MANAGING POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF DIASPORAS IN AFRICA: ACASE

STUDY OF ETHIOPIA

BY: MISGANA KOYNA TOMAS

JUNARY 2023

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 MANAGING POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT OF DIASPORAS IN AFRICA: A
CASESTUDYOFETHIOPIA

A RESARCH PROPOSAL SUBMITTED TO DIRDAWA U IVERSITY COLLEGE

OF SOCIAL SENCE AND HMANTY FOR PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FO DEGREE OF ART IN POLITICAL SCINCE AND
INTERNATIONAL RELATION

BY:
MISGANA KOYNA TOMAS

ID. 1202780

ADVISOR:
ROWDA A

DDU
JANUARY, 2021
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 Name of the student: Misgana Konyna Tomas

January 2024

This research proposal has been submitted for examination with my approval as a
university advisor.
Advisor Name: Rowda A

January 2024

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Contents
CHAPTER ONE................................................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................1
1.1. Back ground of the Study........................................................................................................1
1.2. Statement of the Problem........................................................................................................2
1.3. Objectives of the Study...........................................................................................................4
1.3.1. General Objective.................................................................................................................4
1.4. Research Questions.................................................................................................................5
1.5. The Scope of the Study...........................................................................................................5
1.6. Limitation of the Study...........................................................................................................5
1.7. Significance of the study.........................................................................................................6
1.8. Organization of the proposal...................................................................................................6
CHAPTER TWO...............................................................................................................................7
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK.....................................................7
2.1. Literature Review....................................................................................................................7
2.1.1. Defining Diaspora............................................................................................................7
2.1.2. African Diaspora.................................................................................................................8
2.1.3. Diaspora and Homeland Politics.........................................................................................9
2.1.4. Ethiopian Diaspora............................................................................................................11
2.2. Theoretical Framework.........................................................................................................14
2.2.1. Constructivism...............................................................................................................14
2.2.2. Liberalism......................................................................................................................14
2.2.3. Neo-Classicalism...........................................................................................................15
2.2.4. Historical Structuralism.................................................................................................16
CHAPTER THREE.............................................................................................................................17
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY........................................................................................................17
3.1. Research Design and approach.............................................................................................17
3.1.1. Research Design............................................................................................................17
3.1.2. Research approach.........................................................................................................17
3.2. Method of Data Collection....................................................................................................17
3.3. Study Population...................................................................................................................18
3.4. Sampling Technique and Sampling Size..............................................................................18
3.5. Sources of Data.....................................................................................................................18
3.5.1. Primary data...................................................................................................................19
3.5.2. Secondary Data..............................................................................................................19
CHAPTER FOUR...............................................................................................................................20
WORK AND BUDGET PLAN...........................................................................................................20
4.1. Work plan..............................................................................................................................20
4.1. Budget plan...........................................................................................................................21
REFERENCES....................................................................................................................................24
Appendixes..........................................................................................................................................26

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 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Back ground of the Study

A constant feature of human history has been migration. The fact that migrations occurred during
both the prehistoric and historic eras led to the conclusion that "an instinctual and inborn
disposition and inclination to wonder and to wander in search of new opportunities and new
horizons" is "inherent in human nature." Acknowledging that humans are inherently mobile,
historians concur that the initial mass migration occurred approximately a million years ago when
Hominids left Africa. Since then, for a variety of causes, millions, if not billions, of people have
fled their birth countries (McNeill, 1984).
Although there has been migration for millennia, the term "Diaspora" did not become officially
recognized as a social science topic until the second part of the twentieth century. The word
"Diaspora" comes from Greek and refers to the concepts of dispersal, diffusion, and dissemination.
Surprisingly though, the majority of writings on this subject trace their roots back to the Jewish
setting. Due to increased mobility brought about by globalization and the rapid advancement of
technology, the term "Diaspora" is becoming increasingly popular in academic and political
discussions worldwide (Cohen & Fischer, 2019).
Africa, the continent of origin of human migration, continues to be a major source of travelers and
large-scale human movements. Africans have migrated before, during, and after colonization, with
the US and Europe serving as the primary destinations. Like the traditional Jewish and Greek
Diasporas, African migrants often maintain ties to their home nations. Reattachment typically
translates into a single or collective activity that distinguishes Diaspora migrants from other types of
migrants. The African Union (2005) defined the Diaspora as "people of African origin living outside
the continent, irrespective of the citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the
development of the continent and the building of the African Union," which makes this more
apparent.

