i

x
 Url
RARE BOOK
A sum of 5 Paise on general books and
26 Paise on text-books, per day, shall be
charged for books not returned on the date
last stamped.
Z.
“=

DOr ZAKIR HUSAIN LIBRARY

49959
 1AD ORIENTAL SERIES No. 19

MUNTAKHABU-T-TAWARIKH
ny

“ABDU-L-QADIR IBN-I-MULUK SHAH

KNOWN AS

AL-BADAONI

VOLUME I.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL PERSIAN,

AND FDITED BY

GEORGE S. A. RANKING, M.p (CANTAB.\, MR.AS

S8URGEON-TIELTENANT-COLUONEL, INDIAN MEDICAL SERVIC}

Secretary to the Board of Aramimers, Fort Willtan,

Fellow of the Calcutta Unnier uty

DARAH-I- ADABIYAT- I-DELLI

2009 QASIMJAN STREET,
DELHI-110006 (INDIA)
 IDARAH-| ADABIYAT-! DELLI
2009, QASIMJAN ST., DELHI-110006
(INDIA)

FIRST EDITION 1898

REPRINT 1973
PRICE Rs. 175.00 Per Set

PRINTED IN INDIA

PURLISHED BY MOHAMMAD AHMAD FOR 1IDARAH.1

ADABIYAT.I DELLI, 2008, QASIMJAN ST., DELHI-110006 AND
PRINTED AT JAYYED PRESS, BALLIMARAN. DELHI 310006
 TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

In presenting this translation of the first volume of

Badaoni’s Mauntahhau-t-tawdr th (Selections from Hastories)
I cannot but be conscious of its many defects.
No one who has not attempted to trauslate trom Persian mto
English cau forn: the shghtest idea of the special difficulties
ot the task.
The mbherent differences of idiom m the two languages,
the rich expansiscness of the one, and the rigid inflexbilty
of the othe:, ronder the attempt to fitly represent the glowing
colours of Persian m the dull monotone of modern English,
all but hopeless. It has been sud that the test of a transla-
tion 1s not its hteralness but its truth. that 18 to say, not
is fidchty to the author’s expression, but its response to
his inspiration It must not merely reproduce the letter, 1t
must embody the spint of the original composition.
How great 1s the demand thus made upon the translator
must be evident to anyone who 1s acquainted with both
Persian and English and the difficulties which appear ap
formidable in prose translation, become insurmountable .n
the case of poetry
The var.ous metres of Persian poetry are so entirely cha-
racteristic and essential in their nature, that it has appeared
to me futile, 1f not impertinent, to attempt similar metncal
renderings in English.
Even where it 1s possible to reproduce by conjunction of
English words, the rhythm and accent of any Persian metre,
such a composition no more recalls the omginal, than does
the skeleton of the anatomical museum summon up the living
and breathing animal
For this reason, the poetical portions of Baddoni’s work
have, in tho present translation, almost without exception
 been rendered, not in verse but in prose. thus preserving
the substance while sacrificmg the form, as the transparent
cube of salt may be crushed so as to be unrecognisablo by its
erystalline form, but still retams its chemical composition.
To render poetry satisfactonly a translator must be both
hnguist and poct, if he be only a hnguist he should not
tamper with the finshed work of the poet; he can, at best,
only hype to vuthue the subject, leaving the colour scheme
untouched.
1 am aware that a lugh authomry* has expressed himself
in favour of the translation of Persian poetry into English
verse, but the qualifications which shall render a translator
compotent to undertake such a task must fall to the lot of
very few.
With this full knowledge vf the difficulties to be encoun-
tered, the present translation was undertaken, and it 1s pre-
sented in the confidence that those who are the best judges
of the nature of the task will be the first to make allowances
for defects in its performance
eS ybye phe p07 dele Sy y jas
Caxcurra i GEORGE RANKING.
July 18th, 1898

For a life of Badaoni reference should be made to page L17

of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No IH,
1869, where an excellent biography will be found written by
the late Professor Blochmann
The sources from which this translatian has been made
are the tollowing —
1. Tho “ Muntakhab Al-Tawarikh,” edited by Maulavi
Abmad Ali, printed at the College Press, Calcutta, 1868, and
published in the Bibliotheca Indiea of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Vol. I, referred to in the translation as the Text.
* Major- General Sir Fd. Goldannd, CB,KUSL, “on ‘Translations from
and into Pergtan.” Transactions uf Ninth Inter national Congicss of Oren
talrete, 1892.
 2, Manuscripy No 1592 of the Muntukhabu-t-Tawarikh
of ‘Abdu-l- Qadir Mulik Sbah Badaoni, in the library of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Written by one Muhammad
Saiyyid (?), in the year 1255 H. (1889 AD.) This 18 referred
to mn the translation as MS, (A)
3. Manuscript No. A. 44, also from the above hbrary
This 18 referred to in the translation as MS. (B). The
transcriber of this Manuscript is one Muhammad Nazim. Ik
bears no date.
The printed text has been carefully collated with these
two manuscripts, and all vamant readings noted.
 TRANSLATION
OF THE geo wet OF AL-BADAONI!
In tre Name or Gop THe ComrassioyatTE, 151, Mercirct

Oh thou® from whose name spring all other names,

Kings at thy door are suppliant as I at theus—
When once the impulse of zeal for thee was felt,
No foot remained shod, no head remamed crowned.

Emperor of the world! with thi anprotitable seal of mine

which has become the abode of demons and wild beasts? mo what
way can I concetve thy praises, and with this worn and foulish
tongue of mine, which has become as it wore food for cats and
dogs, how cau I chant thy enalogy.

bw can the miscrable dust proclaim the Unity of God.

How iu this state of defilement praise the Divime Being,

Moreover, the toot u: search limps feebly ia this unknown

road, because of my constant anviety and habitual fear, while in
this limitless desert, my slammerimng tongue finds the sphere of
specch always contracted,
That which my soul knows 1s but secondary, * what my tongue
apeaks are but particles—(and therefore animtellyble)
How can | know thee in my soul or express thee with my
-ongue
bALBatone Vide Preface
2 Thig uvecation 3 to the Alnughty in waose name all luciary works ire

sommenced

8 Bom 309 29 Uo
ps”
4 Sgdm That which is dependent for ws Quatre upow some pre-exist

ng state or object, opposed to pr—eiyy> Parte ies, whack alone convey nu

ntelbgible meanmy— y> also signifies a letter which 28 also yes +c meammys
Tbe

i
 i 2 ] .

This seems best, that I should restrain my pen from travel

in this valley. and having hidden the head of bewilderment in
cloke ! of meditation on mert and regions* should open the
of my understanding to the knowledge of Thy all-perfect wi
aud unfading kingdom, and procecding, through the vicissits
of affairs of created beings, to the Unity of thy exalted persona!
should end with the world of proclaimmg and confessing
Unity of God,* so that I may see with the eye of certainty—
moze that J may revognize that

In thy excellence there 18 no room for duahty,*

Thou and thy majesty make up the nniverse.
and I have moistened my lps with the pure water of the pram
that chieftain whose name 1s “ praiscd "5 whose end 15 laud

9 IS fyer $9
1 Sad as of two kinds i} Case which w A thing’s being proceed
fu 6 SP
non-existence, and psiid Cyd winch is A thing’s being dependent w
another for ity existence Tide Lano, art 4o— 1,
wlas yf Lut Coltar or hoot

2 VT yO CH Quin ch. 63 em sg ST os? LOLT pgs

we will show them our gains in the regione and in themsels 2»
6 The Tnity of Gou isthe fundamental ropoesition
of the faath ot Ts)
FG) Fe bee ture Co us FoF al. FoI PF
a OS ae wey og oly od eed} au} dal allt ye UF - odlaly z
fee oh 9 ,
ORR Si Th God alone ood the eternal Te helo ue ne ney
fh softeo--and tatte wsenome the puto frame QQut an — Seta te Diyas
SThitustosa one can atau be hem on this pest.om of © celica
Ch Quter syed 41
# uo ke wf he Se oe Bo?
wyasy fot at ats aly “~~ QU a. tiene a Godenh
- “oe
God? Noy bee a
Qe tpraple who cake peers wilt a
mut tho Surave J Also the Sura + votc-Lim ng ¢
eae?
' OS™
Tat sito, aterahas omsof wach a Prag? ow
thos cam uy » oro Jit Abs Mattou, who when dosage
rhe 1
GNU aoa
i SM Te et be ok taf Quran tetany
S1o 4otonm ty . j ' not
| j‘ peated th thie ae
. “Poet aoa,
bay a ‘ fooauyge t ow
mm sw. i
 3]
Lord of the promised fountain,' and of the praise which is
on every tongue® (may the blessing and peace of God be apon him
and his family) because the mantle of the honour of eternal and
everlasting empire lies gracefully upon his noble figure, and
the proclamation® and stamp.of undiminishing power and glorious
sovereignty of-right belongs to his exalted name.
The monarch of Arabia of whom the world is a manifes-
tation,
The Lord of the earth, whoee servant he is, swears by bis
name.
He was the near neighbour of the Trath for this reason
had no shadow *
To the end that no one should place a foot on (the shadow
of) his head—
Countless praises and eulogies on the elect family and the
truth-perceiving companions of the Prophet, especially upon the
rightly-guided Khalifahs® (may the favourof God be on them
all) who, for the elevation of the standard of religion and. the
promulgation of the word of evident truth? risked them hives
and lard down their heads as a ransom, and thus cleared the thorns

}MS {A) has, &c ule ays? Sy 2S (27>—a nverm Paradise,

o Stabe
vues &
sr sh Stabe} by Verily we have given thee al-Kausar Quran cvui 1}. ys
literally means “ abundance.”
® doy
B diy dobs,
The coronstim ceremony of Muhammidan monarchs conast chicfly m
the rocrtal of the kkutba and tasuimg coin (siddu) atampod with his name.
4 Mubammad was aaid to have no shadow,
5 Thousands upon thousands
f
6 (wddty colQl& The foor immediate successordof Muhammad, Abi Bakr,
A H.ll. ‘Umar, A H 13 ‘GUsman,A H 23 ‘Ali,A H 35, acknow-
ledged by tho Sunnw. The first three of tnese are rejected by the Shi ag
who hold that ‘Ali was the frst lemtimate Khalitah

wi ne
.
Top >
o> Cf
*
Quran xxvu-3! cote!
oJ)
Gl gst Sha aly
~ us Js',is

Rely then upun God. Verh thuu art staadin sen oly pou truth
 f 4]
of
of infidelity and the undergrowth of horesy from the plain
the kingdom of the sacred law.!
After the praise of God and of the Lord the protector of
the divine missive (may the blessimg of God be opon him, his
family aud his compantons, a blessing safe from all termination),
we have to declare that the scienco of History ‘is essentially a
lofty science and an clegant branch of learning, because it is the
fonntaim-head of the learning of the experienced, and the source
of the experience of tho learned and disci:ummating, und the
writers of stoves and biographies from vhe time of Adam to
this present time im which we hive, have completed rehable com-
positions and compichensive works, and have proved the ex-
cellenee thereof «by proofs and demonstrations, but 1t most not
be supposed that the reading and study of this science—as
certam lukewarm religionists, and the party of doubt and djs-
sent, shortsighted as they are, are wont to affirm—has been or will
be a cause of wandoing from the straight path of the iustrious
Jaw of Mubimmad (may the blessing and peace of God be upon
him and Ins family), or become the entry imto and way of ascent
to the fountaimbeads of seepticism, and drinking places of dehlemont
of the heentious and heretical, and those who have gone astray;
because for 2 body of men who yn the very essence of ther cot-
stitution are devoid of any share iu religious prinerple, the reading
of the eternal word which 18 the key of evident happmess and “a
healing and a meicy for the worlds,"® becomes a canse of musery

. 4 e4eyu Fe »
1g. St The sacred law Qindn v 52 lalgue y de es ee Gias Js
For each one of you have we made a law and a pathway ° The Mose law
«, %
18 always called Sy At-‘laurit (Hebrew TT )
The word m the text 18 always used for the
sacred canon of the Quran
s
ert 18 divisible into five sectiung epfolascy bebefs—
\1of muralities~ aotsle
devotions mwx, dloleo transact. ious _ wlgiche
pumshuents, Ct Kashshaf [sti
Mahit-ul-Funtin, art t--—
, oe © ese go,
® Quran xv oc FulIe
BE Csiezell Kenyy sian jab wt a ww
vo
- dv and
we will : -
believera send Tule
down of the Qardnu that whic 4 ‘
ako Quide al it h 1 a he abn: aad a
jucrey to the
 { 5}
and everlasting loss “and tf they are not guided by st they say—
“ thie is an antiquated lie.” }
If this is the éase with the Quran * what chance has History ?

“ When any ian has lost his hearing through melancholia,®

He cannot participate in the music of David and its harmony.”

But I’ address my words to those who are endowed with the

qualities of sound intellect and brilliancy of genius, and natural
equity —not to those who are not led by the sacred Inw and who
deny all principle, fandamenta] or derivative,* because such men
are not worthy of this discourse, nor are they within the pale of
the wise, and discreet, and understanding, and how can one ab-
solutely refuse to admit a science which is onc-scventh of the

PGF Ire”
1 Qordn xzlvi. 10. In tne original we road— Wy yiand In both the and
the former quotation there are verbal errora which lead to the conclusion
that the author was not thoroughly at home in the Quran
§ T haveinserted these worda as the only means of givmg an adequate
rendering of the phrago dwsy 4a © UG
6 Wy Le pedayxorLe.. The orthography of this word is bJydLo Sadidi
(Sais cot) gives the etymology seat ble | the black humour, but
gives no hint of desfness as one of the symptoms of the disease Deafness
is not a convomitant of melancholia as known to modern medicine, but the
cages of so called hyatercal deafneas with mental depres=ion ure not un-
common. The Bahr wl-Ja-odhar says se Boa wh bl Loa! bo (JlRr let

Loni ght coro 4) esSOly ysl pind gy Byam? poe shay

cot ura isrlere ge G15 It 18 only called“ mélikbGlé ” where it ia
the result of (the humour called) “Saudé” (black bile) which 1s nob an.
flammatory It takes the ideas and thonghts out of their proper channel
and tends to despondency and fear because of a melancholic temperament
which deprosses the mind.
Jy uel ‘The two chief divimons of eau; plc Tuneprudence. Ao-
onder to the Istildhdt-ul-Fundn ean) ple tv2ata of the soal and of all that
Appertains thereto, thus including all theological science, (Kashshaf Istiléhat-
ul-Funén art &9) cf pithy) y sl Yl al Ashbdh wal Nazdu by Zarnul Abidin

ban Nojim, (H. K.774) @0 dey 8b Myely .. .., 105 plat Say aia
te, Ita fundamentals are firmly established and its deriatives evident.
 [ 6 ]
geven sections ‘ upon which the foundation of the establishment
of Faith and Certainty 18 laid. .
“ And all that we relate to thee of the wdings of the prophets
with which we have established your hearts”* tells ua of this,
and a Jarge body of the learned expositors of the twaditions
aud commentators on the Quran, as for example Imém Bukhéri *
and Qazi Baizawi* up to our own times have oceupred them-
selves in writing about this beart-enthralling science, and their
words and practice have become an authority for the nations
both East and West. m spite of the diversity of ther origins
and the distinction of thetr variose degrees While on the
other band an insignificant band of imnoyvators and mventors
who with the disgraceful partisanship of greedy mindedness
and importunate desnes, and shortuightedness as regards both
outward and inward qualities, have placed their feet in the
valley of audacity, and have introduced interpolations and errors
into true and inemorablo histomes, and baving abandoned
ow ou Fur
1 gg lhe @M« The fret chapter: of the Quidn which contains seven verses;
o

go called
in Sdraxv 87 probast warty ested Ur lan Sty oa!,
*,
sie being plural of cs’ vepeating or reiterating ‘Tho number seven
relates to the manzila or dinmons of the Quran cach one of which is to be
read so that the whole 11 completed in a week. See also Tafair ul Baviw olf
2 Qurdn xs 121 This quutation 19 correctly given.
3 Hafig Abi Abdullah Mulummad ibn Abil Hasan Isma‘il ibn Ibrihim
ibn-al-Muyhair ibn-al Alnaf Yezdibah, or Yezdezbah according to Ibn Mekila
a Maula of the tribe of Jati (Slane Ibn Khallqdn, u. 595) The last named
was a Maan and died in that religion, his son Al Mughurat embraced [skim
’
He waa the author of cole! ! er Sabih-ul- Bukhari, acollectiou of authen-
tic traditions—im wach an account of Imim Bukhéri wi piven He wae
bom AH 194and died AH 256, and was buried at the village of Khartang
P
near Samargand leaving no male issue ~The gst) ex is held in great
eateem by Muslims.
* Qézi Négr ad-Din Abu! Khar Abdullah Barzdwi, ibn Umar tbn Muham-
toad, was born it Bawa, 2 village of Shirds, and was appointed Chief Qazi.
He was the author of many works, among others Algkayatu Sil fiqh. Sharh u!-
Mazabth wal manahy Ths most celebrated work was 4 commentary on tha
Qurdn called dnudru-t-tanail, He died AH 685 an. was buned in Shirds
See also De Sacy Anth Gram. Arab notes on Bauzgiwi, p. 37. Bee alev
Eliott and Dowson, Vul LI, 252 and note.
 [ 7J
recognised constractions! and explanations, and interpretations
of obvioss nature, and estimating the conflicts and discussions
of the noble wompanions and mighty followers (of the Prophet)
by their own condition, attributed them to mutual contradiction
and hatred, and to rivalry in the splendour and amount of their
property and family,-and having seduced simple minded people
of elementary belief, have led them, by their own error and by
attributing error to others, to Gehenna, the house ot perdition.
“When tke crow * becomes leader of a tmbe, he will surely lend
them along the path of destruction.”
And if the eye of a man be instilled with the collyriam of the
Divine guidance, and :lluminated by the light of truth, and guard-
ed from every calamity which happens in the world of existence
and evil, ho pesses to the Unity of the Creator, the Ancient of
days, the Glorious, freed fiom the stam of inovation, and
purified from the blenush of change and alteration- Aud when |
iook carefully, I see that the world is itself an anwient archetype
which has neither head nor root, its pages are a confused record,
and in each page there is a list of the affairs of a section of
mankind who have had the reins of the management of affairs
entrusted to their sands.

Tiys ancient Shéhnama relates the affairs of the hings of

the world.
Do thou always look and 1ead therein with circuraspection.

ree 2 Gt Soon

1 Uwle” is the plural from Jet® an inf. eg ease _pam}

. 6
He put the best vcnatraction upon it, namcly | sayiug (Lauc, ¥ er,)
Le 2
a we lye The Arab proverb runs thus:
whe 4 4 Ie Fy Fa ws
MO care gle aay Hes a) ety] ey

“ He who haa the crow for a guide will be led by it to the carcasses of dogs’
The crow was conmidered as the most auspicious thing up carth, thus the
Sue
Arube sey ~Lyah we olti More ill-omened than a crow

Tes kppeurance wa thought to be ommons of separation, therefore they suy

we Io 4
also with ely ‘The raven (or crow) of separation,
 j 8 | .

The spell 0 f this nexvative bfings sweet sloep to

him
in delui um, and has becom e distra cte d with mad-
Who 1s
nes§ of the bram.
But 1t also wakens him who on account of pride, has fallen
junto the slumber of carelessness and whom the devil has
deceived

And inasmuch as the wzvoker of blessing upon all mankind,

‘Abdul Qadir thn Malik Shéh Badéoni (may God erase ‘his
name from the book of sins) in the beginning of tho year 999!
in accordance with the fateful order of lis excellency the
Khalifah of the time, the shadow of the Deity, Akbar Shahi#
yaen he had fimshed lus selection from the History of Kashunfr §
which, by the soul-mspnmg order of that world-conquering
Emperor whose throne 1s the heaven. ono of the incomparable
ductors of India bad translated from the Hindi into Persian,
yiwided to a “ikmg which he had for this science from youth
to maturity, and as it was seldom that he had not bern ocenpied
in veading and writing it, either of his own free will and accord
ut in obedience to orders, it used often to occur to him to write
as well an cpitome of the affaurs of the Emperors of tke metro-
pols of Dehli, fvom the tame of the commencement of Islam to
{ho time of writing, in a concise manner,
All the world is but a village that (city of Mecea) is the
ecntral point’ (of Islam)
that 11 mght be a memorandum compmsinga portion of the
events of cach reign in brief form, and a memorial for my
friends, and a conspectus for the intellectual, and although 1t

1 999 of tho Ifijra (1590 A D)

8 The Emperor Akhbar, who about this time employed Badéom “to mak
translations frum the Arabie and Sanskrit as in tho cage of the Muyamu Le
Buldan, Jaému-r-Rashidi, and the Ritmdyana,” (Elliott and Dowson, v 78 ,
5 Haid to have been translated from the omginal Hind{ by Mulls san
Muhammad Shéh.ibédi — but not apparently the Raéjd-tarangmi, for the t im
lation of that work 18 usually attributed to Mauldné Iméd-ud-din CL. Ann
Akoari, Blochmanu, 1 pages 105.106—footnote 1. “_
* Mecca, as bemg the central meeting place of all Mushms. Tho Arabic
° FPI, oo» §
‘
phrase 18 crtolene! tw phos tly! The collectave body of the Muslims,
Vide Lane Art Sige.
 { 9]
might not be a book to be relied upon, or a notable composition,
still in accordance with the saying ——
“ These ancient pages of the sky whose beauty the stars are,
Are an ancient history of many Emperors whose armies
excel the stars in number,” ,
it may be that from the perusal of this book a messenger from the
world of spirits aud invisible mysteries may cast a ray of light
upon the receptive mind, and thus being a cause of abstraction
and.seclugion, may wean the sou] from the love of this transitory
world, and may aid the compiler of these pages in the prosecution
of his task, and his hopes may not be blighted ; and inasmuch as
each day some now gricf used to appear, and some vexatious
annoyance used to shew itself, helps bemg few and hindrances
many , moreover by reason of fresh toils and temporal changes it
was difficult to remain in one place

“Bach day would bring a different place, each night a different

roof.”

And besides all this, my sustenance was by no means assured,

hanging as it were between heaven and earth, and my heart
utterly distracted by separation from kindred and friends ; accord-
mgly that commission was only accomplished by fits and starts,t
until a kind and complaisant man of wealth, orthodox and reli-
iously disposed, and happily furnished with this world’s goods,
who was very devoted to me, and for whom I too entertained an
mdescribable affection, having completed the writing of the
Térikh + Niztmi? which 1s a bulky volume, and which is here being
completed by me—removed the furniture of life to the sublime
abode of Paradise.

* .,
«1 glist i? ie 2 Gp p> 99. Lit. used to fall into the region of
holding back and pushing on.
8 Khwajd Nuzima-d-din Ahmad, son of Khwiijé Mugqim Harkwi diwén of
the hougehold of Babar, 18 said in the Zakkirdtu-l.Qawdn‘n (ED. v. 178) to
have been appointed diwan of Akbar’s household. He was subsenuently
appointed bakhehf of the province of Guyrit.
The Instory referred to in the text is one of great repnte and authority,
it was called by the author Tabaqit-:-Akbar-shéhi by which title Badéoni
himself also styles the work. Its name is also known az Tabagit-
2
 [ 10 j
“He has departed—I too follow him.
Each one at last must go the aelf same way.”
At this juncture, when Time departing from its usual custom,
has treated me in the matter of leisure with same sort of liberal-
ity, 1 has come about that I have been able to steal a morsel of
the chequered ! hours of my hfe from his grasp, so that I renewed
my imtention and confirmed my purpose, and on this ground that
vhere is noi bygone event which has not left something tor the
present,

“If the peasant thoroughly rlears under the sheaves of wheat

He leaves the sparrow’s portion on the ground,”

{have selecteu and transcribed accarately a portion of the

circumstances uf some of the autocrat Emperors of Hindustan
from he Térikh 1 Mubdrak Shdhi* andthe Nizdme-t-Tawdrtkh of
Nizami* which 1s as it were a drop in the ocean and a bubble of
the turvulent floods, and have also added somewhat of my own,
und have kept befure me the desirailty of cuuciseness and have

i-Akbari, binehts states that of all the bistomos he consulted this

ia the
only one he tuund complete (Elhot and Dowson, v 177-178 )
Nudmn-d-din died im 1008.4 H,1594A D From the sathor’s preface
in the text above it would appear that he had had the work in hand
some considerable time, but had not heen able to give
his undivided attention
to it until after the death of Nizimu-d-din. {n the space of a year from
that event be had completed his abridgment eo
that, 1t most have been fairly
fax advanced at the timo of Nigému-d-din's
decease.
ou
1 &9** see Lane, Art @*. The days are apt to decline from the
Fore
right
Bor I Buy s 3
course apt to return 7) ad pea sud
The days. coh
* This work was wnitten by Yahy&
ibn-Ahmad ibn.‘ Abdallah Sirhinds
according to Fir shta with the expres
s parpoze of recording the reign
Mubieok Shih ‘It of
commences with the reign of Muhammad
of the Ghon dvnasty,
Sam, founda?
the only known
mide of the reign of Sultdn Saysia Muha MG. termmates abroptly i the
oe moat be te work
mmad, 852 A. H — (1448 A D)
Biread y roferred to, ie, the Tahagét-1-
nithan;
sttbo ng @ name Akber{
Nigénu-t-T
u-t-Tawari
awé kh does not appear to be given
to xt elae-
The name Nivému-t-Tawarikh
is generally resincted ta
Baw
(a6awi (tid
pe e Ethott and Dowson the work by
LI. Pp. 252-
02.2253)
5 Ita date uw about 674 Hq
 [ u ]
imposed upon myself the necessity of avoidance of all affectation
of atyle and .metaphor, and have named this model composition
Muntakhabu-t-Tawérikh' 1 hope that this imperfect collation
and composition, whose object is the perpetuation of the auspi-
cious names of the Emperors of Islém, and the transmission of
a memorial thervof in this changing world until the final consum-
mation, may lead to the pardcn of the author m the world to
come, and not be an augmentation of the crimes laid to his
charge.

