administrative court (Sigurjónsdóttir,
n.d.; Silfverhielm, 2005). The duration is unlimited in Denmark, Finland, and
Norway (Eronen et al., 2000; Kleve, 1996; Sestoft & Engberg, 2000).
Other civil-law jurisdictions. A court is responsible for discharges in the Neth-
erlands and in Japan, but the treating psychiatrist decides with approval from the
local police station in China (de Boer & Gerrits, 2007; de Ruiter & Hildebrand,
2003; Edworthy et al., 2016; Fujii et al., 2014; Hu et al., 2011). In the Netherlands,
a TBS-order is initially imposed for two years and may be extended for one or two
years at each reassessment. When the risk of recidivism has decreased to an accept-
able level, the TBS-order must be terminated. After six years of detention, a for-
ensic report written by two independent experts must be submitted to inform the
court of the individual’s mental state and risk of recidivism (de Ruiter & Hildebrand,
2007; Edworthy et al., 2016; Salize et al., 2005). In Taiwan, the maximum duration
of criminal custody for offenders found not criminally responsible is five years
(Every-Palmer et al., 2014). The treatment order is unlimited in China, but the
19
average stay is one to three months before they are released under the care of their
family (Chen, Ou, & Wang, 2013; Topiwala, Wang, & Fazel, 2012).
The decision to discharge from forensic services belongs to the court in Russia and
Poland (Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000; Ruchkin, 2000; Vevera et al., 2009). In Russia,
the duration of the detention is restricted to the duration of the sentence. In Croatia,
it depends on the mental state of the patient, with the maximum duration of treat-
ment not exceeding the upper limits of imprisonment unless there is a serious risk
of recidivism. In Ukraine, the duration of treatment is mostly related to the nature
of the offense instead of the patient’s mental state or social risk (Douw et al., 2015;
Margetić et al., 2012; Ruchkin, 2000). The duration of forensic treatment is
unlimited in Poland and the Czech Republic (Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000; Vevera
et al., 2009).
Forensic Mental Health Service Provision
Common-Law Countries
Europe and the United Kingdom
In England and Wales, forensic services are organized by level of security and are
provided by the National Health Service (NHS) or the private sector. Hospitals and
wards are not divided into forensic and nonforensic; as such, offenders and aggres-
sive nonoffenders may be treated on the same wards. There are three high-security
hospitals (sometimes called ‘special hospitals’). They provide services to individuals
who are formally detained under the mental health legislation and who present a
grave and immediate danger to the public (McMurran, Khalifa, & Gibbon, 2009).
Medium-security units receive patients who present a risk to others. Patients who
have committed minor offenses are treated in general psychiatric hospitals, where
about 3,700 beds belong to the NHS (National Health Service, 2013). Forensic
services are delivered through five distinct forensic care pathways, which have been
developed in order to ensure that patients’ needs are met at the right time and that
care decisions are evidence-based (Care Pathways and Packages Project, 2009).
In Ireland, forensic services are organized by levels of risk and security, and
admit mentally ill offenders and nonoffenders. High-security forensic units provide
treatment to patients who pose a grave and immediate danger to others. The
National Forensic Mental Health Service (NFMHS) is based at the Central Mental
Hospital Dublin, with a capacity of about 90 secure beds, some of which are avail-
able to women offenders, distributed across three levels of security. Other mentally
ill offenders may be treated in psychiatric centers and in district or private psychiat-
ric hospitals. Regional forensic mental health teams are established to support con-
tinuity of care. Housing support is put in place by the NFMHS recovery and
20
rehabilitation team, as patients first move to a low-security hostel situated near the
Central Mental Hospital (Mental Health Commission, 2006; O’Neil, 2012; Salize
et al., 2005; Taylor et al., 2013).
In Scotland, forensic services are also organized by level of security and are pro-
vided by the National Health Service (NHS), under the coordination of the For-
ensic Mental Health Services Managed Care Network. Offenders and nonoffenders
are treated on the same wards. High-security services, for those who present a grave
and immediate danger to others, are provided nationally at the State Hospital in
Carstairs (Forensic Network, 2016; McMurran et al., 2009; Thomson, 2016).
Medium-security services, for patients who pose a serious but less imminent danger
to others, are delivered regionally (Crichton et al., 2004; Forensic Network, 2016;
Thomson, 2016). Finally, low-security services and community services are offered
locally. Women requiring high-security services are transferred to England and are
detained at Rampton Hospital, while women requiring medium-security services
may be treated at the Rowanbank Clinic and at the Orchard Clinic.
Australasia and North America
In Australia, the jurisdiction of mental health services belongs to each state and,
hence, the organization of forensic services varies from one region to the next.
For example, New South Wales’s forensic facilities are under the authority of
the Justice and Forensic Mental Health Network. Forensic services are delivered
in correctional, inpatient, and community settings with one high-security facil-
ity as well as medium-security facilities that are operated by local health districts
(Mental Health Coordinating Council, 2015). In South Australia, forensic serv-
ices are delivered in a forensic hospital by Forensic Mental Health Services, a
component of the Statewide Mental Health Service, but all patients are under
the administrative control of the Department of Correctional Services (Jager,
2001). In Victoria, Forensicare7 provides forensic psychiatric services at the
Thomas Embling Hospital (Jager, 2001; Mullen et al., 2000). Continuity of care
is ensured by transferring discharged service users to the Community Forensic
Mental Health Services, where they receive assertive follow-up and the support
of a case manager for approximately two to three years (O’Donahoo & Simmonds,
2016). In the Australian Capital Territory, forensic mental health services are
under the responsibility of the Corrections Health Board and they are provided
in dedicated, secure beds of a psychiatric unit. In the Northern Territory, inpa-
tient forensic services are primarily delivered within the prison system (Jager,
2001).
In New Zealand, forensic services are decentralized, regionally configured, with
no overarching organization and are entirely integrated to civil mental health serv-
ices. All regions provide medium-security services and most also operate low-
security units. Most of these forensic services offer outpatient services for those that
have been discharged but are not ready yet to be transferred to general mental
health services, with the exception of Auckland Regional Forensic Service, which
21
transfers discharged service users to general mental health services with liaison serv-
ices from the forensic system (Brinded, 2000; Ministry of Health, 2007).
Canada is much like Australia, in that there is no national structure of forensic
services and the organization of forensic and general mental health is a provincial or
territorial responsibility and part of the public health system (Crocker, Nicholls, Seto,
Charette, et al., 2015a; Livingston, 2006). In addition to their core services, most for-
ensic services also offer support and treatment to mentally disordered offenders in
provincial prisons.8 Models for organizing forensic services in Canada vary from a
highly centralized, integrated network of forensic mental health services in British
Columbia (BC Mental Health & Substance Use Services, 2013; Livingston, 2006), to
a small number of dedicated forensic facilities in Ontario to highly distributed regional
services in Québec (Crocker, Nicholls, Côté, Latimer, & Seto, 2010). All provinces
have a high-security facility, or forensic units in psychiatric hospitals for less populous
provinces. Supportive housing is available but limited across the country (Livingston,
Wilson, Tien, & Bond, 2003; Salem et al., 2015).
In the United States, forensic service provision varies widely from one state to
the other; however, they are all part of the public mental health systems. A survey
conducted by the National Association of State Mental Health Program Directors
indicates that approximately two-thirds of the states have a dedicated forensic facil-
ity, with the remaining states treating forensic patients in either forensic or nonfo-
rensic units located in general psychiatric facilities. Eighty percent of states have
established conditional release programs that aim to facilitate the reentry and reinte-
gration of forensic service users into the community (Fitch, 2014).
Asia
Many Asian countries have a number of dedicated forensic beds in psychiatric hos-
pitals or forensic inpatient units (World Health Organization, n.d.). Hong Kong’s
forensic services are under the authority of the Department of Forensic Psychiatry.
Inpatient treatment is delivered in forensic wards and a Community Reintegration
Unit offers predischarge services to ensure successful community reintegration for
mentally ill offenders. Community services for discharged forensic service users are
provided by forensic outpatient clinics, forensic community services, and a multi-
activity center (Every-Palmer et al., 2014). In India, patients found not guilty by
reason of insanity may be detained in ‘safe custody,’ which most often results in
being detained in a prison, but sometimes includes detention in a psychiatric hos-
pital or under the charge of family members. In Bangalore, forensic inpatient treat-
ment is delivered in a male forensic psychiatric ward embedded within the National
Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences in Bangalore, or in psychiatric hos-
pitals, where forensic and civil psychiatric patients are treated together (Kumar et
al., 2014; Sarkar & Dutt, 2006). In Israel, forensic services are provided by four
departments of a designated maximum secure unit of the Sha’ar Menashe Mental
Health Center; there are no medium- or low-security units (Bergman-Levy, Bleich,
Kotler, & Melamed, 2010). In Pakistan, some psychiatric hospital beds are dedicated
22
to forensic patients, but they are distinct from general psychiatric services and
administrated by the prisons (Hassan et al., 2015). In Singapore, the Institute of
Mental Health Department of Forensic Psychiatry (originally named Woodbridge
Hospital), under the authority of the Ministry of Health, receives mentally dis-
ordered offenders (Chan & Tomita, 2013; Every-Palmer et al., 2014). Information
for Bangladesh, Kyrgyzstan, and Myanmar is provided in Table 1.3.
Other common-law jurisdictions
In the common-law Caribbean countries, forensic services are likely to be provided

in psychiatric hospitals (Maharajh & Parasram, 1999; World Health Organization,
n.d.) or sometimes in a forensic unit (e.g., Jamaica). Information for Barbados and
Trinidad and Tobago is provided in Table 1.3.
Forensic services are significantly underdeveloped in Africa (Ogunwale, De
Wet, Roos, & Kaliski, 2012). There is variability across countries, with many
having only rudimentary services provided in prisons. Some African countries have
established forensic beds or units in psychiatric hospitals, with dedicated forensic
institutions being instituted in South Africa and a few North African countries
(Adjorlolo, Chan, & Mensah Agboli, 2016; Hooper & Kaliski, 2010; Mangezi &
Chibanda, 2011; Menezes, Oyebode, & Haque, 2007; Strydom et al., 2011; World
Health Organization, n.d.). Information for Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, and Zambia
is provided in Table 1.3.
According to the World Health Organization, there are no forensic facilities in
the following countries: Anguilla, Antigua & Barbuda (as of 2009, four forensic
patients were detained in the psychiatric hospital), Belize, Bhutan (some beds in
prison medical services), British Virgin Islands (patients treated in prisons or in
general hospitals), Cayman Islands (treated in prisons), Grenada, Nepal, Saint Kitts
and Nevis (detained in designated prison cells), Saint Lucia, St. Maarten, and Turks
& Caicos Islands.
Civil-Law Countries
Europe
The Austrian forensic system is centralized and forensic institutions are under the
responsibility of the Ministry of Justice. Mentally ill offenders may be treated in a
high-security forensic hospital (male only), in small forensic departments within
civil psychiatric hospitals, or in closed wards of regional psychiatric hospitals. For-
ensic outpatient services are available after discharge in a large forensic aftercare
institution in Vienna and in forensic outpatient clinics, but continuity of care
depends mostly on civil psychiatric services (Salize et al., 2005; Schanda et al., 2000;
Stompe, Frottier, & Schanda, 2007).
In Belgium, forensic services are federalized and, as such, there are large disparities
between the organization of care in Wallonia (primarily French-speaking), and
23
Flanders (primarily Dutch-speaking). In Wallonia, mentally ill offenders found not