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The fastest-rising population and labor force in Africa, bleak economic prospects, protracted civil
wars, ethnic and religious conflicts, drought and famine, as well as natural calamities brought on by
deteriorating environmental conditions, are all contributing factors to the continent's greatest rate of
migration. Though they are prevalent throughout the continent, the horn of Africa states—Ethiopia,
Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan—are most affected by these issues. Due to their extreme poverty,
residents of the Horn of Africa are constantly moving, both voluntarily and involuntarily, in pursuit
of better and safer areas to live and work (Akokpari, 2000).
Among the world's poorest nations is Ethiopia. The exaggeration of "ethnic conflict and political
instability" (Fransen & Kuschminder, 2009) results in low educational and technological standards
that are exacerbated by ongoing wars, limited industrial development, high unemployment and
underemployment, limited land availability for viable agricultural endeavors in some areas, a
growing population, and what is considered excessive taxation. Due to the aforementioned issues, a
large number of Ethiopians now view migration as a chance to improve their lot in life. According
to Casper (2015), over 75,000 Ethiopians move to Libya each year and then cross the
Mediterranean Sea into Europe. Like other migrants, many of them "get stranded [and] others die
trying." (ibid: 1)
Over three million Ethiopians are expatriates, residing outside of Ethiopia. They mobilize across
borders from geographically separated locations while maintaining a close bond with their native
country (Solomon, 2019). The Ethiopian Diaspora has grown to be a powerful force in influencing
public policy. Over the last ten years, Diasporas have effectively used the rapidly developing
communication technology to organize international networks in support of their objectives
(Brinkerhoff, 2009). Diasporas can wield influence from a distance, frequently taking advantage of
the political liberties afforded by liberal democracies, which enables them to express their opinions
more freely and critically about domestic politics than their relatives back home (Shain & Barth,
2003).

1.2. Statement of the Problem

A plethora of literature exists regarding the connection between Diaspora and their home country.
Remittances appear to have impressed scholars more than other sources of foreign money in
underdeveloped countries. The importance of Diasporas in the transfer of technology, know-how,
and investments has also been extensively discussed. A wealth of literature has also been written
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about how the Diaspora’s artistic creations—such as music and films—have influenced the way of
life back home. There are also a number of additional books available that discuss the social,
political, legal, and economic conditions of the host nation (Anthias, 1998; Shuval, 2000; Sökefeld,
2006).
However, there hasn't been as much focus on the topic of how politics in home countries relate to
Diasporas (Smith, 2010). Nonetheless, Diasporas are playing a more and bigger role in shaping
domestic politics. While some academics focused on the negative political aspects of Diasporas,
such as extreme ideological polarization, undemocratic values, and an apolitical attitude, others
emphasized the positive aspects, such as advancing democracy, increasing political participation,
multiculturalism, and pluralism (Newland, 2004, Hoehne et al. 2011). According to recent research
on Diaspora engagement, a sizable fraction of Diasporas would oppose their home governments in
an effort to promote democratic regime change. However, it should be mentioned that the pro-
government factions consistently oppose the opposition (Koinova, 2009; Shain, 1999).
According to Mesfin (2019), Diaspora political participation comprehensively and avoids
categorizing Diasporas as either a problem or a solution in the politics of their home countries is
challenging and the relationship between Diaspora and home land politics is generally disregarded
since the inspiration originated in the socio-political conditions (structure) of the Diaspora or the
political arena of the home state.
In Ethiopia, this issue is more severe. The interaction of the Ethiopian government has not been
examined in a way that takes into account the vast number of Ethiopians living abroad and their
significant political power. In select cases, such as the historic election of 2005 (Lyons, 2006) or
the political reforms of 2018 (Addis et al., 2020), writers have even attempted to highlight the
significance of diasporas in political events. Others give greater weight to the political and policy
frameworks that enable political participation by the Diaspora in both sending and receiving states
(Ong'ayo, 2014). Authors that address the Diaspora in their discussions of Ethiopian conflicts
include Hagman (2014), Mesfin (2019), and Skjerdal (2011).

Alebachew (2017) and others place more emphasis on methods of involvement, like sponsoring
elections, contributing to political parties, influencing political ideology, formulating policies,
democratizing the process, and holding the government accountable. Solomon (2019) emphasizes
that for the past three decades, there has been hostility and mistrust between the Ethiopian state and
the Diaspora. The literature also raises other issues, such as the character of the Diaspora
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community and whether it is cohesive and strong or the opposite.
This research, therefore, attempts to provide an all-encompassing discussion on Ethiopian
Diasporas political engagement which includes formal and informal ways of engagement, the end
goals they aspire to achieve, policy and institutional frameworks in place, challenges and prospects
for the best possible utilizations of Diaspora potential.

1.3. Objectives of the Study

1.3.1. General Objective

These researches have both general and specific objectives. The general objective of the study is to
explore African Diaspora engagement in the politics of their home countries, focusing on Ethiopian
experiences.
1.3.2. Specific Objectives

i. To find out the major end goals Diasporas aspire to achieve in Ethiopian politics.

ii. To outline channels through which Diasporas influence political decision-making and
evident outcomes in Ethiopia and examine in situational frameworks, policies and
incentives that encourages or limits political engagement of Ethiopian Diaspora.

iii. To identify challenges and prospects for the best managed political involvement of the
Diasporas and recommend viable policy options towards the positive management of
Diaspora’s political development.

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 1.4. Research Questions

I. What are the major political end goals Diasporas aspiring to achieve in Ethiopian
politics?

II. What are the existing sets of policies, institutional framework and incentives that deal
with Diaspora political engagement in Ethiopia?

III. What are the challenges and prospects in managing Diaspora political involvement?

1.5. The Scope of the Study

Diaspora engagement in their country of origin is a multifaceted one both in theory and practice.
This thesis, however, is limited to the study of Diaspora political involvement as it intends to
help the understanding of Ethiopian Diasporas role in political decision making. It should be
well noted that this does not necessary mean other sorts of Diaspora involvement (Economic and
Social) are blatantly omitted. Any action or reaction Diasporas take aiming at influencing the
political decision making of Ethiopia is dealt in this discussion with due prioritization.
Therefore, concept wise, this paper will a political one without abandoning or under appreciating
other paradigms.