“ And do thou, O Nightingale, as thon roamest through this

garden,
With all thy sweetness, abstain from blaming the defects of
the vow ”

Since the object ot my ambiiion is to write correctly, if L should

by accident let fall from my pen the instrament of wy thoughts,
or commit in my thoughts, which are the motive agent of my
pen, any shp or error, I hope that He (may He be glorified and
exalted) in accordance with his universal mercy which is of old,
will overlook and pardon it

By speaking evil do not change my tongue,

And do not make this tongue of mine my wrong.?
And since the tirst of the Emperors ot Islam who were the
cause uf the conquest of Hiadustan—~ (after Mahomed Qdsim,®

t Ths title a common te works by many other authors (Ellioté and

Dowson, y. 477) specially given to a history by Haran 1bn-Mchammad al-
Khaki ash-Shirézi, completed a H. 1019 (1610 A D) The work of Badéoni
ie known better as Tarfkb-1-Badéoni,

3 There is a play on the words WY} wrong and wh} tongue which capnor
be preserved in tranelation.
$ Tho incidents of Muhammad Qisim’s engagements and victories are
related m the Chach Néma, extracts from which will be foand in Elhott and
Dowson (Vol 1. pp 131-211) See also Futébu-l-Buldén of Al-Bilézari (EB.
ana D 1.113) His full name was Muhammad iba-Qésim 1bn-Mubammad
ibn-Hakim ibn-Abi ‘Ugal, and he was sent during the Khalifati of Walid-
ibn-Abdul Mehk 705-715 AD, to commund on the frentiers of Smd (E.
and D Al-Bilazuri Vol i p 119)
Bee alaoEB aud D Vol.:, Appensdhs £32 de
 (2 | ;
cousin and son-in-law of Hajjaj-ibu-Yusnf Sayff, | who in ihe
year, 98 A.H., (711 A.D ), conquered the conntries of Sind, Mal tin
and Gujrat, and, by the order of Walid :bn-‘Abdul Malik warwin
who on an important occasion wrote to lim from Damascus an
summoned him to his presexce, starting from Oodypur in India,
and wrapping himself in a raw hide, while on his journey yielded
up his hfe to God, and after him the affairs of Islam 1m that
U Abd Muhammad al-Hay}4) was con of Yaenf-ibn al Hakam iba-‘Uqail ibn-
Masdd ibn Aummr rbn Miattib ibn Mdbk sbn Ka‘b, tbn Amr ibn Sa‘d »bn
‘Auf ibn Qasai (called ale» Sagif) He waa governor of Irak and Khoréaén
for ‘Abdul Mahk ibn Marwén (692-705 AD) and was confirmed
in that
office by Walid abn Abdul Mank (705-715 AD) For an account of him
seo K (hlane) J 356 and seqq) Io founded the city of Waait between
Bosra and Kufa (75 AH) Ho diedon Qlat Ramarén AH, 95, at the age
of fifty-fonr and was bumed at Wiest. Ibn Khalhgdn states,
“Hua malady
Was ® cancer in the stomach for which ho called
in a physician, who, having
~agotined into his casc, ved a piece of meat to o string
and passed xt down
his throat, after a lapse of somo time ho drew
1t out, and foand a swarm of
worms adhering to 1t God yave also a cold aguo power over Jum and
ulthough vases filled with hehted coals were placed around lnm go close ag
to scorch lus skin he folt them not (1 K. Slane loc ctt.).
Ho was a brutal ruler, and at Ins death at was Said
in thanksmiving “O my
God ' thon hast eauaed him to die Jot his example
also die from among ng ”
“The tube of Sagi! was a greay aod well-known
tnbe dwellmg at "Barf,
who before ther conversion to Islam were
devoted tu the special worship of
the idol Lat , the founder of tho tube
was Qéasi (called also Sag?) whose
descont from Ma‘dd 1a Rupported by two different, fenealovies '
de Pererval, Hist des Arabes, (Canssina
1 272) After retusiny to bear rhe prophet
inf personal appeal made to them,
they made war against him, but even-
tually embraced ishim m 6304
H » Shortly after the retara of
to Medina Muhammad
4 Wahd ibn-Abdul Malik Marwini,
becamo Khulifah im tho year 86 A
and dwd om the year9¢A TH Ths
H
facher was ine produc ossor im the
fat, haga ume was Abdul Khah-
Mahk abn Marv dn w hence
It was duriy ithe Khalifate Wahid is called Marwini.
of Abdul Malik that al-Hayyiy
Ka‘bah and restored 24 to the pulled down tho
condition im which it was
Buydti. Walid was Ignorant, in the time of Ag
despotic and tyrannical,
charged the duties of Khihf but withal dis-
well, he pailt the mosque
durmg hha Khalffato many of Dutmnascus and
foreign conquesta wore achered,
translation of Ag Suy aia Tarikho-I-Khulafé, (Sce Jarrett g
The meident in the text Pp 227-230)
relates to the vengeance
death by the two virgo taken for ther fathor’s
danghters of Raja Dahir,
when he was killod at tho siege who were taken captice
uf the fort of Riwar, 93 A. H.
Qiemm had Muhamniad
sent them to Baghdid under the Charge of hig negro slaves,
 { 13 j
country lost all ordor) were Nésiru-d-din Qubultigin' whose son
was Sultén Makmuiid Ghaznavi who every year used to make
incursions into Iudia with the object of plundering and engaging
in religious warfare, aud in the ragn of whose sons Lahore be-
When they were summoncd before the Khalifah Walid ibn-Abdal Malk, he
beramo enamoured of them and desred to retam them They however
assurod fim that Muhammad Qdsim had kept them with himself for three
days befere sending then: to the Khalifah and that consequently they were
uot worthy to become lus concnbincs. Walid bemg very mdignant wrote a
lettcr commandiog Muhammad Qisim at whatever place he might have
arrived when he received the mandate, to suffer himself to be sewn up in @
raw inde and sent to the Capital Muhommad Qésim roceived the letter
at‘ Udhifar” (Oodypar) obeyed its orders and was brought before the
Rheltifuh dead
Coo Khalitah taking a bunch of green myrtle in Ina hand, shewed the
corpse to Dahu’s two daughtera, who thereupon told him that they bad falsely
represented the facts m order to be ic venged on the slayer of thor father.
Theos were weordiugly by his cides “wuclosed between walls” (Elhott
at PVowsou, Vol I, pp 210,-211, Appendix 487, Ain-1-Akhari, Vol II 345, and
fosiuete) Muhammad Qasim was succeeded in the soversignty of Sind by
the chscendunts of the Bund Tamim Ansiri from whom 1st passed to the
Bu sca Raypute
'Iy AH. 107 (A. D 725 “6) ander the Ehalifate of Hishém b-Abdal,
DobkK Amun b-Abdullah Kashar, governor of Khurdean, conquered Ghor
ho yintin, the territory vf Nuprus ard Kabul, and mode the Fitter ine capital.
mut the tune continuously under the dvnasties of Caravyah aud Abbas
owas held by the governor of Khurisan until under tie samanis Alptigin,
aaluve of that house, withdrew fiem shee ubedienes auk pusseasion of
(hag and habul and asseru a his mfepandence Quan wath Subukcigha,
tither of the great Mahmud, succecdud to the kiunguit und of onotinued
meer tie house of Ghazn ”
J have quoted this rerbatun from Jarrett’s translation o) the Ain. Akbart
Yol Il p 414, because 1t shews ma tew words the changes wlich occurred
daring tho period intervening between Muhammad Qasim and Subaktugin
Nagira-d-din Subuktigin 1a affirmed by historiana to hive been a Tork hy
descent who was brought by a merchant asa boy to Bukhdru where he waa
sould to Alptigiv, who from being governor of Khnurusau aad by revolt
aygunst Mangir (A H 351) established bis sovereignty over GI i-ui
Subuktigim some fifteen years luter marmed the dauvit uf Alpugin
and was acknowledged king by the chief of Ghazni, Alptigin having died
two year§ previously, during which period his son Abi Ishéq was governor
till lua death. He then became founder of the Ghaznivide Dynasty or the
Kings of Lahore (See Briggs Ferishta, Vol. I pp. 11-96,) also (Elhott and
Dowson, Yul }4, 207-241) See also Tabagdt-+-Ndsirs (Raverty) page 70 and.
foutnote.
 tC WJ
came the seat of Government, so that Islim never agam iost ita
hold on that oguntry—accordingly I deemed it right to commence
this history with an account of that monarch whose ond was
glorious, so that it may be fortunate from the first, and laudod at
the last—and God is the best of helpers and defenders.
Toe Gyaznivios Dynasty.
From Sultan Nagiro-d-din Subuktigin to Khusran Malik, who,
prior to the conquest of Dehli, proclaimed Islam in Hindustén,
from the year 367 AH. (977 AT) ), to the year 582 AH. (1186
A.D.) Their sovereignty thus lasted two hundred and fifteen years
under the sway of fifteen monarchs

Sutrén NXsinv-p-pix Scsoxnsin

Was of Turki origin, the slave uf Alpligin who was a servant of
Amir Manatr-ibn-Nih Samini! In the year 367 EL. after the
death of Abi Ishaq, the son of Alptigin, by common consent of
the soldiery and populace he succecded* to the imperial throne
in the city of Bust? and raised the standard of conquest, afid

1The eighth prince of the Samini dynasty who reigned 23 yeast

(D'Herbelot).
The Simini dynasty was fonnded by Asad bin-Simi
a. 1% held
sway over Khurdsan and Transoxiana, holding sta court at Bakhéré — from
79 A H to 3054 Ho Ser Tabaqdt-1-Nasin, Raverty pp. 26, 27 and 58,
Amir Abul Hire Mansir died at Bukharé 366 A
H. and wed succeeded by
his son Abul Qésimu-Néh (Tabaqui-+-Ndsirs, Raverty 44.) Foran account
of the Simin dynasty, soe D’Herhelot Lil 193 Abd Ishéig was ap-
pomted by Mansur as governor of Ghaznin upon the
death of bia father
Alptigm im the yen 365 A H, aud died in 867 4 H
Acrording to th. Tavagat-s Néar, Alpiigin
died in $52 A. H. and Ishiig
inddS A H upon che death of Ishéy Balkatigin,
of Alpi in the slave
sneceeded him 4d: mg in 362 A HL after him
again Turey obtained the govern-
ment, bat was deposed in 867 A H when
the Government passed to Subuk
hein (See Raverty Tabagat-s-Ndvir:, pp 71-73 )
,
£The Tahoyat-:-Néery states that § mcceaded Alaptagin i
Gharmin (Rav uty yn 46-74.) must
4 Buel, the ™
csintal of Zabulistin (vide
un 201) which i Abul Feda TI
eludes Kabul and ne adjacent termors
ag fer ag Ghaena, and even be “a.
Dered by Vakut com Zabol,
graudfather of Rustam (din iebers
ferret) Vol Hoop 5, and p 48,
+ According to the Qink -
“tuated im 91788’ ong and 32°47° lat atcurding to the Aiwa) “
aud 33 lat. Third loan
climate faer AunerShoai2, Vol. Ti 115, footnote
4] one
 { |
girdingup tho loies of energy aud effort for foray and religions
war, he invaded Hindastin on the frontiers of the countryof Kohb-i-
Jad! and having fought a sevore battle with Jaipé] who was the
ruler of Hindustiéa, concluded peace with him. Jaipal, however,
broke the treaty. Accordingly Nisiru-d-din Subuktigin equipped
an army composed of 10,000 cavairy and numberless elephants
huge as monaotaina, and engaged in conflict with him a second
tima, fought a great battle with him in the neighbourhood of
3 the breese of victory stirred ‘the banners of Amir
Nagira-d-din, the army of Jaipal suffered defeat, and he him:
self took to flight and sought refuge in Hindustén. Thas
Lamghinét came into the possession of Amir Nagiru-d-din, the
Khutbah was read and the coiv struck in his name* Then he
proceeded to the sasistance of Amir NGb-ibn-Mangir Samini*
and was the means of procuring notable victories in Khurésin
and the regions beyond the river. Finally in the month of.
Sha‘ban* of the year 387 A.H. (997 A D..) he obediently submitted
to the summons of the Almighty, having reigned for twenty
years.
Yaminv-p-Daocat Sciriv Magudp tiny Ndsrev-p-pix Guazwari.
When Subaktigin, in the month of Sha‘ban 387 H., while on
the road to Gharnin, receiving the sammons of the Almighty

place of the district of Bost Boat is situated on the banks of the Wend-
mand and is part of Sijistin. From Bost to Ghagna one recKona abour 14
marches (Abul Feda II, ii 108) Abul Feda further atatea that af Bost on
the Hendmand (Helmund) there 1s a bridge of bouts symular to those of the
rivers of Iraq (11 76)
1 The Koh-vJud includes the mountainous region betwoon Ghagnyl. and
Lahore.
& lanyhdn, Seo Abul Feda Uf oi 201. Actordmg to the Lobéb thir is the
general name of a colioction oi plices in the mountains of Ghaznah (Seo
Abul Fedal cecxlvi} Lamgkan Long 104 50° Lat 34°3 (in -Akbari it 89
& Th reading of the abs. ; Khbutin) and striking the Bias {mkka) that is
atampiy: tbe currency, were the usual secumpaniments of the aceossion of
the soverocnes of Islam, wad concttuced a proclamstion of ther authonty.
4s History of dhe Caliphsa (5 Susut: Jarrett) pp $dz-438.
& rer slyy be Naward-an-ushr Tress rang
Ace adinz to Vagiit wo Jo. Muahtomnk, Tidy a9 the samy ese te tne eal
let >. Of eountres mie nod fiyond the Oxne Se 4 kd tu ie sual.
annot> on fallaceount of the esuntries included ana Cad Namie
Pb. th tame. of the Muhammadan 5.0.1
 { 16]
responded “Here am I,” he appointed his young son Jeroa‘{l ag
his successor.! When thia news reached Mahmid who was the
elder son of Subuktigin, he wrote a letter of condolence to his
brother and sought # peaceful solution of the difficulty on the
following terms, That Isma‘il shoald give up Ghamnin to Mahmid,
receiving in its stead the governorship of Balkh- Isma‘il refused
these terms, and oventnally war was declared between the
brothers. Mahmid was victorious, and after defeating Isma‘il,
10. kept him closely besieged in G@haznisi for a space of six months,
at the expiration of which time certain of their friends interven-
ed and made peace between them. Isma‘il then came and had an
interview with Mahmid, and the sovereignty devolved upon
Yaminu-d-Daulat Mahmid. Aftor this o quarrel arose between
Mubmid and Mangdr ibu-Nth Sdéméni and also his brother
‘Abdu-I-Mahk 1bn-Nih ® Eventually Mahméd got the upper hand.
The Amirs of ‘Abdu-]-Malik also, Féiq and Baktizin, who
engaged in'contest svith Mahmid, were defeated by him, and the
soverciguty of the whole of Khurdésin, of Ghaznin, and the
frontiers of Hindustan came intu the hands of Mahmad.
Mahwwl’s mother was the daughter of the ruler of Zébul8

1 Tho question of the mght of succession of the two brothers admits of

some doubt From the text 1t would appear that 1t was the intention of Subsuk-
tigin to nominate his youogor son Isma\‘il. The author of the Tabagat +
Nasu (ignores [ama‘il’a succession (see Raverty, noto 6, page 75, end Briggs,
note on ber ** , page 29) Subuktigin died m 387, and Mahmiid succeeded
according te Fandkati m 388 It appoara uncertain how long Isma‘il held
the Government but probably the six months daring whick he was
besieged
‘Sy Malmud in Cdinent, represonts his whole reign
2 The ong of thas quarrel is stated by
Ferwhta to have been a protest
lodged by Mahmud agamat the nommation of Bak-Tézun
to the governorship
of Khnrdsin (sco Briggs, p 84, see also Raverty, Tubagdt-1-Ndsirt,
pp 49, 50).
Munsdr was deprived of his sight after dethronement
by Fhiq and Bak-
tizun who then by agreement with Mabmdd were to hold
Merv and Nishépar,
Shortly after tlns (in 888 A HT), the Saméni
dynasty came to an end after
the defeat of Abd-al-Mahk by [laki-Nasr It had lasted one hundred and
eisht years. See Raverty, pp 53, 64 (see
alao D Herbelot ui 194),
Mahmud 18 related to have aeaumed the title of Sultdén
and to have been
the fist Onental potentate who appropriated
this term (Thomas, Coins of
Kinge of Ghazni, J HB ALS IX 270 see also EBlhott It
480-481,
§ She was the danghter of Alptagin, governor of Ghaznin,
which iy here
mennt by Zibul, the wore‘ that is Qandahar * only occur in one copy and
ate probably interpolated,
 CW ]
{that is to eay Qandahaér *] accordingly, he is called Mahmid
ZLabuli—as Firdausi! says:
The auspicious court of Mahmid Zébuli is an ocean,
An ocean such that no shore can be found fpr it-
I went to the ocean—I dived but found no pearl
The fault is my fortune’s—not that of the ocean,
In the early part of his reign he hed some rnpleasant cor-
respondence with the Khalifah of Baghddd Al-Qidir bill&hi
‘Abbési® Eventually the Khalif despatched a magnificent rohe of
honour, and many presents of precious things and ema, and con-
ferred on him the title of Amiru-l-Millat Yaminu-d-Dantat.
Leaving Ghaznin he wert to Balkh and Herat, and in 387 A H..,
(997 A.D.) he returned to Ghaznin after having settled those pro-
vinces, and thence made repeated incursions and forays into
Hindustan, and took several fortresses. ‘Asjadi? composed the
following gagida in honour of this expedition:
When the king of kings marched to Somnat*
He made his own decds the standard of moracles.
In the month of Shawwal, 391 A H., (1000 A.D.) Mahmad re- il.
turned to Hindustan from Ghazni with ten thousand cavalry,
® Not in MSS (A) or (B}
{ Firdausi For an account of this famous poet see this volume page 32
Note 1, aud Mayma‘ul Fosahé | 382
§ Al-Qidir billthi Abul ‘Abbds Abmad tbu-Tshak ibn il Magtadir was horn
in 386 AH. Wie Khahfote lasted from 881 A Hf to 422, th yenr of bis death,
& period of forty-one years 1s Sasdti quotiug from A} Khatib saya that
he wis distinguished for his recittude and nobility of character. (History of
Calipha (Jarrett po $31)
3 Hakim Abd Naar ‘Abdul ‘Aziz ibn-Mansir contemporary of Hakim
Anguri, Hakim Farrukhi,and Hakim Firdas: "Ie died in 432 4 H (Majma'‘ul
Fosahé, Vol fp. 340) The qasida in which the linea quoted occur 1g given
at leugth im the Mayma ul Fusaha, loc et MS (Al quotes them wrongly,
MS. (B) is the sameaa the text which rends Wy® for UG. ‘Agadi was a cele.
brated poet of Mery The Tabaydt-1-Nusiré gives another couplet in additien
to tho above and attmbutes the poem to ‘Ansuri (p 82, note 1)
4 Somnat Situated according to the QAndin in 97° 10" long and 22° 15’ lat,
Somnét 18 on the shore, m the land of pirates which is part of India. Ion-
Said says that travellers often speak of it, and it forma part of Guzcrdt or
the country of Lar (See Bayley, History of Guyerat, p. 18, etc , Ain-t-Albars
Vol. IL (Ja.rott) 246, etc Abul Feda ll un 116)
See also Altirini India (Sachau} L. 206, and Index Somanatha,
See alao p 27 of this volume, &c.
3
 [wey |
and reduced Peshawar. He also again drew op hie sprees on
ore
these frontie:s for battle with Jaipél who im tt
large forces of cavalry and infantry-and three han : elephan
Sultén Mahmud gained the day and Jaipaél was ta en prtsonex
together with fifteen of his relatives, his brothers and ele
and five thonsand infidels fell by the sword. Great spoils a in
the hands of the Ghazis, among them a pearl necklet whi L Was
ot the neck of Jaipal, which was worth some hundred and eighty
thousand dindis,! and the necklets of the others too, on the samo

Trae te some, uncertanaty as to the actual value of the Dindr, aa there

wero different coins, orte of silver and the other of gold bearing this name-+-
It was during the Khahfate of Abdul Malik ibn Marwha (A.H. 73 to
All 86, AD 692 A D. 705) that a separate comare was introduced Thus
As Suyiifi gives the following account “Yuhyé-b-Bukayr narrates —
‘I heard Méhk say that the first who comed dinéra wags Abdat Mahk and he
anscribed on them a verse of the Qurén Munsa‘b stator thet Abdal Mahk
insembed on the dinér “Say, Godis One" (Qur. oxii ) and on the reverse
“ there 18 no God but God,” and its Girenmference was a mm of silver and
hoe ingeribed outside the rim, “Muhammad is the Aposth of God, whom
he hath sent as a guide unto Salvation and the true fath’” (Jarrett,
Histcry of the Cahphs p. 222.)
Abdul Mahk had introduced the custom of writing at tno head of letters
the formula, “saf there 18 one God” “this was a cause of offence to the
Grecian Emperor who wrote saymg that unless Abdul Malik
abandoned this
habit “there will reach you on our dinéra the mention of what you will
not
bhe” Abdul Malik consequently decided upon coining his own
dindra which
be did im the year 75 AML (A D 694)
Tho orgin of the woid @fndr 1 attributed to the Latin denarwus
the words
us fala and pays dirham Lewng in the sume
way denved from follis and
diachma (PrinsepJ 19-246)
The denarsua, a silver coun was worth approximately
Byd its avorage weight
bemg according to the authorities 60 grains
It was first coined BC 269
Its relation to the drachma was at first an 85 to 975, bat owing
tow
falling off nm weight of the druchma they at
one time were Practically equal
un value The diuchma was a mlver com and occupied
the place of the denarius among the among the Greoks
Romans Hoth these coms then, the
dingy and the duham, were miyer
onginally, and were in all prohability
equal valoee, hat there 16 anothe. dindr mentioned of
in the Reyé Tarangin{ and
elsowhere which was a gold coin--this answers almost
denunius aureas exactly to the Roman
of which Pliny spenks, the average
120 grame weight of which wag
The gold coins of Chandraguptn
ns riplion weigh from 120 to mentioned im the Sanchi
180 graing and are indabitably
Groek onginals 1 device ag well copied from
ag in weight. Prinsep I, 246,
 f 19]
scale. This victory wes won on Saturday,! the 8th of Mubarram,
892 H., (1001 A.D.) Leaving this place Mahmdd proceeded to the
fortress of Tabarhindah? which was the residence? of Jaipil,
and conquered that country.
After this in the month of Muharram 393 A.H. he left G@haznin
and proceeded to Hindostén by way of Seistén and assaulted
Bhitia* which is in the vicinity of Multén. The Rajé of that
place, Beji Rai, fearing the panishment of the Sultén killed him.
self with a dagger, and they brought his head to the Sultan.
Many Hinds, more than one can number, were hurried along the
road to non-existence by the pitilese sword, and Mahmid took aa
spoil two-hundred and seventy elephants while Da‘id ibn-Nagr&
the renegade raler of Maltsn, being reduced to submission by the
Sultén, agreed to pay twenty times tweuty thousand dérhams©
annual tribute.
We mey thus take it thet the golden dindr was doublo the weight of the
silver ‘dindr and taking the ratio of gold to miver as 10 to 1 this would give
us the relutive values of the gold and alvér dindr in terms of dindre of
silver as 20 to 1.
Thus ‘relative value is rendered moro probable etul by a compartson at oar
author's statement of the tribute paid by Daud ibn Nagr (page 11, hue 18 of
the Text) with that of Firshts (sec uote 6 below).
Agninet this however 1s the statement in the Afs-1-dkbare { stochmann I
p_ 36) that “ the Dinér is a gold com weighing one miggdl, oe, 19 duhoma"”
but aa both the dirham and the muaqdl wore variablg the accuracy of this
statement is open to question
See Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiqnities (Art ) Lenarews.
{ Firishta says Monday, the 8th of Muharram.
8 Tabarhdah Fingehta calls tlus Batindah which m also the naino given
to Juipél’s capital in o history of the Rajis of Jami As to the identity of
this with Waihind, see Raverty’s Tabuydt-1-Akbar:, pp 76-80 footnote, see
Tieffenthaler’s map, Vol. II. Sea also E and D. 11 438
8 MS. (A) has Woy? cs'® = Text has peo which 15 evidently an “im.,
provement" on the author
“4MS, (A) has 43lp Bhéte MS. (B) bas Wy Bhéta. The real namo of
this place i according to Elhott Bhera, which hes on the left bank of the
Jhelum under the Salt Range—sec Eand D, Vol. IL, Appendis, pp, 439-440,
5 Grandson cf Shaikh Hamid Lodi, first rule: of Muttén (Briggs, p 40 }
6 Finshta saye 20,000 golden drama. According to the Ain-t-Aklart, Vol.
1 35, the dir) am isa silver coin, and no mention os made ofa golden dirham,
Taking the value of the golden dirham at twenty times that of the silver
dirham the test would give the same amount as thet given by Finsbta
(see note
1 p 18)
 { 20 ] .
As he was advancing to Multan, Anandpil, BOR of Jaipél, rose
np against him to oppose the advance of the Sultin, but fled after
the battle to the mountains of Kashmir, and the Sultén reached
Moltén by way of Hindustén.! Those events occurred in 396
A.H. (1005 AD.) In the following year 397 A.H. (1006 A.D.)
a battle was fought at Balkh between Mahméd and Ilak Kbén®
king of Mawaré an-Nabr.5 Sultin Mabmdd was victorions; Ilak
Khén finally died in the your 403 H. (1012 A.D.)
In the year 398 H. (1007 ALD) Mabmid entered Turkistén,
and having settled the affairs of the Turkis, pursued Sikhpél*
Nabsa, Rajé -of Sind (who having embraced Islam had heen re-
leased from his captivity to Abii ‘Ali Sinjdri bot had again
Joined the idolators avd apostates) ovegcame hum and threw him
into prison where he died
In tho year 399 A.H. (1008 A.D) Mahméd a second time
entercd Hindustan and engaging in battle with the aforesaid
Anand Pal defoated him, and betakmg himself with his vast
spoil
to the fortress of Bhimnagar’— which nowadeys is known
| Firishta says by way of Batwdah in the text we find by way of
Hindustén and MSS (A) and (B} have the same. According to Elltott (IT.
438) we shoold here read Bihand or Waalind, a place of considera
ble ympor-
tance on the western bank of the Tudus abuut fifteen miles above Attook.
4 See Raverty Tabeqat-+-Nasut, p 52 and note, Tak son
of Bughri Khon
took Bukhérd 10tb Zi Qa‘dah, 389 H. Sue also pagea 84-85, footnote
9.
Bee alsu Boggy’ Firishta, pp 42-44,
8 Transoxiéna
Finshta calls him Sakhpél, a son of one of the
Réjés of Indin MS,
(A) and (B) have Sakpél Naba BY JES p—0
According to Elhott lis name
wes Sukhpal-Nawésa Shah, the name Nawasa
denoting his relationship to
Jaipél whose grandson he in all probalility was (see
K and D, II, App 444)
He is called Réjé masmuch as Mabmid whon
leaving Multén to fight Nak
Khdn had (according to Firishta) left hie Lodian possessions
in his charge,
See alto Elphinstone, Hist of India, p 280
§ This fortress 1s situated about a mile from
tne town of Bhim The fort
itself was called Nagarkot (Finshta)
and is the same as Kot Kangra. Ii
Tieffenthalor's map Nagarkote ig placed
some 25 miles N. W. of Kot Kangra,
but at page 107, Vol I, he says, “ Cotgangr
a nommée aussi Nagar cott est une
ville mane d’une forteresse et située dang les montagn
Vol II S4and App 445, es” See E and D,
“The Town of Bhim which is about a
mile from the fort, 18 now on spot
called Bhawan which means a templo
ranged toa Sakti or femalo deity,
Bhim 19 probably a mistake arimug from its and
presumed foundation by the
hernc Bhim.”
 f 2 ]
an the Thina of Bhim—roduced it by promising qnarter to the
garrison, and gained possession of the treasure and valuables
which had been buried and stored thero since the time of Bhim,
and.in the early part of the year 400 H. he cansed several go'den
and silver thrones to be placed in jis court, and ordered that all
that bonndless and incomputable wenlth should be scattered at
the foot of his own throne that the people might gaze on it.
In the year 401 H. (1010 A.D) he left Ghaznin and again
marched towards Multdén, and took possession of the remainder
of the country and pat to death the greater ‘part of the Karma-
tians} and heretics of that region, and sont the remainder
whom he did not put to death to the fort,® where they died. He
took Déid ibn Naar, the heretic ruler of Maltén, to Ghazuin and
kept him e prisoner in the fortress of Ghori,® where he died
Tn the year 402 H (3011 AD), he set out for Thanesar * and 18.
Jaipil, the son of the former Jaipal, offered him a present of fifty
elephants and much treasure. Tho Sultén, however, was not to
be deterred from his purpose; so refused to accept his present,
and seeing Thénesar empty he sacked it and destroyed its idol
temples, and took away to Ghaznin, the idol known as Chakar-

1 A heretical sect of Muslims, ao called from the founder Kermat, who rose
ahout the year 278 H They sought to attain thor ends by violonce and
mm the year 319 Hl under Abo Taher, took the city of Mecea with fearful
slaughter, plundered the temple and took away the black stone which they
retained for twenty years
(Elliott and Dowson II. 573). (See also Salc’s Qurén, Prel. Discourse, pp.
130-181} D. Herbelot (Carmate).
ans. (A) eM yo
S kimehta So MS (A) us de*
4 Thénesar. 7662 E 2930 N wide Map, Treffenthaler, Vol, IIT.
Tieffenthalur describes 1t as a large and populoua town one mule in length,
having & pond surrounded by buildings towards the east The Hindus he
atates, clam that when gold 1s thrown mto thie Jake it increases in weight.
He naively, goos on to say, howover, “ Mais c'est an fable ridicule car celui
qui y jette son or n’en recouvre men.” The water 18 accounted holy.
He places Thinesar at a distance of 66 miles from Dehh giving the stages.—
Narela 12 miles, Sonpat 6, Gonor 6, Pampnt 12, Carnal 14, Agamabad 7,
Thanessor 9. It lies N..W of Dehh and 1s now called Thancswar Soo
Cunningham, Anc. Goog. of Inds, pp 330-332. Heo Alberuni, 1 199.
 [ 22J
sém,! on account of which the Hindés had beon ruined; and
having placed :t in his court, caused it to be trampled under foot
by the people In the year 403 H. (1012 A.D.), he conquered
Ghurjistin,s and m the selfsame year 40 ambassador arrived
from the ruler of Egypt, and when the Sultén heard that he was
and
of the Batini sect,? he exposed him to public ridicule*
expelled him
in the year 404 H (1013 A D.), he prepared an expeditionary
force to attack Nandana,® a city situated on the mountains of
Béinéth. Jaipél If left a force to defend that fortress, and him-
self proceeded to the Kashmir pass. The Sultan gained possession
of that fortress with promise of quarter, and left Sarégh Kotwal
to defend it, while he pursued Jaipdl Ife took the vast spoils of
that mountainous region and put many infidels to death by the
sword of holy war, and honoured the rest by admitting them to
Islam—a certain number he Jed captive to Ghaznin.
In the year 406 H. (108 AD ), he contemplated the conquest
of Kashmir, and beseged the fortress of Lohar Kot,? which was
a very high fort, but was forced to abandon the siege on account
of the severity of the cold and rain, and the constant reinforce-
ments available to the Kashmiris, and returned to Ghaznin. In
that year he entered into a contract for the mariiage of his sister

1 Chakrasvémin or the lord of the Chakra. For an account of this idol see
Alberani, I. 117.
“The civy of Taneshar ia highly venerated by the Hindus The idol of
that place 1 called Cakra svdmin, s¢, the owner of the Cukru”
§ Ghoryistan, or Gharshiatin, the country bounded on the west by Herat,
east by Ghor, north by Merv, and south by Ghnenif See Jdcut in coe.
Gharshistdn
8 Esotores, a sect of the Shi‘a Muslims For an account of thi i see Cure-
ton’s Ja, Dd Us page 147 —They were variously called éusblJ ob <j 5)
BS o5alt - Broalady . xrated
4 wr ea Exposing to ridicule by seating on a donkey with the face
to the tail, and thus leading him through the city
5 Nandang, a fortress of brick situated on a mountain ‘Tieffenthaler I 105,
im lat. 32° (Alberdm Sachau trans, 317) Iu Rennell’s map (1782) the
Belnét mounteins are placed in loug 72°L.,lat 32°N For a fall description
of
this mountain, see Cunainghan, Ano Geog of India, pages 164, 165,
® Son of Anandpél, grandsun of Jaipal I
" Called also Lohkot by Firishta MSS (A)(B) have Sty),
 , [ 23 ]
with Abul Abbas ibn Mamin Khwérazm Shéh,! and sent her to
Kywérazm.
In the yenr 407H, (1016 A.D.), a band of rnffians murdered 14
Khwérasu: Shah, and Mahmid leaving Ghaznin, proceeded first
to Balkh and thence to Kbhwirazm, where a furious battle took
place between his forces and those of Khamartish, the commander-
in-chief of Khwérazm. The Sultan's forces gainod the day and
Mabmid appointed Altin Tish governor of that country, invest-
ing him with the title of Khwaérazm Shéh, he also took vongeance
on the murderers of _Khwarazm Shih, and returned (to Ghaznin)
after having arranged those important affairs.
Im the year 409 H, he marched with the object of subduing
Qanauj,*? and having crossed the seven® dangerous rivers of
Hindustén, upon his arrival in the neighbourhood of Qnnanj,
Karah,* the ruler of Qananj, offered his submission, and sued for
quarter, offering presents. Leaving that place he arrived at the

1 For a full account of this dynasty, see Raverty’s Tabaqdt-1-Ndpre, pp 231

&e, (note 2) Khwéarazm is a oountry on both banks of tho Oxus of which
the captal 18 Gorgang (Jurjin) see Abul Feda II 1i 209 Chorasmn of
Strabo, Herodotus, &e The Choragmii are coupled by ancient authors with
the Daw, Massagetm and Soghdi. (Smith’s Dict of Geog.)
% Qanauj or Qanaj, was for a long tame the Hindd capital of Northoru
India Fimehta states that when MahmGd approached Qanany, “he saw there
a ety which raised 1ts head to the skies and which 1m strength aud beauty
might boast of being unrivalled” (Brmggs I 67). See also Albordui’
(Sachan tr I :99). (For a full account of this city consult Cunningham,
op cit, 376, &c ).
Tieffenthaler states that in ancient monuments Qanany 18 called “ Canna
coubad)” ce qui sigaific la rierge bosaue | Vol I pp 198, 194
8 Thoso in the order Mahmid met with them were the—
Indus 8xat Sindhu Gr. Ivdos “ Indus incohs Sindus appellatus” (Pliny)
Jhelam Hydaspes or Bidaspes Skat Vitasté (Vihut) or Viyatta.
Chonab Acomnes called in Sanskrit Chandrabhaga
Ravi Hydraotes (Arman) Shs Iravati. Hyarotis (Strabo).
Bish Hyphasis or Hypania Shst Vipdsa.
Sutlo) Zaradrua. Hesydrus (Pliny) Skst Shatladar
Jamona Jaun or Yamuné.
(See also Ain-t-Akbart (Jarrett), ii 310) Alberuni, Chaps xviv, xxv.
4 MSS. (A) (B) 8595 Kireh According to Firishta the oame of the
prince of Qanauy was Kanwar Rai, seo Elbort, Vol np, 16),
 [ 24 ]
fortress of Barnah! whose governor Barwat, having entrasted
the defence of the fortress to his kinsfolk, retired into seclusion.
The garrison of the fort not bemg able to withstand Mahmfd’a
aseanlt sent a preseut of a lakh and fifty thousand’ rupees, with
tlirty elephants, aud thus obtained quarter. From thence Mahméd
proceeded to the fortress of Mahdéwun on the banks of the river
Jon,* where the gaverror of the fort named Kal Chandar§ at-
tempted to escape by crossing the river riding on an olephant,
but in the meantime the troops of tho Sultén arrived, and he
destroyed himself by stabbing himself with a dagger—

By that same watery path he went to Hell.