criminally responsible may be held in three types of institutions, without any over-
arching authority: psychiatric units in prison, institutions of social defense (établissement
de défense sociale; EDS), and rarely used civil psychiatric hospitals for patients awaiting
discharge (Cartuyvels et al., 2010). EDS are not centralized and may either be over-
seen by the Department of Justice or by the Department of Health (Cartuyvels et al.,
2010; Cartuyvels & Cliquennois, 2015; Mary, Kaminski, Maes, & Vanhamme, 2011).
In Flanders, there were no EDS until very recently, and mentally ill offenders found
not criminally responsible were instead held in civil psychiatric hospitals and psychiat-
ric units in prison (Salize et al., 2005). In 2010, it was estimated that two-thirds of
forensic patients could be found in civil psychiatric wards, and the remaining third in
the correctional system (Cartuyvels et al., 2010). Given this context, two EDS were
planned for: one forensic institution was opened in Gand in 2014 and another is
planned for 2016 in Anvers. Medium-risk patients are still handled in civil psychiatric
hospitals (Cartuyvels et al., 2010; Cartuyvels & Cliquennois, 2015; “Centre de psy-
chiatrie légale Anvers,” n.d., “Centre de psychiatrie légale Gand,” n.d.).
In Denmark, forensic services are locally-based: each county, as well as the
municipalities of Copenhagen and Frederiksberg, are responsible for providing the
services to their residents. Many counties treat all forensic patients within the civil
psychiatric system. While some have put in place small forensic units for patients
that are difficult to treat, others have large forensic facilities where most forensic
patients are treated and receive outpatient services upon discharge. There is one
high-security facility (Salize et al., 2005; Sestoft & Engberg, 2000). In Finland, for-
ensic services are offered in psychiatric hospitals operated by the state or health care
districts, some of which have a forensic ward. State psychiatric hospitals receive
both mentally ill offenders and dangerous high-risk nonoffenders. After six months,
a patient’s municipality of residence must decide whether their local health care
facilities are able to continue the treatment or if they will continue paying for the
offender to receive services in state psychiatric hospitals. In cases where the men-
tally ill offender is not considered at high risk of violence, the Authority of Medico-
Legal Affairs (TEO) might send the offender directly to a local psychiatric hospital,
some of which have a dedicated forensic ward. The patient will have to consult a
psychiatrist of the municipal mental health center on a monthly basis for the first six
months following the discharge and will then be considered a civil psychiatric
patient, with no obligations, unless the TEO renews the follow-up period (Eronen
et al., 2000; Salize et al., 2005).
In France, as of 2005, forensic patients may be treated in one of the four secure
units in psychiatric hospitals (unités pour malades difficiles), along with dangerous
nonoffenders (Salize et al., 2005). In Germany, forensic services are federalized and
are thus organized differently across the country. Mentally ill offenders can gener-
ally be treated either in general psychiatric hospitals and facilities, with or without
a forensic department, or in forensic psychiatric hospitals that are distinct from the
civil psychiatric services (Steinert, Noorthoorn, & Mulder, 2014). Forensic hospi-
tals receive only mentally ill offenders: aggressive or violent mentally ill nonoffenders
24
are not treated there. When there are forensic bed shortages, forensic patients are
sometimes placed in general psychiatric facilities, alongside both voluntarily placed
and involuntarily placed nonoffenders. Some of these are high-security hospitals
that take specifically the most serious and dangerous offenders. But, in most of the
German states, a single forensic hospital comprises all levels of security (e.g., Haina
Forensic Psychiatric Hospital: Edworthy et al., 2016; Kamara & Müller-Isberner,
2010). As probation conditions, the court can order a person to present themselves
to outpatient treatment or receive aftercare from forensic outpatient centers. All 16
states operate forensic outpatient centers (Edworthy et al., 2016; Konrad & Lau,
2010; Müller-Isberner et al., 2000; Salize et al., 2005).
Greece has a high-security forensic psychiatric hospital in Athens for male
offenders and high-risk nonoffenders detained under civil legislation; those who are
judged less dangerous are held in one of the six general psychiatric hospitals with
forensic beds. Women have no forensic facilities, so they are either treated in the
female prison or in psychiatric hospitals. The Greek forensic setting is not con-
sidered to be integrated with the national health system (Salize et al., 2005).
In Iceland, Sogn is the only forensic psychiatric hospital; two or fewer people
are sentenced to forensic care each year. It was recently administratively incorpor-
ated to the psychiatric ward of the Landsspitalinn University Hospital. As of 2010,
a psychiatric hospital at Kleppur was attempting to establish a closed ward with
additional beds that could serve as a low-security ward. At discharge, the court
orders a strict follow-up, which may involve regular visits to the psychiatrist or
medication adherence (Ilorleifsson, 2010; Pálsson, n.d.; Sigurjónsdóttir, n.d.).
Prior to 2008, there were six forensic psychiatric hospitals in Italy, with around
1,000 to 1,200 beds. They were entirely separated from the civil health system and
were run, except for one, by the Ministry of Justice. In April 2008, the Italian gov-
ernment introduced a program to progressively downsize and/or close the forensic
hospitals and to refer patients to the national health system. The forensic hospitals
were closed completely in the spring of 2015, and were replaced by smaller com-
munity facilities located in each of the 20 Italian regions, each with about 20 beds
that were adapted for socially dangerous offenders. Offenders who are less socially
dangerous may be transferred to a civil psychiatric facility (Barbui & Saraceno,
2015; Carabellese & Felthous, 2016; Peloso, D’Alema, & Fioritti, 2014; Salize et
al., 2005; Traverso et al., 2000). In Luxembourg, forensic services are highly cen-
tralized: mentally ill offenders may only be treated in the Neuropsychiatric Hospital
Center in Ettelbruck. They may not be placed in general mental health institutions
and they are not treated alongside nonoffenders (Salize et al., 2005).
Forensic services are federalized in the Netherlands; thus, each district has its
own service system. TBS-patients may either be treated in specialized forensic facil-
ities, such as one of the nine TBS-hospitals (as of 2005), or in one of the three
forensic psychiatric hospitals, or in forensic units of general psychiatric hospitals.
TBS-hospitals are under the authority of the Ministry of Justice, while forensic
psychiatric hospitals are under the authority of the Ministry of Health and receive
TBS-patients with psychiatric disorders (instead of personality disorders) along with
25
high-risk nonoffenders. When TBS-patients reach later phases of their treatment,

they may be detained in a forensic psychiatric unit of a general psychiatric hospital.
There are also long-stay beds in the TBS sector for patients who may not realisti-
cally have a positive prognosis but who are still socially dangerous. The Netherlands
has highly developed aftercare services, with each TBS hospital having a forensic
outpatient clinic and sheltered accommodation for discharged forensic patients
(Salize et al., 2005; van Marle, 2000).
Norway’s forensic services are highly decentralized. There are three regional
secure units (Oslo, Bergen, and Trondheim) and they are considered forensic hos-
pitals because, despite being physically integrated to civil psychiatric institutions,
their organizational structures are different. In parallel, many counties have their
own forensic psychiatric services. Patients can be admitted under a civil order or a
criminal order (Almvik, Hatling, & Woods, 2000; Helse Bergen Haukeland Uni-
versity Hospital, n.d.; Kleve, 1996; Ystad, 2013). In Portugal, mentally ill offenders
judged not criminally responsible must be detained in one of the five special for-
ensic units in the country, three of which are attached to psychiatric hospitals.
Mentally ill offenders and nonoffenders do not mix: there are no offenders in
general facilities and there are no nonoffenders in forensic facilities (Salize et al.,
2005). In Spain, forensic services are centralized in three psychiatric penitentiary
hospitals. They are outside the national health system and receive both mentally ill
offenders who are not criminally responsible and criminally responsible offenders
whose mental illness is untreatable in prison. While discharged patients have, in
theory, access to general health care resources provided by the autonomous regions,
civil services are often unwilling to admit patients who require ongoing hospital
treatment (Martinez-Jarreta, 2003; Salize et al., 2005).
Since criminal responsibility does not exist as a legal category in Sweden, custo-
dial placement of mentally ill offenders depends entirely on their risk level. Men-
tally disordered offenders may be treated in regional forensic hospitals or general
psychiatric facilities, some of which have forensic wards. Mentally ill offenders are
treated alongside civilly detained nonoffenders. Six regional maximum-security
forensic facilities receive high-risk offenders (i.e., one-third of all forensic patients).
In some forensic hospitals, patients are rarely absolutely discharged: as long as the
mental disorder at the source of the crime is still present, it is recommended that
support and control be provided on an outpatient basis by the staff of the establish-
ment (Belfrage & Fransson, 2000; Salize et al., 2005). Finally, in Switzerland, as of
2007, there are five centers for compulsory commitment and three institutions for
hospitals orders (Manetsch, 2010). However, in the Romandy region, there are no
forensic inpatient facilities and forensic patients are most often detained in jail or
prison (Niveau & Dang, 2008).
South America, Central America, and the Caribbean
In Argentina, forensic services are provided either by the public health system when
the unimputable9 patients are considered low risk (Folino et al., 2000) or by the
26
penitentiary service in one of its forensic psychiatric hospitals (Almanzar, Katz, &
Harry, 2015; World Health Organization, n.d.). In the province of Buenos Aires,
there are at least three institutions treating unimputable patients, one of which is
dedicated to women. Another institution has been established in the province of
Córdoba (J. F. Folino, personal communication, August 21, 2016). Postdischarge
outpatient services are often delivered by the forensic hospital where the patient
had received inpatient care (Folino et al., 2000; Taborda et al., 2007). In Brazil,
forensic services differ from one region to the next, owing partly to legal differences
and partly to socioeconomic differences. The 31 forensic hospitals and units in the
country are not distributed uniformly and many states have no forensic facilities
(Almanzar et al., 2015; Taborda et al., 2007; World Health Organization, n.d.). In
the latter case, forensic patients are either detained in general psychiatric hospitals
or in prisons (Taborda et al., 2007). Ties to the forensic system are severed when
forensic service users receive a hospital discharge (Taborda et al., 2000). In Chile,
forensic services are under the authority of the New Forensic Psychiatry Network,
which comprises forensic facilities across the country, including one high-
complexity forensic unit in the Philippe Pinel Hospital and three medium-
complexity units in three hospitals (Cid, 2010). In less than 10 years, the number of
forensic beds has increased fourfold (World Health Organization, n.d.). Informa-
tion about Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and
Uruguay is summarized in Table 1.3.
Asia
China’s organization of mental health services differs from Westernized countries.

There are three groups of general psychiatric hospitals: (1) general psychiatric hos-
pitals under the authority of the public health system; (2) civil psychiatric hospitals
under the authority of the civil administration system for people with no family,
legal guardian, or income (patients are often elderly, disabled people, or chronic
psychiatric patients); and (3) Ankang hospitals, which are run by the public safety
system for patients who pose a risk to others or themselves. While they are not for-
ensic hospitals per se, half of admitted mentally ill offenders are treated in these
Ankang hospitals, which have medium- and high-security facilities within a single
hospital. Patients are rarely followed-up at discharge (Chen et al., 2013; Every-
Palmer et al., 2014; Hu et al., 2011; Topiwala et al., 2012; Wang et al., 2007). In
Japan, specialized forensic services have recently been developed. Prior to 2005,
mentally disordered offenders found to be insane would simply be detained in
general psychiatric hospitals and treated with nonoffenders. In 2005, the forensic
mental health system was transformed to address the needs of mentally disordered
serious offenders. These forensic patients are to be treated in a designated inpatient
treatment facility that can be administered by the state, by local municipalities, or
by public corporations as long as they meet the Ministry of Health and Welfare
standards. Follow-up and outpatient treatment after discharge is planned by rehab-
ilitation coordinators, who also work to transition forensic service users to the
27
Table 1.3 Forensic Service Provision by Country
Countries and Their Adult Location of Forensic Services Forensic Beds Forensic Beds per 100,000 Adult
Resident Population Estimates Population Rate
(18 and Over, Unless Specified)
Americas and the Caribbean