The political involvement of Diasporas is a global reality. Since the research will cannot
encompass what politically motivated Diaspora did in Asia, Latin America, Eastern Europe or
elsewhere in the globe, the study area is limited to Africa treating Ethiopia as a case in point.

1.6. Limitation of the Study

The data for the study will be collected solely by a cross-sectional survey, and it will only reveal the

current situation is the first constraint that comes to mind. Secondly, data will be collected using

interviews and questionnaires rather than field observation. Finally, due to time and resource

constraints, the study will focus on members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ethiopia Diaspora

Agency), the Ethiopian Diaspora Association, activist and academician from universities in home

country rather than those who live in aboard. However, sufficient safeguards were taken to ensure

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that these limitations did not impair the study's findings.

1.7. Significance of the study

If widely managed Diasporas are the sources of political, economic, social land technical leverage
for states especially developing nations like Ethiopia. The appropriate ways of dealing Diaspora
could only come out from academic research supporting government officials with an informed
decision. This research mainly aims to contribute o the scarce literature in the Diaspora- homeland
political relationship. The paper will shed lights on the what, why and how of the Diasporas
political involvement in Ethiopia being the first to address the nexus in general framework. While
providing relevant policy inputs for Diaspora strategy decision makers, it could also benefit the
governments, nongovernmental organizations, higher institution students and individuals seeking
to further research on this timely and global issue.

1.8. Organization of the proposal

This research proposal paper was being divided into four chapters. The first chapter contains
information about the study's introductory section, which includes back ground of the study
statement of the problems, the study's aims, research questions, the study's significance, the study's
limitations, and the organization of the proposal. The second chapter was including a literature
review. The methodological section of the third chapter was cover research design, research
approach, data collection methods, study population, sample technique and sampling size and data
source. The fourth chapter all about works plane and budget.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1. Literature Review

2.1.1. Defining Diaspora

Diaspora is still disputed and debated among scholars because there is no universally accepted
definition. The word "Diaspora" has evolved and undergone new definitions as global forces like
globalization, colonialism, drought, and violence continue to alter migratory trends. From the Greek
words "sperio," which means to sow, and "dia," which means over, the word "Diaspora" is formed
(Cohen, 1997). In literary works, it was initially used to the dispersed Jewish Diaspora, but
subsequently it was extended to encompass the early Diasporas of Armenians and Greeks (Brubaker,
2005).According to Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, the term "Diaspora" was used as late as
1975 to describe the Jews residing outside of modern Israel or Palestine. It was also defined as "the
area outside Palestine settled by Jews" following the Babylonian exile.
It is still widely accepted that the term of 'Diaspora' is heavily influenced by the features of the
Jewish Diaspora. The traumatic and forced dispersal of the Jewish people became a benchmark for
defining and categorizing other Diaspora populations. However, as global circumstances changed
throughout time, people became more dispersed, forcing a reconsideration of the term "Diaspora,"
particularly in the 1980s and 1990s (Cohen, 1997).As a result, a substantial number of experts
began to define the term in a methodical manner. Safran's (1991) definition of Diaspora based on
six features is a significant milestone in this field of study. These include:-
 Diaspora members or their ancestors have been dispersed from a specific original ‘center’
to two or more foreign regions;
 Diaspora members retain a collective memory, vision, or myth about their original
homeland including its physical location, history, and achievements;
 They believe that they are not and perhaps cannot be fully accepted in their host society
and therefore feel partly alienated and insulated from it;
 They regard their ancestral homeland as their true and ideal home and as the place to
which they or their descend ants would (or should) eventually return when conditions

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 allow;
 They believe that they should, collectively, be committed to the maintenance or
restoration of their original homeland and ensure its safety and prosperity;
 They continue to relate personally or vicariously to that homeland in one way or another,
and their ethno-communal consciousness and solidarity are importantly defined by the
existence of such relationship.

Safran used the dispersal of the homeland into a distant place as a beginning point, which is relevant
for any form of migration, and stressed the spiritual tie between migrants and their country as the
distinguishing attribute of Diaspora. It was a breakthrough that allowed for the inclusion of more
recent Diaspora groups when he described them as a community that maintains collective memory of
their original homeland, idealizes their ancestral home, is committed to the restoration of the original
homeland, and continues efforts in various ways to relate to their homeland.
However, Safran's "Diaspora" traits stayed within the framework and contrast of the Jewish
experience, even though they played a significant role in the growth of Diaspora studies. According
to Cohen (1997), scholars were unable to engage with the diversity of other developing Diaspora
communities because the original definition of Diaspora as it related to the Jewish experience was
too constrained. The intricacies of Diaspora communities are acknowledged by Chambers (1994)
as a challenge to conventional migration studies. According to Chambers (1994), "Diaspora
histories" challenge and contradict any straightforward understanding of origins, traditions, and
linear migration (pp. 16–17). Traditional ideas of the Diaspora have been called into question by
the complicated movements of the Diaspora, which have also created a multitude of new venues for
Diaspora and transnational studies..