When to live is to fulfil the desires of one’s enemies
Death is snfinitely preferable to life

At the taking of the fortress of Qanauj eighty-five elephants

and a boundless amount of sporl fell into the hands of the troops.
Fionm thence he went to Mathra® which 1s a place of worship
of the infidels, and the bnth place of Kishan, the son of Basnudev,
LB. whom the Hindus worship as a divinity—where there are idol
temples without number, and took it without any contest, and
rased 1t to the ground Great wealth and booty fell into the
hands of the Muslims, among the rest they broke up, by the
orde:s of the Sultin, a golden idol, the weight of which was

' Barnah = Fuirishta gives Hardat as the name of the governor and calls the
place Mirath Baran See Ellott WI 458, on the reading By) MS (4) hae di,»
Rartah and gives “sy! Bardat as the name of its roler
% According to Ferishta 250,000 silver dinars This gives the value of the
silver dinar as '$ ef arapen In the Ain-t-Akbarl we find no mention ot a
silver dinar, but the dirham 18 stated to he ,, of a dinar, as the dirham vaned
in weight at seems almost certain from the above that the dirham and silver
dindr wore dental (see note Lp 18)
8 Vide Tieff lo Mahdban avec une forteresse ey brique.
$The mverJumn = Alleruut “the mver Jaun (Yamuna) p 199
§ Kul Chand (F rishta) Ethott ] 462 MS (A) oS Kuichand
© Vede Theffir ih ver [201 of seq
Muthraor vues-ra, celcbrau ag a holy place, the birthplace of Vasudeva,—
eve Alberuni, s) 147 1 199, 142nou also in the Inetory of Krishna
as the
strovghold of ty cremy Raji Kanga Arman calle at Methoras whale Pliny
states that the eiey fusure , Jumma) pissed between the towns
of Methora
and Cheobors ‘iulhavartta on Vindavana) Cunningham op
eit py 374-875
 { 2
ninety-eight thousand three hundred miggdls' of refined gold and
® piece of sapphire* whose weight was four hundred and fifty
miggdls: besides a celebrated elephant of huge size, like a moun-
tain, belonging t» Rajé Gobind Chand, one of the Rajés of
Hindustén, which the Sultén had long earnestly sought to buy,
but which was not to be had. By chance one night, when they
were returning, this elephant broke loose and came into the
Saltdén’s camp without » keeper. The Sultén was greatly pleased
with its capture, and gave it the name of Khudédid® When the
spoil reached Ghaznin it was found to amount to over twenty
miinon and fifty-three thousand dirams, and three hundred and
fifty odd elephanta.*
_ In the year 410. (1019 A.D.), Mahmdd’ again turned his
feotateps towards Hindustan and encountered and fought on the
banks of the river Jon with Nandé the Raja of Kilinjgar,* who

* The Misqél=1} dirhame=6 dangs=06 barley grains in weight. It isa

weight used in weighing gold and is also the name of the coin. (Atn-i-
Akbart, 1.36) Cf. Hebrew shekel PW ace also Alberuui 1. 160-164,
8 we Syl Frrishta says Si! 454 ablne gem. Tho atone was in
all probability a sapphire. There are four kinds of agtly mem p64 (559 ont
and gixFleef 16, red, blae, white, and coerulean,
$ The gift of God.
4 From oollating the MSS. a.and B, I think the reading here is quite
plain. It 1s . .

Bang BEY 4 ys JI hpJY OY2 Camas pulls Wo yled rey WNdi Ee 9

= dye Usd ooty BEY y Ondey B31 1150
Both MBS. have Sg? but we must read %y/ as in Firshta, Vol. 1
p 52, line 9, et seq. we read thus — _: :

yt 50 ccamdy DiyS sled |y x gid pRew PSUS Oteay CrhlAd Wp 9

HAGA y std
ell Lio y cbs Al 5 onmyey Hoyt 50 tle Fy defy sled yo yA
=o? wt gid
and when he reached Ghaznin they counted the spoila of the expedition to
Qunan}, twat; thousand dindrs and thousands of thousands of dirams, end
£'ty thousand alaves and 850 elephants, besides other booty 0 addition to
these (Finuhta, Vol. I p 51,1. 9 ef seq )
6 Kdlinjar in Dangaya, Bundelkhand A deseription of this fortress with
two plates will be found m_ Tioffenthaler, Vol I p. 244 Be states that the
fort was taken by Shur Shéh and passed mto ihe jwsseamon ef the Rajah of
Danpaya (Bundelkhand) from the time of Muhammad, king of Debit.
ET (4 TARE Lave 25%. Long 55 EB (See Adee -ARbars (Jarrett) II. 168-159).
 [ 28]
had with him’ 36,000 cavalry and 45,000! infantry and 640 ele-
phante, and who had put to death the Réjé of Qanauj on the
eocasion of his submission to the Sultan, and who had also come
to the help of Jaipal, who had several times fled from before the
Sultév. The servants of the Sultén who had gone forward to
16. the attack, found the city deserted, and sacked it. A serrible
Gread overwhelmed the heart of Jaipél, so that leaving all his
property and material of war just as they stood, he took to flight
with some selected companies. Five hundred and eighty ele-
phants during tho pursuit, emerging from a forest, fell into the
hands of the Sultan's troops. He then returned to Ghaznin.—
Many regions passed from the possession of the infidels to the
Muslims, moreover the people of that country, either willgly or,
perforce, made profession of Islém.
In the year 412 H. (1021 A.D.), Méhmnd proceeded to Kash- -
mir and lad siege to the fort of Loharkot for a month, but it
held out bemg exceedingly well fortified. Leaving Loharkot he
went to Lahore, and in the beginning of spring returnod to
Qhaznin
In the year 413 H (1022 A D.), he again made an attempt on
the country of Nanda, and when he arrived at the fortress of
Gwahar, having reduced it peaceably and accepted presents from
its governor, confirmed him in hig governorship As part of that
present there were thirty-five clephants. Leaving that place he
‘went to the fort of Kalinjar, the commander of which first made
an offering of three hundred clephants and sought his protection
2
He also composed a poem in Hindi in Praise of the Sultén,
and
sent it to him, whereupon the Sultan read the poem in
the presence
of the eloquent ten of Hindustén and the poets of his own
country. They were all loud in thei praises of the poem, and
the Sult&a was so proud of it, that he wrote
a patent coaferrme
upon him the governoiship of fifteen forts as a reward
for the
poem. Nandé also sent large quantities of property and jewels.

Frrishta givos the date of this.expedition

as 412 AH. See Ellliat, Vol F,
462, for an account of the vamous statementa,
« The toxt has ser"? 2 See5 0-0 Fuishta says 45,000,
ikewise says 43,000.
MS, (A)
MS (B) 19 same as the text,
but 45,000 18 no doubt correct.
wh 5
ymin save eee,
8 Abul Fual (Atn-s-Akbart, Text
I 423) sayy thas way w 16 AH.
 { 27}
and countless articles of valuo aa an offering to Mehmid. The
Sultén victorious and triamphant returned to Ghasnin.
In the year 414 H. (1024 A.D,), Mahmid went to Balkh, and 17.
passed the river Jaihdn.! The chiefs of the regions beyond the
river) hastened to meet him, and Ytisuf Qadr Khan king of the
whole of Turkistén, came out to receive him, and visited the Suitam.
They held great banquets and gave presents to each other, and
Ali Tagin, of whose oppression the people of the regions beyond
the river had complained, learning what was happening took to
flight. The Sultén pursued him and having captured him sent
him 4 prisoner to ono of the fortresses of Hindustén, then he
returned and spent the winter in Ghaznin.
Once more® he led Ins army against Somnét, which is a large
city on the coaste of the ocean,* a place of worship of the Brah-

1 The Amt Dary& or Oxus Jaihin ia the name or tue great river which
separates Khwérasm and Khurfsia from Bokhéri, Samarqand and that
country. all the region on the Bokhéra side of the river 16 called the conntry
beyond the mver (m& ward annabr) I K im 229 According to Abul Fas)
Balkh 18 sttnated in Long 10140 Lat 3641 The JaihGn, 18 also called “the
river of Balkh” See also Abul Fodu (Roinand) II. ix 198-199.
8 we tylo - Transomiana. The country lymg between Khwérazm on the
west and the Oxus on tho south from Badukhshan to the fromiers of
Khwirazm Sco Abul Feda (Reinand) IT n 212 and seq
8 The accounts of thia celebrated expedition are given im great detail by
moat authors. Those who follow (lbn Asir and) Mirkhond make it com
mence with 416 H. Those who follow Finshta with 415 H (Elhott, IL -
468).
4 Somn4t, South-west of the peninsula of Gazerat, Long. 10710, Lat 22°15,
(Ain-s-Akbaut (J) 11 68,) on the sea, shore Ata distance of 60 farsakh from
Basiun, (Alb) The mver Sarguti falls mto tho sea at the distance of a
bowshot east of Somanath (Alb 261). It waa here that the YAdavas killed
each other (dlb, 405)
of
The idol of Somandth 16 stated by Alberum to have beeu the hnga
erected to remove the leprosy of the moon The word Somanéth
Mahadeva
meane ranter of the moon “Tho image was destroyed by the Prince
MabmGd, may God be merciful to him '-—A HA 418.” Alb II 103 Alberuni
gives an account hero of Somanath, and states (p. 176) that the day of full
.
moun inthe month Sravana is o fast day holy to Somanath.
Briggs’ Fir.
See also Elliot, 1] 468-476, also Elplunatone 286, sote 16-17,
68, 73,74. Atu-t-Abbari, Vol II 246, and note
Qazwinf in his Asdr-ul-Biad giyo3 an account of the idol of Somndt aud
states that 16 wees suspended in mid-air without support of any kind end
 [ 2B }
e are many golden idols
mans who worship o large idol. Ther
have called this idol Manat,
there. Although certain historians
which the Arab idolators
and say that it 1s the identical idol
the time of the Lord of
brought to the coasts of Hindustéu in
God be upon him), this
the Missive (may the blessing and peace of
Brahmans of India firmly
story has no foundation, because the
the time of
believe that this 1dol has been in that place since
fraction. Its
Kishan, that is to say four thousand years and a to
a Nath, that is
name too, in the Hindi language, is really Sobh
this mistake
say Lord of Beauty, and not Mauat.t. Tho reason for
In
must surely be the resemblance im name, and nothing else.
h is known
this expedition, having taken the city of Patan ® whic
t
as Naharwila, a city of Gujerét, and having obtained a grea
supply of provisions from thence, he arrived at Somnat where the
ed
garrison clused the gates of the fort against him, and reap
n and
ther reward in yapine and plunder. The fort was take
o
Mahmid broke the :dol in fragments and rent it to Ghaznin, wher
18. it was placed at the door of the Jimi‘ Masjid and trodden under
foot *.
At the time of Ins return, not consiaering it expedient to fight
with Bairam Dey,* one of the mighty Rajis of Hindnstan who
stood in his way, Mahmdd turued towards Maltin by way of

further states that it was supposed to ho kept in this position by magnetic

mtion Qazwin died A H 682, (A, 1D 1284)
PCt Quran LIL 19 20° Zamualkhsharnt im the Kasashdf states that Manat
waa an idul worshipped by the tribes of Huzml Khuzéa and Saqif, and that
it was called Manat BOYS .shed wll Sibel Fes wl (Culcutta Edn, Vot
11, pago 1422) .
8 Patton, TieffenthalerI 385, atates ‘hat Patan wes «very aneent cry
founded even before Guserét, 20 miles from Ridhanpur, 40 nuales notth of
QGnzerét Tks ancient name wae Nehrofla — 1t was originally called Anhalpur
Seo Aina Akbarf (J) U0 262, [11. 59, 60. Compare Briggs’ Finshta, 1, 69
&c , Anhalwara (Elpinnstone), _
& Cf. Alberon: I} 103
4 Firishta calls this Riji Brahma Dev, and states that having fied from
Mahmid be shut bnoself up in tho fort of Gandala (Kandama Té: thh-+-Alfi)
Briggs states that the position of this place hay nut been ascertamed. but it
appears to mo to be the place Candu mentioned by Ticffonthaler I 402,
“Canoe est une bonne forteresse 2 40 mulles de Somnath elle eat entource
dean comme ane fe mais on peut y aburder & guc en quelques endroits
”
This description tallies «+ exactly wath Fuuwhta’s that there can be btlo
 { 29j
Sindh.! His army suffered great hardships from scarcity of
water and forage, until with great difficulty he reached Ghaznin
in the year 417 H.
In that year Al Qadir billahi® the Khalifah, -despatched a
flag with a letter appointing the Sultan ® to the Governorship of
Khbardésaén and Hindustin, Nfmroz and Khwarazm, and conferred
titles of honowr upon his brothers and sons, and in the same way
assigned the titles of Kahfu-d-Daulat wal Islim to the Sultén,and
to Ins elder son Amir Mas‘id that of Shahdbu-d-Daulat wa
Jamélo-l-Millat, and to Amir Muhammad his younger brother that
of Jalalu-d-Danlat, and to Amir Yusuf that of ‘Azdu-d-Daulat—
and so forth.
{n this year by way of punishing the Jats* of the vicinity ot
Multan, ,who had committed many acts of disrespect, Mabmid
brought an army to Multan—and four thousand (some say exght
thousand) boats belonging to the Jats laden with their families
and property, were sunk in the Mult&n river on the occasion of
# victory obtained by the boats of the Sultén, on which they
had arranged some especial contrivance,’ and the Jats were
drowned and aank in the whirlpool of destractiou, and the rest
became food for the sword, their families were taken captive, and
the Sultén, victoiious and trramphant, returned to Ghaynin.—
In the yoar 418 H. (1027 A.D.) marching towards Diward®, hoe

donbt as to the identity of Gandaba with Canda, Cf. Elliott Il 473, note 1
Elphinstone Hist. of India, 289
In the Zabaqdt-s-Akbar{ this r&a ie culled Parama Dov.
! For particulars of this rourch sec Briggs’ Firwhta J, 78 Elph, 290, and
note Tabagdt-+-Negit (Raverty) p 83, cf Elhott 1, p. 192 from Jdmi‘y I
Mikdyde.
§ History of the Caliphs (Jarett, p 481, Al Qédir billy Abul ‘Abbés
Ahmad-b- Ishaq b-il-Mugtadye. A. H, 381-422,
8 See Elnottlf pp 480-481 on the assumption by Mabmid of title of
Sultan, see also p. 16 of ths volumo note 2.
4 Cf Elhott II. p 477, and 1 p. 607. Tne Jats,
8 Of Elhott 11.477. Bngge' FinshtaI 82,
The contrivance alluded to was fixmg spikes on the prows and sidas of the
boats like the reatrum or tsSodes of ancient warships. This matrument
the ongin of the modern ram 18 said to have been mvented by the Tyrrheman
Piseus. (Smith, Dict of Anu), See also Elph. 291, and note.
6 Hiward MS (A) has 41) ayyl pif tyylo qule? Ms (B)is same as
tho text, Abiward ville du Khordsdn est mtuge selon I’ 4fwdl par 84° de longi-
 [ 30 ] ,
utterly destroyed the Turkomans of that country, and thence he has-
tened to Rai! and laid hands on the treasures and hidden valuables of
that cbuntry which had been there for many years, and eradicated
19, the false :eligionists and Karamantans of that place, and bestowed
Rai and Isfehén on Amir Mas‘id his elder on. He then returned
to @hasznin and shortly afterwards became attacked by consumps
tion? his weakness day by day ivcreased. Nevertheless he used
to take great pains to pretend that he was well and strong, and in
that condition went to Balkh and in the spring came to Ghaznin,
and died of that disease on Thursday, the 23rd of Rabi‘ul Awwal,

tude et 37° 20’ de latitude On Ia nomme encore, dit le Lobdb, AbAward et

Baward {Abul Fedn (Reinaud) 1T 1, 186-186), Finghta calls it Badward
(neo alao Meynard (Dict de la Perse) p 13, Abiwerd).”
1 A district of Persian ‘Irig, situated according tp Abul Feda quoting
from: the Ajwdl, mn long 76° 20’ and latitode 35° 85’. Ita original namo was
he states, Rast
Tbn Hanqal im hie article on Dailam, speaks of Reyy aa a large city at ¢ dis-
tance of exght marchos from Azarbayjén It 1s the ancient Rhages or ‘ Payd:
of Arman, the capital of the province of Rhagiana, first known to us in history
as the place to which the Jewish exiles were sent It was the birth plare of
the famous physician Abu Bukr Muhammad ibn Zakarfya 4r Ravi, fumhar
to the medical world aa Rhézes who hved m the tenth century Has treatiso
on small-pox aad measles (dar! ly ior! \(s°) was published m a Greek trans.
lation wep) Aoter}s mm 1548, and an KEughsh tranelation from the Arabic
by Dr Greenhill (sydenham Society, 1847) 1t was ten days’ march from
Eobatan. (Hamadun) It was called at difforent pemods Europns and Arsacia
In modern times tho ancient name has returned, and its ruins he now to the
south of Tcherén and north of Ispahen Tho famous Junaconsult Muhamniad
abn al-Hasan, and al-Kisay{ the render of the Qaran, are buned there.
Persian Jriq comprised the regions of Reyy, Qashan, Ispahan and Hama-
dén. (Dict of Greek and Roman Geog, Vol II art Rhagw), (Abul Feda,
(Reinavd) I] u 169, &c ) alsoseeI K (Slane), m1 SLL et seqg
3 Briggs, Vol I. p. 88, states thmt Mahmdd died of stone,
but a reference to
Finshta in the opigmal shewa that this 1a not tho ense. The words aro
Sduley pee lo BAT pee Ley” bc
The disease ABU igw Si-ul ginya which
literally means an undewirahle
acquisition, 18 thus defined by Vuller and vode was “
pravus habitus corpour,
gr xaxdtie, while the following translation from
the MS copy of Behru-l-
Jawdhtr m thw Library will show how it 13 there defined
“Phe disease ws #0 called betause the skin winch
gurrounds' a mon and changes
with fis changes (se contracts and expands
as necervity 11808) 18 dikeascd,
it ws the boguming uf diopsy, but masmuch
4a the term dropay iy apecilit ally
 L 31J
491 A.H.,! and was buried at@hasnio. His age was sixty years,
and he had reigned thirty-one yeats. They say that when he wae

restricted to another disease, this term 94 ul ginya in made applicable to

this condition ”
In the Ip{ildfdtu-l-Funds we find the disease described as “the oom:
moncement of dropsy due to weakness of liver and derangement of that
organ.” ‘The quotation however is an erroneous transcription from Al Mijas
of Sadtdé, « translation from which follows,—he writes “the commencement of
dropsy due to weakness and derangement of the liver, with resulting pallor
and whiteness owing to defect in the formation of good blood from disorder
and weakness of the hver, it ale «~‘eag from disorder of the stomach aad
weakness of that organ.
The face and extremities, that 1s the hands aud feet, and especially the
eyelids, become swollen owing to the weakness of digestion and the rising of
moist vapours, and their effect upon the eyelids and extremities, and at times
it extends te the ontire body, eo that the body becomes hke dongh. One of
its symptoms is flatulence and borborygmus, with rrregnianty of the bowels.
All of these are due to indigestion. Tho gums also are affected with pustules
from the evil vapours which arise,
Its cure is a gentle course of treatment for the dropsy. Means must be taken
at first to secure a mmmimum of exorementiticus products, and drinking much
water’ must be forbidden, and the patient directed to bathe in borax and
alum water, or in sea water, as bathing in fresh water is harmful. Drnnlang
wormwood and dindrf amd ward¢ ie beneficial The food must be appetiaing
and strengthening to the liver, as for instance partmdgos, Canthandes
flavoured with cloves and cinnamon and mastio and saffron are beneficial
The vomiting must be treated with aperients, when it will cease, but if more
energetic treatment be required we may ad agaricum and rhubarb which do
no harm in this diseasg" (Al MugAnt ff Sharhy Mijaz by Sadidi).
It1s evident from the above descriptjon that the disease from which
Mahmiad died was not ether hectic fever ( Badduni) or phthisie Us ( Furishta),
but an anwmia, very probably “ :diopaéhic anwmuia” or “ progressive pernicious
anoma” The condition of the gams points to a poambly ecorbutic taint,
though it was probably ulcerous stomatitia Bo common at the close of wast-
ing disease. Malaria may have shared in the causation of the iliness There
is just a possinlity that the diseaso may have been myxcedema, the increase
im bulk of the body with the alteration and aweating of the skin, the turges-
cence of the mucous membrane of the mouth—all point.in tls direction.
Against this supposition however, is the sex and the age, both of which are in
fayoar of pernicious anemia His age was 61.
The quostion of stone nowhere appeara in the original authomties, and it is
difleult to soe why-Briggs should put forward euch w statement. See ales
Elhott,“1V 188, nole 1,
£ Tlng date 1s the samo as thht given by Finsl.ta:
Raverty i the Tabagut 1-Naais:, p 87, note 9, gives Thursday, the lath of
 [ 32]
dying he ordered them to bring all his wealth and treasures and
property before him, he lay looking at them from time to time
regretfully sighing at having to part with them: He would not
give the smallest trifle to any one. .
He had made the journey to Hindustan and engaged in holy
war, twelve times. Verily his reckoning is with his Lord ; and
the story in connection with him and Firdausi! the poet is well
known, and the holy Jami? says
It is well to recognize merits for when the arched sky
At last discharged the amows of misfortune,
The glory of Mahm4d passed away, nothing remained in the
world
Save only this saying “He recognized not the worth of
Firdausi.
Rabin-wsanf, 421 HL /A.D 1080) quoting the Maqdmit of Amfd Abt Nagr by
Al-Bashaqi as hia anthonty,
The Tabagdt-+-Nagerd gives his age at the timo of hig death as 61,
and states
that he had reigned 33 years.
1 Abul Qésim Firdausi the celebratod poet, author of the Shah
Ndmah, was
a native of Tésin Khorisin whero he was born about 839 A H, (950 A.D
He thed in 41] A.H (1020AD) )
or 416A H (Guzida) He was appointed
by Mahmid to complete the Shéh Numah
Asn reward for this labour he
was promised a thousand miaydla of gold for every
thousand chstiche How-
ever by the machinations of A1yéz one of
Mahmdd's favouritea who bore
Firdaus: a grudge for a fancied shght, the poet
was represented to Mabmid
as being a echiematic and heretic, and
eventually was put off with 60,000
silver duuhams instead of the promised
69,000 meayals* This an enraged hit
that he divided the 60,000 dirhams among
tho attendants of the hath where
he was at the time of receipt Finally he wrote a bnthant satire
Sultan m the very copy of the Shiéhnamah on the
which he had presented to him
on its completion, and fled from Mahmid's court to
Baghdéc. Mahmid at last relented, Mézmderdn and thenee to
and sent Firdausi the 60,000 candies
& robe of state and apolomes for with
hig former harsh treatment,
presenta arrived the body of Firdausi but when the
was being carried out for burial
Atashkada ‘Azur p 92 et seqq, See
alao Atkinaon’s Shdhnamoh,
Elliott, IV 191, See algo Huntor’s Preface: also
Indian Emprre, p 219, and
of Oriental Biography. Beale’s Dict,
§ Molla Nérud-Din Atdur Rahméa
(Jim!) author of # Yiisof and
Behiriatén, &€., wus born at Jém an S17 Znlakha™
H (?) ie died m 898
hadnt. Agu; p 78 See Atash-
He wascalled 3y!e the holy
from ine position aa one of tho
civines of his day. He was the greatest
spintnal gurde of the Vazir Amfr
He performed the Hayy in 877 Alf Sher,
AH, and hed at Herit twenty
years later.
 [ % ]
And in the Tagkirs of Muhammad Ufi,' the following Qiga‘A
has been attribated to the Bultén Mabmiid.
From the dread of the world-winning sword and the fear of
the fort-crashing sceptre,
The world became subject to me as I am subjected to reason,
At one time there would I sit serene in my splendour and
riches
At another time following Avarice roamed I from country
to country ;
ane me

Oft would I boastfally say Lo! I am a man of importance,

Bat now I clearly perceive that the King and the beggar are
equals,
1, with one wave of my hand, have conquered a myriad of
castles
With one firm plant of my foot I have broken lines without
number
When Death made the final assault, naught then did my
splendour avail me
Nothing continues but God, God’s kingdom alone is a kingdom.