Argentina Forensic hospitals or psychiatric hospitals 150 (2015) 0.5a
(30,173,000 in 2015)
Barbados Psychiatric hospital 80 (2009) 35.9b (15+)
(223,000 in 2010, 15+)
Brazil Forensic hospitals and units, psychiatric hospitals, prisons 3,677 (2015) 2.7a
(134,466,000 in 2010)
Canada Province-specific (at least one high-security forensic 1,523 (2006) 5.7a,c
(26,579,000 in 2011) psychiatric hospital per province or a secure unit in
psychiatric hospitals for smaller provinces)
Chile Forensic units 209 (2012) 1.6b
(12,774,000 in 2012)
Cuba Forensic units of psychiatric hospitals 205 (2011) 2.3b
(8,885,000 in 2011)
Ecuador Forensic units 42 (2008) 0.5b
(9,086,000 in 2010)
El Salvador No forensic hospital 40 (2015) 1.0a
(4,081,000 in 2014)
Guatemala Forensic unit in psychiatric hospital 36 (2011) 0.4b (15+)
(8,393,000 in 2010, 15+)
Jamaica Forensic units n/a 13.0d (2009)
(1,820,000 in 2011)
Mexico Forensic hospitals or forensic beds in prison 1,096 (2015) 1.5a
(73,110,000 in 2015)
Paraguay Prison mental health facilities 45 (2006) 1.6b
(2,898,000 in 2002)
Peru Primarily in prison, also in psychiatric hospitals 42 (2015) 0.2a
(17,399,000 in 2007)
Trinidad and Tobago Psychiatric hospital 58 (2007) 5.8b
(998,000 in 2011)
United States State-specific (dedicated forensic facility in most or 7,835 (2015) 5.7a
(Data available for 32 states: forensic or non-forensic units)
138,079,000 in 2015)
Uruguay Psychiatric hospitals 191 (2015) 7.4a
(2,585,000 in 2015)
Europe
Austria Forensic hospital, forensic departments in psychiatric 384 (2005) 5.8a
(6,614,000 in 2005) hospitals or closed wards of psychiatric hospitals
Belarus n/a n/a 6.4 (2009, crude population)
(7,745,000 in 2009) 7.9e (estimated, adult population)
Belgium Psychiatric units in prisons, institutions of social defense 400 (2005) 4.9a
(8,229,000 in 2004) or civil psychiatric hospitals
Bulgaria Security hospital or locked wards of psychiatric hospitals 80 (2005) 1.3a
(6,375,000 in 2005)
Croatia Forensic departments n/a 7.8 (2008, crude population)
Czech Republic Psychiatric hospitals or prisons n/a 3.5 (2009, crude population)
Denmark Forensic units or psychiatric hospitals 361 (2011) 8.3a
(4,353,000 in 2011)
continued
Table 1.3 Continued
England and Wales Secure hospitals 795 high secure HS: 1.8
(44,812,000 in 2013) 3,192 medium MS: 7.1a
secure (2013)
Finland Psychiatric hospitals, some of which have a forensic ward 450 (2013) 10.4a
(4,338,000 in 2013)
France Secure units in psychiatric hospitals or psychiatric 486 (2005) 1.0a
(48,410,000 in 2005) hospitals
Germany Forensic hospitals and psychiatric hospitals, with or 10,471 (2013) 15.5a
(67,596,000 in 2013) without forensic department
Greece Forensic hospital or psychiatric hospital (also prison for 250–330 2.7–3.6a
(9,109,000 in 2005) women) (estimate, 2005)
Hungary n/a n/a 1.9 (2009, crude population)
Iceland Forensic hospital or psychiatric units 7–8 (2010) 3.0–3.4a
(237,000 in 2010)
Ireland Forensic facilities and psychiatric facilities 89 (2006) 2.6a
(3,440,000 in 2011)
Latvia Forensic units n/a 0.7 (2009, crude population)
Macedonia Psychiatric hospitals 123 (2009) 7.7b
(1,591,000 in 2009)
Netherlands Forensic facilities (TBS-hospitals or forensic hospitals) or 1,867 (2013) 14.2a
(13,154,000 in 2011) forensic units in psychiatric hospitals
Norway Secure units administered by counties and health regions 180 (2014) 4.5a
(3,983,000 in 2014)
Poland Psychiatric wards or secure institutions n/a 3.8 (2009, crude population)
Portugal Forensic units, often attached to psychiatric hospitals 189 (2005) 2.2a
(8,532,000 in 2005)
Romania Psychiatric hospitals or penitentiary psychiatric hospital n/a 7.2 (2009, crude population)
Russia Secure hospitals and psychiatric hospitals 5,440 high HS: 4.7
(116,486,000 in 2012) secure MS: 5.7a
6,582 medium
secure (2014)
Scotland Secure hospitals 140 high secure HS: 3.3
(4,293,000 in 2015) 160 medium MS: 3.7a
secure (2016)
Slovenia n/a n/a 1.2 (2009, crude population)
Spain Psychiatric penitentiary hospitals 593 (2005) 1.7a
(35,630,000 in 2005)
Sweden Forensic facilities, psychiatric facilities, or general 1,113 (2011) 14.7a
(7,564,000 in 2011) hospitals
Switzerland Forensic facilities or prisons n/a 1.3 (2005, crude population)
(5,973,000 in 2005) 1.6f (estimated, adult population)
Ukraine Secure hospitals, psychiatric hospitals 709 high-security 1.9a
(37,382,000 in 2013) (2015)
continued
Table 1.3 Continued
32
Asia
Armenia Forensic unit in psychiatric hospital 60 (2009) 2.6b
(2,323,000 in 2011)
Azerbaijan Forensic unit n/a 3.6 (2009, crude population)
Bahrain Forensic unit in psychiatric hospital 18 (2010) 2.0b
(943,000 in 2010)
Bangladesh Forensic unit 15 (2007) 0.02b (15+)
(94,162,000 in 2011, 15+)
China Ankang hospitals, run by the public safety system 7,000 (2012) 0.7a
(1,054,898,000 in 2010)
Hong Kong Forensic wards in psychiatric hospital 220 (2016) 3.4a (15+)
(6,437,000 in 2014, 15+)
Iraq High-security unit of psychiatric hospital 250 (2006) 0.9b (per total population)
(28,750,000 in 2006, total
population)
Israel Maximum-security unit of psychiatric hospital 200 (2007) 4.2a
(4,793,000 in 2007)
Japan Forensic units 666 (2011) 0.6a
(107,438,000 in 2011)
Jordan Forensic unit in psychiatric hospital 78 (2011) 2.7b
(2,863,000 in 2004)
Korea Forensic units 1,000 (2006) 2.8b
(36,201,000 in 2005)
Kyrgyzstan Special forensic facilities and psychiatric hospitals 249 (2008) 7.4b
(3,382,000 in 2009)
Myanmar Forensic units 120 (2006) 0.4b
(33,126,000 in 2014)
Oman Psychiatric hospital and prison 5 (2008) 0.4b
(1,387,000 in 2003)
Pakistan Psychiatric hospitals administered by prisons n/a 0.02d (2009)
(87,509,000 in 2007, 15+)
Philippines Psychiatric hospital 400 (2007) 0.7b
(55,720,000 in 2010)
Saudi Arabia Forensic units 50 (2013) 0.2a
(21,199,000 in 2014)
Singapore Forensic hospital 140 (2013) 4.7a
(2,959,000 in 2010)
Sudan Prison medical facilities 200 (2009) 1.0b
(19,709,000 in 2015)
Tajikistan Forensic units 25 (2009) 0.6b
(4,357,000 in 2010)
Uzbekistan Psychiatric hospitals 890 (2007) 4.5b
(19,932,000 in 2013)
Vietnam Forensic units 300 (2006) 0.5b
(59,617,000 in 2009)
Oceania
Australia State-specific 616 (2013–14)a 3.4g
(18,205,000 in 2014)
New Zealand Forensic units 221 (2005) 7.4a
(2,974,000 in 2006)
Africa
Ghana Psychiatric hospital or general hospital 79 (2011) 0.6b
(13,627,000 in 2010)
Nigeria Forensic units or prisons 22 (2006) 0.02b (15+)
(104,268,000 in 2006, 15+)
33
continued
Table 1.3 Continued
South Africa Forensic wards in psychiatric hospitals 1,676 (2007) 4.6b (15+)
(36,670,000 in 2011, 15+)
Tunisia Psychiatric hospital 60 (2008) 0.7b (15+)
(8,372,000 in 2014, 15+)
Uganda Psychiatric hospital 116 (2006) 0.8b
(14,267,000 in 2002)
Zambia Psychiatric hospital 120 (2009) 1.9a
(6,222,000 in 2010)
Notes
n/a indicates that the information was unavailable. When multiple sources of information were available for a country, the most recent was used. Adult population estim-
ates were retrieved or calculated from governmental websites, the United Nations Statistics Division, or the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
a Total number of beds was retrieved from various sources (Almanzar et al., 2015; Bergman-Levy et al., 2010; Bjørkly, Hartvig, Roaldset, & Singh, 2015; Chan & Tomita,
2013; Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse – World Health Organization, n.d.; Douw et al., 2015; Edworthy et al., 2016; Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Ilor-
leifsson, 2010; Koskinen, Likitalo, Aho, Vuorio, & Meretoja, 2014; Livingston, 2006; Mental Health Commission, 2006; Ministry of Health, 2007; Nakatani, 2012;
National Association of State Mental Health Program Directors Research Institute, 2015; National Health Service, 2013; Ngungu & Beezhold, 2009; Nielsen, van Mas-
trigt, & Wobbe, 2016; Pálsson, n.d.; Qureshi et al., 2013; Salize et al., 2005; Sigurjónsdóttir, n.d.; Thomson, 2016; Topiwala et al., 2012; World Health Organization,
2005; Yee Ho & Kwan Yan, 2016) and the number of beds per 100,000 population was hand-calculated.
b Total number of beds was made available by the WHO-AIMS reports on mental health systems and the number of beds per 100,000 population was hand-calculated.
c This number represents a minimum.
d The number of beds per 100,000 population was made available by the WHO-AIMS reports on mental health systems. It is not known whether this number was calcu-
lated using the adult population or the total population.
e The number of beds per 100,000 crude population was retrieved from Mundt et al. (2012). The number of beds per 100,000 adult population was estimated using the
total population retrieved from the United Nations Statistics Division.
f The number of beds per 100,000 crude population was retrieved from Priebe et al. (2008). The number of beds per 100,000 adult population was estimated using the
total population retrieved from the United Nations Statistics Division.
g Total number of beds and beds per 100,000 population retrieved from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, n.d.).
general mental health care system. This outpatient treatment usually lasts three years
(Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Fujii et al., 2014; Nakatani, 2000, 2012; Nakatani,
Kojimoto, Matsubara, & Takayanagi, 2010). Information for Korea, Vietnam, and
the Philippines is provided in Table 1.3.
Africa
In Algeria, the Frantz Fanon Hospital is the designated forensic hospital, but a
regionalization process has recently been taking place (El Hamaoui et al., 2009;
Ogunwale et al., 2012). Information for Tunisia is provided in Table 1.3.
As published by the World Health Organization’s AIMS Report on Mental
Health Systems, there are no forensic facilities in Benin, Bolivia, Burundi, Djibouti,
Dominican Republic, Eritrea, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Laos, Lebanon, Suriname
(where patients are treated in the long-stay unit of a psychiatric hospital), Panama,
or Venezuela.
Former Communist Countries

There are forensic inpatient units and dedicated forensic beds and housing in several
former Communist countries (Mundt et al., 2012; World Health Organization,
n.d.). Bulgaria’s forensic services are delivered to offenders that are found not
responsible in a maximum-security psychiatric hospital or on locked wards of civil
psychiatric hospitals, depending on the level of dangerousness. A university forensic
psychiatry unit exists in Sofia entirely dedicated to assessments. Some patients are
referred to a prison with a mental health unit (Tătaru et al., 2010). The Czech
Republic provides forensic services in civil psychiatric hospitals, or in prisons. In
civil psychiatric hospitals, forensic patients are placed on standard wards (Vevera et
al., 2009). In Croatia, mentally ill offenders found not legally responsible are sent to
forensic institutions that are well integrated with the civil health care system and
some supported housing services are available (Margetić et al., 2012; Mundt et al.,
2012).
Poland’s forensic services are divided according to security level. Some offenders
may be detained in general psychiatric wards, others who are socially dangerous
may be detained in an institution with a reinforced security system, and those who
are considered extremely dangerous must be treated in maximum-security wards
(Ciszewski & Sutula, 2000).
In Russia, forensic inpatient services are divided into three levels: ordinary, spe-
cialized or medium-security, and specialized with intensive observation or high-
security ‘special hospitals.’ Most offenders found not criminally responsible are
placed in ordinary care, and it usually takes place in regional psychiatric hospitals,
along with nonoffenders. Nearly all regional hospitals have special units for forensic
inpatients. All psychiatric hospitals in Russia provide compulsory treatment to
offenders. Specialized care services are provided to patients who are more difficult
or dangerous. Finally, there are seven high-security special hospitals, run directly by
35
the Federal Ministry of Health, that receive highly socially dangerous patients.
Nonoffenders may not be admitted to these hospitals. The tendency in the last year
has been to centralize the forensic services. When the patients are discharged, they
are followed-up by outpatient psychiatric clinics, ensuring continuity of care
(Every-Palmer et al., 2014; Ruchkin, 2000).
In Ukraine, forensic services are also offered at different levels of security.
Mentally ill offenders are often first treated in the Special Psychiatric Hospital in
Dnepropetrovsk, which is the only high-security forensic hospital. Eventually, they
are transferred to medium-security units of general psychiatric hospitals. However,
there is a critical lack of continuity of care between levels of security (Douw et al.,
2015). Information for Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Hungary, Latvia, Macedonia,
Romania, Slovenia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan is provided in Table 1.3.
Islamic Law Countries

Forensic services in Iraq are only provided in the high-security unit of the Al-Rashad
Mental Hospital in Baghdad and there is no outpatient treatment or follow-up care
after discharge (Muslim & Chaleby, 2007; World Health Organization, n.d.). The
World Health Organization’s AIMS Reports on Mental Health Systems indicates
that there are no forensic facilities in the following countries: Afghanistan, Iran (for-
ensic patients are detained in prison or in the psychiatric hospital), the Maldives,
and Somalia. Information for Bahrain, Jordan, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan is
provided in Table 1.3.
Summary
The review above clearly shows the wide variation in legal frameworks around
such issues as fitness to plead and criminal responsibility, as well as the absence of
clear processing patterns, both within and across large legal systems. No straight-
forward conclusion about the organization of forensic services and the actual com-
parability across nations can be made. Despite these limitations, some trends do
emerge. Fitness to stand trial is much more common in common-law countries in
comparison to civil-law countries, where it is nearly nonexistent, with the excep-
tions of Germany, Chile, Argentina, Japan, China, and Taiwan. This could be
explained by the fact that common law is more adversarial in nature, whereas civil
law adopts an inquisitorial approach. The concept of fitness was also available in
some former Communist countries. The insanity defense, on the other hand, is a
legal concept that is both deeply embedded in countries of civil-law tradition and
of common-law tradition, despite being rarely used in England. The Nordic coun-
tries of Denmark and Sweden instead sentence criminally responsible offenders to
treatment.
In most countries, a defendant found unfit could be either detained in a hospital
(either forensic or general) or released, depending on the risk level and on the
severity of the offense. Many common-law countries have put in place safeguards
36
to prevent indefinite or arbitrary detention permanently of unfit defendants. After