2.1.2. African Diaspora

Regarding the definition of the "African Diaspora" and what it means to belong to this community,
there has been much debate and uncertainty surrounding this phrase in academia for a long time.
Early writing on the African Diaspora was dominated by accounts of the transatlantic slave trade.
After the 1950s and 1960s, the terms "black Diaspora" and "African Diaspora" were frequently used
to refer to the "victim Diaspora" of the slave trade (Cohen, 1997).

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In the decades that follow, this community of Diaspora’s begins to search their motherland for their
roots and sense of identity. The period saw the emergence of a Pan-African identity and the
political independence of various African colonies (Edwards, 2001). Assuming that everyone has
the same pan-African yearning and sense of "African" identity, however, is false.
With the growth of the African Diaspora literature, more people are realizing how complex these
groups are. Some members of the African Diaspora who were distributed during and after the
Atlantic slave trade have a strong affinity and orientation toward Africa, while others do not
consider Africa to be their motherland, according to Sheffer (2003). A more recent generation of
Africans who have left their country but maintain connections to it is included in Sheffer's (2003)
works under the "modern" Diaspora category. The term "Diaspora" has been studied and
investigated more and more as a result of these newly formed African Diaspora communities. The
number of African Diaspora communities has grown, making Cohen's (1997) description of the
African Diaspora as a "victim Diaspora" inaccurate.

2.1.3. Diaspora and Homeland Politics

Exile and Diaspora communities have a significant impact on domestic politics. Engaging the
Diaspora in homeland politics is not a recent development. But as communication and technology
advanced, it became increasingly apparent in our day and age. According to studies done in this area,
there is either a positive or negative association between Diaspora and politics in their home
countries.

Conversely, Diaspora and exile communities have been recognized for their dedication to peaceful
means of resolving disputes, which can help strengthen local attempts at democratization and
reconstruction following conflicts back home (Koser 2003; Emanuel son 2005). Through networks
and the sharing of ideas and knowledge with domestic players, Diasporas can provide direct
political support. Alternatively, by serving on advisory councils or transitional administrations,
they might contribute to the democratic settlement of disputes back home. This is mirrored in
recent recommendations and policy papers that support Diasporas' increased involvement in the
democratization and development of their home countries (Hear, Piekeetal. 2004).

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Regarding more covert foreign political support, the diaspora may garner favor with domestic
voters and decision-makers or with foreign policy institutions. To mobilize the Diaspora, they can
organize public events, demonstrations, large-scale meetings, and information campaigns, among
other things. The policy that addresses the negative parts of politics among the Diaspora is not as
well-developed as this one. The media and the internet play a role as well. Diasporas use the
internet extensively, as seen by the term "digital Diasporas." Websites function as venues for
awareness initiatives that engage the Diaspora's members and the general public. Indeed,
cyberspace is a hub for political action among the Diaspora. Similar to this, the written and
electronic media play a significant role in providing the Diaspora with news and political
commentary.

To understand why some Diasporas are supported while others are not, it is essential to ascertain
what interests are involved in defining what constitutes a good and bad Diaspora. Shain and Barth
(2003) address a few of them as follows.

Homeland State: - Despite the fact that the state of origin possesses some long-range tools, it
might not be able to control political dissent as effectively as it does within its borders. Hence,
through outreach programs meant to quell dissension and inspire loyalty among emigrant and
refugee communities, the state of origin may take part in mobilization activities conducted abroad.
Also, home governments may put pressure on destination nations to restrict Diaspora political
participation when sizable populations of foreign dissidents are present. Some "sending countries"
(Levitt and Dehesa 2003; Stergaard-Nielsen 2003b) have also seen this kind of long-distance public
policy. These include Morocco and Turkey.
Host state: - Like thus, Diaspora states serve as both incubators and guardians, establishing
guidelines and limitations for Diaspora political initiatives aimed at resolving conflicts back home.
Not to mention, Diaspora political groups and activities are subject to the law and will not be
allowed if they pose a threat to local or international security. Working more closely with the
Diaspora political organization may be discouraged by domestic factors, such as the existence of a
rival Diaspora or migrant group with more economic and political clout.
Consequently, Diasporas may endeavor to increase their political influence by establishing a
rapport with decision-makers in their new nations. There is an increasing trend of using human
rights conventions as a forum for debate.

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Beyond the state: - In the early literature, the mobilization and impact of diasporas were usually
examined in relation to their two states. However, the idea of a triadic relationship between the
homeland, the Diaspora, and the settlement nation is too narrow to capture the intricacies of
Diaspora involvement and long-distance lobbying. Indeed, the lack of national state borders is one
of the traits that set Diaspora politics apart. First, through their transnational networks, Diaspora
political networks pool financial resources and rely on manpower and experience from sister
groups around the globe. They coordinate with their counterparts in other countries to coordinate
their efforts, either by creating informational materials together or by organizing simultaneous
activities (such as protests or large-scale gatherings). Theoretical Frameworks
The theory of migration or Diaspora is relatively new, but has become popular in the
interdisciplinary field of social sciences, and attempts to create different types of theoretical
frameworks that can be used for different purposes (Arango, 2000).