Sungén Mugammad isn Sutrén Maumup Guaznavi,

Who was styled Jaldlu-d-Daulat, in the aforesaid year, by the
provisions of his father's will, and with the acquiescence
of Iba
Arsalin* a relative of Sultén Mahmid, succeeded to the royal
throne in Ghaznin, and a month anda half after his accession Amir
A1yéz® came to terms with the servants, and having mounted
horses from the royal stables, took the road to Bust with the object
of entering the service of Shahabu-d-Daulah Mas‘id who was et

1 Mobammad UM, author of a biography or “ Tagkirn” Lubdbe-l-Albdb,

aad of another’ work called Jému-l-Hskdydt The latter he compiled in 1228
A.D. (625 AH), He was a native of Mery which under the Saljiq princes
was the capital of Perma He was also known as Néroddm Mubammad
Ufi. (Beale,O. B.D.) Seealsod BR. A.8., Vol. IX. 118.
Hé}f Kbalfa calla him Jaméla-d-Din Mabammad al Ufi. See J. B.A. 8.,
Vol. V., p. 111.
® Called in the Tagkwwat-wl-Mulik, ‘Ali son.of Iyal Arealéin s relative of the
late Sultan Mabméd. (Raverty, Tabagdt-i-Néguré 89 note 8)
Firishte calla him Amir ‘Ali, son Kisil Arsaldy father-in-law of Mahméd.
(Briggs, 93). See Elliott, LV. 193. Ali Kurbat (Raverty), or Ali Knishéwandi,
8 Abul Najm Amfr Aayés (Firishta).
5
 [ 34] ,
Hindi
Sipéhéu.! Amir Muhammad despatched Séudhi# Rai the
Aiyiz was victoi1ous
with a large army in pursnit of them, Amir
Rai the Hindé with a large
in the fight, and put to death Séndhi
Amir Mohammed
number of Hindis, and sent ther heads to
Mas‘i d at Nisha ptr,® and four months
Amir Aiyds jomned Amir
tion of Bust,’
later Amir Muhsmmad moved his camp im the direc
out in full force from Ghaznin with the intention of
and came
fighting with his brother, and when he reached Takindbad’ ali
having revolted against him, put out his eyes and
Ina Amira
threw him ito the fort of Bajj® m Maybaristén7 and having
went
gone over to Amir Mas‘id with the whole army and treasures,
ai. to Herét and met him there. The blinded Amir Muhommad reigu-
ed five months, but according to Qézi Buizivi® it was fourteen
years, and the period of bis impiisonment was nine years. Got
knows the truth, ‘The author of the? Lubbu-t-Taudiikh writes
that Mubammad ibn Mahmfd wielded sovereignty in Ghaznn
for four yews in the first instance, during the reign of his father,
afterwards he was imprisoned for nine years by the command
of his brother Mas‘tid, and after the murder of Mas‘tid he reigned
for another year and then died,

An Amir in whose pnlace thou seest thousands of sentinels

Now on the vault of his tomb thou seest ravens keeping watch ,

! Ispéhan, see Abul Feda IT, it 170. (Heimand).

® Sewand Rai (Fimshta),
8 The finest city of Khorésén mtuated at an equal distance from Merv,
Herat, Jurjén and Damaghan. See Abul Feda II n 189. (Reimaud).
* Fourteen marches from Ghazni in Sijistin, between Herét and Ghazni.
Abuf Feda I] n 108 (Reinand) a”
5 Takindébéd, see Elliott 1 pp 271, 298 iv p 198 note 1. Briggs places it
80 miles N of Ghazni, see Asn-t-Akbart (J) HII 68 Long 101° 5, Lat 383.°
6 The reading lb ace} in the text is absolutely without authority
judging from the two M88 I have before me. These both read,
wud ye ule ye? ¥ as oi Sel3y9 I am unable to elucidate this,
but it certainly gives no countenance to the reading in the text which, how
ever Ihave translated, as it stands, faufe de meus
T Variously called Walaj (Firishta) M: * 2 ;
Euhott TV. 198 note 3. ) Mengedl “(Nudmwt-Towérikt) Bee
8 Abi Said Abdullah ibn Abél Hasan Ali Baigéwi. See Elliott, IT. 253.
® Yahyé sbn ‘Abdol Latif Qazwinf Dimishat. D.: :
December, 1552) (Hip Khalfa), hal Ded 960-4. (asi
 [ 3 j
Thou didst see the head of Alp Arsalan! reach the sky in its
grandeur,
Come to Mary that thou mayest see the body of Alp Arsalan
beneath the dust.

Suandnv-p-Davtat Songix Mas‘én wx Mauudp.

By the consent of the Amirs and Vazirs of Mahmud he ascend-
ed the imperial throne, and having come from Hari’ to Balkh,
spent the winter there, and summomug' Ahmad ibn Hasan
Maimandi whom Sultan Mahmid kept o prisoner in the fort of
Kalinjar, made him a Vazir. Then leaving Balkh he came to
(thaznin aud thence started for Sipdhan aud Rai, and ariiving
at Herit engaged in war with the Tu:komans, and not overcoming
them, but on the contrary suffering defeat at their hands, turued
bik. The Turkomaéns increased m power day hy day owing to
lis weakness, tall affairs assumed the aspect which they eventua’-
ly did §
In the year 423 H Abmad ibn Heean Maimandi died, and in
the year 424 Sultén Mas‘id having undertaken to conquer

1 Abé Shoji! Mahammad, son of Chikirbeg Dadd, son of Mikafl, son of

8 iljaq, son of Daqdq sarnomed ‘Asda-d-Daulat Alp Arslin (aim of the
Empire the hero lion) was the third monarch of the Saljaqiyah Aynasty who
ascended the throne of Khorfésin mn 451 A If (sce Raveity 142, note 2)
Born 424 A. H, murdered 465 A H The lines are attributed by the author
of the Tubagdt-:-Ndpri to Hakim Sanéi a celebrated poet of Ghazni His
most celebrated work 18 the Hadiqat-ul-Haqfyat wa Shail‘atu-t-Tuitqat othor-
wise known as Fakhrindmah. His fall name was Abad Muhammad ibn Adam
Snunéi Al Hakim. He died in the year 525 H (4th December, 1130) (H K.).
See also Mayma‘'ul Fugahd 1 254 aud Atashkada+-Azur, p 108, of.I K.
(Slane) iii 280.
9 Herét The well-known city in Khurasan, the ancient Aiia (’Apea) (geo
DG RG zm) (Abul Feda IJ 1 198,) founded by Alexander. Meynard Dict

de la Perss, p. 592, note 1, anys‘

L’ opinion generale des Persans est qu’ Herat doit son noy: et son ongino 4
wn des officiers de Nerimn le Pehloviu et qu'elle fat rebitie par Alexandis ..,
erry cones obey So cols 9} caeliBS lass
tp ye cot ole cantel
aby oto mee cshiey soiKun} oF So eyler wij!
Le nom dorigine qai en derive est Haraws.
se, The establishment of the dynusty of the Saljdqryah tn 229 1 by
Tughril Bog
 [ 36 ] :
Hindustén marched towards the fortress of Sarsati! which is
situated in the way to Kashmir, laid siege to it and reduced it
and made his way to @haznin with great booty. Then in 425 H.
Soltan Mas‘id reduced Amal and Séri® and sending legates to
Kéhujar and Tabaristin established his authority there and
sent Toghdi Beg and* Husain ibn ‘Ali ibn Maikél with o large
army from Nishépir against the Turkoméns, and s severe battle
ensued in which Husain was taken prisoner and Tughdi Beg fled
and returned to the Amir Mas‘td.
Amir Ahmad Niyél Tigin® the treasurer of Sultén Mas‘id
whom Mas‘éd had fined and had sent to Hindéstén,’ on arriving in
Hindtstén revolted’ and the Amir Mas‘éd nominated a general
of +he Hindés named Ndbir® to oppose him. Abmad being over-
come in battle fled to Mangirah © in Sindh and was drowned —his
head they sent to Ghaznin In the year 427 H (1035 A.D.) a
new palace was completed in which they erected a throne inlaid
with jewels, and suspended above it a jewelled crown. The

1 Soreat{. (Firishta) o fortress situated among the hills of Kashmir.

8 ‘Amol the caprial of Tabaristan, birthplace of at-Tabar. Abul Feda (R)
IT ws 77-179
§ Sén or Sériyah in Tabaristin (according to al-Lubdb in Mézindaran.)
4 Itt had coms struok and the Khutbah read im his own name,
5 MSS (A)and (B) 9 Su (cad,
8 Cf Tdrikhu-s-Subuktiygin Elhott IH. 116 He was supposed to be a
natural son of the Amfr Mahmid.
7 As governor, with kettle-drams and banaers and all things usually given
to generals of the army.
8 Elliott II. 125. Buihagi says, In this interval letters were constantly
arriving with the news of Ahmad Niyél Tigin having reached Lahore with
phe Turkoméng, and that namerous turbulent fellows of Lahore had flocked
to him.
§ Bathaqi says, Tilak the Hindu was sent: while Firishta atates
that
Mes‘dd sent Nath ove of the Chiefs of Hind, and that upon his death in battle
Talak ibn Husain was sent who killed Abmad
Briggs translates ‘ Tilok the gon ”
that ho was an uaconverted Hindi Of Aye Semn”—and remarks pon the fact
{0 Al Mangtirah in Sindh the foter city of Bahmanwa, conqnered
and re-
named by Muhammad thn a} Qésim ibn ul Munabbib, It ss sitnated at a
thstance of 20 farschA from Bhatt, situated between the
arms of the Mihrin
river (Alberim) Almangtra, Tieffenthaler, Vol, IIL. Map. Known Ieter, and
up to the present time as Bukkur, see Impe. Gazetteer,
Also Abal Feda. ut ii
113 Atn vAkbart (Jarrett) 11. 827 and note. also ILJ,
58, aud note ™
 L 3J
Sultén took his seat upon that throne and having placed the
crown upon his head gave a public audience And in this self
same year he bestowed upon Amir Maudiid ibn Mas‘td (his son)
the dram and ensign,! and ‘despatched him to Balkh while he
himself proceeded with-an army against Hinddstén—captured the
fort of Hénsi* and thence proceeded to the fortress of Sonpat &
Deipal* the commander of that fortress fled to the forest and lay
hid there. They reduced the fort and captured immense booty
putting to the sword the greater part of Derpil’s army, but
he himself escaped alone. From thence Mas‘éd turned his steps
towards the valley of Ram® who sont & largo offering accom-
panied by a written apology for his non-appenrance. Amir
Mas‘id accepted his excuses and giving the Amir® Abul-Mujéhid
son of Mas‘dd,? the drum and standard (of commission) sent
him to Lahore and retraced his steps to Ghaznin
In the year 428 (1036 AD ) he left Ghaznin for Balkh intend-
ing to crush the rebellion of the Turkoména who evacuated Balkh
and retired into the surrounding country. The Sultan then
1 As tokens of his commission as a general of the army.
§ According to Bathaqi this fort had been hitherto known as “ The Virgin”
as no one had yet been able to take it It was taken ten days before tho
close of Rahi'-al Awwal Ildnsi, a city with a raimed castle 11 miles to the
east of Hhasir, Tteffenthaler I. 131.
8 Sonpath, a oty with a brick fortress 9 Tirffenthalor 1 138 It lios North
of Delhk MSS (A and R). read -tiw
4 MSS (A and B) lwo
6 Puishta’s account is almost identical here
6 Firihta writes [dy oxen Us i398 His son Abul Majdid, See
also Ruverty p. 96, note 7. In the teat we should reid pha (yy dalsre’lyy
7 HereI follow MS (B), ,The readings of the MSS wary here sry
considerably MS. (A) rendg (agreeing with the tevt) Wt? ww jt wible
Yy crmanpicty Ly cgand 8 y'aS Jaylay 0S palo 1) peti] [ygle ale aides
© dye) @ O05 plod Carters’ d9) Fold eh C3! US
MS. (B) reada, Se eb ans pe anos wipe? Cit wihle»
Preference must be given to MS. (A), the copyist eyide tly having mistaken
his place after the fitat pls and instead of continuing ty paul} ty’ he his
gone on S90¢ O35 that he was a careless and inc ompetent_ copyiat 1a
shewn by the nevt line where ke wi ites dS G10 Sy geal’ (goad
& la} yoy
for a8 syd MiyS corte) (gd cows esos by Caps»
 [ 38J
crossing the Jihén occupied the whole of Transoxidna. Daéd
the Turkomén, who had previously defeated Tughdi Beg and
Amir Hueain, marched with a large force towards Balkh. Amir
Mas‘id therenpon returned from Transoxiéna to Balkh and Déid
the Turkom4n! leaving Balkh went to Merv. In the meantime
Tughdi Beg* had been acting oppressively in the neighbourhood
of Gurgio. When the Amir Mas‘td perceived the symptoms of
his rebellion he ordered him to be impaled. The Amir Mas‘id
then exacteda stipulation and promise from Béghi® the Turko-
man who was the chief of that tmbe, that henceforward they
would never attempt any lawlessness, and having delimited their
boandaries in a suitable way left for Hert, While on his way
thither a body of the Turkoméns fell upon the army of Mas‘dd,
killing some and plundering the baggage. The soldiers of the
Saltin who were told off to attack them made the whole of that
party food for the sword, and brought their wives and families
together with the heads of the slain into the presence of Amir
Mas‘id who sent asses laden with the heads to Béghi. Bégha
apologized, and 1t so happens that this is the very same Béghi
in praige of whom the poet Ziai* of Persia has composed several
odes from which the followiug verses are selected—

It is wrong for me to bewail the misfortanes of others than

thee,
It is wrong not to weep with thy sorrow.
My occupation day and night is to lament and bewail thy
sorrow.

1 See Raverty, p 94, note 2,

$ MS, (A) has (5°93 not oH (gail,
8 lerdil-i-Bégha, See Raverty (fubagdt-s-Ndgert) p. 94, note 2, page 116,
note 8, foran account of the rise of the Baljugiyah dynasty Sca also Ibu
Khall (Slane) nt 225 and seqq.
* Zidu-d-Din Khajand: Al Férst, « native of Shirés who left Shhiaz in
his youth and took up his abode at Khayand. He was a contemporary
and
penegyrist of Sultén Malik Shah S.lyay’, and died at Herat
im the yoar 622 Hf,
(In the Mama'-u! Fuenhd from which these particulars are taken,
tho date
of his death is 622 H, but this is an error ag Malik Shéh wed in 491
EH. )
Beale (Onental Biographical Dictionary) gives the
date na 622 H., but thas
1s mall probability coped from the abuyo authouity,
 [ 39]
Thou did’st say, “Thou did’st weep for love of me,” but
verily there is a difference in shedding blood and shedding
tears ‘
At all hours I suffer a thousand pangs for the grief of the
love of thee, nor do I weep alone
I cannot but melt with love of thee, nor is there any remedy
for the pain I suffer for thee, save weeping.
Apart from thee Fate hins nothing in store for me
Save vexation, one day, and weeping the next
From thy era discord springs, for if not how comes it to pass
that the whole world should weep from my time to that of
the king ?
Béght Mahk Shah, he who by ns sword made the brave
watriors to weep openly on the field of battle.
The King Nigam Din to whom at the time of his conflict
Came fiom the tombs of Rustum and Dara the sound of weep-
ing.
The gems in the depths of the soa or in the heart of the
flmty rock were compelled to weep for shame at his elo-
quence,
The inhabitants of the world above were compelled to weep,
cast down by the destroying arrow of his wrath.
From envy of lis splendour, which surpasses the sun in its
zenith,
The Gemini were forced to weep constantly in the heavena.
Oh! thoa in presence of whose pearl-scattering hand the
ocean weeps like a cloud from every pore!
Who in view of thy majesty would dare or desire to weep
over the corpse of thy enemy ?
Thy aword from very fineness of temper weeps tears of blood
over thy enemies in the field of battle,
What is prepared for thine adversary in either world ?
There 1s tho torture of hell, here he must weep.
Lo! one who in the madness of his fear at thy displeasure
Seeks to hide himself in a corner and prepares to weep.
Thy enemies have many manifest and hidden projects
Bat the wound is hidden, the weeping 18 manifest.
I believe that tlis must have come into your exalted mind,
After all what use is praise to me with weeping
When I recite any poem in separation from thee
 [ 40
Both the first and last verses weep for anguish.
Till lovers pass from excess of grief to endurance and to weep
like Wamig and ‘Azré!
May it be thy lot to smile after a happy life,
May 1t be the fate of thy enemies perforce to weep.

The following is also by him -—

Oh thou whose lip distils sugar’ at the opening of each
smile !
Thy ruby lip when thon smilest, :ebukes the soul.
In every movement thy curling locks ravish the heart
In every smile thy ruby hp scatters the life blood.
The trade of thy hyacinthine ringlets is to scatter perfume,
The habit of thy delicate lips 1s to smile sweetly.
Till thou seest not the cheek of gold thou amilest not,
Every flower smiles from the enjoyment of the gold.
When thou smilest a whole world smiles looking towards thee
For no one betore this bas seen the sun and moon to smile (at
one time )
Ihave a gieat sorrow and lamentation, and endless grief
and pain,
I have in separation from thee all of these, but no smile.
What could mankind have learned of the shape of thy mouth
Had’st thou not given them from thine own mouth the news
cf a smile
Because of thy cruelty { do not smile, for atthe time of
mourning
The wise and excellent do not approve of smiling.
All my disorder is due to gnief on thy account,
Why then do you smile at me disordered as L ain ?
Tt may be that from the crown and canupy of kings thy locks
and cheek have learned to smile both morning and evenmg.
27. King of the Kast Malik Sh&h who in his feasting 1s careful
always to smile from joy and pride.

1 The loves of Wang and ‘Agra form the subject of two Turkish romances,
one by Mahmiid bin A«man, Lamgf, and the other by Mu‘id, a native
ot
Tarkhéu (D’Helhomty
a Jay test wst usust be read hare
 [ 4.]
Conqueror of infidelity, Nigimu-ud-Din, whose friends are
always engaged in enjoyment, and only vary it by amiling.
If the seed dould receive the good tidings of his approbation,
even from the lvius of his father would one begin to smile.
A father to whom a son is essential todo him service, smiles
from the pleasure he experiences at the success of his son.
It is not strange that from the excess of his joy, the cloud of
weeping which shrouded his moist eyes gives place to smil-
ing.
Oh ye obedient ones, since the beauty of the rose is added to
your own charms, ye are smiling in this garden! of two doors,
Thy charms have power to add sweetness to sugar
Thy words have power to add brilliance to the jewel.
Thy shaft when fitted to the bow has established the custom
In the array of battle to smile at the helmet and shield.
Following after victory when thy sword is furious
There comes to it from the sorceries of heaven, a smile.
Doubtless the enemy of thy grandeur, smiles sweetly
If scattering his heart’s blood (in envy) be to smile.

In order that the saffron® may fulfil the promise of its properties,
namely to bring smiles to the lips of all conditions of men; may
the lips of thy enemies be saffron, that their lips may always from
fear of thee smile from his want of success.

1 ¢e., the world. Birth and death are the two doors.
* Saffron was held by the Greek physicians to cause stoiling when taken |
internally.
Tt 18 its property of inciting to mirth end laughter which is here alluded to.
With regard to Saffron the 42339f Wa” says.
gates Uber?5 gediios casio cnlem carlos ¢ sie wf Cplsy lati
By) g Ly og dled 9 pi jt wf Hilay wley (geil) bid cipio
2 PAT ody ats hey trie cy rtoe corte tl Spey dial
teal 83 8s 99} gd Sailay » By y aldo y B45 hie » where y LIS by yo
© Soden y she y ples sou lito y Let sila y

Actions and propertics of Saffeon. Exhilarating and tonic to the senres,

excitant and digestive, laxative and corrective of the impure humoora of
tho phlegm, and preventing and preserving them from alteration and
Dbaduess It is dimrotic and constipating, aphrodisiac and strengthening to
the essence of the animal spnits, to the liver, and bowels and respiratury
6
 T #2 ]
28. Then Amir Mas‘tid marched from Herat to Nishépur aud thence
to Tis! anda body of Tarkomans giving him battle met their
death, the people of Biward gave up that town to the Turkomans
and the Sultén having overcome that fortress and having put
them all to death spent the winter at Nishdpur. *
Then in the year 430 H. having set out to attack Tughral® the
organs. It produces mirth and laughter, purifies the kidneys and bladder
nnd ekin, I¢ carrios the virtues of medieimes to the heart and to all viscora—
removes obstructions of the brain, liver and spleen

The following extract from the ss! Lym’ given a farther account of
its properties.
PIE [ diye! le) MoH y eyhs craaht Mt elipbgM elle prey
wlth ga Ser y crylll wns” pai esl Ue” ite Ns cry Sy
gsryp Bll 5 Bally Lym sot gle’ y poles ponery cert gle fom
sation ryt plasty Sblh clastt ewe aliy y ipgiilt hallns
y yoy y qulidh
am tet Silyey IW cod Opp g Los}
It prevents the flow of moist humours to the cye when used either as an
amntment or ® collyrmm 114 18 hot in the third degres, dry in the first
degree, laxative, or constipating, digestive, improving the complexion, and
very intoxicating with wine causing heaviness, headache, and drowsiness,
clears the sight and facihtates parturition, end respiration, 18 a cardiac tone
and is dinretw and controls the animal passions and cores internal digeascs
and atermo complaints, dispels the effects of debanch, and is a sexual tome
end curcg diseases of the spleen.
Sadidi, p 143, says of Saffron, _yblpm 4,55 v dus’dois. ay,
Ashalt lesser Mile ao ables! y divigs quo dy Lom fel beta 9 ysl
= Boadds}
Tt has a wonderfal power ag an exhilarant increasing the brilliance and
strength of the mentai powers. It is aasiated by strong perfumes.
' Tas, a district and city of Khorésén, one of the dependencies of Nishépir,
distant from tho city of Nishdpér about 10 faraakhs
Bee Abul Feda IT 1.190 Dict dala Perse, p 396. Accoraing to Ibn
Khalliqén the Salyaqe gained possession of Tan in 420 4. H. and in the mosth
Ramazén of the same year they took Nishépir. 1. K, (Slane) iii 226,
; MS f B) haa dow tyst shewing clearly that the copyist was a native of
Hindustan A line or two lower he wnites ope red {OF does ay? This
MS ww quite worthless for Purposes of comparison.
It abounds in crrors and
18Plainly the work of an inferior copyist.
Ty
wet neh Beg Abi tome
Télib Mohammad Ibn MikéilP Ton Saljiq Ibn Dakék
na-d-Din Taghral Beg was the founder of the dynasty of Saljdqe
Raverty, pp. 94 and 122, apd also I K. (Slane) ms 224, (cf.
‘
 [ #8 ]
Turkomaén who had raised a rebellion in Béward, when Tughral
took to flight Amir Mas‘id turned back and came to Sarakhs! by
way of Mahnah® and gave orders to rase the fortress of Mahnah.
Then he put to death some of the inhabitants of Mahnah, and
cut off the hands and feet of many more and thence -went in the
direction of Zirgén® in which place the Turkoméns brought
together a large army and fought « severe battle with the Sultén.
In this battle the majority of the generals of the army of Ghaznin
mutinied and went over to the enemy The Sultén remaining all
alone on the field, felled several of the Tarkoman leaders with
sword, spear and mace, and eventually came out of that engage-
ment safely. This event took place on the 8th of Ramazan,
431 H. (1089 A.D.). From thence Amir Mas‘id came to Merv,
and several of the soldiery from the neighbouring country having
come in at last sided with him. He went to Ghaznin by way of
Ghaur,* and having fined these chiefs who had not fought and
had fled, sent some of them, as for instance ‘Ali Diya and Hajib-
i-Buzurg,® And Beg Tughdi to Hindastan and imprisoned® them
in fortresses, All of them died in imprisonment. Amir Mas‘tid
now desired to go to India and collect some forces there, arfd to
come from there with a large army against the Turkomans to
punish them. With this intention he made Amir Mauddd 7 Amir of
1 Barnkhe of Sarkhas (Meynard, Dict. de la Perse, 307) said by the Persians
to have been founded by Kaikads, a city mtuated between Nishdpir and Merv,
ina plan. Abal Feda II. i, 193.
3 Mabnah. Fuirishta ways @ige Mahtaks but 44° 16 undoubtedly tho
right reading. In Pergian this name is spelt digue Marhana, a small town
of the district of Khaberin between Abiward and Sarakhe. Seo Meynard,
Diet. de la Perse, 558.
8 Zirqin ia not mentioned by other anthora I have consulted and may be a
clerical error. The name of tho place where this battle was fought was Dan-
dingén a town in the vicinity of Merv, ef. Raverty, p. 94, note 8. Aleo Abal
Feda Il. 1.197. Maynard, p 239 It seams to me moat probable that we
should read wh 34} though all MSS. give wilh _y}. Zandkhéiu, wd 35} igg
fortified town situated at the distance of ono farsakh from Sarakhs (Meynard,
288),
4 Abal Feda IT. ii. 201, A province lying betwoon Herdt, Kariwin aad
Gurjutén.
5 Finshéa sins tele Héjib Shaibéol,
6 MS.(B) aS perm ald yo
7 Sbihdbu-d Daulat Mauddd his eldest son. Compare the acoount given by
Furishta,
 [ 44 ]
29. Balkb, and having appointed Muhammad ibn Abdus Samad as
his Waszir despatched them thither. He thes appointed the Amir
Muhammad! with two thousand soldiers to proceed to Multén,
and sent the Amir of that district* to the foot of the hills of
Ghaznin to restrain the Afghéns of that district who had broken
out into rebellion ; and having laden camels with the whole of
Mabmtd's treasures which were stored in Ghaznin and the neigh-
bouring fortresses started for Hindustén and despatched
mesengers en route to bring his brother Amir Muhammad who
had been bhuded® and was then confined in the fortress of
Bazghand.* When Sultén Mas‘id arrived at the frontier fort®
of Marikala,® his slaves plundered all the treasure-camels. In
the meantime the Amir Muhammad arrived there, and the
slaves who recognised that this violence would have no successful
issue unless another governor were appointed? perforce,
approached the Amir Muhammad, raised him to the Sovereignty
and breaking into open riot assaulted Sultén Mas‘id who had
taken refuge in that fort, The next day the whole army becom-
ing violent brought Amir Mas‘tid from within the fort of Mérikala
and’ made him prisoner confinng him within the fortress of
Kiri,® tall at last in Jamadiu-l-Awwal 432 H they sont « false

1 Firishta says d992° yo} Amir MajdGd—the second son of Mas‘id

MS, (A) baa ByO5~ 546} Amir Mahdddn, which should in all probability be
read 3y0” Maydid MS (B)agrees with the text, both are probably wrong.
4 The words in the text appear to be a misprint for the following
Jeop-t_ 1 which 1s Fuishta’s version. The Amir Isad Yér was Mas‘id’s
fifth son. Both MSS however have fy )4o cnttysol
8 See page 21 we
4 MSS (A) and (B) dey,
6 a) Dozy quoting from de Slane giver casernes fortifiées qu'on constraisnit
sur les frontieres do Vempire as the meaning of Lly
§ Mahala Firishta says Mérkala which according to some 15 on the
Jhnlam river which in those daya was called the Behét, Raverty in his note
4, page 95 says A pass somewhat difhcalt situated between Rawal Pind: and
Attock—See Elhott II. 273, note 2
7 MS (A) WAY psoas wil MS (B) UAdy sou uel In the text rond
3 (5993 for) Booed Ch Firshia Arg 3 sed pada af orbwts lod

* Finshta reads CoyS Khi. Cf. Baverty 95 (6). MS (B) MS, (A

Seo Elhott I, 278, note 3 7 ‘ ©) a we
 { 45 J
message purporting to emanate verbally from Amir Muhammad
ordering him to kill Amir Mas‘id and to send his head to him.
The Kotwil in obedience to this order severed Mas‘id’s head from
his body and sent it to Amir Muhammad. ;

Of the vicissitudes of time, this much pleased me

That I saw good and bad, right and wrong, pass away
He who at morning time wore on his head a jewelled crown
Him I saw, at the time of evening prayer, with a brick
underneath his head (in the grave).

This story is according to the relation of Nizémi,' bat the Qégzi

Baizéwi relates that in the year 432 Mas‘dd fled defeated from
before the Seljiqs to Ghaznin, and Amir Muhammad who had
consolidated his power during Mas‘id’s absence sent him toa
fortress whither hie son Abmid ibn Muhammad followed him and
murdered him.? The Government of Sultén Maa‘id ibn Mahmad
lasted eleven years, but we ought to note that the Qazi Baiziwi
(may God's merey be upon him) assigns the year 433 H as the
date of the death of Mas‘id, and writes that Muhammad ibn
Mahméid reignéd in Ghaznin for fourteen years after his father,’
one year after bis father’s death, nine years in the lifetime of his
brother, and four years after his brother’s death, as has already
been stated. God alone knows the trath. Apparently this is due
to the mistake of a copyist. Among the poets who flourished in

1 Nigimu-d-Dfn Abmdd, author of the Tabagat-1-Akbarf; Elliott, v. 177.

Died 1003 H.
® Bazdéwi’s account 18 ag followa —
Mas‘Gd after his arrival at Ghaznin sent Ydsuf to prison and became
master of all the dommiona of hia father. In his time the Seljdqs crossed
the Jimin nnd invaded Khorisin He fought with them and made peace
with them several times but being defeated in A H. 432, he returned to
Ghaznin where his brother Mubammad had regained power in his shbsence.
On his arrival he was consigned to a fort, and Abinad, the sen of Mubammad,
went direct from bis father to the fort, and there slew him, A. H. 488; Elliott
T1. 256,
3 That is from 421 A H to 434A H. with interruptions during the supre-
macy of Mas‘id. Mabmid died m 421 4. H. Mas‘id was murdered on the
llth of Jamadi-al-Awwal, 433 H. (Raverty, pp. 95-6.)
Muhammad was put to death by Maaddd in revenge for his father's murder
in the year 484 H. Maudid reigned seven years and died in 44) H, (1049 A.D.)
 [ 46 ] .
tho time of Sultén Mas‘id is Mantchihri* who speaks as follows
in a yastdah concerning his Wazir.
Oouplet.
Shah Mas‘éd is as proud of his rectitude
As is the prophet of Naushirwdn § the upright.