a given amount of time, if found permanently unfit, the defendant would either be
released, civilly committed, or submitted to a special hearing.
The population characteristics of the forensic population can also vary in terms
of diagnosis and type of index offense. The types of mental disorders that might be
considered as a basis for partial or full lack of criminal responsibility (or for a treat-
ment sentence in some cases, including England) were rarely explicitly stated in the
law, and most often were at judges’ discretion, which resulted in many countries
being ‘on the fence.’ The pattern shows that psychotic illnesses (mainly schizophre-
nia) are accepted, along with severe affective disorders and organic mental dis-
orders. The inclusion of personality disorders, however, varies widely. Offenders
with a personality disorder are an important proportion of forensic patients in
England and Wales, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Austria, and Greece, but
they are rarely admitted elsewhere. The severity of the offenses committed range
from mostly misdemeanors (Israel) to mostly severe violent crimes (the Nether-
lands). Sexual offenders rarely reach forensic services through a mental disorder
defense, with the exception of South Africa.
While the duration of the forensic hospitalization is, in many jurisdictions,
unlimited and subject to regular reevaluation, other countries embedded safeguards,
either to ensure that forensic patients are detained a minimum amount of time or
no longer than a maximum amount of time, often in relation to the level of severity
of the offense. While in Italy the minimum length of treatment must be related to
the seriousness of the offense, it is the maximum length that is related to the ser-
iousness of the offense in Ireland and most of Australia. The court may also establish
the duration, such as in Portugal (maximum), Brazil, and Greece (both minimum).
The decisional power to discharge a patient most often rests with the court, but
sometimes rests with the treating psychiatrist (for instance, in England and Wales,
South Africa, and China) or is subject to ministerial assent (in New Zealand and
most of Australia). Independent bodies or mental health tribunals have been put in
place in Canada, Ireland, Scotland, Queensland, Belgium, and Israel. In a minority
of countries, such as in England and Wales, the courts cede all powers over a men-
tally disordered offender once they are admitted to a hospital, and the patient is
essentially treated like a civilly detained patient.
One of the bases of the organization of forensic services is the extent to which
they are integrated with the civil mental health services. In some cases, forensic
facilities are entirely distinct from the health system; sometimes, they are under the
authority of another department altogether. In other cases, there are virtually no
distinction between forensic services and general mental health services and alloca-
tion is based on security rather than legal status, mentally disordered offenders being
treated on the same wards as aggressive or high-risk nonoffenders, such as in Finland
and England. In general, the less populous a country is, the more likely it is that the
services will be centralized in one national forensic hospital.
There is an important dearth in the literature when it comes to postdischarge
forensic services, including continuity of care and supportive housing. When
37
information is available about the follow-up programs, performance indicators and

outcomes are rarely available, which makes drawing conclusions about the actual
continuity of care nearly impossible. It is worth noting that the United Kingdom is
arguably the jurisdiction where forensic services are the best documented in the
literature. Clear pathways of care have already been developed and put in place,
putting the country at the forefront of evidence-based policies.
The general portrait of forensic mental health frameworks around the world
remains limited by the significant variability in the availability and specificity of
information. No studies were identified that could indicate which kind of organ-
ization of services is most effective or efficient—an endeavor that would certainly
be of interest for future research and require the development of an international
consortium. Such massive heterogeneity in the design of forensic systems likely
produces major variation in forensic mental health outcomes; however, the nature
and magnitude of this variation is not well understood. Some attempts have begun
in this direction in relation to long-term forensic patients by the COST team.10
Despite being unable to draw conclusions about the superiority of one approach for
organizing forensic services over another, key system-level principles can be
extracted from this review as well as the wider literature on the organization of
mental health services in order to propose a model for the organization of forensic
services.
2 What Are the Key Organizing Principles for Forensic Mental

Health Systems?
As was evidenced above, the manner in which forensic mental health services are
governed and organized varies considerably between—and even within—nations.
Some jurisdictions have constructed self-contained, specialized forensic mental
health systems with resources and mandates that are detached from general mental
health. Other jurisdictions have deliberately blended the role and function of for-
ensic and general mental health systems. The systems also vary in relation to their
stage of evolution, with low-resource countries working to establish rudimentary
services to meet forensic service users’ basic needs (Ogunwale et al., 2012) and
high-resource countries contemplating sophisticated redesigns to maximize the
effectiveness and efficiency of their complex forensic systems (Wilson et al., 2011).
As mentioned earlier, such wide variation and disparities in the configuration of
forensic systems are the product of a multitude of historical and ongoing socio
political, cultural, and economic forces.
The lack of consensus about how to most effectively organize forensic services,
notwithstanding variations in legal frameworks, also contributes to systems being
molded into unique shapes in different parts of globe. Although scholars have spec-
ulated about the relative advantages and limitations of different models for config-
uring forensic mental health services (Humber, Hayes, Wright, Fahy, & Shaw,
2011; Salize et al., 2005), this area has not been subjected to empirical scrutiny.
Consequently, there is no evidence-based template for how forensic systems ought
38
to be designed. However, there are guidelines for organizing general mental health
and substance use systems (Hogan et al., 2003; McDaid & Thornicroft, 2005;
National Treatment Strategy Working Group, 2008; Organization of Services for
Mental Health, 2003; Roberts & Ogborne, 1999; Rush, 2010; Thornicroft &
Tansella, 2004; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2009). With
some adaptation to the unique role and function of forensic services (i.e., involun-
tary, public safety-focused), these system-level principles are transferable to the for-
ensic mental health arena.
According to these guidelines, an effectively organized forensic mental health
system would include elements such as: (1) providing a comprehensive and bal-
anced continuum of services, (2) integrating services within and between systems,
(3) matching services to individual need, (4) adhering to human rights, (5) respond-
ing to population diversity, and (6) using the best available evidence to make
system-wide improvements. Though all of these system-level principles are
important, the discussion below will focus on how the first three (service contin-
uum, system integration, and service matching) may be applied to the organization
of forensic mental health services.
A Balanced Service Continuum

As evidenced in our international review, contemporary forensic mental health
systems tend to be aligned with a ‘custodial paradigm’ (McKenna, Furness, Dhital,
Park, & Connally, 2014), whereby resources and services are concentrated in insti-
tutional settings, such as stand-alone forensic institutions, specialized units in general
mental health hospitals, or inpatient services offered in correctional settings. For-
ensic institutions play a vital role in containing and mitigating public safety risk,
enabling justice-involved people with mental disorders access to therapeutic proc-
esses and interventions, and facilitating community reintegration, crime desistance,
and personal recovery. At the same time, forensic institutions also embody the
oppressive features of a ‘total institution’ (Goffman, 1961), whereby detainees (or
inpatients) are, to varying degrees, exposed to deprivations of liberty, autonomy,
material goods, intimate relations, and security. Forensic institutions are also a very
costly means of providing services that could be delivered in community-based set-
tings with equal, if not greater, effectiveness.
Emerging from similar concerns regarding institutional care is the proposal that
mental health and substance use systems are most effective when they provide access
to a comprehensive and balanced continuum of services and supports. In a balanced
care approach, a flexible range of services is primarily provided in community-
based, local settings that span the specialized and nonspecialized sectors and
emphasize features such as providing care close to home, tailoring treatment to
individual need, supporting the choices of service users, ensuring that care is coord-
inated between providers and agencies, and offering mobile services (Thornicroft &
Tansella, 2013). A balanced care model that provides ready access to evidence-
based treatment interventions would prevent some people with mental illnesses
39
from unnecessarily becoming involved in the criminal justice system. It would also
ensure that high-quality services reach those with mental health needs who are in
the criminal justice system (e.g., arrested by police, detained or incarcerated, on
parole or probation) in order to prevent further criminalization (Munetz & Griffin,
2006).
One conceptual framework that is used to portray what balanced care systems
look like is the ‘tiered model’ (National Treatment Strategy Working Group,
2008; Organization of Services for Mental Health, 2003; Rush, 2010). A funda-
mental aspect of the tiered model is that mental health and substance use systems
contain logical groupings of services that have comparable levels of intensity,
specialization, and restrictiveness. Comparable services can be clustered into tiers
that are most appropriate for meeting the needs of distinct groups of people based
on the acuity, complexity, and chronicity of their mental health and substance
use problems. For instance, highly specialized and intensive (and costly) services
are most suitable for people with severe (i.e., highly acute, complex, and chronic)
problems, and least appropriate for people experiencing low to moderate levels
of distress or impairment. Another feature of the tiered model is that the distribu-
tion of services should align with the population distribution of problem severity.
Those with lower-level problem severity are more numerous in the population
and, as such, the demand (i.e., volume) for less intensive, less specialized services
is great. Conversely, severe mental health and substance use problems are less
common in the population and the demand for highly specialized, highly inten-
sive services is small. The shape of service systems should correspond with the
demand for different service levels.
According to the principles of the tiered model, a balanced forensic mental
health care continuum would resemble the figure below.
Drawing from other frameworks (e.g., Kennedy, 2002; Mullen, 2000;
O’Dwyer et al., 2011; Thornicroft & Tansella, 2013; World Health Organiza-
tion, 2003), this conceptual model is designed with six tiers that contain three
clusters of custodial-based forensic mental health services (Tiers 4–6) and three
clusters of community-based services (Tiers 1–3). Each service cluster would
contain evidence-based interventions corresponding with the particular function
of that cluster. The menu of interventions available within each cluster will vary
between jurisdictions. Compared with other tiered service models designed for
general mental health and substance use systems, the model depicted here is
weighted more heavily toward institutional services in order to reflect the dis-
tinct nature of forensic populations and the risk management function of for-
ensic systems. Nonetheless, striking a balance between custodial- and
community-based services is vital for forensic mental health systems (Mullen,
2000), with some suggestion that the investment in community services should
be equal to or greater than the amount being spent on custodial care (Thornicroft
& Tansella, 2013).
As was revealed by our review of forensic systems, the upper half of the
pyramid (Tiers 4–6) parallels with how parts of the world currently distribute
40
High High
Tier 6.
High-security
custodial services
Tier 5.
Forensic specialization
Medium-security
Deprivation of liberty
custodial services
Tier 4.
Low-security
custodial services
Tier 3.
High-intensity
community services
Tier 2.
Moderate-intensity
community services
Tier 1.
Low-intensity
community services
Low Low
Demand for service
Figure 1.1 Balanced Forensic Mental Health Care Continuum
custodial populations in low-, medium-, or high-security settings (Pillay, Oliver,

Butler, & Kennedy, 2008). Tier 6’s high-security, custodial services are the most
restrictive, intensive, specialized, and costly in the forensic mental health system;
it also serves the smallest portion of the forensic population. The focus of services
in Tier 6 is on stabilizing acute mental health and substance use problems, while
also targeting specific criminogenic needs in order to enable a safe transition to a
lower security level. In contrast, Tier 4’s low-security, custodial services com-
prise the least intensive and least specialized services within custodial care set-
tings. Tier 4 services are generally designed to prepare service users for
transitioning into the community, for instance building self-management, relapse
prevention, and independent living skills. The lower half of the pyramid (Tiers
1–3) provides a continuum of care in the community that is appropriately
matched to service users’ level of criminogenic, mental health, and substance use
treatment needs. Tier 3’s high-intensity community services likely include sup-
portive and structured living environments (e.g., supported housing, residential
facilities) combined with assertive outreach and treatment provided by special-
ized, multidisciplinary forensic mental health service providers (e.g., forensic
assertive community treatment teams). Tier 1’s low-intensity community serv-
ices require the least forensic specialization and would focus on bridging people
to nonforensic systems of care.
41
Matching Services to Needs

Integral to the tiered model is the principle that systems are best organized in a
manner that allows individuals to access a full range of services according to their
level of need (National Treatment Strategy Working Group, 2008; Thornicroft &
Tansella, 2003; World Health Organization, 2003). A system that offers services
tailored to an individual’s needs, also known as a ‘stepped care’ model, can effect-
ively respond to varying levels of illness chronicity, acuity, and complexity, and is
responsive to a person’s changing needs (Bower & Gilbody, 2005; Rush, 2010).
Comprehensive and regular assessments of needs that match people with the appro-
priate services (type and intensity) is an essential feature of a system that is organized
around a stepped care approach (Goldman, Thelander, & Westrin, 2000). A well-
designed system provides individuals with the least restrictive, least intensive, least
expensive, and least intrusive interventions, with individuals stepped up to higher
intensity care or stepped down to lower-intensity care based on current service
need (McDaid & Thornicroft, 2005; Von Korff & Tiemens, 2000).
These system-level principles are well aligned with evidence-based practice for
correctional interventions (Andrews & Bonta, 2010; Lipsey & Cullen, 2007; Prins
& Draper, 2009; Romani, Morgan, Gross, & McDonald, 2012). Of particular
relevance is the risk–need–responsivity (RNR) theoretical framework, which posits
core principles for correctional services to effectively treat offending behavior
(Andrews, Bonta, & Hoge, 1990; Andrews, Bonta, & Wormith, 2011; see review
in Chapter 16 of this book). The RNR model indicates that service intensity should
match the level of risk for reoffending presented by an offender, with intensive cor-
rectional services being reserved for higher-risk offenders (risk principle). Alongside
this, services should target and address criminogenic needs—the dynamic risk
factors with an established empirical linkage to reoffending (need principle). Fur-
thermore, interventions should be oriented toward cognitive behavioral strategies
and the offenders’ learning style, motivation, abilities, and strengths (responsivity
principle).
Another applicable theoretical model, developed by Prins and Draper (2009)
and subsequently elaborated on by others (Osher, D’Amora, Plotkin, Jarrett, &
Eggleston, 2012; Skeem, Manchak, & Peterson, 2011), has applied RNR principles
to the management of individuals with mental illness under community corrections
supervision. This framework posits that criminogenic needs and functional impair-
ment should determine the intensity of, and degree of coordination between, crim-
inal justice and mental health services. An increase in criminogenic needs and risk
levels should be matched by intensive supervision. Similarly, higher levels of func-
tional impairment should be matched with intensive mental health treatment. Con-
comitantly, increases in service intensity should necessitate greater coordination and
integration between mental health and correctional services.
A forensic mental health system that is organized according to the tiered model
and the Prins and Draper (2009) framework would match service clusters, contain-
ing distinct therapeutic interventions and security measures, to target groups based
42
on their risk and need profile, as is depicted in the table below. Others have pro-
posed similar strategies for distributing resources based on the needs of adults with
behavioral health problems who are under correctional supervision (Osher et al.,
2012). Additionally, the ‘stratified risk and care’ model described by Pillay and col-
leagues (2008) outlines a similar way that forensic service users are distributed across
security levels according to their level of clinical need and risk for violence and
crime.
Custodial forensic services (Tiers 4–6) are most appropriate for forensic service
users who are assessed as being at moderate to high levels of criminogenic risk, as
well as those with severe mental health and substance use problems. The Prins and
Draper (2009) model suggests that persons with higher levels of criminogenic needs
accompanied by more serious mental health and substance use problems would be
the most likely to benefit from a highly specialized forensic mental health service,
with its integration of risk assessment, risk management, and mental health and sub-
stance abuse treatment. Community forensic services (Tiers 1–3) may be most
appropriate for forensic service users assessed as being at low to moderate levels of
criminogenic risk and have low to moderate mental health and substance use treat-
ment needs. The needs of forensic service users who have lower levels of crimino-
genic, mental health, and substance use needs are likely to be met by services with
lower levels of forensic specialization. Those with higher criminogenic needs who
are living in the community may be best served by highly specialized forensic serv-
ices, such as forensic assertive community treatment.
Much of the literature in this area focuses on criminogenic risk and need factors,
but a recent body of scholarship has cast doubt on the validity of using crimino-
genic risk to inform decisions regarding the assignment of service users to different
security levels in a forensic mental health care continuum (O’Dwyer et al., 2011).
Table 1.4 Target Group by Service Cluster
Tier Service Cluster Appropriate Target Group
6 High-security • H igh criminogenic risk and low, moderate, or high