2.1.4. Ethiopian Diaspora

With a population of more than 100 million, Ethiopia is both the second most populous and poorest
country in Africa. Eighty percent of people live in rural areas, where agriculture—which generates
forty-six percent of the nation's GDP—is the primary source of income. These and other reasons
force citizens of this country to relocate. Four categories have been established for Ethiopian
migration over the past thirty years.

The initial part of the migration movement began before 1974. Before the 1970s, there was hardly
any migration from Ethiopia. The monarchy had ruled since the 1930s, and the majority of persons
who relocated were elites who went overseas for work-related purposes, such study trips, and then
came back (Abye, 2007; Terraza, 2007). Because they were almost guaranteed a very high social
status, the few Ethiopians who traveled outside during this time felt a strong desire to return.

But after Ethiopia annexed Eritrea in 1962, the nation's political turmoil started in the 1960s
(Berhanu & White, 2000). Emperor Haile Selassie conquered Eritrea in 1962 after he unilaterally
disbanded the federation and the parliament. Fighting broke out on both sides of the border as a
result of the expansion of the Eritrean independence movement (Berhanu and White, 2000). The
violence caused people to start moving on both sides of the border. More Ethiopians left the
country in the 1970s after the military overthrew the monarchy in 1974. A second wave of exodus
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started in 1974 when the Ethiopian revolution came to an end with an authoritarian government.

Although exact numbers are unavailable, it is estimated that over three million Ethiopians reside in
various regions of the world, making up the Ethiopian Diaspora.There are a million Ethiopians
living in the Middle East, over 600,000 in Africa, over 500,000 in North America, and the
remaining individuals in Europe, Australia, and Asia (Ethiopian Herald, 2017). The Ethiopian
Diaspora, which began with its original departure in the late 20th century, is widely dispersed
geographically and comprises a sizable portion of the global immigrant population. Ethiopia has a
low population migration rate (0.4%) compared to other Sub-Saharan African countries, such as
Nigeria (0.8%), Kenya (1.4%), and Ghana (4.5%) (UNDP, 2009).

Given that Diasporas contribute significantly to the economic growth of their home countries
through remittances, trade, FDI, entrepreneurship, and knowledge and skill transfer, the Ethiopian
government has implemented various initiatives to foster Diaspora engagement (Migration Policy
Institute, 2013). A sub ministerial office within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ethiopia
Expatriate Affairs General Directorate was founded in 2002 to handle matters pertaining to the
Ethiopian Diaspora. Acting as a go-between for the government and Ethiopians living overseas, the
goal of this was to inspire the Ethiopian Diaspora community to support knowledge and capacity
building initiatives in Ethiopia.

Additionally, the Ethiopian government passed Proclamation 270/2002 in 2002, granting certain
rights to foreign nationals of Ethiopian heritage. In addition to giving them certain rights and
benefits, this establishes a legal foundation for their ability to contribute to the development and
prosperity of their own country. In order to promote the best possible brain gain and capacity
building for the purpose of reducing poverty, the Diaspora Coordinating Office was also founded in
2005 (Kuschminder & Siegel, 2010).

In order to adequately inform the Diaspora of their country's endeavors for peace, development,
and democracy as well as its accomplishments thus far, and to motivate them to actively participate
in their nation's progress, it became imperative to implement a national diaspora plan. Ethiopian
Diaspora Policy was a historic decision made by the Ethiopian government in 2013 to protect their
rights abroad, take care of domestic issues, and broaden their participation (MoFA, 2013).

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However, Ethiopia did not have a specific organization that is responsible for dealing with
migration up until 2018 (Kuschminder & Siegel, 2010). In another milestone decision, Ethiopia
launched a Diaspora Agency to engage Ethiopians and foreigners of Ethiopian origin in meaningful
participation in the development of their country. The foundation of the agency lies on three points.

The first argument affirms that the government is responsible to its inhabitants both inside and
outside the country. The second key reason is because the globally recognized "Diaspora Option" is
seen as a significant possibility for the country's growth and democracy. The Diaspora Option is a
method of organizing the Diaspora’s full participation in national development and good
governance. Third, it is critical to adjust to the political environment in the international world. The
effort of integrating Ethiopians into their home nation has become a worldwide reality with the
emergence of the cross-border citizenship concept, the rise of social media and the flow of ideas,
and the growth of the second and third generation's political ideals. The Ethiopian Diaspora
Agency was established to help Ethiopians living abroad understand their country's national and
international situation.

To summarize the importance of the Diaspora to the Ethiopian economy, the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs estimates that remittances from the Diaspora make up 25% of the nation's foreign exchange
earnings and roughly 5% of Ethiopia's GDP. During the initial half of 2016, the amount of
incoming remittances surpassed the nation's export earnings. However, Ethiopia receives
comparatively little in the way of formal remittances when compared to neighboring countries like
Kenya and Sudan. One reason for this is the political animosity that still exists between the
government and the Diaspora (Isaacs, 2017).