Svizdx Mauvdo raw Mas‘do 1N Manwdp,

Ascended the throne of Empire (after the murder of his father
in Bamiin!) with the consent of the Waszira and Amirs, and with
the object of avenging his father purposed to march towards
Mari galah, but Abu Nasr Ahméd ibn Mohammad ibn Abdus
Samad opposed his projected expedition and brought him to
Ghaznin, whence he proceeded with a large army to attack his
uncle the blind Amir Muhammad. On arriving at Dipir’ he en-
gaged in a severe battle with the Amir Muhammad and thus
31 passed the whole day till nightfall when both fell back upon their
pontions, The next day Sultén Maudid induced the Amir Saiyyid
Mangir who was one of the trusted (generals) of the Amir
Muhammad to side with him, and ongaging in battle took
prisoners the Amir Muhammad and his son Ahméd and put them
all to death. The Amir Maudid founded there city which he

& Mendchibri DAmaghénf, Hakim Abunnajm Alméd, @ pupil of the

poet ‘Unsuri, whom he 1s said to have surpassed in sweetness and facility of
expression He was called als ‘cut shagt galla because of his possessing
numerous flocks and herds. He died 1n 432 H. (Majma'-ul-Fusahé).
§ Naushirwin. QhosroesI son of Kobéd, one of the Sassanide dynasty,
ruled over Persia from 631 A D. to 579A D (See Dict G and BB , p. 720,
Vol. III) The prophet Mahammad was born in the fortieth year of his
reign, April 20th, 571 (Sprenger) or August 20th,570 A D (Canasin de Per-
ceval I 283). Muhammad nsed to boast of his good fortune in having been
born during the reign of so just a king. (€f. D’Herbelot III. 57.
1 Bamin “Situated ten days’ march from Balkh and eight from Ghasznin,
There is & building there of a prodigions height ornamented with paintings
of all the birds created by God, and containing two enormous images called
OY Gre Burkh bud, the Red idol, and oy wd ring bud, the White idol."
Meynard, Diot de la Perse, p. 80,
Abul Feda
Ghashin II. ij 208,
and Kébul between Balkh
are sitar i
kh and Ghaznin. ict in
The dutrict i which
i
* Text has Deipir (MS. A jyito Dindr
). For the lovshty of this place,
see Raverty 96, note 2 The name is in all likel
ihood Dindr aa in Baibagi
 [ 47 J
named Fathibaéd.! This victory was gained in the month Sha‘ban
of the year 492 H., or according to another account in the year
484 H.* And in the year 433 H. being angry with Khwaja
Abmad ibn Abdag Samad he imprisoned him in G@haznin where he
died in prison, and in this same year he sent Abd Nasr Mubam-
mad bin Ahmad towards Hindustén to fight with N4mi ibn
Mubammad* and Nimi was killed in the course of that war.
And in the year 434 H. Artagin at the order of the Sultén
proceeded with an army to Tabaristin against Da‘id‘* the Turko-
man, and having lost in battle a large number of his men came to
Balkh and established the coinage and proclamation of sovereignty
in the name of the Amir Maudid. Afterwards when the Turko-
mans attacked him several times in force not being able to con-
tend with them, he quitted Balkh and camo to Ghaznin. Then
in the year 435 H. Amir Maudid imprisoned Abd ‘Ali the Kotwal
of Ghaznin for a time, but eventually appointed him as the Diwan
of the kingdom and Kotwél of Ghagnin, and imprisoned Yastri
ibn Iyamghtr the Diwan, till at length he died in confinement;
he also punished Altigin® and in the year 436 H. Khwaja Tahir
who had succeeded Kbwija Ahmad as Wazir, died, and waa
succeeded by Khwaja Imam Abul Fath ‘Abdur Razzdq.* In this
same year he sent Tughral Hajib im the direction of Bust, who
took prisoner Abi Mangir Zangi,? the brother of Abul Fazl and
brought him to Ghaznin, he then departed for Seistén and having

! Raverty 90, note 2.

§ The latter date must be the correct one as Mas‘id was uot put to death
fill 483 A. H. See note 3, page 43.
The Tarikh-i-Mas‘idi, however, writds as follows -—
aakees [rer] cata ahs tle shh as wliad Gyo dae ety
He Blealy TY aS gil y lm & Ed ty We 9 af Hie y v0f
Ks ty WKca dogg:
Bee Thomas’ Coins of kings of Ghaznin, J R.A §, lx. 279,
8 Firishta describes bim as (Jy@** dem Wy tho son of the Blinded
Muhammad.
4 Bee'note 1, p 88.
5 Alptigin Hajib.
6 Grandson of Hasan Maimand{
7 Finshta enya also Zang. Briggs in his translation has said “ Oozbuly.”
 a 7 e *
” ve
“e . - en tt tar nee baeds EGR

[ 48 ]
$2. engaged in conflict with the Tarkoméns at the Ribit Amir,' put
moat of them to death after which victory he went to Garm Bir,
where he put to death the Turkeméns of that district who were
known as Red-caps* and teok many of them prisoner, and bronght
them to Ghaznin.
In the year 438 H., he sent Tughral to Tekinébid who on
arrival there revolted. Accordingly Ali bin Rabi‘ was nominated
to proceed thither and Tughral fied with a few followers. Ali
plundered his army, and having captured some of them brought
them to Ghaznin. In the year 439 H. the Amir Qegdér raised
a rebellion? and suffered defeat at the hands of Hajib Busarg
Bartagin 4 and after a time tendered his submission.
And inthe year 440 H. having conferred upon his two sons Abul
Qésim Mahmid and Mangir on the same day :obes of honour and the
drum and ensigns of commission sent one of them towards Lahore
and the other towards Parshtér’ and he sent Abi Ali Hasan
Kotwal of Ghamin to.Hindustan to punish the rebels there, and
when Hasan returned to Ghaznin after having done good service
Maudiid made him over to Mirak ibn Hasan with orders to im-
prison him. Hedied in prison. As a sequel to this, Mirak ibn
Hasan the Vakil who had murdered Abii ‘Ali Hasan without the
orders of Amir Mandid and had kept 1t secret, incited the King to

i Firishta _»t bly Ribét Amir, Long 105, Lat 34, Atn-+-Akbart (J.) iii. 68.
Both MSS have ive! bly
2 Firehté alao says sis c ws and docs not mention the word rss
though Briggs translates “called Kusil Bish, owing to their wearing red
capa” Bnggs, Vol. I, p. 121. J5s Qizil Red 18 Turkish oh Bash. Heed ia
Turki. .
8 In ono copy we find O2}yy AS (4 Firishts has the following
Szyy what y1055 61 no we should read here o}ys git dF poy
% According to Firishta gti MS (A) reads wil Bistigin, MS.
(B) reads ehh Bibtigin. Briggs says, “In the year 489 he was sent
against Khoozdar, the ruler of which paid the usual tribute” but in the
original of Firishte we find these words: J's Cand HyyS Sin 35,
Which looks 08 if 9123920! Amir Qaadér was hia name. Elliott V. App
p 558, states “ Kuadar liesto the south of Bust, and as the present Khusdér
of our maps the capital of Jidlawan in Bilichistén ”
ace PP pores from which the above 1s quoted.
Auc Guog
arshir,of the
ladle»
modern 78 P, eshiwar, called i
originally Parashiwara, Cunn.
 [ 4J
proceed to Kébni so that that miadeed of his might remain
concealed. When the Amir Maudéd reached the fortress of Siflkot!
be was attacked with colic? and was forced to return to Qpaznin, and
ordered Mirak to release Abd Ali Kotwél. He accordingly prayed
for a week's respite, and in the interim Amir Mauddd departed
this life on the 24th of Rajab A H 441, having reigned nearly
nine years The Lubbu-t-Tawdrikh® states that Sultan Maudéd
asked in marriage the daughter of Chughe* Beg Saljiqi, by
whom he had a son whom he named Mas‘id, that he reigned seven
years, and that in the month of Rajab 441 he attempted to go to
Khordsan to visit Chughz Beg, but died on the journey of colic.

1 Firishta writes Cle Sénkot Both MSS. read tyUlae very plainly
wnitten
8 evi. Probably intestinal obstruction which 18 included under the term

es Qulinj of which there are stated by Sadidi

to be five vanoties. Cf
Bodidi Art. es
i gsfe 291 ‘True oF spasmodic colic.
i (soe eo Obstrnotive colic—due as he ssys to an accumu-
lation of pa or mucus in the cecum or colon.
fii gy! gut Flatulent colic.
ivy SOt'y anh ho Layylace Ley slac} oyly sf shen fy An acute or
chromo swelling of the bowels and neighbour-
ing parts such aa the liver and kidneys.
v colUt eu Twisted colic which he defines as a twikt of the
distal end of the small intestine. Volvulus.

In the _ytly@l_p? wo find the following definition of the disease “A

dense in which the bowels become disarranged on account of some un-

naboral obstruction ( rey urbiay ) It 1s very painfal and increases

in violence and is fatal.” . ue . ae a
Defining the Colon the author says: Lgive 5idy eu pte giritalss as
of part of xt,
Coho principally arises in this bowel abd is a strangulation
8 Lubbu-t-Tawdrtkh, “The marrow of History. ” The author was Yahyé
ibn ‘Abdul Latif Quewinf who composed st in 1641 A D.
Ho died 18 Deo. 1652 See HK Lubbu-t-Tawdrthd elec Elliott, Vol. iy p. 203,
# Jaghar Beg. See Raverty Jubagdt-+-Néprt p 97, notes 8-4,
Ms (A) 3 y#@ Chaghar Bog MS (3) A jap Chaghs Bog,
7
 {[ 50 Jj
.
Suvran Mas‘dp ten Mavpép 18N Mis‘dp ron Magudo.
by the maohi-
Ascended the throne in the third year of bis age
prosper at
da

affairs did not

2

r his
.

nations of ‘Ali ibn Rabi‘, howeve

’ °
o

only five
they raised his uncle to the throne after he had reigned
monthe.! ‘

Surqan ‘Arf ren Mus‘dp 13x Magudo.

when
Ascended the throne by the consent of the nobles, and
‘Abdn-r-Razedy ibn Ahmad Maiman di who had been sent by the
Amir Maudéd toward s Seistén arrived ata fort betwee n Bust
and Isfirér,? and learned that Abdu-r-Rashid ibn Mabmid was
confined in that fort by the ordera of the Amir Mandid, he brought
him back and placed him upon the throne, ‘Ali baving reigned
for e period of about three mouths. This event took place in the
year 443 H, (1051 A. D.)
Soirén ‘Anpu-k-Rasuip inn Mapudp.
Came to the throne, and with the consent of ‘Abdu-r-Razzéq
proceeded to Ghaznin ‘Ali ibn Mas‘dd fled without engaging in
battle, and Tughral Haj1b who was one of the household slaves
of Sultén Mahmdd having conquered Seistén turned his steps
towards Ghaznin. Amir ‘Abdu-r-Rashid fortified himself there
till Tughral obtaining an opportunity in the year 445 H. (1053
A.D.) pat the Amir Abdur Rashid with all the descendants
of Sultan Mahmid* to death and marmed the daughter of
Mas‘tid “against her will. One day when he was on the throne
® body of determined wrestlers inspired with hatred against him
tore him to pieces. ‘Abdu-r-Rashid’s reign lasted for four years,

1 The account given by Firishta diffor's alghtly from this—he says—that

on the death of Maudid ‘Ali ibn Rabi‘ who laid clam to the throne placed
Mas‘ad the son of Mandid, who was then a boy of four years of ave, upou
the throne of Ghaznin, the arrangement was opposed by Bashi..io Hayb
who fought with ‘Alf ibn Rabi‘ whereupon tho whole populace c! Ghaznin
Tose in arme, and eventually Bisht gin H ijib succeeded m deposing Mas‘éd
ibn Maudid after a icign of five or ax days, raising his uncle Abn] Hasan
‘Ali to the throne Compare also Tubagdt-+-Nésrt (Raverty, p. 97 and foot-
note) .
8 ylpout MSS (A) (B) Finshia says Isfirain which is in the neighbourhood
of Nishaptr, see Meynard, p 34 (Abul Feda II ai,
188).
8 Giga) 8s & as Nine people + all (Firlita).
 [ 51J
but in the Nizamu-l-Tawdrikh his reign is said to have Jasted for
seven years,! and in the Lubbu-t-Tuwdrikh bis death 1s said to
have occurred in the year 445 H God knows the truth.

Svurtdsy Farrvxy Zdép 1pn Mas‘dp run Manudp

Being released from confinement succeeded to the kingdom by
consent of the nobles. A body of Saljuqs came up against
Ghaznin, and Farrukhzid put most of them to death and overcame
them, and made muny of them prisoners and sent them to Qhazuin.
Alp Arsalén® the Saljiq king brought an arm y against Ghaznin
from ‘Iraq and Khorasin, and being victoripus in fight conveyed a
large number of the notables of Ghaznin to Khorasan Eventually
upon the arrangement of terms of peace the prisoners of both
sides obtained their release, and since Zaébuhstan had been laid
waste the Sultén remitted the usual tribute, and treated the in-
habitants with kindness. He used to fast three months, and used
to spend the greater part of the mght in prayer He died of
colic in the year 450 H.® The petiod of lis reign was six years

Satvyrpu-s-Saétin Inrania rBN Mas‘dép ron Manmop.

Ascended the tnrone He was a just and devent king, anu
used to write each year a Quran with his own hand and despatch
at to the holy city of Mekka. He built no house for himself
with the exception of a temple and a school to the honour and
glory of God. When the affairs of state devolved upon Inm, he
made peace with the Saljiqs and bemg free from apprehension,
went to Hindustan and conquered many fortresses and districts.

1 Firishlo says “Jess than ono year.” Tabngdt-t-Ndaief saya two and a half
years.
8 Alp Arsalan gon of Ditd, son of Mikail son ot Saljiq waa the second
Sultén of the family and dynasty of the Salpiqs {Ie succeeded Ina uncle
Tughral Beg in 455 AH (1063 A.D) He was bora in 421 A.H and was mar-
dered 466 A H. and Was buried at Mery
For a full account of this prince gee D'Herbelot, pp 198-2038
See also Ibn Khalliqin (Slane) m1 230 and seq, whore .t 14 stated that Alp
Arsalén ‘was barn in the year 424 (AD, 1082-3) and died on the loth of
Rabi'u-l Awwal 465 A H (1072 AD)
5 Finshta mentions that a year previons to lus death an attempt was a ade
upon tis life while he was in the hamniun
 . [ 82j
From one Gity! the inhabitants of which were of Kburdsénian
descent, whom (Afrésiéb)- had expelled, and who had become 9
populous community in Hindustan, he took prisoners & hundred
thonsand persons, # and sent them to @haznin, with other spoils
on the same scale. He built a number of towns, among them
Khairdbéd, and Imdndbdd and others. He has been dosoribed by
the title of Suyy:du-s-Salatin, and enjoyed the reputation of being
a Wali. In huis reign in Ghaznin, the Dari-i-Chashm (eye medi-
gine) and other mixtures and medicaments and dietazes for all
diseased folk used to be obtamable from his store-house His
death took place mm the year 472 H,* after a regn of thirty
years. Qézi Baizdwi says that his reign extended from the year
450 H. to the year 492 H. Mas‘id Sa‘d Salman? flourished
in his time and the following verses are taken from an ode which
was written inthis honour.

1] Named “Darra” (Fimshta) where we read yt sm 3 clave! y9) as

cilauaghgs9 Pad BS cd] lula Cy J Oy? 9 WIE Boef ASey wildy

vevee Bolas’
In unr author's text we read ——- BdyS goat by whty! >T 9 which 16
evidently coriupe. The words in the Tabayut Akbar Shdha ure aluost sden-
tical with those quoted from Firiwhta and some such change ag the substitu-
tion of the word ol aenl pit for the words wildy =| -vhioh may easily have
arisen from a coupyist’s mistake, saam= - ---=-~ im our text. (MSS, (A}
and (B) are lake the text),
2 Bevnuae they were idolaters and refusbd to embrace Islim, according tu
Finghta
8 wh Wali. Abul Faz] (Ain-s-Akberi) (Jarrett) 11 350 gives the following
defimtion of awah “In ancient works many significations have been given
the outcome of which 38 that 1t means one whu has attamed to the know-
ledge of the Supreme Being . a lofty sonl will indeed love God alone . ...
A udli m my opimon is one who acquires four great virtues and avoids
eight reprehensible wtious Ho should always wage a victorioas war by
circumspect conduct aguist the myriad disorders of the spirit und never for
an mstant relax hna attention from iis decenty = Thus lofty statium 18 attam.
able hy the grace of God. and the guidance of fortune and 1s sometimes to
be reached through the spiritual powers of a mediator, and sumetames
without it”
* Funhta says 4820 or 4921 Tubagdt-+-Ndnri 492 He with » reign of
forty two yoars,
& Mas‘'dd Sad Salmén Jurjan. Known sometimes as Hamadani The sun
of Khéja Sa'd ibn Sulmin A famous poct nutive of Jurjén who atin |
 [ 38]
Abd&l Qésim Malik Mahmid Ibrahini ibn Mas‘id
In whom four things exult, each of them glories in him
Firstly, his expanded canopy, secondly, his flaunting banner,
Thirdly his golden pen, fourthly hie brilliant dagger.
Thia ode he finished completely in the same style, and in another
place he saya .—
Enrperor of the higher workd, from the blessings of whose
reign
The sword’s lofty occupation is the control of things tem-
poral and spiritual. .
Mas‘éd (Fortunatus) because from the fortune of the ex
panse of kingdom’s conquest
He has gone beyond that which comes within the scope of
the sword.
Ode.
Oh thon that hast formed the design of travel and girded
the loins of ‘conquest,
Right and left of thee the heavens have opened for thee the
doors of conquest,
Mas‘id, the world-comquering, for whom the age of fortune
Has sent forth every moment the heralds of conquest,
Inke a lance point thou hast placed thy head in the direc-
tion of battle,
Like an arrow thy waist girds up the loins of conquest,
In sooth, hundred victories thoa winnest, and a hundred
years hence
In Hindustan in all directions will be seen the traces of thy
conquest.
So many are thy conquests, that in the expanse of the world
Every day in every place they tell the tale of thy conquests.

high distinction in the service of Mas‘id bin Mahmid and Sultén Ibrahim
of Ghaznin but was uoprisoned for # time in the fortress of Na: owing to the
spiteful rancour of Abul Fara) Rini. He obtamed his release upon the death
of Mas‘id ibn Mabmad. He wes however again made prisoner for some years
and upon .being released left the court and went into retirement in Ghaznin
where he died. There i#a very long account of him with copious extracts
from his various pooma in the Majma‘ul Fusahd, Vol I. pp. 514 and seqq.
See also Beale (OB.D p. 173.) and Atashkada-t-47u7, p 162,
 [ 4]
Thy spear and thy arrow and thy sword will be
If my fancy limns a hne, the painter of the forms of con-
quest
When thy aword said I will deal a hght blow
Jis oath lay not heavy save on the head of conquest.

The Ustéd Abul Faray Rini! too was eulogist of Sultén

Ibrahim, and al- the panegyrist of Sultén Mas‘id, and many odes
m ther honou: are to bo tound m lus Diwan, and Ruin® is the
name of a village of the dependencies of Lahore, and in these
days il 18 AN one may Kay Im Mins, becanse not a trace of if
yemeins, and the following g:fa‘h im preise of Subtén Ibrahim is by
the Ustad Abul Taraj

Hail to the might of thy powerful sword

Precions as the breath of hfe, and rare as wisdom itself
Thou hast imprisoned that lifeless one, aa one seizes the
throat,
Thou hast made orphan this which has no issue like a
peo Ie+9 penal

38 And Mas‘id Sa'd Salman with that envious nature which is

pecniiar to poets, bore a gradge agamst Ustad, who became the
cause of Mas‘id’s imprisoument for ten years, he wrote this rubé‘i
(qnatrain) +n pisson 4

1 Abul Faray Runa cclcbrated poct The name Rdniis from the rutage
of Runt ( 4) } om Niaépor Ub wasa ercat fivounte and companion of
boltan Ibralam, and we learn from Wis dd Sa'd Salman Jurjéni that he fell
under the displeasuze of that hing and was imprisoned in the fortress of Nét
by the enlumny of Abul Faraj, aais stated in the text a few limes further
on Abul Para, lived for some tine at Lahore so that he 318 known to a few
i Vahoti’ fis writtigs were very clegant and served as a model for the
poet Anwar oo. thw of Ins contaanmg about 2,000 verses 16 extant.
(Mujmatul Fasehs t. 70) Sec also Atashkada-+-Agur, pp 187, 138.
2 ieale (ORD, p 15) cayx that he came from ‘ Rina place noar Lahore”
Vowould appoas tient the text ahove that Baddow: attmbuted lis name of
Run to his connection with the village of Rain The author of the Majma‘ul
Faustina giscaro anthotity for the statement above quoted so that it 18 diffi-
vate te decd: wi cot the pltcea is to be given the honour.
“dle was soriusoned in the year 672 H by Mahmfid ibn Ibrahim in
he dertrers ol Nar (Muqvicul Fasabé toe est) See note 6, page 62,
 [ 55J
For thy prison such 4 prisoner as Malik Shah is necessary
So thet thy fetter may chnfe the foot of monarchs.)
That one whoprings from the loins of Sa‘d Salmén
Even-were he a serpent would uot sting thy realm.

The following verses are also hy him :

My heart has become rent in all directions like a comb from
regrets
Because I saw « white hair in the tooth of: the comb.
There are extant also Viwdns by him in Arabic, Persidn and
Hindi.
‘Ardo-p-Dfn Mas‘dp ren Ipnanim 1sn Surgén Mas‘,
Succeeded after the death of his father and died in the year
508 H. (1114 A. D.), having reigned seventeea years

Surzéx Suenzp yen Mas‘ép pn Ipragion,*

By his father’s order became king, and reigned for one year.
His brother Arsalén Shéh revolted against him and killed him ia
the year 509 H. (1115 A. D.)

“Sutgiéx Arsacan Sain ren Mas‘ép inn Ipranfu,

Ascended the throne of sovereignty and seized upon the whole
of log brothers with the exception of Bahrém Shih who fled and
-went to Sultdn Sinjar® who was the son of his maternal uncle.
In spite of all the apologies for Bahrém Shéh which Sultén Sinjar

1 ofS wyida 5 cl yb ob G MB. (A)

§ Cf. Raverty, Tabagat-+-Ndgerf, page 107, note 7 Firishta also mentions
the accession of Kamélu-d-Daulah Sherzéd, aud calls the preceding monarch
‘Aldu-d-Daalah aleo Elhott II. 278,
8 Sulfén Sinjar Muzznddin Abul Hans Smjar wae the third son of Suitén
Mehk Shéh and the laat of the Saljdgq dynasty » Kburésan. We was bora
A. H. 479 (1086°A D) in the environs of Sinjar and 1t was on account of this
circumstance that he received this name Soe I K (Slane) I 600 He
governed the province of Kharésin for 20 years. He died m 5652A.H, at
Merv of a “ cohqne comphqnée avec un devoyoment” D'Herbelot.
See also Beale (O B.D, p 236).
4 The sister of Sultan Sinjar called “ Mahd-i-‘Iréq” was married to ‘Alau-d-
Din Maa‘id father of Suljin Arsalan Shih Cf Laverty Tubaqdt-1-Nigrt,
p 107, note 6.
 [ 56]
madé the subject of several letters, Arsalin Shih would not
listen to him, and eventually Sultén Sigjar raised an army against
him. He gave battle with thirty thousand cavalry and being
defeated went to Hindustdn. Sultén Smjar remained forty days
in @hasnin and after presenting that country to Bahrim Shéh
retraced his steps Arsalin Shh having collected o large army in
Hindustén proceeded thence to attack Ghaznin, and Bahrém Shah
not being able to withstand him sought refuge in the fortress
of B&mién and with the assistance of Sultén Sinjar bavipg again
sexzed Ghuen{in and taken Arsalin Shah captive put him to death
in the year 510 H, (11164. D,). The reign of Arsalin Shah had
lasted for a period of seven years.!
Suirin Bauedu Sudn 13N Mas‘ép 15n Ipranfu
Snueceeded to the throne. Hakim Sandi* was his panegyriat.
Kalilah Dannah and many other books were composed in’ his
reign and on the day of his accession Seiyyid Hasan Ghaznavi*®
declaimed an ode of which this is the opening couplet.
A shout went forth from the seven heavens, saying
“ Bahram Shah is Lord of the world.”

And this ode he wrote in his honour, and despatched it from

the sacred city of Mekka.
Should it ever be that I again behold the face of the king
I will apply, as a tbhank-offering, the dust of his feet to
both my eyes

1 This account differs from that given in other authors. The Tobagdt-i-
Napri saya that Arsalén Shéh died in 611 H, after a reign of two years.
Finshta says three years Baigawi gives 5124. H, as the year in which
Arsalin Shih was put to death (D’Herbelot)
§ Abi Mujammed tbn Adam Sandip died 525 A.H, A.D. 1180 (H. K.)
A celebrated poet, author of the Hadtqatu-l-Hagtgat, a Persian poem com-
monly known as Fakhr¢-ndmah. Among Ins other works were
dads te « ply Lal jf alas alt ata yn - ot po ~ Galt
Gayb
Acoording to Mayma‘u-l-Tugahé (I 254) be ded in 690 A. H. but, seo note 1
p. 35.
eee Hasan ibn Némri-l-‘Alavi, died 565 H. Mayma‘u-l-Fosebs Is
 [ 57J
Bahrém Shah for whom may the lives of emperors be the
ransom.
May it be thattheir lives are even worthy of the king
The planets of the sky fall like meteors, if they but place
a foot outside the boundary of fidelity to the king.
Another.
Bahrém Shéh from desire of whose sweet honied name
The young tree of the kingdom hereafter brings forth
parrots, (poets).
And the Hadsqatu-l-Hagigat! of Shaikh Sandi is written in
honour of Bahr4m Shéh, it was written during his imprison-
ment, the reason of which imprisonment was Ghaznévide fana-
ticsm with regard to Sunni doctrine, when this book having
reached the capital of Baghdéd received the tmprimatur of the
chief men and nobles, it attested the reality of his faith, and
they wrote » memorandum which led to his being released. A
short time subsequently he departed this life. It is said that
when they accused the worthy Shaikh Sand{ of heresy after he
composed the Hadigai, be wrote the following letter to the
Sultan Babram Shah.
In the name of God the meretfyl, the compassionate:
Praise be to God the Lord of the worlds, and blessings upon
the best of His created beings, Muhammad, his family and com-
panions all of them. To proceed, it is said in certain traditionary
sayings, that two things tend to prolong life, and to cause rain to
fall and trees to grow, one of these is to assist the oppressed —the
other to repress the tyrannical. Av argument which they have
advanced in support of this is that the prophet, may the peace
and blessing of God be upon him, declared that the heavens are
established by righteousness (equity). Equity is like the bird®
which, wherever it casts 1ts shadow, secures an amplitude of

' The work mentioned in note 2 page 66. Its full title is Hadsgdtu-l.
Hagqtqat wa Shart‘atu-teTartqat (hortus vertates et lex uve), and it treated
among other subjects of the Imims Abd Hanffa and Shéfi‘f, the founders
respectively of the Hanifite and Shafi‘ secta of Sunnis.
8 agdme ay lem jt hed sy gept Kile gtd OY ent
No one would go under the shadow of the owl, even if the Huma were
extysct from the world. Soo Roebuck, Oriental Proverbs p 327, The
8
 [ 38J
wealth, and the place where it builds its nest becomes the centre
of durability, and rain falls from the heaven, while tyranny and
oppression 18 a8 & bird! which, wherever it flies, leads to famine
and life and modesty are lost from among mankind. And
God, may He be glorified and ezalied, preserves the Emperor of
Isl4m, and the just king Bahr4ém Shéh ibn Mas‘id Shéh iba
Ibrahim Shah abn Mas'id Shéh ibn Mahmid Shéh, from iniquity
and oppression, and although the whole world should combine to
write and describe the stock and supply of gratefal acknowledg-
ment of this slave’s heart, they would have no power to express
it, and the tree which the king of the kingdom planted ® for the
discovery of the secrets of the unseen, even Gabriel and Michéel ?
were precluded from having any share therein : it is certain that
in all circumstances the just man is happy and the tyrant is
miserable, and the worst of all oppression a small
ig this tha t
party should read asubject and not understand it, but become
arrogant with regard to it and loosen the tongue of censure against
the learned Hence it is that our prophet, may the peace and
blessing of God be upon him, said, Pity three people, a rich
man who has becume pour, the great man ot a tribe who is dis-
graced, and a wise man among fools* A buok which 1s written
in the language of the learned in the knowledge of God, demands
an acute and discriminating mind such as that of Bayazid * and

Homé, wa fabulous turd of good omen, it 18 supposed that every head it

overshadows will wear & crown.
I The owl days vn the other hand 1s the type of il omen.
09 ogagate Ee a53 seyyy) ttt by yh BF 3 oslo
Thou art a snake biting everyone thou secst, or an owl ck stroying every
Place where thou alightest
again 08 py ayy oy pd — ls ly Bode Sub
O mghtingale bring the glad tidinga of epriug and leave bad news to the
ul omencd ow! = Roebuck, Onental Proverbs pp 140, 349
@ Expunge & trom hoe Gundrend 3 Anika y iS ye
‘
3 By this tree 1s meant the lute tree of Paradiae ‘teetie)} Bone Sidrata-I.
Muutaha See Mishhdt, XXIV va
4 Cf Quan I 90-95
® Bayasid Angi alen called Pir hoshan, founder of @ Sufi
sect, called the
Rosliant sah or enhghtenod Beale (ORD,p 70).
-\ good account of him will be found in The
Emperor Akbar by Beveridge.
Vol LL pp 139 and seg
 [ 59]
Shibli:! these men of wisdom who read that book and appreciate
that which is written in it, but who have not the slightest
trace of religious knowledge, it must be from spite and ignorance
that they find fault with the book, and this is a proof of their
blindness of heart that they call the Al-i-Marwén contemptible,
and carry their eulogy of the elect family, ~ay the peace and
blessing of God be upon it, beyond bounds while they exalt the
commander of the faithful ‘Ali, may God be merciful to Aim,
above the other companions, may Gud be graciously pleased with
them, and they do not see that he has been placed below
Siddiq* and Farig® dud Zui‘ Nérain* on the ground of descent
and rightful succession, and there is e true story related of the
Lord of the Created beings Muhammad Mugtafé, may the peace
aud blessing of God be upon him, with reference to the vices of
the Al-i-Marwan and the virtues of the Al-i-Muhammad Mustafa,
may the peace and blessing of God be upon him If it is a he,
and most people believe it t6 be go, reason tells us that it is true,
and the word of the true God is this, “Oh God, adorn the world
with those learned men who fear thee or who reverence thy
people, and do not make me to suffer at the hands of those who
ae wanderers from the path of thy love, for thy mercy’s sake

t Abé Bakr Doldf Ibn Jahdar (or Ja‘far) Ibn Ydnus (hie name is thus
insembed on his tomb) surnamed As-Sinbli, a celebrated saint was born and
brought up at Baghddd, bat hie farmmly belonged te Khurdsin This highly
respected Sdjf followed the doctrimes of the sect of Malik and hed for
masters Al-Junaid and the other holy men of that epoch As-Shibli died at
Baghdad,A H. 334 (A. D 946), and waa interred in the cemetery of Al-
Qawurin. He was bora at Surra-man-ria (Samarra on the Eastern bank
of the Tigris), Shibli meana belonging to Shibla a village in the dependencies
of Osrishua, a large town beyond Samarqand m Transoxana I K (Slane)
4. 513. See also regarding Samarri J R A. 8 1895 p 36,
§ “The faithful” The title given by Mujammad himself to the first
Khalifah Abé Bakr, who reigned two years and died A D, 634 (4 H 138).
8 The second Khalffah ‘Umar, AH.13toA H 28. Called Furiy ur “the
Diecerner ” us distinguishing Truth from Falsehood m Islam
4 Ugmén The third Khalifah, AH. 28 to AH 35 Called Zu-Nesam
‘the pogsesgor of the two hghts” because he married two of the Prophet's
Jaughters, Rugaiyyah and Ummn Kolsim
The above three Khalifahs, the first three successura to * uhammad accord.
ing to the Sunnf Mushme, are rejected Ly the Shi‘ahes w: assert that ‘Ali
waa the first legitimate snccesso, the others having been usurpers,
 { 6 |]
and for thy bounty ap‘l beneficence oh Thou most merciful,” an?
this verse is from the Hadigai.