custodial services mental health/substance use treatment needs
5 Medium-security • Moderate criminogenic risk and high mental health/
custodial services substance use treatment need
4 Low-security • Moderate criminogenic risk and moderate mental health/
custodial services substance use treatment needs
3 High-intensity • Moderate criminogenic risk and moderate mental health/
community services substance use treatment needs
2 Moderate-intensity • Moderate criminogenic risk and low mental health/
community services substance use treatment needs
• Low criminogenic risk and moderate mental health/
substance use treatment needs
1 Low-intensity • Low criminogenic risk and low mental health/substance
community services use treatment needs
43
A set of instruments, known as the DUNDRUM quartet, have been developed to

inform decisions concerning the placement and movement of service users in the
forensic mental health system (Kennedy, O’Neill, Flynn, & Gill, 2010). These
instruments rely on a different set of variables, compared to those used by crimino-
genic need and violence risk appraisal instruments, to assess the appropriateness of
security level placement. Although more research is needed on the effectiveness of
instruments such as the DUNDRUM quartet to improve system-level processes
and outcomes, adjustments to the above table may be warranted, such that the
service clusters and security levels (especially in custodial settings) are matched to a
target groups’ therapeutic security needs, rather than their criminogenic, mental
health, and substance use treatment needs. The latter batch of variables may be
more appropriate for matching individuals to appropriate interventions (type and
intensity), rather than determining their placement within the forensic mental
health care continuum.
Integrating Systems
Forensic service users need to access different systems and subsystems to have their
intersecting needs appropriately met. Many obstacles prevent services from achiev-
ing optimal levels of integration and coordination, such as fragmented funding
mandates. The complexity of the criminal justice, psychiatric, and social problems
existing within the forensic mental health population present challenges for coord-
inating and integrating services for this group—especially since forensic service
users are undesired, unwanted, and rejected by other service systems (Wolff,
2002).
Receiving care from different systems, or different components of a system, is
very problematic in a population with co-occurring, complex needs, and that has
experienced severe social ruptures and interrupted care trajectories. A fundamental
principle for effectively organizing mental health and substance use services is that
systems should be integrated (Craven & Bland, 2006; Thornicroft & Tansella,
2003). In the forensic mental health context, system integration refers to bridging
the service delivery gaps that exist within and between mental health, substance
use, criminal justice, corrections, housing, and other essential service sectors. The
purpose of systems integration is to encourage seamless service delivery, to promote
efficiency, to optimize the use of scarce resources, and to improve outcomes.
Systems integration is promoted through structures and processes that facilitate col-
laborations, partnerships, and communication between professionals and agencies.
Models of systems integration between mental health, criminal justice, and com-
munity support services have been developed (Lamberti, Deem, Weisman, &
LaDuke, 2011; Osher et al., 2012; Weisman, Lamberti, & Price, 2004). Our review
of forensic systems also shows various ways in which different jurisdictions through-
out the world have tried to build systems integration in order to meet the needs of
forensic service users. One aspect of systems integration focuses on linkages and
coordination among the various components of the mental health, substance use,
44
and correctional service continuum. Integration between the custodial and com-
munity settings is also essential for the efficient and effective delivery of forensic
mental health services. Opportunities for multi-system collaboration and system
integration exist throughout the tiered model. For instance, the needs of forensic
service users at the lower tiers (e.g., 1 or 2) could be effectively met by the general
mental health system, since the need for specialized forensic services may no longer
exist (Humber et al., 2011), an approach that has been adopted by many countries.
Integrating risk management strategies and transferring forensic skills into the
general mental health system, or transitioning forensic service users to the general
mental health system when appropriate has a number of advantages (Jansman-Hart
et al., 2011), including freeing up space in the forensic system but also avoiding
unnecessarily restricting the liberty of forensic service users.
As our international review of frameworks demonstrated, numerous options
exist for organizing forensic mental health systems. In addition to population differ-
ences, the models vary in the degree to which services are integrated with the other
sectors, such as the general, nonforensic mental health system as well as the cor-
rectional system. One approach, which we call a ‘specialized’ model, offers special-
ized forensic services to all forensic services users throughout their care pathway in
custody (e.g., forensic hospital) and the community (e.g., forensic outpatient care).
In contrast, a ‘mixed’ model provides access to specialized care based on need
whereby only some forensic service users (e.g., moderate–high risk) receive special-
ized forensic services, while others receive hospital- or community-based services
in the general mental health system. This model’s focus on tailoring care (special-
ized or integrated) based on individual need is consistent with the principles of the
tiered model. Lastly, in a ‘general’ model, forensic service users receive services
either entirely (i.e., hospital and community) or partly (i.e., community only) in the
general mental health system—an arrangement that is primarily based on the avail-
ability of resources rather than people’s needs. There are theoretical strengths and
weaknesses of these different ways of integrating systems, but their relative effec-
tiveness requires further study.
3 How Can the Performance of Forensic Mental Health Systems

Be Evaluated at a Systems Level?
The integration of the best available evidence into practice and the measurement
outcomes have been, and continue to be, ongoing challenges in all areas of health
care—forensic mental health services are no exception. Many organizations have
developed quality and performance indicators in order to assess the functioning of
their services, level of effectiveness and areas for improvements. However, the field of
forensic mental health, with a few exceptions, has been slow to move into the era of
identifying and applying quality standards and performance indicators in a systematic
fashion (Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health Care, 2014; Bar-
baree & Goering, 2007; Coombs, Taylor, & Pirkis, 2011; Haque, 2016; Lauriks,
Buster, Wit, Arah, & Klazinga, 2012; Müller-Isberner, Lichtenfels, & Imbeck, 2016;
45
Parameswaran, Spaeth-Rublee, Huynh, & Pincus, 2012). Very little substantive doc-
umentation about performance measurement is currently available in the gray liter-
ature and even less so in the scientific literature. We were able to locate variable
degrees of information from Canada (Ontario and British Columbia), England and
Wales, Scotland, Germany, the Netherlands, and Australia. A few key initiatives are
being disseminated, particularly through the International Association of Forensic
Mental Health Services’ special interest group of service development, organization,
strategy, and delivery, which meets regularly at the association’s annual conference.
As was clearly illustrated by Müller-Isberner et al. (2016), forensic mental health
services are complex organizational structures embedded in an elaborate mesh of
media and public scrutiny, legal frameworks, administrative contexts, institutional
contexts, and general risk management interventions. Managing all of these com-
ponents is an important and challenging endeavor. The development of quality
standards can help organizations in measuring outcomes, standardizing procedures,
and facilitating the integration of evidence-based practices into services. Whether
organizations choose to follow the guidelines of the International Organization for
Standardization (Müller-Isberner et al., 2016), quality standards developed by
accrediting bodies for general health care organizations,11 or their own quality
standard network approaches (Barbaree & Goering, 2007; Haque, 2016; Thomson,
2016), it is becoming increasingly clear that forensic mental health services can and
should implement systematic quality management processes.
The United Kingdom’s Quality Network for Forensic Mental Health services
has been particularly active.12 From recent reports, they now have participants from
100 percent of all English, Irish, and Welsh medium-security units and 88 percent
of English low-security units (Haque, 2016). This network has produced a series of
accessible documentation booklets on standards for medium-security units, low-
security units, community forensic mental health, prison mental health services,
and a series of supplementary aids on such themes as intellectual disabilities and sub-
stance misuse (Haque, 2016). For medium-security units, the standards focus on
four main themes: (1) Patient safety, which includes physical security,13 procedural
security,14 relational security,15 and the safeguarding of children and vulnerable
adults; (2) patient experience, which includes patient focus, family and friends, and
environment and facilities; (3) clinical effectiveness, which is comprised of patient
pathways and outcomes, physical health care, and workforce; and, finally, (4) gov-
ernance, which includes such indicators as accountability processes, incident
reporting, and accessible complaints procedure (Quality Network for Forensic
Mental Health, 2007). For low-security units, the quality network has developed
standards around six main themes: (1) Models of care, including admission, recov-
ery, physical health care, and discharge; (2) a safe therapeutic environment building
on physical security, relational security, and procedural security; (3) service environ-
ment, which includes environmental design, risk assessment and management, de-
escalation and seclusion, access to external spaces, and facilities for visitors; (4)
workforce, which includes capacity and capability as well as training and continuing
professional development; (5) governance, such as reporting and managing adverse
46
incidents and what is coined ‘business continuity’ relating to contingency plans;