But because of the extensive reforms carried out by the current ruling party, the Ethiopian diaspora
has recently put aside political differences and worked for the good of their country (Fitsum, 2018).
To further support people-centered social and economic development initiatives, the Ethiopian
government recently established the Ethiopian Diaspora Trust Fund (EDTF).
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA, 2011) estimates that during the past 20 years, some 3000
Diasporas have made investments in Ethiopia through projects related to development, building,
health, education, and agriculture. Together, they invested birr 22 billion and created 123,000 jobs
(Anberbir, 2014). But this is a little sum in comparison to the Diaspora's total investment in the

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country.

2.2. Theoretical Framework

2.2.1. Constructivism
Constructivism views the state as a social entity in addition to a subject with reason and intention.
The "logic of consequence" governs it and it seeks to maximize benefit. Another participant with
rules is the state. In an attempt to articulate their identity, they follow "integration logic" (Market
FactsInc., 1995). Thus, constructivism will have advantages at first. Instead of being external and
permanent, it is thought to be endogenous and changeable. The primary determinant of national
interest is national identity. Identity is also limited because it depends on both domestic and global
power dynamics (Centennial Platform, 1998).
People who live outside of national borders are known as Diasporas. The process of constructing
an individual's identity is continuous and unfinished. The ecological process, the actors'
interactions with their surroundings, the social process, the players' relationships with one another,
and the internal dynamics and traits of the actors all contribute to its ongoing formation. People
who identify as belonging to a country have a strong tendency to defend and strengthen that
identity as a result of the national identification process.

2.2.2. Liberalism

Liberalism challenges the widely held belief that states are the primary actors in international
relations and are hence unitary. Rather, he contended, the primary actors in global politics are
private organizations and individuals advancing a variety of interests. However, he is the exciting
transitional alliance's representative. Because of this, the state will not always pursue fixed
objectives, such as wealth, power, or security, as argued by institutionalism and neo-realism.
Conversely, the coalition in power now favors the goals that the state pursues (Shain, 2007).
In line with the liberal perspective, the strength of the bond between the state (a political institution)
and society (a public organization) determines how much internal players affect domestic politics. A
state that allows a society to have a significant influence on its decision-making process is
considered weak in this context (Wendt, 1992).
The connection between constructivist and liberal approaches contends that normative agreements
with a social foundation—that is, agreements pertaining to identity and domestic politics—are
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crucial to understanding a nation's internal structure. The Diaspora is one of many internal interest
groups that should be seen as active participants in this political process. This denotes the
international's opposite. Despite living outside of the nation-state, the Diaspora is regarded as
internal participants in the familial community.

2.2.3. Neo-Classicalism

This theory explains migration using classic push concepts (Massey et al., 1998; Kearney, 1986).
In terms of immigration, this theory is the most influential theory (Arango, 2000). In the
neoclassical tradition, the abundance of labor (or labor shortage) is regarded as the only
determinant of wage differences, and the emergence of migration is a response to the unequal
distribution of population and income among countries. If the neoclassical theory is correct, then
when the reason for the migration (the wage difference) disappears overtime, the migration is over
(Castles, 2010).
The core idea of neoclassical theory is that immigration is voluntary, active and self-controlled. In
other words, migration occurs only when it is encouraged to benefit from the host country, mainly
from an economic point of view (CastlesandMiller1998; Shields1989).In the neoclassical model,
the immigration impact of the country of origin is positive because the country of origin of the
Diaspora can export their surplus labor and benefit from the exchange of capital, knowledge, and
skills (Massey et al. in 1998, Skelden, 1997). This hypothesis is based on the "Europe-centric"
modernization theory. Neoclassical theory “is powerless in clarifying or predicting when and where
migration will occur, but even more unsatisfactory in explaining where, when and why it did not
occur” (Abreu, 2010). Because this theory implies that cross-border movement is not restricted, it
has been severely criticized. In practice, immigrants must comply with the rules and regulations of
immigration policies and the laws of their country of origin and residence (Van Hear and Sorensen,
2003). The goal is that people stay and may move on to the settlement (Portes, 2004).
The idea is that politics becomes a situation where it needs to be compared and reconciled with the
current reality of immigration, and the expected benefits are the result of migration. The global
distribution of the labor force encourages people to migrate, and over time, both the receiving and
sending societies of immigrants may be structurally dependent on Migration (IOM, 2010).

Countries seek to attract skilled and unskilled immigrant workers, while many less developed
countries such as the Philippines and Mexico encourage labor exports (Castles, 2004). The borders
15
are not completely free or completely closed, which strongly criticizes the so-called freedom of the
neoclassical movement. The border restrictions should not only be considered from the perspective
of the receiving country, but also from the perspective of the country of origin of the immigrants.

2.2.4. Historical Structuralism

During the 1970s and 1980s, a dependent school led by Marxism and structural policy orientation
posed significant challenges to neoclassical theory (Massey et al., 1998). The three forms of
interactions between countries are explained by the world system theory. The center state, semi-
periphery, and peripheral territories are known as concentrated spheres (Wallestrein, 1974:350).
The contention is that immigrants are seen as a tool and byproduct of the manipulative connection
between the central and peripheral countries, and that the progress of central countries comes at the
expense of peripheral countries. Deterministic methods' core tenets include the exodus of both
skilled and unskilled labor and the expansion of capitalist markets into adjacent regions (Gross and
Lindquist, 1995; Zolberg, 1989; Nikolinakos, 1975).
To assess the impact of Diasporas on national politics, this research employs constructivism and
liberalism as theoretical frameworks.