Tf the earth is a fit place for any court

It 1s for the court of Bahram Shab that it is fitted.

Then Sultan Bahram Shéh brought up several armies against

Hindustan and conquered the cities which his forefathers had not
taken, and leaving one of his Amirs of high rank in Hindustén
returned to Ghasnin. That Amir revolted, aud fought a severe
battle with the Sultan in the vicinity of Multén, and a bitter confligt
ensned; in the end the Sultan’s enemy fell a prisoner into his hands
and was put to death, and a second time the country of Hindustén
came into his possession, and ‘Aléu-d-Din Hasav ibn Husain Siri
who is oue of the kings of Ghor revolted against him and pro-
ceeded to Ghaznin. Bahrim Shéh fled and ‘Aléu-d-Din left his
brother Ssaifu-d-Din Sari in Ghaznin. Bahrém Shéh returned
and retook Ghaznin, and having seated Saifu-d-Dio upon 8 cow,
and having exposed him\to public ridicule, killed him in the
worst possible way. ‘Alda-d-Din upon hearing this news was
most distressed and made for Ghaznin with a huge army—~-before
his arrival however Bahram Shéh had reached the other world
and his son was on the throne in his stead. ‘Aléu-d-Din by way
of avenging hie brother carried several loadsa of the varth of
Ghaznin to Ghor*® and set rivers of blood flowing, he is according-
ly famons in his own country. Bahram Shah left this world
in
the year 547 H. (1152 A.D.) the period of his reign was thirty
two years.
Mas‘id S‘ad Salmén wrote the following hexastich in
praise of
Bahrém Shéh.

Behrim Shéh became the world conquering king.

He became the Sna of the Age, and the shado
w of the glory
of God.
His canopy which was auspicious becam
e the glory of the
homa?

8 of. Tabagét-1-Népri, Raverty p 856.

This earth was mingled with the
blood of certam Saiyy:da whom
he took Prisoner from Ghaznin,
several towers were built on and from it
the hills of Firdéz Koh.
§ The humd in scoording to the Guié
m-b-Lughst “a birt which eats
bones
 { 61 J
God be He exalted and glorified becamy his guide.
That polished dagger became of increasing authority.
The face of his enemy became black like his canopy.
As long aa the emperor of the world in his time ssowed the
seeds of justice,
Every criminal that he detected, he passed over his crime,
If the sky placed his praise upon the ranning water
The flowing water retained ' his image like an engraving on
stone.
He raised true religion and justice to the zenith.
The Emperor, dispenser of justice, léver of truth, and defender
of the faith.5
Kuusrau Sada won Banda Sade.
Ascended the throne after his father, and ‘Aldu-d-Din Husein
ibn * Hasan Qhori came up against him. Khverna Shéh fled and
came to Lahore, and occupied himself with the empire of Hin-
distén, aud when ‘Alau-d-Din, as has been related, returned from
Ghaznin successful, he went back and recaptured that country,
and after that the tribe of Gbhuzz* seized Sultan Sinjar he turned
towards Ghaznin. Khusrau Shéh was not able to withstand him

and ite shadow falling upon any one ensures his attaining royal diguity.”
Bee note 2 page 57
1 MSS. (A) (B) i402 not 445/03 as in the text,
3 8iS1,5» MS (A) not Sidi)? po asin text
SMS (A) roads By 5m yy ond
4 The text has qime yam bot the MSS. A.and B. have gy which
is the correct reading. ‘Aléu-d-Din Husain Ghort Jahdnsos, the first of the
kings of Ghor.
5 A tnbe of Turks, They took Sinjar prisoner
in 568 H. From them
sprung the Seljiq dynasty the founder of which was Rukna-d-Din Tughral Beg.
Originally from beyond the Oxna they established their power by the conquest
of Tés m the year 420 A H, when under the leadership of Tughral Beg and
Dafd they defeated the forces sent against thent by Mas‘Gd ibn Maymid.
Ravaging Armen they entered Djérbakr in 488 A. H, and in 485 A. H.
entered Mosul, but m the eame year were defeated in an encounter with the
Arabs and fled to Nasibfa, and thence passing throngh Armenia returned to
Azarbaijén
Cf D’flerbelot, art. Gas. who attributes the origin of this tribe to Gas
tenth eon of Japhet son of Noah ; from Bulgar, one of the sons of Gaz, sprang
the Bulgarians and from Perthas the other son sprang the Ghusz tribe.
 [ 62 ]
end for the second time returned to Lahore, where he died in the
year 555 H1, after a reign of eight years In his time many great
poets flourished and wrote odes in. praise of him, The following
poem is of the kind called Zarji‘band! and was written by one of
them in his honour.
The revered Emperor Khusran Shéh who with ease
Conquers with sword and mace from Hindistén to Khordsin.
Tt must be atated, that in the historical works by Qézi Baizéwi
and others? it has been written that when ‘Aléu-d-Din plundered
@hasnah and put many of the inhabitants to death, he left there
Ghiy4gn-d-Din Abul-fath Muhammiad and Shihdbu-d-Din Abul
Muzaffar who were his nephews. They then with great craft put
Kbusran Shah at his ease with regard to themselves and took up
their abode in his city. Khusrau Shah’ was imprisoned in the
year 555 H, and died in the same year, and the days of
the Ghaznévide family came toanend. After a time Ghiydgu-d-
Din died, and the whole kingdom remained in the possession of
Shihébu-d-Din, but smce Khwéja Nizému-d-Din Abmad deceased,
hag written in the Tértkh-i-Nizdmt copying from the Rauzatu-e-
Safd that Khusrau Malik ibn Khasran Shah was the last of the
kings of the Ghaznuévide dynasty, I have followed him—God
knows the truth. 4
Kuancsrav Mauix tn Kgpusrau Suda.
Ascended the imperial throne in Lahore after tho death of his
father, and spent the greater part of his time m luxury and licen-
taousness, so that in his tame great damage found its way into the

' The Torji‘-band contsts of a somes of coupiets followea by & couplet an

the sume metre, bat having a different rhyme, recurring at regular intervals
§ See Arn-t-Akbart (Jarrett) m. 341 See also Elhott Ll. 258.
8 The Reuzutu-s-Sufdé however states that Khuarau Shah reigned at Lahore
two years after he fled ftom Ghuznin, and on his death was succeeded by
hus
son Khusrau Mahk.
The acount m the text 1 that given by Bairéwf and other rehablo
authorities
4 Cf Raverty op cit, p, 112 note 6
Bavzuwt states that the Gheznévide dynasty ended with Khuard Shah.
The work hére quoted 18 best known ag the Tabagdt-+
Akbaot, but ite
author called it Tubayat-s-Akbar-Shdhé, and Badaon: calla
it also by that
nome as well as by the name Tétkh-+-Nizdmé.
As has been seen the
present work 1s admutted by the autho: tu be
merely an abridgment of the
 [ 6 ]
kingdom, and the dynasty of the Ghasnéviyah was growing ald
while that of Ghor was in full vigour, accordingly Sultan
Muizsu-d-Din Muhammad Sin, who is well-known under the title
of Sultén Shibdébu-d-Din Gbori, having gained the upper hand
and making Ghaznin his capital, brought an army against Hin-
dustén and came with overwhelming force near to Lahore.
Khbusran Malik fortified himself there and was compelled to ask
for quarter in a personal interview. Sult4n Muizzu-d-Din Mn-
hammad Sam took him to Ghaznin, from thence:sending him to
Sultén Ghiyégu-d-Din, who imprisoned him in Firoz Koh! and
sent an order, and after ten years’ confinement made him taste
the cup of destruction.
Set not your heart on this world, for it is without
foundation
It is a newly wed bride entangled with many a iover.
This vvent took place in the year 583 H. (1187 A.D.). He
reigned twenty-eight years; the times of the Ghaznévide dynasty
came to a close, and the Empire passed from their hands to those
of the Sultans of Ghor. “Thon givest the kingdom to whom
thou seest fit.” #
HeEmisticy.
Nothing endureth but God, God’s kingdom alone is a kingdom
And Qazi Baizawi may God's mercy be upon him states that
Tdrtkh-1-Negimt “Khwaja NizSmu-d-Din Ahmad was the son of Khwaja
Mugim Harawi Diwan of the household to Bébar, he subsequently served
under Akbar (Hlhott V.177 et seqq). The real facta are that the son
Khosrau Mahk succeeded his father and reigned till 683 (H_) (1187 A D.), as
is state | )y our author.
4 The ( wagat-+-Ndpré states that Khusran Mahk was imprisoned in the
fortrés: of Balarwén au Gharystéo, Firdz Koh was the capital The story
of the treachery by which Shthébu-d-Din Ghori took Kgusrau Mahk prisoner
is told by Firishta
Beo also page 44 where the author states that Ghiydsu-d-Din imprisoned
Khuerau Shih mm one of the fortresses of Ghurjistén where he died a prisoner
2 P20 I Oto Inne ye 0 oIy 2s OPows 6 GIB I

4 Qorén IIL, 25 wSlell 9 535g slits ipo Shalt gyi ahh wile elit Ji
te of * ,

= sl83 we “Say ‘O God, Lord of the kingdom, thon givest the kingdom to
‘whomsoever thon pleasest and takest the kingdom from whomeoever thou
pleasost.’ ”
 { 6% ]
46 the duration of the Ghasnévide dynasty from Suljén Mahmid to
Kbuerav Shéh was one hundred and sixty-one years in the hands
of twelve persons, while Qazi Yahya Qazwini, may God’s merey
be upon him, says one hundred and fifty-five years in the hands
of fourteen persons, and the author of the Tartkh-t-Nizgdm, as has
already been quoted sbove, says two hundred and fifteen years in
the hands of fifteon persons, and God knows tho real trath of
the matter !

Il. Tue Groxi Dynasty.

Who reigned in Dehli This dynasty commences with Sultin

Shihébu-d-Din Ghori* who is known as Muizeu-d-Din Mubam-
mad ibn Sam

Sutgin Mowzu-p-Din Mougammap rss Sim Gyoel.

Ascending the throne as regentin place of his elder brother
Sultén Qhiydsn-d-Din, kmg of Ghor and ‘Iréq and Khordsan, in
the year 569 H, in Ghaznin, had the khutba read and the cur-
rency strack in his own uame, ® and in ubedience to the command
of his brother brought several armies against Hindustin and
raised aloft the standard of holy war Dehli was reduced in his
‘

time.

1 None of these estimates aro exactly accurate, that of the Tdréhh-s-Nizdmt

1s the nearest Tho actual duration of the Gheznévide dynasty taking
Khusran Muabk as the last representative was from 366 A, H. (876 A. D.) to
683 A. H (1187 A.D.) & period of 217 years during which time there were
fifteen sovereigns.
It is difficult to seo how Bazéwi arrives at his statement above quoted as
from the accesmon of Mabmid m 387 A. HI, to that of Khusran Shéh in
652 A. H. is 165 years during which twelve kings reigned.
The statement of Qézi Yahyé Qazwini is so far from the truth as to be
amposaible
If wo tako Khusrau Shéh as the last Ghagnévide king the dynasty lasted
from 366 A. H to 555 A H, & period
of 189 years.
% Who was nominated with h.s eldur brother Ghiyisn-d-Din to the charge
of a province of Ghor by his ancle Algu-d-Din Hnsam Jabdnsoz.
3 Asa matter of fact the coms wero stiuck m the jornt names of Ghiyésu-d-
Din and Murzu-d-Din, and as Thomas remarks the supeflative phe
“The greatest” 1s applied to Ghiy4sa-d-Dio wiulo Murezu-d-Din is only styled
fac “Great " (Thomas, Pathén kings of Dohh. p 18).
 { 65 }
In brief, Sultén Ghiyégu-d Din when he had seized Taginaébid¢
which was one of the dependencies of Garmsir and had made
over the governorsitip of that place to Sulfén Shahdbu-d-Diu,
used continually to bring up armies against Ghazuin, till at last
in the abovementioned year Sultén Ghiydgu-d-Din brought that
country within the circle of his conquests, and drove ont of
Ghaznin the tribe of Ghuzz, who after the captivity of Sultan
Sinjar had been in possession of it, and bestowed upon Sultan
Maizsu-d-Din Muhammad, the fitle of Sultéh Shihébu-d-Din *
Sultan Shib&bu-d-Din after one year of sovereignty as vicegei ent

1. dp samo, ody olsloy 5348 ob GS vaktnébid which was one of the

chief cities of Garmsir. Tubagdt-+Ndprt, p 115, hne 9, 1Cal Edn ), see
Atn-t-Akbart (J.) iif. 68, also Hiliott, 11. 292, 298
§ The statement in the text forms the subject of considerable controversy
aa there are found those who assert that the title Shihébu-d-Din is an im-
posable one as applied to Muizsu-d-Din popularly known od Mubammad
Gihorf (sea Raverty’s Jubrgqdt+-Ndgut p 446 note 5) tis true that the
author of the Jubagdt-i-Ndpré states that Muizzu-d-Din was ongmally called
Zangi while Ghiyégu-d-Din waa called Habshi—both of them bemg called
Muhammad He goes on to say that prior to Ghryfgu-d-Din’s accession to the
throne Ghor he was called Shamsu-d-Din and that Muizzu-d-Din was called
Shihébu-d-Din The actual statement is
EM AES Hatye Ay a1 A pod efle ot i ewit ty»
whe Syst OS eps ullaleef ON gy) Ce’yy AF Joe
3 ow
- BS (dh jae wllales wlulyd 9353 dm wath led
“ Before this his title had been Malhk Shameu-d-Din and the title of his
brother had been Shihfbu-d-Din. Some time after his accesmon his title
was changed to Snltin Ghiydsu-d-Din.” From this the posmbulity is not ex-
cluded that the author of the Tabaqdét-1-Nagrt intended to lay stress not so
much upon the change of names as the change of dignity, the assumption
that is, by both of the title of Sulgén.
But whatever may be decided about this there.can be no question that the
name “Shihébu-d-Din” ia just as applicable to the person known more
tamiliarly as Mubaramad Ghori, as is the name “ Muizzn-d-Din,” and Baddoni
evidently held this opmion aa he henceforth speaks of him constantly as
“ Shibébu-d-Dm ”
On the other hand if this really was a subsequently acquired title it 18
certainly strange that it does not appear on any of his coms on which he 18
always atyled Ae Saltén Al-Muazzam (or A)-A‘zam) Muzzu-d-Dunyd wod
Din Abé-]-Muzaffar Mubammad ibn Sam
Tt ia not however a point of serious amportance as ut mvolves no disputed
question of identity.
9
 { 66 .
for his brother, in the year 570 H., conquered Kardiz! and in the
47. year 571 H., took Uchh and Multén and drove out the tribe of
the Karmatians from those regions, and utterly destroyed the
Bhati* tribe who had fortified themselves in the fortress of
Uchh, ® and having entrusted that country to Ali Kirméy $ re-
turned to Ghaznin.
Thenin the year 574 H. (1178 A.D.) proceeding by way of
Multén 5 he brought an army against Gujrat, and suffered defeat
at the hands of Ra: Bhim Dey ruler of that country, and with
great difficulty réached Ghaznin and obtained relief.
Aud im the year 575 H he seized Parshir,® and in the year
580 H (1184 A. D.) marched against Lahore; Sultan Khusrau
Mahk who was the last of the kings of Ghaznin, shut himself ap in
the fortress of Lahore as has been related, and after considerable
correspondence by letter and messenger, he sent his own son with
an elephant as a present, and Sultén Shihibu-d-Dfin made peace
with hia, and set about building the town of Sialkot? and having
left. lus deputy there, proceeded to Ghazgnin; and in the year
581 H he brought au army agamst Diwal by which is meant

1 Kardiz a dutrict lymg between Ghazna and Hindastun, Yayat Ur

Gardaiz, the name of 1 large “‘darnk of tho Téjiks, Tubuyat-1-Nagus Raverty,
p 449, note 9.
2 MSS. (A and B) agree with the text 444g delem For a full account of
this from Firishta with a comparson of other translations, see Raverty,
p 459, nofe 2. Raverty's translation corresponds exactly with the ongmal
and, os he very justly romarke, the incorrect translations given by Briggs aud
others have placed Muizzu-d-J)iu’s conduct m a wrong hght. Bhatia a strong
fort of thig name was situated betweon Muliin and Alor. The Rajé referred
to according to the Mur‘ét-1-Jahdn-Nomé was chief of the Bhat: tribe See
Kaverty Fabagat-+-Namrt 451, note 3 last paragraph Sec Elhott, Vol I p 62.
8 Uchh On the Eastern bank of the Panjnad 70 mues 8.8 W. of Multéu.
See Cunningham, A G of Tndia, p. 242,
According to Ticffeathaler 1 1s 20 milea from Multan, Tieff I 118.
# So also Finshta ges is thongh Briggs translates, Ali Kirmény,
6 In the text read Wile Bh 3! Funshta eays, “camo agai to Uchh and
Moltau.”
6 scot sation
yo 959 yard y lySs wile GAS yo OS yl quilts
(Firishta) cf. Raverty Tubagdt-1-Nuprr, p 452, note 8 Peshawar was known
an Bagrdm or Farshdr
7 Sulkot is smd by other authors to have been founded by one
of the early
Hindé rulers. Tieffenthaler “Un chateau tres fort
bata par Mabmoud
 Avi tees,

{ 97J
ware
a

Tatteah! and having thrown into confusion the cities on the sea
shore took a vast amount of plunder and returned.
And in the year 582,H. he came again to Lahore and plandered
the aurronnding country, and having provided Husain with the
means of fortifying and holding Sfalkot retraced his steps, and
from Térikh-t-Nisdmi which is the original source of this selection
we gather that the building of Siélkot took place in this year, in
contradiction to the Mubdrakshéhi*® from which we learn that the
building of Sialkot was two years earlier. God knows the truth.
And inasmuch as the house of history is, hke the house of dreams
aod other things of that sort, ruinous, apologies must be madé
for discrepancies ; and ip that year Khusrau Malik with the assis-
tance of the Khikhars® and other tribes, bemeged the fort of
Sialkot for a long time, but had to return without attaining his
object. In this year also Muizzu-d-Din again besieged Khusran
Sbhéh in Lahore, who after striving for some days, found himself

Gasvavi .. La petite mviere d’Ayek coule Je long de cette forteresse an

couchant” Fuirishta states that Muizzu-d-Din founded the fort of Sfdlkot
which hes between the Chenhb and Ravi and left Hueain Kharmi) as governor,
in the year 580 H (1184 4. D}
1 Of. Raverty 452 note 2. See also Tieffenthaler, I 121. Tatta est tres
ancienne ... on la nomme snojourd’hu Dobil Tatta ie not the samo as
Debal which lies between 1t¢°and Karachi. See Abul Feda, (Remand) I.
ocolxxxvi.
The position of Debal. Judgmg by the map given mm Tieffenthaler
Debal lay between Karichi and Tatta at a distance of 30 miles from the
former and seventy from the latter, almost due East from Karachi and N -W.
of Tatta. It lay ats distance of about 20 mies from the sea on one of the
large arms into which the Mehrén (Indus) divided in those days, but which
to judge from modern mape have now disappeared or much diminished m
size It also lay a short distance to the North of Lar: Buader which was at
the head of an arm of the sea which had evidently in former times been an
arm of the Indus also, at a distance of about ten miles to the South; the
arm of the river Joming the sea from Debal lay some mx miles or so to the
weatward
Thia position tallies with that of the ruined city mentioned by Ibn Batita,
Paris Edition, [I] 112, 113, 114, a translation of the description of which 1s
given in Cunningham's Anc Geog, p 299, 300 |
B By Yahyé ibn Abmad ibn Abdallah Sirhindi. Elliott, IV 6.
8 The Khikhars. This sooms to be the same tribe as the Gakkhars, of,
Ain-1-Akbart (BL) Vol, I. 456 note I, and Vol If (J) 383 note 1, but see alao
Raverty (455 note 4), who asserta that the two tribes are quite distinct
a
 [ 68j
unequal to the task, and yielded to the Suljén who conveyed him
to Ghaznin and gent him to his brother Sultén Ghiyéga-d-Din at
Firoza Koh, . Ghiyégu-d-Din imprisoned him iu one of the fortresses
of Ghurjistin, where he died @ prieoner, and the plain of Empire
once for all passed to the dynasty of Ghor without the thorn of
& partner or rival, as has been already mentioned.

Qa‘

If you saddle the piebald horse of Circumstance,

and if the white hoise of state leads thee beside him,
And if the garden of your pleasure in happiness
copies fair the past memories of Paradise,
Be not proud, for this mean time will unexpectedly
draw its pen through the writing of your fortune.
Time is hke a wind, which at the first
draws from the cheek of the rose the veil with all respect,
Then after a week has passed in the midst of the garden,
drags its body with ignominy to the dust.
The world at one time biings forward by turn in the
narrow course, the horses of honour and disgrace,
The crafty fowler gives the bird gain, and then draws
it
into the noose of Ins artfully laid snare.
Cne man who has lost all hope, gams honour,
Another who 1s always hopefal in spite of all is disgraced
Strange is 1t if a man who has walked in the shadow
of
poverty should court a favour from the gun ?
Be content, if you have a portion of wisdom,
that the ignoraut should be oppressed by the
foolish
What of that man who, in the assembly of mirth
and merri-
ment quaffs the wine of pleasure from
the cup of
lnxuriougness ?
What of him who sittang behind the wall
of sorrow sniffers
from the after effects of sorrow
and the worry of
toil ?
At last the hand of fate takes both of them
Straight off to
the brink of the pit of death.
Happy 16 the brave hearted man who like
Sharaf draws the
foot of fidelitybeneath the skirt of retirement,
2k
A em ante ae

L 69 ]
And in this year Sultén Muizen-d-Din left Ali Kirmaj! who wus
bo

governor of Multén, as bis Vicegerent in Lahore, and in the year

587 H. coming from Ghaznin he reduced the fort of Tabarhindah*®
which was the capital of the grent rijds of Hindustan, and left Malik
Ziéu-d-Din Tuksli® with a corps d'elite consisjing of one thousand
two hundred cnvalry soldiers, and was contemplating a return,
In the meantime Réi Pathdré the Governor of Ajmir, and Khandi
Rai his brother who had been Governor of Dehli before Pathiri,
arrived with a vast army at a place called Taréyan* on the banks
of the river Sarsuti at a distance of seven Arohds) from Thinesar.
It is now known by the name of Tarawarf* and is distant forty
krohe® from Dehli. A great conflict ensued with the Suiltdén and
the Muslim troops were defeated. The Sultan evinced great
bravery on the field of battle, and in that engagement also
Khandi Réi who was mounted on un elephant at the bend of his
army, received a spear thrust m his mouth from the hand of the
Sultan The Sultén also was struck on the head by the Rai's
spear, and his arm was also wounded but both escaped in safety.
The Sultén got off his horse and taking up his son Khilji upon his
horse and mounting behind him took him off the field; the
Sultan proceeded to Ghaznin, and Rai Pathtré took the fortress
of Tabarhindah from Ziiu-d-Din Tuokili on peaceable terms after a

1 Tabaqdt-t-Ndgirt rays Ali Karmikh Firishta jf Kirmaj,

MS (A) gle gle Ms (B) clos (glo
3 Both MSS A and Bhave Say: Jarrett (Atn-+-Akbard trans
, ITT 360
note 2) says he 1s not able to determine the position of Tabarhindah, and
Raverty (TJubagdt-+-Nagu¢ p 457 note 3) thinks Tabarhindah 1s a copyist’s error
for Bathindah apparently relying on the Lubbu-t-Tawdriih-:-Hind From
Rennell’s map in Tieffenthaler it would appear that the situation of the
fortress of Tiberhind, which 18 there marked though not described in the text,
was about half way between Bikemir and Jhunyhni in Rajputdné, that is to
say about 100 miles north of Ajmir.
See aleo Raverty 458, note 3
8 Malik Ziyiu-d-Din Tulaki, (Zabagqdt-i-Nagirs) Raverty p. 457 note 8.
4 MBS (A) and (B) read rly). See Raverty; Tabagdt-s.Néprf
459 note 7.
Tieffenthaler mentions this place calling it Narain, bat 1t is not to be found
in the map he gives, see Vol I. p. 155.
ed

Xt is planed by Cunmngham (map facing p 827), 8 E of Thinesar.