and, finally, (6) equality, which includes for example such indicators as compliance
with mental health and human rights legislation and access to advocacy programs
for service users (Quality Network for Forensic Mental Health, 2012). The network
has also developed a series of initial standards for community forensic mental health
services: (1) Models of care, including for example referral processes and care path-
ways; (2) safe working environment, which include physical, procedural, and rela-
tional security; and (3) governance, which includes among other things, audit
structures, access to advocacy services for service users, and employment of service
users in the organization (Quality Network for Forensic Mental Health, 2013). As
of mid-2016, another national commissioning body is working toward the devel-
opment of quality standards for the three high-security units.
Scotland’s Quality Framework16 for forensic mental health services has similar
themes that were identified as important in the development of quality standards and
practice indicators but are organized along slightly different themes: (1) Assessment,
care, planning, and treatment, which include such indicators as admission assessment,
care program approach, patient involvement, person-centered care, Mental Health
Act compliance (this is a nonexhaustive list); (2) physical health, including drug testing
protocols, physical health needs, and weight management; (3) risk (assessment, deten-
tion, compulsion, and patient safety), which includes structured professional judg-
ment, patient involvement, and timescales for risk assessment; (4) management of
violence, which includes de-escalation procedures, seclusion procedures, post-incident
debrief, and patient support; (5) physical environment such as security system design
and construction, visiting, technology, and contingency plans; and, finally, (6) team
skills and staffing, which includes multidisciplinary teams, research, further education
and development, and personal safety (Thomson, 2016). As with the rest of the United
Kingdom, the Scottish network has also organized its standards around low-, medium-,
and high-security units.
Müller-Isberner et al. (2016) conclude that the introduction of a quality man-
agement system facilitates better structure, standardization of procedures, con-
tinuous improvement processes, implementation of new best practices such as new
risk assessment and management measures, transparency of the organization, and
the survival of the knowledge within organizations, particularly when there is staff
turnover. Moving from a stand-alone organizational model toward networks of
forensic systems seems to be helpful for establishing and supporting the implemen-
tation of quality standards (Solomon, Day, Worrall, & Thompson, 2015). All of
these initiatives pertaining to quality indicators and standards are helpful for organi-
zations to structure, manage, and improve their services with the aim of providing
better care and effective risk management of forensic mental health service users.
They are also probably more likely to occur in high-income countries, where
greater resources and expertise allow for a more intensive focus on institutional
structures and measurement processes.
In the end, improving mental health and reducing risk for the well-being of
service users and their loved ones, health care staff, and the general public are the
47
main goals of forensic mental health services. As with mental health services in
general, other intervention attributes need to be taken into account (Thornicroft &
Slade, 2014). These may include accessibility, acceptability, efficiency, cost-
effectiveness, and evidence-informed practices. It is also suggested that outcome
measurement be comprehensive and multidimensional—evaluating humanitarian,
psychosocial, health, and public safety outcomes—and take into account the per-
spectives of multiple stakeholder groups (e.g., patients, caregivers, clinicians: Cohen
& Eastman, 2000; Epperson et al., 2014). All of the abovementioned attributes may
pose some challenges in forensic mental health as there are delicate balances to
maintain between meeting the needs of the individual service users, in terms of
both well-being and human rights, and satisfying the needs of other interest groups,
including victims, the public, and the state. Very little research to date has exam-
ined these issues and together.
Many outcomes will be shaped by factors outside the control of the forensic
mental health system, particularly institutional forensic mental health services, unless
strong continuing links are created and care pathways are maintained in community-
based services. In a recent meeting of mental health, justice, and safety stakeholders
in Canada, the chronic lack of appropriate housing for forensic service users was
identified as a major challenge for forensic services to transition people safely and
promptly into the community (Crocker, Nicholls, Seto, Roy, et al., 2015c).
Although there is ongoing debate, the available research argues against the develop-
ment of parallel forensic mental health community services, but rather supports
investing in better integration with general mental health services (Coid, 2007).
Others have also called for a retooling or scaling up of practices in the general
mental health care system in order to better address the needs, goals, and capabilities
of forensic service users (Hodgins, 2009). It is hypothesized that a more integrated
approach would foster a better understanding of forensic issues among general
mental health care practitioners and would help reduce the stigma of receiving
services from specialized forensic programs. It could also facilitate dissemination and
adoption of quality standards across the continuum of care for forensic service users.
We must also acknowledge that distal outcomes, such as recidivism and mental
health recovery, are strongly associated with social and environmental factors, such
as trauma exposure, environmental stressors, deprivation, poverty, and inequality,
as well as access to and continuity of meaningful care and support in the community
(Epperson et al., 2014; Seto, Charette, Nicholls, & Crocker, n.d.; Tew et al., 2012).
Increased attention to these determinants in regards to assessing forensic mental
health outcomes, including the processes that influence outcomes, is essential for
better organizing the continuum of care and addressing the balance between public
safety and individual rights and freedoms.
Despite a clear interest and need in implementing quality management strategies
and developing cultures of outcome measurement in forensic mental health services,
one must remain aware of potential invariance in the measurements; that is, the same
outcome is measured for everybody irrespective of its importance for a particular
person (Thornicroft & Slade, 2014). What is considered to be ultimate positive
48
outcome, such as recidivism reduction, may not be what is perceived as most important
for the people who receive or provide forensic services (Livingston, 2016), or for
other stakeholder groups, such as families. Reduction of symptoms may be important
and helpful for the service users to start engaging in more meaningful activities, but
perhaps the most important components of risk reduction or strengths development
for a particular service user may be the possibility of developing significant relations
with others. We must, therefore, remain cognizant of the recovery path of each indi-
vidual service user and integrate the appropriate recovery components in the quality
of care assessment process, which can be a challenge in light of some risk and crimi-
nogenic attributes that must be addressed. In their review on recovery in mental
health, Tew and colleagues (Tew et al., 2012) propose a paradigm shift from “indi-
vidualized ‘treatment-oriented’ practice to one in which working with family and
friends, and promoting social inclusion, are no longer optional extras” (p. 455), focus-
ing on enabling people to reach their aspirations by working not only with the indi-
vidual but his or her social environment. The performance of modern forensic systems
should be systematically evaluated with respect to their alignment with recovery-
oriented or patient-centered principles (Livingston, Nijdam-Jones, & Brink, 2012), as
is evident in the quality frameworks of England and Wales and Scotland, or their
adherence to whichever model (e.g., the balanced care approach depicted in Figure 1.1)
has been chosen to guide the organization and delivery of services.
4 What Are Some Major Challenges Concerning the

Organization of Forensic Mental Health Systems?
Risk-Averse Society
The concept of risk refers to the probability of an event and the magnitude of its
consequences; risk and probabilities can be difficult to grasp and can lead to a
variety of responses in society. “Risk events interact with psychological, social and
cultural processes to heighten or attenuate public perceptions of risk and related risk
behavior” (Kasperson et al., 1988, p. 178). Sociologists argue that modern society
is increasingly being structured around risk, with social institutions constituted to
protect the population from perceived dangers (e.g., terrorism, climate change,
infectious diseases, and financial crises: Beck, 1992). Some very low-risk phenom-
ena, such as violent behavior toward a stranger by a person with a mental illness,
can elicit strong public concern and insecurity (Monahan & Steadman, 2012). A
fearful and anxious public turns to their government for protection, and, in turn,
government officials (e.g., politicians) maintain social order by convincing the
public of their capability to manage and control risk. Some politicians strategically
use such opportunities to gain popularity and political advantage by promoting
punitive and coercive measures (e.g., incarceration) to suppress ‘risky problems’
(Pratt, 2007). These harsh punitive measures are problematic in that they are largely
symbolic and undermine the rehabilitative objectives of the criminal justice,
forensic, and correctional systems.
49
Most Westernized or high-income societies are increasingly risk-averse—the

current political situation around the world regarding the influx of Syrian immigration
in many countries is probably one of the most obvious examples at this time. Closer
to our current subject, one only has to think of the ‘Not In My Backyard’ (NIMBY)17
phenomenon that persons with mental illness are often up against when trying to find
housing in their preferred neighborhood. This risk aversion plays an important role in
the organization of forensic mental health services, in particular regarding security
levels, discharge planning and decisions for patients as well as legislation and policies
pertaining to mentally ill offenders. In Canada, for instance, the Not Criminally
Responsible Reform Act, which came into law in July 2014 under the conservative
government, created a ‘high-risk accused’ category, mostly based on the severity of
the offense, which increased and prolonged the restrictions placed on the subgroup of
people found NCRMD. This type of reform is risk aversion-based, not rooted in any
evidence, and the product of a penal populist style of governing (Tersigni, 2016).
Penal populism is generally understood as a policy framework based on public opinion
and fear rather than expert advice or an evidence base and leads to policy and legisla-
tion that are tough on crime. The tough on crime approach plays on its appeal for the
public to have ‘safe communities’ and reduced violence and criminality regardless of
the evidence (Bousfield, Cook, & Roesch, 2014; Cook & Roesch, 2012). A recent
simulation study was conducted by applying retrospectively the criteria of the legisla-
tion on a sample of individuals found not criminally responsible on account of mental
disorder. Results indicate that individuals who would potentially be designated high-
risk accused reoffended at similar or lower rates than non-high-risk accused individu-
als (Goossens et al., 2016), thereby demonstrating that the new legislation may not in
fact have the intended effects. Zero risk of course does not exist and can never be
ensured in regards to human behavior, but the dangers of the risk-averse culture are
the increased stigmatization, marginalization, and intolerance of persons with a mental
illness who become involved with the criminal justice system. This, in turn, makes it
increasingly difficult to assist individuals who need it most.
Even within the mental health services, some community service providers (e.g.,
mental health, housing, employment) are reluctant to work with discharged for-
ensic service users who are perceived as being a risk of violence. Community for-
ensic services are, thus, not always available or able to follow up patients that are
returning to the community. In Ontario and British Columbia, two of the largest
provinces in Canada, the civil health care systems are allowed to refuse to treat for-
ensic patients. As a result, the patients may be staying in the forensic system for
longer than necessary and thus occupy forensic beds that are otherwise greatly
needed (Crocker, Nicholls, Seto, Roy, et al., 2015c).
The Perceived Dichotomy Between Recovery and Public Safety—Fuel for

Penal Populism
The generally poor understanding of the relationship between mental illness and
violence in the general public is partly due to the fact that, historically, the research
50
has not always been clear about this relationship (Monahan, 1992) and researchers
have not effectively communicated what is known about justice-involved mentally ill
persons in general (Crocker et al., 2015c). It may also be partially reinforced by an
emphasis on a deterministic biomedical model of mental illness that can create dualis-
tic thinking between individual recovery and public safety, in the eyes of the public
and politicians. In fact, when it comes to violence and mental illness, there is a general
tendency to view recovery and public safety as opposites, when the evidence has
shown that it is through rehabilitation and recovery that one can achieve a reduction
in risk (Dvoskin, Skeem, Novaco, & Douglas, 2012). The risk–need–responsivity
model research also shows that excessive intervention that is disproportionate to risk
can actually have the inverse effect of increasing risk (Andrews, 2012) and, con-
sequently, decreasing public safety. Research has clearly shown that punitive policies
and coercive practices tend to, in the long term, exert a negative effect on public
safety. Some of the best examples were observed in the United States through the
tough on crime legislation of the 1990s (Blumstein, 2012). Traditionally, conservative
governments have argued for more incarceration/punitive approaches, while liberals
tend to promote crime prevention strategies based on social development (Blumstein,
2012). The resurgence of conservative, right-wing governments around the globe
will continue to pose challenge for forensic mental health services in striving for
recovery-oriented approaches despite increasing pressures to be punitive, often fueled
by highly mediatized cases to use punitive and coercively driven approaches. It will
become increasingly important to develop clear messaging around short-, medium-,
and long-term outcomes and programs that reduce recidivism rates in forensic popu-
lations and improve public safety in order to guide policy-making and reduce stigma.
Future research could explore what are the most effective strategies for educating
policy-makers and the general public around justice-involved persons with mental
illness (Crocker et al., 2015c).
Forensic Mental Health Stigma

Stigma is a social process that aims to exclude, reject, shame, and devalue groups of
people on the basis of a particular characteristic (Weiss, Ramakrishna, & Somma,
2006). It is conveyed by the widespread perception among the general public that
individuals with mental illnesses are dangerous (Jorm, Reavley, & Ross, 2012;
Mestdagh & Hansen, 2014; Parcesepe & Cabassa, 2013; Pescosolido, 2013;
Schomerus et al., 2012). It manifests when people with mental illness feel as though
they are devalued and discredited members of society, which can lead to hopeless-
ness, poor self-esteem, disempowerment, reduced self-efficacy, poor treatment
adherence, and decreased quality of life (Livingston & Boyd, 2010) and it ultimately
leads to numerous structural barriers for accessing social and economic opportun-
ities, such as employment, education, and housing, ultimately restricting the rights
of people with mental illness and hindering their recovery.
Forensic mental health service users face substantial stigmatization, which
results from intersecting psychiatric and criminal labels as well as other forms of
51
marginalization (e.g., poverty, racism). Roskes and colleagues (1999) identified

‘double stigma’—the co-occurring statuses of being mentally ill and a convicted
criminal—as a barrier to community reintegration. Similarly, in a study with ex-
offenders who had co-occurring mental health and substance use problems, Hart-
well (2004) provided evidence to suggest that problematic community reintegration
is compounded by the intersection of these three statuses (mentally ill, addicted,
ex-con), which she called ‘triple stigma.’ A small body of research has investigated
stigma in the forensic mental health system (Margetić, Aukst-Margetić, Ivanec, &
Filipčić, 2008; West, Vayshenker, Rotter, & Yanos, 2015; West, Yanos, & Mulay,
2014; Williams, Moore, Adshead, McDowell, & Tapp, 2011). The results of one
study indicate that receiving specialized forensic services is associated with increased
exposure to social stigma, such as being perceived by others as potentially violent.
Additionally, forensic service users commonly experience instances of structural
stigma, such as being refused access to services (e.g., housing, day programs) on
account of the ‘forensic’ label (Livingston, Rossiter, & Verdun-Jones, 2011). These
barriers are in addition to those that are directly related to mental illness and other
forms of social and economic disadvantage.
Stigma is a major challenge for many mental health service users, including those
who are in the forensic system. Obtaining employment, housing, and necessary
services is made more difficult through the interlocking effects of multiple statuses
and labels that combine to create oppression, disempowerment, and marginaliza-
tion. To protect themselves from stigmatizing experiences, forensic service users
may engage in behaviors, such as social withdrawal, that are unproductive for
recovery from mental illness and desisting from crime. They may also be blocked
from accessing vital resources (e.g., housing, social network) that are required for
living a prosocial, healthy life in the community. Although more research is needed,
the existing evidence suggests that stigma is influenced by the policies and practices
of forensic mental health systems. The fact that forensic services users are exposed
to greater levels of social and structural stigma is a factor that decision-makers should
be aware of so that they can work toward mitigating such negative effects of the
forensic system. At an individual level, this might include making programs avail-
able to help service users cope with negative effects of stigma, or, at a structural
level, this would involve rectifying policies and practices that arbitrarily restrict for-
ensic service users’ access to social and economic opportunities.
5 What Are Some Emerging Approaches in Relation to

Organizing Forensic Mental Health Systems?
In this section, we present a selected sample of emerging models and approaches
that challenge the traditional or orthodox ways (i.e., custodial, biomedical, and
sometimes coercive orientations) in forensic mental health. We chose to address
four contemporary issues that are at the core of the forensic mental health business:
safety, rehabilitation, knowledge exchange, and the role of the service user in for-
ensic mental health services.
52
Providing Increased Ward Safety—The Safewards Model