16
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1. Research Design and approach

3.1.1. Research Design

Determining the approach to utilize is one of the first steps in designing a research endeavor. As
such, an exploratory research design is used, with careful consideration given to descriptive analysis.
Given that it addresses what, why, and how questions in order to improve understanding of the
current issue, exploratory research is interpretive research (Given, 2008).

3.1.2. Research approach

In order to produce accurate results and a conclusion, the research will use a qualitative approach
together with interpretive techniques. This study will primarily concentrate on the political
participation of Diaspora in their own countries, with a particular emphasis on Ethiopians.

3.2. Method of Data Collection

The choice of suitable data collection tools is essential when doing research. To obtain relevant
data for this study, both primary and secondary sources will be consulted. Accordingly, the
followed sources of data will be employed:

 Document Analysis: Document analysis can help contextualize one's research within the
field of study by offering prior knowledge and a wide range of data coverage. Utilizing
document analysis is a means to make sure your research is thorough and crucial since it
may also highlight issues that require attention or circumstances that call for observation. In
light of this, the researcher will consult books, regulations, guidelines, websites,
publications, proclamations, articles, and other materials pertinent to Diaspora political
participation in their own countries, with a focus on Ethiopia in particular (Bowen, 2009).

 Interview: Although there are various interview formats used in qualitative research, semi-
17
 structured interviews will be employed in this study to give the researcher freedom in
gathering relevant data. According to Adams (2015), semi-structured interviews include
closed- and open-ended inquiries with follow-up questions about how or why. Higher-
ranking representatives of the Ethiopia Diaspora Association and Agency, three political
activists from the Diaspora, and two political science experts will be interviewed seven
times.

3.3. Study Population

Participants in the study include members of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Ethiopia Diaspora
Agency), the Ethiopian Diaspora Association, activist and academician from universities.

3.4. Sampling Technique and Sampling Size

The researcher will use both purposive and non-probability sampling in this investigation. Non-
probability sampling results in smaller sample sizes but more extensive data collection. The
researcher will use this non-probability sampling to support the kind of sample, the number of
participants, and the selection procedure.
In conjunction with the aforementioned groups, the researcher has chosen key informants who are
thought to provide superior information. The researcher has taken into account the key informants'
awareness, experience with, and position on the topic matter while purposefully choosing them.
Therefore, about thirty general respondents and ten key informants will be purposefully selected
from the eight organizations/groups listed above for this study.

3.5. Sources of Data

In this study, primary and secondary data will use. Primary facts come from authentic, first-hand
sources such as the written or spoken testimonies of eyewitnesses. Original records and materials
pertaining to the immediate results of an experience or event are examples of primary data.

18
 3.5.1. Primary data
The primary data for this study will be gathered through in-depth interviews with the Ethiopia
Diaspora Agency, political scientists, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ethiopia Diaspora
Association, the Ministry of Peace, political activists from the Ethiopian Diaspora, individuals, and
focus groups. Although the majority of primary sources are the data gathered from respondents and
key informants, policies, guidelines, publications, proclamations, and other original documents
pertinent to the political engagement of the Diaspora in their home countries with particular
attention to Ethiopia are extensively utilized.

3.5.2. Secondary Data

Secondary data, or data that were previously available, will be used in the research. The researcher
will read a great deal of books, journals, articles, papers, and scholarly material as part of this study.

19
 CHAPTER FOUR

WORK AND BUDGET PLAN

4.1. Work plan

Work plan for study managing political engagement of Diasporas in Africa: a case study of Ethiopia
Table4.1: Work plan

Activities Time 2024

Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun
Registration for research By DDU
Draft proposal development & Advisor and
advisor approval for submission researcher
Proposal submission for defense Researcher

Proposal defense Researcher

Final proposal submission Researcher

Data collection Researcher

Report write up Researcher

1st and 2nd draft to advisor Researcher

Research submission for mock Researcher

defense
Mock defense Researcher
Research submission for Researcher
examination
Final defense Researcher
Final research submission Researcher
Dissemination of findings Researcher

20
4.1. Budget plan
Budget plan for study managing political engagement of Diasporas in Africa: a case study of
Ethiopia
Table 4.2: Budget plan
N Unit Price Total
o Item Unit Quantity (ETB) Price(ETB) Remark

I. Materials and supplies

1 Note book Each 5 30 150
2 Pen Each 11 5 55
3 Pencils Each 11 5 55
4 Eraser Each 2 20 40
5 Sharpener Each 2 10 20
Duplicating 7page*34
6 service Page 1100 5 5500 4
7 Printing service Page 120 10 1200
Sub total 7020
II. Personal costs
Number
of Per Duration #questionnaire Total cost
Activity personnel questionnaire (days) (ETB) Remark

Data
collectio
1 n 10 15 4,500
Sub total 4,500
Number of
III. Miscellaneous personnel Unit Price Total cost
Transport/travel to study area
1 and for supervision 1 1,500
2 Communication service - 2500 2500
Sub total 4,000.
Total 15,520.00