§ The ByyS Skr. WW krosh, is equivalent to about two miles,
or

Bee also Ain-t-Akbart (J) i. p. 116 note 2 and 414 note. Cunn Geog. of
A.L, App Bp. 871, See also 7d: {kh > Rash{d{, Bliss and Ross, p 424 note 1.
 { 70 ]
siege of one year and one month And in the year 588 H. the
Sultén again came into Hindustén with a large and brave army
of 40,000 cavalry, and divided his forces into four army corps,
and baving given battle time after time in the place above men.
tioned gained a victory. Pathtré was taken prisoner and Khandi
Rai having been overcome in battle was killed and hasted to his
resting-place in Hell The Sultan then having reduced the
fortresses of Sarsuti! and Hausi proceeded to Ajmir the capital
of Pathiré, reduced it and plundered its environs killing and
taking prisoners. From certain other sources we learn that
Hazrat Khwajé Muino-d-Din Chishti? may God sanctify his
heart, that revered one who is the fountain head of the great and
holy men and the dignified elder’ of the land of Hind, whose
blessed tomb is @ place of pilgrimage situated in Ajmir, was at
that time in the company of the Sultin, and this victory occurred
through the impulse of the blessed and divine soul of that pillar
of holiness. And in this year leaving Sultén Mahk Qutbu-d-Din
Aibak who waa his servant and adopted son and vicegerent in the
town of Kihr4m which is distant seventy krohs from Dehli, he
invaded and plundered the Siw&lik range which lies to the North
of Hindustén, and proceeded to Ghaznin. In the same year too
Qutbu-d-Din having captured Dehh took 1t away from the kins-
men of Pathtra and Khandi Rai Then in the year 589 H. (1193
61. A, D ) Sultdéu Shihabu-d-Din fought with Rai Jai Chand the gover-
nor of Qananj, on the confines of Chandwir’ and Atawah, ® killed
him and went to @haznin. The fort of Kol‘ fell into the hands of
Qutbu-d-Din Aibak, and he made Dehli his capital and brought
its surrounding districts under his sway From that date Dehli
once more became the metropolis of the Sultins. The erection of
minarets aud other buildings of that kind, such as mosques, was

1 The country south of the Hundlaya between the Sutlej

and Ganges as far
south as Hinsi (Raverty).
§ Khwéjah Mi‘inu-d-Din. Hasan Chisht{ was the son of Ghiyésa-d-Din
Haean born m A. H 687 in the village of Siz of the
province of Sipsatén,
He died in A H 638 and is buried near Aym(r
® Tieffenthaler L 166 mentions Atéva and Chanonf as belong
Serkér of Agra ing
to the
(See Ravorty ( Tabagdt-s-Ndprt) aleo p, 470 nots
1)
4 Cél—ville mume d'une forteresse qu'on
appelle Sébetghar et Ramghar.
Tieff, I 200, in the province of Agra 40 miles
North of Agra
 [ 7J
commenced in the reign of Sultén Shamsu-d-Din Altamesh? in
the year 606 H., aswill be related, if God (may He be epalied) so
will it, in ita own place. And in the year 591 H., he took the fort
ar

of Bhangar*® and Badéon. And in the year 593 H he conquered

Gujerét and took his army to Nabrwéla which is known as Pattan,®
and having taken vengeance for the Sultan on Bhim Rai Dev, and
having taken much spoil returned ; and in that year Sultan Ghiydgu-
d-Din removed his effects from the transitory world to the etornal
abode,* and Sultén Muizzu-d-Din having heard this news when on
the confines of Tas and Sarakhs,* turned towards Badghis and per-
formed the duties of the mourning ceremonies and having divided
his brother's dominions among his kindred * came to Ghaznin
and brought an army against Khwarazm, and on the first occasion
Sultén Muhammad Khwidrazm Shah suffered defeat, and the
Sultén pursued him and fought the Khwé:azmans at the head
of an aqueduct which they had dug from the eastern bank of the
Jeihin, and a namber of the noted generals of Ghor were
martyred and he could not take Khwaiazm ; he also fought 0 great
battle with an army of Khitdi? kings of Turkistin who had
come to the help of Sultén Muhammad,! on the hanks of the
river Jaihin—be fought mght bravely but at last was defeated,
and being left with a@ hundred thousand cavalry soldiers he
entered the fortress of Andkhid where he entrenched himself, and

1 Suljén Ul-Muagam Shamen-d-Dunyé wau-d-Din Abd} Muvaffar, Tyal

Tinush the lat of the Shamafyah Sulténs See Raverty 597 note 4.
8 MS. (A) ois Thankar, but it should be ee apparently, ag im
Tieffenthaler we find Banghar descnbed as “un Fort triangulaire, construit
de terre par ordre d'an prince Indou nomme Hurcaran ,,. Banghar est & 30
miles d 'Avala a 40 do Barch ct i 8 do la mve ultemeure du Gange,
Buddon, ‘S ville oncienne ... elle & une forteresse au dehors de laquelle sont
dea maisuns Fille eat & 20 milles de Burd/t, A 10 d’ Aunla ot & 5 de Banghar
Buduon was the birthplace of tho famous Niaému-d-Din Auliya, called “ 11%
Bahhdg" or the controverstulist, and “ Mudpl-shikan " the assembly -router.
8 20 miles from Redhanpur 40 mules from Guzerat to the NW ‘Lieff |
885. See also Bayley, Hist of Gujarat 26 & Abul Feda (liemaud) I] u 117,
Atn-+-Albarf (J ) 11 262 and IIJ 59
* He digd at Herat
5 See Raverty (Zabaqdt-1-Ndgerf) 257 note 2 and 471 text and note &.
§ The detarls of this partition are givon in tho Tubagdt-1-Nagiré (Ray. p 472 )
7 Saltén Muhammad Khwirazm Shéh apphed to Garkhén of Qaré Khité
for assistance, See Raverty (Tubaqat-1 Ndgu+) 473 note 2
or
aia
 [ 72J
having asked for quarter! returned to @hasnin; and at that time
the tribe of the Khiakhars in the neighbourhood of Lahore shewed
symptoms of revolting the Sultin accordingly brought an army
against them, and aleo summoned Qutbu-d-Din Aibak fzom Dehli,
and having given the Khikhars a severe lesson returned to Ghaznin,
and while on the way back was martyred at Damyak,* which
is the name of a village of the dependencies of Ghaznin, at the
hands of Khikhar bandits—the following qitd‘h has been written
to chronicle this event § —
The martyrdom of the king of sea and land Shihibu-d-Din,
Whose like has never yet been seen since the world began,
On the third day from the first of Sha‘ban, in the year 602
Happened in the road to Ghaznin at the stage Damyak.
The days of his reign from the commencement of the rule
of Ghaznin to the end of his hfe were thirty and two years and
some months, and he Jeft no heir save one daughter, but he left
behind him much treasure of gold and silver and precious stones,
emong these latter were five hundred mans* of diamonds
jewels of gieat value, besides cash and estates and other property
the value of which we may estimate on the same scale. He made
expeditions to Hindistan nine times, twice was defeated and seven
times was victorious.

Thon didst see Muizzu-d-Din Muhammad Sém, who in war

Was stronger in heart and hand than Sam and Nariméu
He obtained, ke Mabmid, from the elephants of Hindustan
Governments of Sandu and many kingdoms of Simau

1 For an account of the mcidents here briefly referred to ave Haverty

(Tubagdt +-Ndgir) 478 note 6 ,
3 A village beyond the Iudns on the road to Ghagnin. Ita exact situation
isa matter of some uncertamly Finghta (Bombay text) has 2)! Rohtak
8 No author that 1 have seen records the name of the author. The
Tabuqat-s Nagi attmbutes it to “ one of the learned men of that period ”
# The Tabmz man must be meant, beng somewhat less than 2 Ibs. while
the man of Thindustén vames fron 40 to 80 Ibe, (Kaverty)
The Acn-i-Akbat makes no mention of the man as w weight nuit for jewels
Two scra ate equal to half amen As the sc: was nearly two pounds this
wonld make the man equal to eght poundy neatly (See Atn-f-Akbar)
(Jarrett) 1 360 note 4). .
Tho Tabu, t 1 Nasuf sayy 16% mans of diamonds.
 [ 73]
He departod this world, and they say (the writer vouches
for it)
That there retained of his secret treasure 500 mans of dia-
monds.

And in his reign many learned dootors and scientists and poeta
flourished, of whom was Imém Fakbru-d-Din Rézi! may God be
merciful to him who wrote the Lafdtf-i-Ghiyast and other books
in honour of his brother Sultan Ghiydgu-d-Din Abi-l-Fath. He
remaived with the army of Sultén Muizzn-d-Din Muhammad Sém,
and every week used to stand up to preach, and at the termination
of his sermon the Sultén used to evince great emotion, and since
the Imam got very wearied of this continual coming and going,
and everlasting service, one day addressing the Sultén from the
pulpit he said Oh! Snltén Mnizzu-d-Din, some time hence neither
will this greatness and glory of yours remain nor the flattery and
hypocrisy of Rézi: The following qifa‘h is by him:
If an enemy does not agree with you O friend
If behoves you to agree with your enemy,
If not. then have patience for a few days
He will not remain, nor will you, nor the pride of Rézi,
And after the sassessination of the Sultén certain mischief-
makers out of envy accused the Imém of having conspired with
the Fidais, * and asserted that the Imam was well aware of their

1 Abad Abdullah Muhammad Jbn Omar Ibn al-Hasain Ibn al-Hasan Ibn
Alf al-Jaim: al-Bakri at-Tabareateni Ar-Bézi‘ (native of Rai in Tabaristén)
was a doctor of the Shéfiite eect, ho was born at Hai A. H. 546(A D. 1150)
and died at Herht A. H. 606 (A. D 1210). (Ibn Khalhiqén), See D’Herbelot
art Rési. See also Majma‘ul Fusahd I. p. 374, whore he is called Al-Quraishi
at-Tamimi, Ibn Khelliqgén does not mention the Lagdsf-+-Ghiydat among Ar-
Rézt’s works, while on the other hand Héji Khalifa gives a work of this name
but does not mention the author. Hie reference to it is as follows. “11124
El-Letéif El-Ghiyathiyeh, subtalitates Ghiyéth-ed-Dint Liber persicus in
jnatuor partes divisus, quarom prima de piincipne religidbie, secundas de
urisprudentiA, tertia de ethicl, quarta de precatione agit.”
§ The term Fidé- is particularly apphed to the disciples
of the chef, of the
Mulébidah beretics, at whose hands Muiseu-d-Din met
hus death according
to the oxpreas statement of the author of the Tabagdt-1+-Némrf. (See Raverty
485 note 8) Thue attempt to impheate Rési m tho responsibilty for the
maorde: 18 recorded also in the Jams ‘u-t-Tawarikh, and the Tdju-l-Maday.
See Elbott 11. p. 286.
10
 [ 74]
hypocrisy They msde an attempt upon the Imém and he fled
for refuge fo Muaiyyidu-Il-Mulk Sinjari! who was one of the dis-
tinguished generals of the Sulfin; he despatched him in safety to
s place of security. A poet has written an ode in praise of him of
which the following are two couplets.
Sultén Muizzu-d-Din Shah Ghézi whose sword in the waild
has become like the famous Zulfiqir*® of Ali Murtaza,
The true Sultin Muhammad Sam, he whose love for
the people 1s like the Sun of the friendship of Mustafé.

1 Tubagdt-+-Ndgiré states that he held the office of Vazfr, and was put to
death by the Turkish Malike and Amira of Ghaznfn, together with Muhk
Nemnru-d-Din Husam the Amfr--Shikir
8 Zul Faqdr The following 18 extracted from Ibn Khalligén (Slane)
Vol IV p 220
“It 18 related that Hérén ar Rashid on sending Yazid ibn Mazyad against
Al Walid gave him Zdé‘l Fakér the aword which had belonged to the Prophet
“Take it, Yazid, by 1¢ you will be victorious” To this Muslim Ibn al-Walfd
alludes in the following verse of a kasida composed by him in praise of
Yazid -
‘You caused the Prophet's sword to recollect his wey of acting and
the bravery displayed by the first (Musalman) who ever prayed and
fasted’
By these last words he meant Alf the son of Abd Talib for he was the
person who dealt blows with 1t ”
Lower down, quoting as his authority Hishém abn al Kalbt, Ibn Khalliqén
states that 441 Fiqér belonged to Al-Adsi son of Nabth, both of whom were
killed, in the battle of Badr, Al-Ans: boing slain by ‘Ali who took the
famous sword from him-and he continues “Another author says that
Zal Faqdr wos given to ‘Ali by the Prophet” I muat observe that faqar with
an @ after the f isthe plural, of Fagéra which means a vertebra of the
back The namo of this sword 18 also pronounced Zl Figd: the word figar
18 the plural of figra (Vertebra)
At ‘Tabari states that Zul figdr came mto the possession of Hérinar Rashid
in the following manner .
“ Zul figér was borne by Mahammad Ibn Abd Allah ibn al Hasan ion al
Hasan ibn Ali ibn Abi Télib on the day in which battle was piven to the
army of Abi Ja‘ far al-Mangir the Abbaside; when he felt death to Ik near
he gave Zél nqdir to a merchant who had followed him, and to whom he owl
four hundred dinéra ‘ Take this sword,’ said he, ‘any member of the Abd
Téhb family whom you may meet with will buy it from you and give you
the sum to Which you are eatitled The sword remamed with the merchant
tilt the Abbasde prince Ja‘far the sun of Sulamdan ibn Aliibn Afd Allah
ibn al Abbés ibn Abd-al-Muttalib obtamed the govornmenta of Yemen and
 [ 7]
Another poet says :—
The Empehor of the age, Khusrau Ghézi Muizzu-d-Din 5
From whom the glory of crown and diadem gains increase,
The ongin of victory, Muhammad ibn Sam ibn Husain
His very presence has become the mark for princely glory.!
And Nazuki Mardghai too says in praise of him -—~
Shéh Muizzu-d-Din before whose prindely might
The heaven stands girt lke a bunch of flowers
He came to the throne hke a rose at the time when
The heaven brought the Sun into the Balance 3
Medina, and he purchased it from the merchant for four hundred dinérs
From him it passed to al-Mahdi the Son of Al Mangér (Khalifah from 776
AH to 785 A.H.) from him to Mass al Hadi and from Misa to hus brother
Haron ar Rashid”
Al Asmdéi relates that he ehw Hérin ar Rashidat Tis wearing a sword
and that he said “ Asméi would you hke to see Z4l fiqér” and on Asméi
expressing @ wish to see 1t Hardin ar Rashid bade him draw the sword—on
doing so he found on it eighteen faqdras—The word fagdra is anid in a note
to the abnve to demgnate “a sort of waving ornament on the blade or else
a notch on its adge It 18 doubtful which 1s meant probably the latter ”
The word Zilfiqdr meaning vertebrated Ithink it quite possible that the sword
10 question was so called from ite strength and pltability, the vertebral colamn
being the type of the combination of these two somewhat incompatible
elements.
1 MS A) has fy tle yo MS (B) agrees with the toxt
® se In the time of year (autumn) when the Sun wasn the sign of Libra |
(Ae)
The sun enters Gemim Tanrns Anmea (Spring) 2lst March.

> ay) ae
Virgo Leo Cancer (Summer) 2ist June.
Ola nes dae} byw
Sagittarius Scorpio Libra (Autumn) 21st September.
we eye ol jee
Pisoes Aquarms Capricornus (Winter) 21st December.

eye ge
The sign Libra was a later addition to the Zodiac. It was known to the
‘author Greek astronomers as xnAal cf Virg Georg, I 33.
 [ 7% |
He in the fire of whose wrath evil doers
Give up their eweet lives like sugarcane.
The sugar of religion and the rose of sovereignty
The revolving sphere has mixed together;
Oh Lord! let this conserve of religion and sovereignty
Be the cause of health to the whole world.
And Qézi Hamid! of Balkh says:
@hési Muzz0-d-Din wad-Dunyé with whom
On the day of battle victory marches with his auspicious
standard.

Qua locus Brigonen inter Chelasque sequentes Panditur.

Subsequently it was called Zvyés (the yoke) by the Latins Jugum and was
first formally called Lrbra in the Calendar of Julius Cmsar. This name
seems to have been derived from the East, and must be regarded as a symbol
of equelity introduced into the heavens at the period when the entrance of
the aun into that constellation marked the Autumnal Equinox. “In the
commentary of Theon on the Almayest Libra is frequently represented by
Alrpa (a pound) or Asrpat, a word originally borrowed by the Romans from
the Sicilians, transformed into Libra and then restored to the lator Greeks in
the new sense of a balance.” See Smith's (D. G. R.A) p 151, also Ain.s-
Akbart (Jarrett) ILI. p 18 and notes. Also Albirdni (Sachan) p. 173, where a
tableia given of the mgns in seven languages. Sir Wiilam Jones (Jones’
Works Vol. I. p 384) leant to the opinion that “both Greeks and Hindus
received their divisions of the Zodiac from an older nation” and there can
be ttle doubt that this was the case; the almost absolute identity of the
nomenclature in Arabic, Greek, Persian, Syriac, Hebrew and Sanskrit points to
apictonal rather than to a verbal original, the more so as in the case of a
pictorial symbol of ambiguous shape 1t was possible for the name to differ in
different Jangaages Thus we know that the sign Labra was first known as
xnaai to the Greoks from 2ts resemblance to the claws of # scorpion, then
this name was changed to fvyés from the resemblance to a yoke, and finally
called Libra a balance
The suinc yactorial idea 1s applicable to all three worde, and it ia more than
probable that w¢ tmtlst look, for the omgin of the Zodiac, to the same source
whence we trace the ongm of our Alphabet
See aleo Albiriin: [Sachau (Trubner)} Vol 1 p 219
' Fekbrot-Ulam4 wa Zinn-l-Foralé Hamide-d-Din Umar 1bn Mabmid
Balkhi,« celebrated writer whose Magumat called forth the praise of the
poet Anwari He was the author of several works written in a style of
rent und studied elegance. He was an accomphehed poet Several of his
works are mentioned by name. See Mayma‘ul Fusahd I. 197,
 [7 ]
Bé i Muzaffar! the Ruler of the Hast for whom in the field
of battle,
The Humé of his canopy oarries as it were victory under
its wing.

Sorin Qursu-p-Din Arpax

‘Who was one of the specially favourite servants of Sultin

Muizzu-d-Din, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon had a
broken little finger, * and was known by this soubriquet (Aibak),
they also call him Qutbu-d-Din® Lak bakbsh.* With the consent of 58.
the nobles of Hindistén he established himself as Protector of the
kingdom of Debl{, and after the martyrdom of Sultén Muizzu-d-
Din his brother's son, Sultén Ghiyégn-d-Din Mahmid, the nghtful
heir of Sult4n Ghiyégu-d-Din Muhammad in whose praise they
wrote the following verse :—

] His full titles were: Sulfén al-A'sam, Muissu-d-Donya wa-d-Din Abul

Mugaffae Mohammad. On his death difficulties arose az to the succession,
the Turkoman generals clarming it for Ghiyésu-d-Din Mahmdd, son of Ghiyagu-
d-Dfn, while the chiefs of Ghir on the other hand favoured the claims of
Bahéu-d-Din Sém, and a quarrel arose between the two parties as to the route
to be taken in conducting the corpse of Muizzu-d-Din to Ghaznin. Eventually
this was settled by the diplomacy of the Khwéya Muaiyyidu-l-Mulk Téju-d-
Din Yaldkuz (Yaldaz) came out to meet the body, which was burned in an
enclosed grave which he had bnilt for his daughter, on the 22nd Sha‘hén
(Firnshta).
§ This is the reading of the text and of both MSS and it serves ina
measure to correct the current idea as to the etymology of the name Ibak.
Raverty (514, note 1) states that Ibak in Turkish means finger. This does not
appear to be the case #0 fer ag I can learn from dictionaries «Sz! means the
comb of a cock, while the word finger 18 (372 parmay. On the other hand
the word cst ay means moon and oS beg or bek means Lord. Whether
the finger wag broken at the time of the eclipse, or whether it was a congeni-
tal defect does not appear, but from the text before us the connection with
the moon 1s the cause of the name, not, as has been said, the broken finger
See also Raverty ioe. est. and Thomas’ Pathan kings of Dehli, page 32, note 1.
Finshta howover distinotly states AS! by! dp? in
st pamsd conti yer,
oslaf ws if his text is correct.
8 He was given the name of Saltén Qutbu-d-Din Aibak by Muizzu-d-Din
on the occasion of a public ceremony when he distinguished him by special
marks of lisfavour (Finshta).
4 The bestower of lake, So called from his laviah generosity.
 [ 78 J .
Sultén from East to West, Monarch from West to East
Mabméd ibn Muhammad ibn Sém ibn Husain
having sent to Malik Qutbu-d-Din from Firoza Koh the canopy
and insignis of royalty, addressed him by the title of Sultén,!
and in the year 602 H. (1295 A.D.) having come from Dehli to
Léhore on Tuesday, the sixteenth of the month of ZuQa‘dah in
the aforesaid year, ascended the throne of empire and became
proverbial for his kindness and clemency. He used to bestow upon
deserving recipients rewards far in excess of their anticipations,
and inaugurated his custom of lak bakhshi (bestowing laks). One
of the learned men of the time named Bahéu-d-Din U'shi® said
in praise of him.
Quah ain,
Oh thou that hast brought into the wo.id the bestowal of
laks,
Thy hand has bronght tho mine into great straits;
From envy of thy {iberality the heart of the mize has
seized blood drops,
And placed them forward pretending that they aro rubies,
And after some time enmity arose between him and I’aju-d-Din
Yaldfz, who was one of the slaves of Muizzu-d-Din and had
read the Khutba in lis own name in Ghaznin, on account of
Lahore, and the fire of war and conflict blazed forth on the con-
fines of the Panjdb; Téju-d-Din was defeated, and went to
Kirman which was his usual abode. Sultan Qutbu-d-Din went
and took possession of the fort. of G@haznin and staying there for
w period of forty days, spent his time m moting and wentonness
and dissipation Accordingly the people of Ghaznin were an-
noyed at his behavioar and secretly summoned Taju-d-Din Yaldiz,
who arrived without warning, and Sultan Qutbu-d-Din not being
able to oppose him came to Lahore by way of Sang Surakh$
| He appears to have already possessed the title of Sultén (see note 3 page 77).
§ Behéa-d-Dim Muhammad Ushi Farghéni was a very famous preacher und
learned duvine, vary famous according to Uf: as an extempore speaker, and an
extremely able poetry and prose writer (Mayma‘u-l-Fugaha, I 172)
8 One of the routes between Ghaznin and the Punjab, for he did not dare
to take that throngh Kumén (Kaverty, 527, note) The Tubagdt-s-Ndprt
omits all reference to this, and meroly mentions Quybu-d-Din’s death with-
out saying where his fatal accident happened. Aa to th. exact date of bus
death, see Raverty 528, note 2
 c 79 J
Verses.
When the head of a Sult4n becomes unsteady from wine
Without warnigg the crown of Empire fails from his head.
And after wielding power for some time he fell from ‘his horse
when playing chaugdn at Lé&hore in the- year 607 H., and died !
and was buried in that city and his tomb is at present the resort
of pilgrims. The period of his reign after the conquest of
Hindustén, was twenty years, out of which period he was for four
years a Sultan.
This ancient revolving heaven has overthrown many heroes ;
So far as yon are able, place no reliance on the sun and
moon and Jupiter.?
Sevon other individuals of the generals and slaves of Sultén
Muizzu-d-Din reached princely power in Hindistén and @haznin
and Bengéla and other places, whose affairs are written in their
proper places; among others T4ju-d-Din Yalddz on the confines
of Taréyan, otherwise known as Tarawari, having fought with
Sultan Shamsu-d-Din Iyaltamish was taken prisoner. Another
as Sultan Nagiru-d-Din Qabécha ® who is also one of the slaves of
Muizzo-d-Din, and had married one of the daughters of Taju-d-
Din Yaldiz, the other daughter was married to Sultan Qutbu-d-

L Satialen we ran Literally, emptied the mould (tn which he was cast).
The word we though Arabic in appearance is not really so. It 1s in
reahty the Persian word wis ( cf oJ) inon Arab dregs.
Tho game of chaugén 1s the origin of the modern game of “polo” the
chaugdn wS se called in Arabic we! we Saulajdn is a name apphed toa
stick with a curved extremity. Curling locks are called yo otfna
A pony which is &t for the game of re 18 called foe (Burhén-1-Qati‘)
3 In the ‘Ajdibu-l-Maknliqdt of Qazwini we find that the astrologers con-
sidered the sun as holding the place of king, and the.stars are his courtiers
and troops The moon ia his Vaszir and Jupiter the Qézi. The planet
is
conmdered to be » very fortunate one by astrologers who celled it pf] daw
The moon 18 also lucky so much so that everything lucky was called by tho
Hindés Somagraha, Soma being the Sanskrit word for moon The sun was
called ‘ Aditya,’s @,the beginning as being the ongin of all things. See
Albirom (Sachan) I 217 and seqg.
8 Who on the death of Qutbu-d-Dig proceeded to usurp Uchh and Mulién
according toRaverty (630, note 6). The Jubagqdt-t-Ndgirt states that Négirg-d.
Din Qabichn married two of the daughters of Qutbu-d-Din. (See nate 4,
p. 620) (note 2, p 682).
 A dant
Had hy ahd oe le RRR ye

[ 8 ]
Din and Sultén Muissau-d-Din during his lifetime had bestowed
upon him the governorship of Uchh and Multén. After the death
of Sultén Qutbu-d-Din, he brought the whole country from Uchh !
to Sarsuti and Kuhrim under bis own rule, and, also took posses-
sion of Lahore, and having fought with the army of Malik Téju-
d-Din who was on his way from Ghasnin, Khwaja Mu‘siyyidu-l-
Mulk Sinjari* being in command of that army, was defeated and
went to Sindh in which country he obtained great ascendancy.
In the year 611 H. (1214 A D.) a Moghul army arrived and
laid siege to Multén for forty days and the Sultén Négira-d-Din,
having opened the doors of the treasury, evinced great bravery and
warded off their attacks, and at last after a reign of twenty-
two years fella prisoner into the hands of Sultén Shamsu-d-Din
and trod the way to the next world.® Another is Malik Bahén-
ad-Din Tughral, when Muizzu-d-Din Muhammad Sém reduced the
fortress of Babankar* he entrusted the command of 14 to Mahk
Bahdu-d-Din Tugbral, and he having built a fortress in the country
of Bhasiyéna® elected to remde there® and used continually to
1 70 miles south-west of Multén Yor the situation of Uchh, seo Cum
A.G.1, p 242.
Tieffenthaler says that ander this name are comprised seven villages the
chief of which contains the tomb of Syad Bukhéri. Tieff. 1,118, In Ren-
nell’s map, Vol. III. Surasty is shown as in Long. 74°56 Lat. 28 6, Koram
Long. 75 4 Lat, 29 4.
§ Ber note 1 page 74.
8 In the year 612 H. according to the Tdju-l-Madsw, but from the text it
appears to have been in 610 H or early in 61) H.
According to Tubagdt-s-Ndprt ho was drowned while trying to escape. See
Raverty 642-543, notes. cf. Elliott 11. 304.
4 Both MS8S,, but according to Tubagdt-+-Ndprt and Alfi the name of the
fort was Thank{r or Thangir. (See however Raverty 544 note 1).
§ MS, (B) has Bhamydéna, MS (A) has Bhayéna. Zabagdt-r-Néprf says
“the fortress of Thankir which ts in the territory of Bluina” This fortress
he built was called Sultén Kot (Tubaqdt-s-Ndprf).
Tieffenthaler mentions a place which he calls Beéna and says, concerning
it, Bedna etast satrefois une ville bien peuplée, aujourd'hui lo nombre de ses
habitana eat fort dimmué, apres que le Rajah Indou on a chassé, 11 n'y-8 que
peu d’années, los Mabometans, Afgans, et Saides, qui se vantent de descendra
dela race d’Alj. Elle est au pied des montagnes, & 14 milles communs de
Fatepour au Sud-Ouest,
Ho mentions no fortress namod Thaokir or Bahanker nor does he mention
Bultén Kot.
8 Cf Taband'-r.Ndgr¢ where this fort 1s called Sultankut.
 [ 81J
harags the environs of Gwalidr, and Sultén Muizzu-d-Din at the
time of his return fram Gwiliér had promised to give that for.
tress to Malik Bahéu-d-Din who accordingly strongly fortified a
position ata distance of two kroks from Gwiliar and harassed
the garrison of the fort, so that after a year the garrison sending
messengers and presents invited Sultdn Qutbu-d-Din and sur-
rendered the fort to him. On this acconnt enmity arose between
Malik Qutba-d-Din and Bahénu-d-Din, Mahk Bahdu-d-Din died
a short time afterwards !
Another is Malik Muhammad Bakhtyér Ghiri.4 He was one
of the great men of Ghir and Garmasir, a man adorned with all
good yualities who came to Ghaznin in the reign of Sultén
Muizu-d-Din and from thence went to Hindéstin. He did not
approve of having to live in Léhore with Sultan Qutbu-d-Din,
and jomed hands with Mak Husainu-d-Din Ughal Beg® ruler of
the country between the two rivers (The Dodb) aud tho country
beyond the river Ganges, and Kanpilah and Pata]: * ware allotted
ns bis reward. He proceeded to Ondh and conquered that coun-

1 No date is given of these events.

» Called aleo Muhammad Bakhtyér Khiljt, the first to leada Muenimin
invanun of Bengal m 696 A Il He belonged to the Khily tribt of Ghar, »
Turkish tribe. Regarding him tho Ain e-Albai/ states that the astrologers
had predicted the overthrow of the kingdom of Nadiya by Muhammad
Bakhtyd: Khiji Be destroyed the cry of Nudiya (in 1203 A D, 600 A.A)
ind transferred the Capital to Lakhnaot: From that time Bengal has been
otbycut to the kings of Dehh Aén-+-Akbarf (Jarrett) IT 148
He wasa nephew of Muhammad aon of Mabmiid (See Tabaydt-:-Ndsiri
549) Raverty dewes his having ever been a slave but fiom the statement m
the text there scoms to be no donbt that the author sorcgaided bim (See
Raverty, p 550 note 6)
Mabko-l-Muazzam Husainu-d-Din Ughul Beg beld im fief a considerable
tract of country in the Dodb, independently of Qutbu-d-Din
8 See Raverty Thbaqdt-1-Ndg:1{ 560 note 6,
4 MSS (A) and (B) &yS Kanpia. MS (A) gg'y Punedl? MS (B)
wilds pattili Ravertyp 550 note 6, says Patitah #4 (Lat 25° Long
82° 54’] and ‘Kuntiuah @lS [Lat 25° 7" Long 82° 85] the Kuntil uf the
Indian Atlas.
Seo the note above for a discussion of the question
Ia the text aaa” 8 evidently a copyrst’s error for alas
i
 [ 8 ] .
try, reduced Behar and Munér,! and having taking large booty
Snitén Qutbu-d-Din sent him royal honours and a banner of
Sultdnship. Ho then brought many presents to the conrt of the
Sultan, and received great favours and distinctions; the grandees
of the court seeing they were powerless against him, becarhe
envions of him, and instigated the Sultan to such an extent that
one day he made him fight with a rogue elephant, * but he struck
the elephant so hard upon the trunk with a heavy club that the
elephant turned and fled. The Sultin waa overwhelmed with
astonishment to see this, and nominated and appointed him ruler
of the whole country of Lakhnauti’ in Bengila and sent him
away. Ja the second yoar after this arrangement Mohammad
Bakhtyéy brought an army from Behér towards Lakhnanti and
arrived at tho town of Nidiyd* with a small forco, Nudiys
is now in ruins, Ttdi Lakhmia (Liakminia®) the governor of that