Challenging behaviors such as verbal and physical aggression, self-harm, suicide,
and medication refusal are relatively common occurrences in forensic settings
(Nicholls, Brink, Greaves, Lussier, & Verdun-Jones, 2009). These behaviors place
patients and staff at risk of serious harm and hamper rehabilitative efforts. Various
‘containment’ strategies have been used, from chemical and mechanical restraints to
seclusion and special observation by staff in an attempt to manage these behaviors
or improve outcomes (Bowers et al., 2015). Whereas some health care professionals
defend these practices as necessary measures for protection, others have described
the practice of seclusion and restraint as dangerous violations of human dignity and
rights (van der Schaaf, Dusseldorp, Keuning, Janssen, & Noorthoorn, 2013).
The Safewards model is one of the most recent approaches for reducing and
even eliminating seclusion and restraints in civil psychiatric settings (Bowers, 2014).
The reciprocal relationship between conflict and containment are at the center of
the model, whereby conflict triggers containment and containment procedures
trigger conflict. In this model, conflict refers to the risk behaviors that service users
engage in that could threaten their own safety and the safety of others. Contain-
ment refers to the prevention strategies that seek to minimize harmful outcomes or
prevent conflict events from occurring at all. The model is constructed around the
following six domains, which identify the main influences on conflict and contain-
ment rates: the staff team, the physical environment, outside hospital, the patient
community, patient characteristics, and the regulatory framework (Bowers, 2014).
The staff team domain includes the internal structure of the ward, which is com-
posed of rules of service user conduct, daily and weekly routine (i.e., what happens
and where), and the overall ideology asserted by the staff to highlight the purpose
of the ward and what it offers to service users. The physical environment domain
refers to the built environment’s quality (i.e., better-quality environments evoke
greater respect for patients, more comfort, and greater care) and complexity (i.e.,
more difficult to observe environments make supervision by the staff harder). The
outside hospital domain highlights the stressors from outside the hospital relating to
the service users’ friends, family, or home. The patient community domain pertains
to the collective values, beliefs, and behavior among service user groups and their
relevance for producing contagion or discord. Moreover, the patient characteristics
domain expresses a large variety of patient characteristics that can give rise to con-
flict behavior (i.e., symptoms, personality traits, demographic features). Finally, the
regulatory framework domain refers to the external structure of the ward and
includes the constraints on the service users’ behavior dictated largely from outside
the ward itself (i.e., Mental Health Acts, coerced detention, national policies, hos-
pital policies).
With the aforementioned factors in mind, the Safewards approach seeks to
reduce conflict as well as reduce the use of seclusion and restraints through work-
force training, service user involvement, debriefing techniques, senior management
commitment to change, and the use of audits to inform practice (Bowers et al.,
53
2015). The model also enables the creation of a list of interventions that could
enhance the staff modifiers (i.e., actions of the staff as individuals or teams) that can
influence the frequency of conflict and containment, thereby reducing conflict and
containment rates (Bowers et al., 2015).
A body of research supports the domains in the Safewards model. Eggert et al.
(2014) examined the person–environment interaction effects of environmental
design on ward climate, safety, job satisfaction, and treatment. With regards to
treatment outcomes, as perceived safety increased so did patient discharges, although
only to a small degree. This result suggests that, when people feel safe in the treat-
ment environment, treatment is more likely to have a positive impact, resulting in
earlier discharge from the hospital. In another study, conducted by van der Schaaf
et al. (2013), the ‘presence of an outdoor space,’ ‘special safety measure,’ and a large
‘number of patients in the building’ increased the risk of being secluded. On the
other hand, design features such as ‘total private space per patient,’ a higher ‘level
of comfort’ and greater ‘visibility on the ward’ decreased the risk of being secluded.
Some support was also found in a literature review by Alexander and Bowers (2004)
on ward rules, providing evidence that service users were in fact calmer and less
disruptive on wards with clear, consistent rules, and clear roles for staff. Finally,
service users’ perceptions about the social climate of the ward were found to have
a significant relationship with their satisfaction with forensic services. However, the
variables most strongly associated with satisfaction with forensic services were their
perceptions about the nature of therapeutic relations with staff (Bressington,
Stewart, Beer, & MacInnes, 2011). Moreover, in a study of participant observation
coupled with interviews of 131 staff collected over 38 months on four acute and
two chronic wards, Katz and Kirkland (1990) concluded that violence was in fact
more common in wards with unclear staff functions. Violence was less frequent in
wards with strong psychiatric leadership, clear staff roles, and events that reflect the
Safewards model’s main principles.
Bowers et al. (2015) conducted a large-scale clustered randomized controlled
trial over a three-month period to test a series of interventions to increase safety and
reduce coercion. The results indicate that simple interventions aiming to improve
staff relationships with patients can reduce the frequency of conflict and contain-
ment. Furthermore, relative to the control intervention, when conflict events
occurred, the Safewards intervention reduced the rate of conflict events by 15
percent and containment events by 26 percent (Bowers et al., 2015). Price, Burbery,
Leonard, and Doyle (2016) used a service evaluation incorporating a nonrand-
omized controlled design to analyze the effects of Safewards on conflict and con-
tainment between and within wards. Informal feedback sessions with staff were
conducted to explore views on the acceptability of the interventions and the adher-
ence to the interventions was measured. The benefit of using the Safewards inter-
vention in a between-ward analysis by measuring conflict and containment rates
failed to reach significance. However, there was a significant association between
ward, conflict, and containment. Furthermore, overall views of the interventions
were valued more highly on female wards than on male wards. Staff from female
54
wards reported increased confidence in their role, increased psychological under-

standing of patient behavior, and reduced fear of patients. On the other hand, in
male wards, the perception was that the interventions were only of use for patients
who were receptive to care and that many of the patients were resistant to engage-
ment with nursing staff at any level beyond having their basic needs met. Hence,
interviews of patients and staff about the causes of patient violence gave strong
support to the importance of positive appreciation, emotional regulation, team-
work skill, technical mastery, moral commitments, and effective structure (Bensley,
Nelson, Kaufman, Silverstein, & Shields, 1995; Bond & Brimblecombe, 2004;
Finnema, Dassen, & Halfens, 1994; Lowe, 1992; Spokes et al., 2004). In sum, the
Safewards model is showing some promising results for a safer future for patients
and staff in forensic mental services and merits further empirical inquiry.
Rehabilitation—The Good Lives Model

Offender rehabilitation has been a topic of continuous debate, with a profound shift
in attitudes in the last few decades (Ward & Brown, 2004). As discussed earlier in
this chapter, the risk-need-responsivity (RNR) model (Andrews & Bonta, 2006)
has been a prevailing approach to treatment of offenders in Canada, as well as other
parts of the world (e.g., Australia, the United Kingdom, and New Zealand), for the
last three decades. As its underlying assumption, the model highlights that offenders
are bearers of risk for recidivism, and that the primary aim of offender rehabilitation
should be to reduce this recidivism risk. Although meta-analyses provide support
for the efficacy of this model in reducing recidivism among general and sexual
offenders (Andrews et al., 1990; Andrews & Dowden, 2005; Hanson et al., 2002),
some researchers have argued that this evidence is insufficient to conclude that this
treatment-based program is in fact effective. More specifically, Ward and Stewart
(2003) argue that the RNR model does not pay enough attention to the individual
and the idiosyncratic goals and preferences of service users.
The model proposed by Ward and his colleagues is highly influenced by the area
of positive psychology rather than the cognitive behavioral/social learning frame-
work of the RNR oriented programs. This theory of rehabilitation is known as the
good lives model (GLM) and it represents a strength-based approach to offender
rehabilitation. The model promises to enhance the effectiveness of current efforts
by addressing limitations of the risk management approach and helping reduce
recidivism rates (Andrews, Bonta, & Wormith, 2011; Lindsay, Ward, Morgan, &
Wilson, 2007; Ward & Brown, 2004; Ward & Gannon, 2006; Whitehead, Ward,
& Collie, 2007). The dual focus of GLM is to help offenders to live better by pro-
moting personally important goals and equipping them with the skills, values, and
attitudes necessary to reduce and manage their likelihood of committing further
crimes (Ward & Gannon, 2006).
GLM identifies the primary ‘human goods’ that ultimately lead to an individual’s
sense of happiness, such as healthy living and functioning, knowledge, excellence
in agency, inner peace, friendship, spirituality, and creativity (Ward & Gannon,
55
2006). The achievement of these primary goods is highly dependent on internal

factors, such as skills and abilities, and external factors, such as opportunities and
support networks, unique to the individual (Barnao et al., 2010). An individual
seeking inner peace may, for instance, turn to substance use if they are unable to
attain this ‘human good’ in more socially acceptable ways. The GLM integrates
personal preferences into treatment planning through the completion of a compre-
hensive assessment to gain an understanding of how each offender conceptualizes a
‘good life.’ On the basis of that information, a treatment plan is designed to increase
the person’s capacity to achieve their version of a ‘good life’ using socially accept-
able and legal means. By focusing on providing offenders with the necessary internal
and external conditions for meeting their human needs in more adaptive ways, the
assumption is that they will be less likely to harm themselves or others.
Proponents of GLM argue that it offers a unique approach to rehabilitating
mentally ill offenders. Specifically, GLM conceptualizes people with mental illness
as being no different from others insofar that they, like everybody, are attempting
to achieve primary goods and live worthy lives. However, the presence of mental
illness negatively impacts the salience of primary goods and compromises the means
(i.e., cognitive, psychological, and social skills) by which they are obtained—all of
which are further impacted by external variables (e.g., level of distress, financial
resources: Barnao, Robertson, & Ward, 2010). Under the GLM framework, inter-
ventions and programming in forensic settings can establish new normative means
by which individuals seek (and obtain) primary goods by assisting to increase an
individual’s capabilities and transition antisocial means to ones that are more socially
acceptable (Barnao et al., 2010). However, the author suggests that for some cases,
medical-modeled care remains the most realistic approach to achieving primary
goods (e.g., inner peace: Barnao & Ward, 2015). Introducing GLM into forensic
settings is timely given recent trends toward more holistic approaches to rehabilita-
tion as well as efforts to reduce the negative effects of mental illness and criminal
identities. GLM is also in keeping with human rights perspectives of offender
rehabilitation for its concentration on service users as self-determining agents, rather
than objects of risk management.
The most commonly cited criticism of GLM is its lack of strong empirical
support. Recent programs using GLM have demonstrated positive results. For
instance, Lindsay et al. (2007) reported that the GLM approach was an effective
way of motivating sexual offenders with intellectual disabilities and encouraging
them to engage in the difficult process of changing entrenched maladaptive behav-
iors. Furthermore, they also found that utilizing the principles of this model enabled
therapists to make progress with particularly intractable cases (Lindsay et al., 2007).
Additional research, principally with sex offender populations, has also confirmed
the principles underlying the GLM model (Barnett & Wood, 2008; Harkins &
Woodhams, 2012; Whitehead et al., 2007; Willis & Grace, 2008). Research with
non-mentally ill offender populations demonstrate improved treatment engage-
ment and therapeutic alliance, reduced dropout rates, and improved outcomes as a
result of incorporating GLM principles into treatment programs (Barnao, Ward, &
56
Casey, 2015; Ware & Bright, 2008). Early research with forensic populations has
found that GLM helped forensic service users discover their motivation for change
through supporting the development of personally meaningful goals (Barnao et al.,
2015) and has allowed practitioners to integrate various treatment theories into
their work with patients (Barnao & Ward, 2015). Bouman, Schene, and de Ruiter’s
(2009) study of the short- and long-term effects of subjective well-being among
forensic service users in the community found that satisfaction with health and
fulfillment of life goals were associated with decreased offending (self-reported) in
the short term. Moreover, in the long term, satisfaction with health and general life
satisfaction were associated with reduced reconvictions for violence among those
who were assessed as high risk. These findings support the notion that fulfillment
of primary goods is associated with reduced recidivism as well as desistance. In sum,
GLM has demonstrated preliminary effectiveness in enhancing treatment engage-
ment, fostering desistance, and paying increased attention to environmental con-
texts. GLM has the promise to supply forensic mental health practitioners with the
tools needed to engage difficult patient populations, and to strengthen the capacity
of forensic service users to overcome tremendous challenges in their lives.
Providing Forensic Expertise Upstream in Mental Health