21
Contingency (10%) 1,552.00
Grand total 17,072.00

22
23
 REFERENCES
Books

Abye,Tasse(2007).EthiopianMigration:ChallengingTraditionalExplanatoryTheories.Revitalising
Communitiesinglobalizingworld.Ed.LenaDominelli.Hampshire,England:AshgatePublishing Ltd.
Bauböck, R., & Faist, T. (Eds.). (2010). Diaspora and Tran nationalism: Concepts, Theories
andMethods.Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press
BergB.L.(2008).QualitativeResearchMethodsfortheSocialSciences.CaliforniaStateUniversity
BrinkerhoffJ.M.(2009),DigitalDiasporas:IdentityandTransnationalEngagement.Cambridge
UniversityPress
Chambers I.(1994), Migration,Culture,Identity.NewYork:Routledge Cohen (1997), Global
Diasporas: AnIntroduction.Seattle:UniversityofWashingtonPress.
CohenR.&FischerC.(2019),RutledgeHandbookofDiasporaStudies.1stEditionCreswell,J.W.(2009).
Researchdesign:Qualitative,quantitative,andmixedmethodsapproaches(3rded.). Sage Publications,
Inc.
Cropley,A.J.
(2002).Qualitativeresearchmethods:Anintroductionforstudentsofpsychologyandeducation.
Riga,Latvia: Zinatne.
Given,L.M.
(2008).TheSageEncyclopediaofQualitativeResearchMethods:Volume2.ThousandOaks:
SAGEPublications,Inc.
HearN.V.&SørensenN.N.,(2003),TheMigration–Development Nexus Evidence and Policy
Options State–of–the–Art Overview Koser,K.(Ed.).(2003). New African Diasporas (1sted.).
Routledge.
Massey.D,etal.
(1998).Worldinmotion:UnderstandingInternationalattheendoftheMillennium.Oxford; Clarendon
press.

Portes,A.,& Rumbaut,R. (2006). Immigrant America: APortrait, Third edition. Revised,Expanded,

and Updated. University of CaliforniaPress

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ShainY.
(1999).MarketingtheAmericanCreedAbroadDiasporasintheUSandTheirHomelands.NewYork:Ca
mbridgeUniversityPress

ShainY.(2007).Kinship&Diasporasininternational affairs:UniversityofMichiganpress

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ShefferG.(2003),DiasporaPolitics:AtHomeAbroad. Cambridge University Press
SmithT.
(2000),Foreignattachments:ThepowerofethnicgroupsinthemakingofAmericanforeignpolicy.Harva
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Documents and Reports

Accord (2020). Diaspora engagement mapping: Ethiopia

AfricanUnion(2005).‘ReportofthemeetingofexpertsfrommemberstatesonthedefinitionoftheAfrica
n Diaspora11–12th April 2005, Addis Ababa,Ethiopia.

DanishMinistryofimmigrationandIntegration,(2020).EthiopiaOppositiongroups–
recentdevelopments.BRIEFCOIReport.

Ellis A., Navarro C., Mirales I., Gratschew M. & Braun N. (2007). Voting from Abroad:
THEInternationalIdea Handbook.Federal ElectoralInstituteof Mexico

Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2013). Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Diasporapolicy,Addis Ababa.

European Union (2020). Action document for the European response to electoral cycle support in
Ethiopia

Solomon Getahun (2019). The Role of the Ethiopian Diaspora in Ethiopia. Paper presented
atEthiopiaForum:ChallengesandProspectsforConstitutionalDemocracyinEthiopiaInternationalCe
nter, MichiganStateUniversityEastLansing, Michigan.

Articles

Akyeampong,E.(2000).AfricansintheDiaspora:theDiasporaandAfrica.AfricanAffairs

26
 Appendixes
Interview Guideline
I. Questions for Ethiopian Diaspora (through Face book messenger group chat)

• Regarding the political participation of the Ethiopian Diaspora in their homeland politics,
is their involvement a destructive or constructive one

• Regarding the influence relationship, is domestic political activity is largely influenced

by homeland political activity or it is the other way around?

• Regarding political and policy environment for the Diaspora engagement, what factors
determine the positive outcome and what factors determine the negative one from the
Diaspora political role?

• Regarding future Diaspora political participation, should the government support or

restricted their engagement?
II. Interview Questions for Experts of Ethiopian Diaspora Agency and Ministry of Foreign
Affairs
• Is there any ‘Diaspora nationalism' among Ethiopians broad? And if there, what does it
looks like?
• What motivates Ethiopian Diasporas to participate in domestic politics? What are the
primary political objectives that Ethiopian Diasporas hope to achieve?
• How can Ethiopian Diasporas get access to Addis Ababa's political decision-making
process?
• What policies, institutional frameworks, and incentives exist in Ethiopia to cope with
Diaspora political engagement?
• What are the obstacles and opportunities for managing political participation in the
Diaspora?
III. Interview Questions for academic professionals and Activist
• How influential are the Diasporas in Ethiopian Politics?
• Is Diaspora political engagement constructive or destructive for Ethiopian politics so far?
• What are the channels through which Diaspora have their say in Ethiopian Politics?
• What kind of Relationship is there between Ethiopian Diaspora and political forces in
Ethiopia (Political Parties and Activists)?
• What should be done for productive engagement of Diasporas in the future?

78