Research has shown that as many as three-quarters of individuals entering forensic
services had previously received some form of psychiatric service (Crocker et al.,
2015a). Studies have also reported patterns of individuals’ unsuccessful attempts to
obtain the help of health care providers during times of crisis and immediately pre-
ceding the commission of violent acts (Stanton & Skipworth, 2005). This points to
an opportunity for violence or criminality prevention strategies to be put in place.
To do so, forensic expertise and experience must be shared upstream by bringing
the risk assessment and management knowledge to community-based and civil psy-
chiatric services and programs in order to target risk factors and potentially prevent
criminal behavior and violence. This is consistent with a key recommendation of a
large Canadian group of stakeholders who gathered in Montreal in 2014 to establish
a set of priorities for research and knowledge transfer in the field of mental health,
justice, and safety (Crocker et al., 2015c). When forensic mental health and general
mental health services work in different subsystems of care, this knowledge transfer
is likely to be more onerous. Targeted and well-supported knowledge transfer strat-
egies must, therefore, be implemented to share the forensic expertise. Knowledge
exchange is a two-way dialogue and exchange of information between those who
receive and use knowledge and those who generate and transfer it (Mitton, Adair,
McKenzie, Pattent, & Perry, 2007). Effective knowledge transfer strategies are
meant to draw upon existing relationships, resources, and networks to the maximum
extent possible, while at the same time building new resources as needed by users.
Crocker et al. (2015) suggested that current knowledge exchange initiatives in for-
ensic mental health remain insufficient for the systematic use of empirically based
risk assessment methods; only through a collaborative process of elaboration and
57
implementation of these tools will they be widely implemented and used (Scullion,
2002). Stronger partnerships between forensic and general mental health services
could increase the cross-pollination of evidence-based risk assessment and manage-
ment strategies with the aim of preventing the involvement of people with mental
illnesses, especially those at risk for criminality and aggressive behavior, in the crim-
inal justice, forensic, and correctional systems. In turn, these partnerships can
provide increased opportunities for general adult mental health services to infuse
forensic mental health services with recognized evidence-based practices such as
integrated concurrent disorder (severe mental illness and substance use disorder)
treatment strategies (Mueser, Noordsy, Drake, & Fox, 2003) and progressive thera-
peutic approaches (e.g., recovery-oriented). In turn, this would lead to increased
continuity of care between the systems.
Patient Engagement/Service User Involvement

Over the past decade, there has been a strong push internationally toward models
of mental health service delivery that are patient-centered and recovery-oriented
(Mental Health Commission of Canada, 2012; U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, 2009). Patient engagement refers to the active participation and
meaningful involvement of patients in a range of activities and decision-making
processes in the health care system (Tambuyzer, Pieters, & Van Audenhove, 2011).
It aims to provide patients with self-determination and control over health care
decisions, and to move away from paternalistic health care practices toward systems
of care that support patients’ choices and acknowledge the value of their lived
experiences (Forbat, Hubbard, & Kearney, 2009; Liberman & Kopelowicz, 2005;
Tambuyzer, Pieters, & Van Audenhove, 2011).
In many ways, forensic mental health systems may seem to be unsuitable places
for patient engagement. Certain characteristics of forensic services, such as the
public safety and involuntary orientation, complicate processes aimed at building
engagement and facilitating power sharing. The real potential for dangerous situ-
ations to occur means that containment and control practices are prioritized in
forensic settings, and patient engagement activities may feel unsafe and uncomfort-
able for forensic mental health service providers. The characteristics of some for-
ensic service users, such as antisocial personality disorder, criminal or violent
histories, susceptibility to mental decompensation, poor illness insight, treatment
nonadherence, suicidality, and risk of aggression or violence, can present serious
impediments to adopting patient engagement strategies in a forensic mental health
hospital (Green, Batson, & Gudjonsson, 2011).
For the aforementioned reasons, patient engagement historically has not been
prioritized in the forensic mental health system. Nevertheless, a growing number
of scholars and practitioners, who recognize the value of patient engagement
practices and recovery principles, are wrestling with the issues associated with
incorporating them into forensic mental health settings (Drennan & Alred, 2012;
Gudjonsson, Webster, & Green, 2010; McKenna et al., 2014; Simpson & Penney,
58
2011). The service user movement in some jurisdictions, such as the United
Kingdom, is particularly strong and has made substantial gains in the forensic
system (Bowser, 2012; Spiers, Harney, & Chilvers, 2005). In order to support
patient engagement at a systems level, organizations must place value on the lived
experiences of service users and meaningfully involve them in the planning and
delivery of services. Forensic service users would be supported to collaborate in
their own care and to help others in similar situations (e.g., co-facilitation, peer
support). They can also be integrated into quality improvement processes,
involved in the hiring and training of staff, and engaged as peer researchers
(Bowser, 2012; Livingston, Nijdam-Jones, & Team P.E.E.R., 2012; Livingston,
Nijdam-Jones, Lapsley, Calderwood, & Brink, 2013).
Studies in this area are demonstrating that, despite the challenges, forensic service
users can be engaged in ways that are consistent with recovery-oriented, patient-
centered care approaches (Livingston, Nijdam-Jones, & Brink, 2012; Staley, Kabir,
& Szmukler, 2013). Enhancing patient engagement in a custodial setting has the
potential to enhance forensic service users’ experiences of care (Livingston et al.,
2013) and improve safety (Polacek et al., 2015). Greater research is needed to better
understand how patient engagement and related approaches (e.g., recovery) influ-
ence forensic mental health processes (e.g., risk management) and outcomes (e.g.,
recidivism).
6 Conclusion
This review has exposed the breadth and variety of legal frameworks, processes, and
pathways through forensic mental health services around the world. The term for
ensic contains many different kinds of services, populations, and systems, depending
on where they are located in the world. Understanding that such heterogeneity
exists is important for researchers to consider in relation to the generalizability of
their findings to other contexts, and for administrators and clinicians to consider in
relation to evidence-based practices. With this in mind, there is an obvious need to
assess the performance of different models for organizing forensic mental health
systems, fostering international comparisons, and controlling for population
characteristics.
This review also demonstrated the interest of bringing forensic mental health
research, practice, and administration closer to current trends in general adult
mental health care, which is increasingly strengths-based, consumer participation-
based, quality measurement-based, and community-oriented. We further propose
a balanced care approach to the organization of forensic services, in line with
general mental health services. Moreover, we also identified significant gaps in the
literature in the area of community integration services for justice-involved people
with severe mental health problems. A great deal can be learned by looking at com-
plementary systems within nations, but also by looking outward—across nations—
to find solutions for the urgent, transnational problems shared by forensic mental
health service providers and administrators around the world.
59
Beyond the system-level characteristics identified in this review, the field would
benefit from greater interdisciplinary (e.g., history, sociological, political science,
social psychology, cultural studies) work to understand how the organization and
structure of forensic mental health systems are influenced by, and reproduce, histor-
ical and ongoing social, economic, political, and cultural factors. A robust body of
scholarship exists to understand the connection between punishment (and penal
institutions) and society, and to trace this through history and compare it between
different nations (Simon & Sparks, 2013). Connecting this body of theory and
research to the context of forensic mental health systems would allow us to reach a
deeper understanding of contemporary trends. There are, therefore, many future
opportunities to expand the field of forensic mental health services by growing
international, interdisciplinary collaborations.
Notes
1 The authors are grateful to Precilia Hanan, research assistant at the Douglas Mental
Health University Institute and McGill University in Montreal, as well as Zach MacMillan,
research assistant at Saint Mary’s University in Halifax, for their help in preparing the
documentation and summarizing studies for this book chapter. Many thanks also to Dr.
Quazi Haque, chair of the U.K. Quality Network for Forensic Mental Health Services
and executive medical director of Partnerships in Care, and Dr. Lindsay Thomson,
medical director of Forensic Network in Scotland, for sharing their knowledge and
insights on the development of quality standards in forensic mental health services. We
would like to thank as well Dr. Phil Klassen, vice president medical services at the
Ontario Shores Centre for Mental Health and member of the Ontario Forensic Quality
Initiative in Canada, and Dr. Jorge Folino, professor at the National University of La
Plata in Argentina.
2 Although we focus our review on adult forensic mental health services, we acknowledge
a growing need for research and thought into the youth forensic population. Further-
more, we do not specifically address the issue of forensic intellectual disabilities services,
most of which are under forensic mental health services with some specialized services
particularly prominent and well documented in the United Kingdom (Lindsay et al.,
2010).
3 Equivalent of not guilty by reason of insanity in other jurisdictions.
4 A court-ordered detention of a convicted individual for treatment (e.g., www.nes-mha.
scot.nhs.uk/people1e.htm).
5 The World Health Organization has published reports on the mental health systems of
over 80 countries. They may be accessed here: www.who.int/mental_health/who_
aims_country_reports/en
6 The difference between a placement order and a treatment order lays in the level of
security: patients under placement orders are admitted to a forensic facility and may only
be discharged by a court order. They are nearly always unlimited in duration and are
most often given to patients who have committed a severe offense against a person. A
patient under a treatment order is treated largely like a civil patient.
7 Also called the Victorian Institute of Forensic Mental Health.
8 In Canada, provincial correctional facilities are for individuals whose sentence is less than
two years.
9 Most South American countries use the word unimputable to describe not criminally
responsible offenders.
10 www.cost.eu/COST_Actions/isch/IS1302
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Handbook of Forensic

Mental Health Services

Handbook of Forensic Mental Health Services focuses on assessment, treatment, and

Ronald Roesch, PhD, is a professor of psychology and director of the Mental

Alana N. Cook, PhD, is a registered psychologist working in a private practice in

ISBN: 978-1-138-64594-3 (hbk)

List of Figures viii

1 Forensic Mental Health Systems Internationally 3

2 Criminal Forensic Assessment 79

3 Civil Forensic Assessment 104

4 Violence Risk Assessment Across Nations and Across

5 Formulation for Forensic Practitioners 153

6 The Role of Protective Factors in Forensic Risk Assessments 179

7 Forensic Report Writing: Principles and Challenges 216

8 Models of Change and the Use of Prevention and Early

9 Change to the Fullest Potential: Doing What Works in the

10 Treatment of Personality Disorders in Forensic/Correctional

11 Treatment of Sexual Offenders 323

12 Intellectual Disability Among Offenders in Correctional and

13 Female Offenders 369

14 Juvenile Offender Treatment 401

15 Implementation of Evidence-­Based Practices in

16 Forensic Mental Health in Corrections 470

17 Guidelines for Improving Forensic Mental Health in Inpatient

18 Diversion and the Sequential Intercept Model:

19 Mental Health Courts: Where Might We Go From Here? 566

1.1 Balanced Forensic Mental Health Care Continuum 41

1.1 Availability of Fitness to Plead, Mental Disorder Defense, and

17.1 Primary Sociodemographic and Mental Health Characteristics

Angelea D. Bolaños is a graduate student in the Department of Psychological Sci-

Anne G. Crocker is William Dawson Associate Professor of Psychiatry at McGill

Keith Cruise is Associate Professor of Psychology, Fordham University, Bronx,

Vivienne de Vogel is a psychologist and Head of the Department of Research at

Michiel de Vries Robbé is a psychologist and senior researcher at the Department

David DeMatteo is an associate professor of psychology and law at Drexel Univer-

Richart L. DeMier is board-­certified in forensic psychology by the American

Sarah Filone is a doctoral candidate in Clinical Psychology (forensic concentration)

Allison Foerschner is a doctoral candidate in the clinical psychology program at

Anthony Fortuna is a research associate at the University of Utah. His interests

Karen Grabowski is a doctoral candidate at Texas Tech University. Her research

Patricia A. Griffin is a longtime consultant for SAMHSA’s GAINS Center for

Lucy Guarnera is a PhD candidate in clinical psychology at the University of Vir-

Michelle R. Guyton is a board-­certified forensic clinical psychologist in Oregon.

Stephen D. Hart is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Simon Fraser

Kirk Heilbrun is a professor in the Department of Psychology at Drexel University.

Evan Holloway is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Psychology at Fordham

Marichelle C. Leclair is an epidemiology student at McGill University in Montreal

Marijke Louppen is a clinical psychologist and treatment supervisor of a forensic ward

Kaitlyn McLachlan is an assistant professor in the Department of Psychology at the

Heather M. Moulden is a psychologist in the forensic psychiatry program at St.

Edward Mulvey is a professor of psychiatry at the University of Pittsburgh School

Casey Myers is completing her master’s degree in neuroscience at McMaster

c­ onference presentations, and is an active member of the forensic research team at

Tonia L. Nicholls is Associate Professor in the Department of Psychiatry at the

Sarah Phillips is a doctoral student in clinical psychology at Drexel University. Her

Emilie Picard is a doctoral student in the Department of Psychology at Fordham

Amanda L. Reed is a doctoral student in the clinical psychology program at John

N. Dickon Reppucci is a professor of psychology at the University of Virginia. He

List of Figures viii

1 Forensic Mental Health Systems Internationally 3

2 Criminal Forensic Assessment 79

3 Civil Forensic Assessment 104

5 Formulation for Forensic Practitioners 153

6 The Role of Protective Factors in Forensic Risk Assessments 179

7 Forensic Report Writing: Principles and Challenges 216

11 Treatment of Sexual Offenders 323

13 Female Offenders 369

14 Juvenile Offender Treatment 401

15 Implementation of Evidence-Based Practices in

16 Forensic Mental Health in Corrections 470

19 Mental Health Courts: Where Might We Go From Here? 566

1.1 Balanced Forensic Mental Health Care Continuum 41

Richart L. DeMier is board-certified in forensic psychology by the American

Michelle R. Guyton is a board-certified forensic clinical psychologist in Oregon.

c onference presentations, and is an active member of the forensic research team at

Katy Winckworth-Prejsnar is a policy/advocacy fellow at the National Compre-

Other common-law jurisdictions

In the common-law Caribbean countries, forensic services are likely to be provided

Flanders (primarily Dutch-speaking). In Wallonia, mentally ill offenders found not

high-risk nonoffenders. When TBS-patients reach later phases of their treatment,

information is available about the follow-up programs, performance indicators and

custodial populations in low-, medium-, or high-security settings (Pillay, Oliver,

6 High-security • H igh criminogenic risk and low, moderate, or high

Most Westernized or high-income societies are increasingly risk-averse—the