1 Maner ville assez distingaée située aur la mve citéridure (du Gange) & 4
milles onest de Scherpour—(qui est 66 muillea, de Patna) Yembouchure du
Son (Sonne) se trouve entre Manor A l'ouest et ScherpourA Pest Le Son
Be jetto dans le Gange } de cosse avant Manér Tieff I. 423 note (a).
Behar the capital of the ancient kmgdom of Magadh 18 situated on the
Pauchénd mver Tioffenthaler describes it thus “ Une grande villo moma
peuplée aujourd’hut quille ne Te été, remarqnable par des tombeaux magni-
fiques de Mahométans (Shmkh Sharafuddiu Mani is banicd there).
Elle a é6 la cap‘tale outrefow dela provines. 8s distance de Pains
en
hgno droite est de 17 milles ”
See Hunter Gazeticer of India.
% On the occasion of a public audience beld by Qutba-d-Din in
the Qasr i-
Safed.
3 The ancient capital city of Benga! called originally Lakshmangwats,
and
poambly also Gaur Called Jannatabad by the Emperor luméyan Ser Afn-v
Akbart If. (Jarrett) 122, 181 also Imp, Gaz, art Gaur. See also Raverty
Tabaqdt-s-Ndari 559 note 2,
# Both MSS. !+ 39 Nudhy& Also Tabagdt-1-Akbart Soe Imp Gaz Nadya,
Nadiya or Nabadwip 1s on the wost bank of the Bhagirathi, 1t was toundod
by Lakshman Sen son of Ballal Son King of Bengal who 18 said
to have left
Gaur for Nadiyé owmg to the enpanor sanctity of the Bhagirathi at
Nadya
The name was called Nédia v1 til the time of Aurangzeb~
See Raverty op eat 559 nate &
§ Atn-r-Akbart 17, (Jarret! , 148 Tabaqui i-Nasi2, 655.
 { 8J
town who had heard from astrologers! the fame of Muhammad
Bakhtyér.and his great power, fled thence to Kamran, and property
and booty beyond computation fell into the hands of the Muslims,
and Muhammad Bakhtydér having destroyed the place of worship
and idol-temples of the infidels founded Mosques and Monasteries
and schools and caused a metropolis to be built called by his own
name, which now has the name of Ganr *

VERsi

There where was heard before the clamour and uproar of

heathen.
Now there is heard resounding the shout of “ Allaho akbar"
And after having the khuthah read and the currency struck in his
name,® having collected a large body of men, under the command
of Amfr Ali Masij* (Mich) he attempted to conquer the countries
of Tibet and Turkestan and twelve thonsand cavalry fully armed
and equipped arnived at a oly which they call Bardhan® A river

‘l For an account of the birth of Lakhmaniya sce Thbagqdt-:-Akbart which

relates that mm onder to delay the birth for two hours his mother caused her-
self to be suspended head downwards with her lega bound together tall the
Anapicious moment predicted by the astrologers to onsure his reigning for
eighty yoara arrived, immediately after delrvery of her cluld the mother died.
(see also Ravebty Tabagdt--Namr/, p 655)
8 There 18 no anthonty for tho statement that Gaur was ever known by |
the name of Mubammad Bakhiydr Concerning thenmame Gaur seo Hunter
Imp Gaz. Gaur
8 The recitation of the &b& or pubhe prayer in tho name of the new
Sovereign and the issuo of coms bearing his namo was regarded by
Muhammadan nations as constituting actual accossion to the throne and the
statement 18 probably incorrect
As to this passage see Raverty 559 nofe 3. See Thomas Pathdn Kings of
Dehh p. 37 and p. 110, and notes It appears unlikely that Muhammad
Bakhtyar issued coms in lis own name, as ho was nothing moro thar
Sipahsildr of the Sultén Muizzu-d-Dm Muhammad Sim moreover no such
coing are known.
* A chief of thotribos of Kanch and My called Alt Miy (Tubaqdt-i-Naga-)
tribes between Tibet and Lakhnanti
6 Regading thi the Tibaqdl-, Nagis aays that a cliel of one of the
 [ 8]
here crossed their ronte called the Brahmanputr,' which they alse
call Brahmkadi It is three or four times the size of the Ganges,
Shéh Garshasp¢ when he came to Hindustén built a bridge over
that river, and crossed it at Kémrad and went on his way. Muham-
mad Bakhtyér crossed by that bridge, and leaving certain of his
trusted genorals to protect the bridge and command the road,
entered the tertitory of Tibet, and spent ten days among the
mountains aud difficult roads, and at last arrived at a plain in

mountain tribes between Lakhnauti and Tibbat the Kanch-Mij-anud Tihérd

who aro all of Tmiish countenance (4 S42 5 Sem ) and speak #
lavguege differing both from that of Indi. and that of Tiblmt, adopted the
religion of Ieldm and agrocd to act as guide to Muhammad Bakhtyir whom
he conducted to a place where there 18 a city called Mardhan Kot (or
Bardban kot)* in front of which flows a vast mver called the Beng Mati
and when it entera the country of Hindustan they style it Sumundar in the
Hind{ disleot; in magnitude, width, and depth 16 18 three times the gizc of the
Ganges
From thia pumt the account differs, the Tibaydt-+-Ndnrt says that they
journdyed up the river for ten days amuny the mountuims till they came tv
an old bridge bailt of hewn stone, &c
Our text on the other hand states that they crossed the old bridge imme-
diately on reaching the river afte: which they journeyed for ten daya im the
mountains, &c.
Badéom's statement has more prim facie probability, the statements of
the Tubaydt-t-Ndauf moreover are somowhat confused and contradictory.
Neither anthor mentions how loug the caval y force took te reach Bardhan.
It seums fairly ceria fiom Baddoni’s account that the city of Bardhan
was on the near mde of the mver und that the ciosune of the river was
impracticable at that powt, how far it was from Kauiitd, where Badéoni says
they crossed by tho bridge, dves not appea
MS (A) od yt Abardin, MS (B) gop Abardhan
Tabaqat e-Nesu says Bardhau (Raverty 561 xofe 8). Calcutta text how
3,5 ws oe
1 Tabagdt calls tlis river the Bog-Mati (see Raverty 661 nufe 1)
For o full discassion of the identity of the mver crossed and the place of
ciosnng seo Raverty pp 561-505 ‘Lhe only additional nformation given
by the toxt is that the bridge was at Kimrdd, and it seems not imposmble
that it may bo the bridge of S11 Hako and the river the Brahmapatra though
Raverty thinks it was tho Leesta
® svo Ruvcity p 561 pole Wand Ain-» Akbarf ILL (Jarrett) 328 note »,
.
 [ 8 ]
which was a fort of great strength. the garrison of that fort who
were descendants of Gualtasp (that foit too was one of the build-
ings erected by Gashtasp) tame forth to fight, and fought so
bravely till nightfall that many men were lost on the side of
Muhammed Bakbtyar. He pitched his camp on that very spot,
and coming down received tidings that fivo farsangs beyond this
city there was another city! from which 50,000 Turks all warlike
and ready for battle would come to the relief of their city. The
following day Mahammad Dakhtydér not thinkmg it advisable to
remain there, and not being able to oppose them, turned back and
came to the head of the bridge. Before his arrival the Generals
in charge of the road had fonght among themsvlves, and the
infidela had broken two arches of that bridge. The army of
Muhammad Bakhtyér had this bridge m front and the infidela
kept coming up in their rear, and fought with determined
bravery. In that neighbourhood there was an idol temple of great
strength? They passed the mght there by some stratagem, and
in the morning a furd was fouwud, and a party of men who crossed
by the ford found the sand of the river was a sort of quicksand,
and the water of the river gradually growmg deeper and deeper,
the greater part of the scldiers of Muhammad Bakhtyar were
drowned in the ocean of destiuction, and the 1emnant which re-
mained became fuel for the fire of the infidel’s sword and attained
the exaltation of martyrdom. Muhammad Bakhtyar, out of many
thousand men, arrived at Deo Kot with some three or four hun-
dred only, and fell ill from vexataon and was attacked by hectic
fever® and used to say ‘no doubt Sultan Muhammad Muizz-ud-
Din Sam has met with an accent that fortune has gone so
agaist me.” And when weakness took possesmon of him ‘Ali
Mardén one of Muhammad Bakhtyar’s greatest generals arrived
at Deo Kot from the district of Narndli* and finding him

1 Called Karpattan (Tabaqdt-1-Ndsw{) see Raverty p. 667 and soles for a

fall account of Hakhtyar’s retreat and disasters
& Seo Raverty 670 note Y. rogarding tho posmble Jocahty.
8 T take this to bd the meanmg of Lhe text whl ye Sy amy,
» MBS. (A) and (B) ool See Raverty 572, note 7, where he oalls this
(SU Naran-koo,
 | 86|
bedridden, pulled down the sheet from his face and ruthlessly dea-
patched him with one blow of a dagger This event happened iv
the year’602 H after the death of Sultén Muizzu-d-Din. and after
the death of Sultén Qutbu ad-Din this samo Ali Mardén eventually
seized the rems of power by great craft, and promulgating the
khutba and shka of Lakhnauti in his own bame was styled
Sultan Aldu-d-Din, and from the excessive folly and pride and
arrogance of Ins mind sat quietly ur Lakhnauti and divided
the country of [ran and Tiidn among Ins adherents, and no one
dared to say “ these donmmions are outside the scope of the Sultan's
power why do you divide them?’ They say that some unfortunate
merchant lad a complaint of poverty before Alau-d-Din, who
asked “where does this fellow come from?” They answered
“from Istahin” then he ordeied them to write a document to
Isfahan which should;bave the force of an assignment of land to
him Ihe merchant would not accept this document, but the
Vaara did not dare to ropresent this fact and reported “ the
ruler of Isfaldnu, by reason uf fis travelling expenses and assem-
bling lis retinue tor the purpose of subjngatimg that country, 1s in
difficulties” He thereupon ordered them to give a large sum of
money far beyond his expectations; and when his tyranny and
oppression éxceeded all bounds the Amirs of Khilj consenting
together put him to death and raised to the throne Malik Husému-
d-Din Khilji who was one of the nobles of Khilj and Garmsir and
eno of the servants of Muhimmad Bakhtyér. The reign of Ali
Mardan lasted thirty-two years #
Auother was Malik Husainu-d-Din? abovementioned who
became possessed of the whole countiy of Tirhut and Bengala
and Jajnagar aud Kamriid and gained the title of Sultan Ghiyagu-
d-Din, ti) im the montha of the year 622 H., he sent to the Sultan
Shamso-d-Din Jyaltimish thirty-eight head of olephants and

1 C£ Tubeqdt-+-Népré 678. Ile would appoar to have been the subject of

expansivo delusions very hkely an early symptom of the general paralysis
which would have declared itself late: hrd he not beon removed.
§ Both MSS have Sle 999 qs” but as ao matter of fact Alf Mardan
reigned only two years and some months (see also Raverty 640 note 7 j
® Mank Husd&iau-d-Din ‘Iwaz
 [ 87|
seventy thousand fangaks! in cash as a present and acknowledged 61
the Sultan’s authority, as will be mentioned, if God (be He exalted)
so will it. And én the year 624 H. Malik Négirn-d-Din Muham-
mad ibn? Sultin Shamsu-d-Din went from Oudh to Lakhnanti at
the instigation of some of the Amirs,§ and Ghiydgu-d-Din* who
at that time had taken an army from Lakhnauti to Kémrdd turned
back, and fougnt a severe battle with Malik Nuésira-d-Din and
was taken prisoner together with the majority.of his generals and
was put to death. The daration of his reign was twelve years. §
The mention of these few kings of the regions of Hindustén
incidentally with the affairs of the Sultdns*of Dehli was both
opportune and necessary, and the affairs of the remaining Muizziyeh
kings who attained to the Sultanat of Multan and other kingdoms
are mentioned wm other places,
Suirdén Andu Sudu sw Qurev-p-Dfin Arak6
After his lather, sneceeded to the throne
In the world no family remains without 4 master
lf one departs, another takes his place ,
This too is the way with this deceitful world
Tho father departs, the son’s fovt 18 yn the stirrup.
By the consent of the Amis he marched from Lahore to Delhi,
Inthe menmtime Mahk Shamsu-d-Din Iyallimish, who was a
servant and adopted son, and son-in-law of Sultén Qutbu-d-Din,

' Lunyqah ‘For the value of this see J. R A §, New Series Vol.1 p 343
alsa Raverty 584 note 2. Thomas Chr. Pathdn Kinga of Deh pp. 161 and
p 49 nole
The milver tanyuh weighed 176 grains. ‘Chore was a com known as the
kang which was {4 of a tanqah, while another com waa introduced under
Muhammad Tughlag known aa the blaeh fimych which was £, of tne mlver
tanqnuh.
The valuo of the miver tanqth was about the same as the rnpee See Asn-t-
Akbart 111, (Jarrett) 362, nute 3,
8 The text should read ent uw ihe w MSS. A. and B.
% Mabh Jvzu-d Din Jém = Seo Kaverty, p 694, ote 1.
* Glnydsutd- Din Iwaz ... Hrsain Khilyf
6 Te wns the jast of the Muizzi Sultans accordmg to the Thbagdt.1-Ndaui,
§ Succeeded lus father m 607 I. Cf Raverty, 529, note 4. Thomas po 40.
 r 88j
and had tributary relations with Malik Négiru-d-Din Qabsché,
at the invitation of Sipah Salar Ali Isma‘il, hed come from
Hardwiér and Bad&un to Dehli and had taken possession of the
city and its country. When Aram Shéh arrived in the vicinity
cof Dehli Mahk Shamsu-d-Din came out against him in battle
array, and Arim Shah was deféated. The duration of his reign
was just a year. }
9Al] of us young and old are doomed to die
No one remains in this world lastingly
62 This is the way of the lofty sky It holds
In one hand a crown in the other a noose.

Suuzin Suamsv-p-Drw Ivarrrmise*

Called by the title of “ Yamin-1-Amir-al-Miminin ”
(Right hand of the Commander of the Faithful.)
In the year 607 H. ascended the 1mperial throne of Dehli; and
the reason of thé name Tyaltimish 1s that his birth occurred on
the mght of on eclipse of the moon, and the Turks call a child
1 Mimhaj-us-Sirey mentions that at Ardm’s death Hindustan was divided
into fout principalities. Sind in the possession of Naésirn-d-Din Qabachahs
Debli and its subordinate divisions belonged to Shameu-d-Din Iyaltimish.
Taknnauti was held by the Kindy chiefs ‘Al: Mardén having thrown off hia
allegiance on the death of Qnuibu-d-Din, and Lahore remamed a subject of
contention between the rulers of Sind, Dehli and Ghazum, See Thomas’
Pathén Kings p 40
3 Not wn either MS Those vorses are from the Shahniémah of Firdaast (vide
Suihnémab, Calcutia Edition, by Turner Macan, 1829, Vol I p 361, line
8, and Vol I p 872, lne 6 The editor of the text has apparently quoted
these lines fiom memory or possibly they were in the MSS from wlaph he
prepared the text
8 In MSS A and B this word 1s clearly wntten Gel! This text has
al
Tyaltrmish or Altamizh as he is generally called was the frat sovereign
who reigned in Dehlh with independent power He received a diploma of
investiture from the Khalif of Baghdad (Al-Muetangir bellih, A. HL 626]
amos unportart recognition tua Mukammedan sovereign and one that 18
remarkable as being the earhest notice taken by the drrogant court of
Baghdad of this new Indo-Mubammadan kingdom. (Thoma; p, 48),
 [ 89 Jj
born under these circumstances Iyaltimish.! His father was the
chief of many of the tribes of Torkestan. His kinsmen under
pretence of taking him for a walk took Iyaltimish into a garden
and sold him like Jogeph to a merchant, from there he happened
to be taken to Bokbaré, and thence in the tame of Sultan
Muhammad Sam to Ghaznin, and in these days Sultén Qutba-
d-Din after the conquest of Nahrwalah and the taking of Gujrit
bad gohe to Qheznin, and since without permission of Sultén
Muhammad Sam no one could purchase Tyaltimish he asked
permission from the Sult:n to sell him. Sultan Mubammad Sam
said that since he bad given orders that no one there should buy
that slave ‘they were to take him to Dehli and sell him there.
Sultan Qutbu-d-Din after ms return from Qbaznin bought a
slave named Ibak, a namesake of his own, and IJyaltimsh, at
Dehli for 100,000 tangahs at first he called him Amir Tamghdch,*
and appomted him to the Amirship of Tabarhindah,? and at the
time when Sultan Quthu-d-Din fought with Taju-d-Din Yaldiz,
Ibak hus slave tasted the cup of death At that time be made
Traltinoish an especial favouiite, and after the capture of Gwihdr
he made him Ciovernor of that place, aud subsequently bestowed
npon him the rule of Baran* and its environs, and since he
began to shew signs of extraordinary hardiness he entrusted the
country of Badain to him, and m the war of Muizzu-d-Din
with the Klukhars (as has been already related), Iyaltimish
having got together a huge army from Badéon and the foot
of the hills, jomed hands with Sultan Moizzu-d Din in the
seryice of Sultan Qutbu-d-Din, and armed as he was having
forced his horse into the river 5 engaged the enemy bravely several

t Concerning the origin of the name see Thomas, p 44,n0fel The note is too
long to transenbe here, but briefly it may be said that Mr Hedhoase to whom
the above text was submitted by Mr Thomas thinks it probable that owing
to errora of transcribers of the Turkish compound word the J has become
displaced and that the word should really be written ueeliny ay-tutulmash
=eclypse of the moon.
This explanation seems most plaumble In Turki the word sei}
aliamsh means the advancod guard of an army, or the number sixty.
2 glieb Ms A. gieb us B
8 Tabarhindah in MS. A is written Fda J,
# Bulend shahbr, (Thomas). Soe Hunte: Imp. Gaz. (p 141)
5 Bee Thbagdt-¢-Napii, It was the river Jhilaim.

12
 [9 ]
times: Sultén Muizzo-d-Din bestowed on him fitting honours
and distinguished him royally and gave him high fecommendations
to Malik Qutbu-d-Din, and went to the greatest possible lengths
in his care for him; and that same day Malik Qutba-d-Din wrote
his letter of emancipation, and by degrees raised him to the
diguity of Amir-ul-Umaré (Chief of the Amirs) till his affairs
reached the height they did. And in the beginning of his
reign certain of the Muizziyeh and Qutbiyeh Amirs rebelled
against him and suffered punishment and became food for the
pitiless sword. And Mahk Taju-d-Din Yaldiz after he
had suffered defeat by the Army of Khwdrazm obtained possession
of Lahore; Sultan Shamsu-d-Din commg from Delhi to meet
him in the year 612 H drew up in battle order on the confines
of Tarayan winch is known as Sera: Taldwari.! After a severe
battle Sultan ‘Taéju-d-Din Yaldiz beng defeated fell a prisoner
into the hands of Shamsa-d-Din who sent him to Badaon The
bird of bis soul there escaped from the prison house of the body
and took its flight to the nest of the next world His tomb is mm
that erty.
And in the year 614 H Sultan Shamsu-d-Din came into conflict
with Sultin Nagirn-d-Din Quabiécha who had marred the two
daughters of Sultan Qutbu-d-Din one after the other, and was
1n possession of Uchh and Multan, and victory rested with Sultan
Shamsu-d-Din, and for the thud time? Sultén Shamau-d-Din
went up 1n person aginst him. He, having fortified the castle
of Uchh, himself went to the fortress of Bhankar, and Nizamul-
Malk Wazir Jandi pursued him while the Sultén 1educed Uchh.
After hearing the news of the capture of Uchh, Nisira-d-Din
sent hus own son Bahram Shah into the presence of the Sultan
and sned for peace Bhankar also was captuted. And in the
year 615 H. Namra-d-Din was overwhelmed im the sea of destruc-
tion in the Punjab, and surrendered the property of life to the flood
of death, and the Sultan turmmg back came to Delhi In the
year 618 H. Sultdu Shamsu-d-Din raised au army against Saltan

1 Cf. Raverty, p 608, note 8

8 According to the Tazkwatu]-Mulik this was the fixst occasion in
which Sultin Shamsu-d-Din had sbewn hostihty te Négrued-Din Qabacha.
On the othe: hand the Tabagdt-+-Nomrt states that there used to be constant
contention between them Baddéomiig very likely correct im his atatement.
Sea Raceity p 609, uote 1.
 [ 9]
Jal4in-d-Din Mangburni! son of Kbhwérarm Shéh who having
suffered defeat at the hands of Changiz Khén after Téja-d-Din,
came to Ghaznin and thence from fear of the incursions of
Changis Khén had gone to Lahore with his family and, relations;
and Sultan Jalalu-d-Din not being able to withstand him went
towards Sindh and Siwwstan and from there by way of Kuch
and Makrén arrived at Kirmén and Thdq4
And in the year 622 H.® Sultan Shameu-d-Din, took an
army towards Behar and Lakhnauti and brought Sultan Ghiydgu-d-
Din Khbulji, who has been before mentioned, into obedience, and
having accepted the present above mentioned,* established the
khutha and skka in his own name® and having given his elder
son the title of Sultan Nagnu-d-Din Mahm4d* made him his her,
aud having made over that country to him returned to the
metropolis of Delli Eventually Mahk Nasiru-d-Din Mahmid
having fought with Gmyagu-d-Din on the confines of Lakhnanti
got the upper hand, and haying taken him prisoner put him to
death, and great booty fell to his hands which he divided into
portions and sent 1t as rewards’? to each of the nobles of Dehli. 66.
1 So called because of a mole which he had on his nose (Raverty 285, note 3).
He was the last of the Khwarazm Shahi dynasty He 1s said to have turned
devotee and to hive hved till 688 H (Raverty 299, note) There 1s some queation
as to the orthography of this name Thomas p 90, note 1, judgng from
inscriptions on Ins coins calls him Mankbainm, as he considers the dnal
letter to be Yn not gsi = ‘Lhe etymology given above 18 probably correct us
the word Save (meng) im Turki means grat de beauté while W3)y meang
“nea” (Dict Turk Orientale Payet-de Couiteile) the word originally being
wyyrtive meugbirin would m Persian have become altered m pronunciation
to Uyrhve mangburun and with the addition of the ya-i-nisbat ggisioe
Mangburani.
§ For a full reference to the bibliography of thia eapedition, sce Ethott II
549. See also Ain-a-Akban, Vol If Jarrett 343, and xofes D’Heibelot urt.
Geluleddin, Vol 1] p 87
8 Mistake in text PP where 422 H 19 in fignres.
4 “Thirty elephants and eighty lads of treagure.” , (Tubagdt 1-Napert )
& See Thomas’ Pathiu Kmgs. p 46 Jt 18 not said hore what kind of
coimage—Thomas puta the oa: 626 A H as the first of the silver coinage.
6 ogee? MS (A)
7 The word ela} in MS A is omitted in tke text after the word gsi@s.
MS A continues after the word gUanys as follows .—
OAS gale Blake 9 Gupte y eld daw 39 crn pad wlhley
 {[ 92|
' [Tt is well known that ® poet name Nigiri arrived in that eonntry
from Dehli in the service of Hazrat Khwéja Qutbu-d-Din Ushi A
may God sunctify him and said I have composed a Qagida in
praise of Sultén Shamsu-d-Din ead the Fatiba that I may
get the accustomed reward.” They road the Fatiha and he
having been admitted to the Sultdn's presence read this Matla‘.
Oh thou from dread of whom sedition has sought refuge,
Whose sword has sought from the infidels property and
elephanta.
The Sultén by the mere reading of that matla’ learnt it by
heart and repented it, and when the poem was finohcd he asked
How wany couplets does this Qasida contain ? The answor was fifly
and three. He thereupon ordered them to give lim fitty-three
thousand white tangahs *} Sultan Shamsu-d-Din in [the year] 623
H made an attack upon Rant!-anbhir4 and having bionght an
army thither reduced that fortress, and in the yeat 62! 1. having

bd jam yo Myre yf by fy Als wi Brdlee gol pydiee Eald sem? corey pas
wt veld} 31 es isin et ha Lt joe 5 dy? eta! yo gslaw 5 yy
wlengld (yal carte! 99 9 om glen Lert WLS shia Sah
«¢ .
if ° “6
yoy os iy)*
tyad cts) Baty sual G2 otlad
MB. (B) ready as followa dpe) pyiny ca 58. Cd ged wlklay
er _p2t9 Wyl Aus yo y oaitayS zario fy daly aayy Cop wld Sts
Shale ahah yy0tee Ral prs? cups 55 LS goldes Aileeny
} do not know what MS the Maulay, Alunad AK uscd for hia edition, but
is unnet have been esther of the MSs, to which T have ac
ceMsy
1 ‘the words im [ ] brackets are not found in either M&S L have
consulted. :
8 A famoug samt known us Kaki from the “ Kék”
or Cakes which were
supphed hy the prophet Khir for the sustenance of bus family
for whom
Ins devotions left Inm no lesure to make provision
See Aim-t-Ahkban 11
(Jarrett) 808, note 2 Hedied A H 68 4, and 1s baried
im Deh See also Ravort 5
p 621, mot 6, third para [Aim-2Akbars PL (Jan rett) 279]
3 Tho silver tangah prece of 1735 grain
* A figme of this fortrose is Given in Tiefenthaler
Vol I facing p 320,
plate xx He describes 1¢ as a fortress Ko situated at the head of a narrow
gorge thatat can be held sy “une poigné
e do soldat ” having a spring
of water ariaing from the rocks and
forming a stream which rong down
 [ 3]
detailed a large army to attack and capture the fort of Mandér,t
brought that fort together with the Siwdlik hills into the circle
of his conquest aud re. iuned to Dehli, and in this same year
Amir Rahdiui* who was one of the most learned men of that
time came to Dehli from Bukhiré in the affair of Changiz Khan,
and wrote several brilliant odes of congratulation upon these
victories, of which the following verses are an extract.

The faithful Gabriel carried the tidings to the dwellers in

heaven,
From the record of victories of the Sultan of the age
Shaman-d-Din,
Saying —Oh ye holy angels raise upon the heavens,
Hearing this good tidings, the § canopy of adotmment.
That from the laud of the heretics the Shahanshéh of 66.
Islam
Has conquered a second time the fort resembling the sky;
The Shah, holy warmor and Gh&zi, whose hand and sword
The »oul of the Lon of repeated attacks * praises
And there are also other many charming poems attributed to
him, of which the following ode 1s one :—
Fiom the tongue of the pen my own story I tell in the
words of the peu

to Scherpour two miles distant (Ths place is nut marked on Rennell’s map).
Besides this there are cisterns hewn out of the rooke in the fort to collect
the ran water It is entered by four gates approached by steps cut im
theo reachs
1 Or Mindawar (Tebayat-»-Namrf, p 611, note 3, Mandwar MS (A)
See Mennells map. Monorpour Loug 77 Lat 2%. ‘This fortress answers
apparently to the situation of Mandd or Mandawir ‘Jicfenthiar T dad,
mentions ‘Manoarpur ville de marque avec une forteresse a 15 untles Nord de
Dyepour" This is probally the fort here called Mandé
$Hakun Abu Bakriba Muhanmad Al Samerqand{.
® MS (A) wa havo instead of wot és agin the text, the words
wis &S which appeura a better reading, “the canopr of adornment,”
*

T have preferred if
s s
MS (B) has oy dls which iw evidently acopysst’s errorfor uy} dls

$ glyF yoam ha name of isle ‘Al who is culled Asad ‘Ullah or by the
Persians Shir-i-Khuda, ‘the hun of God,
 [ % ]
On the page of my life, thongh the writing of grief has
been traced by the pen
Since 1 lived in this world with the pen all my days have
been black as the pon
And swift as I write my account, so fierce is the point of
the pen
That like to my own gentle voice is the sharp lond lament
of the pen.
Although in the midst of my loss I roap always rewards
from the pen,
Still no one will mention my state to my Lord save the
tongue of the pen.
‘Tis from Kbwéja Mangir bin Sa‘id thrives the market of
test of the pen
That great one whose words load the burden of truth on
the van of the pen.
He has mousted his beautiful thoughts on the steed of his
swift ranving pen.!
In the road of just ruling he gallops, light holding the rein
of the pen.
His skill hand in hand with his wisdom reveals bidden
arts of the pen.

And in the year 626 H Arab Ambassadors came from Egypt*

bringing for him @ robe of honour and titles, and out of joy at this
they built triumphal arches in tho city and held banquets And in
this same year the tidings armved of the death of Ins son Sultin
Nagiru-d-Din Governor of Lakhuauti, and the Sultan, after com-
pleting the duties of mourning, gave his name (1.¢, NAgiru-d-Din)
to ns younger son after whom the Tabagat-1-Nésivi 18 named. In
the year 627 H., be proceeded against Lakhnauti and quieted the
disturbances of those regions, and after entrusting the govern-
ment of that place to Tzzn-l-Mulk Mahk ‘Aldu-d-Din Khbafi3
retnrned to the capital and in the year 629 H reduced the fortress
of Gwaliar. Malik Taju-d-Din the Secretary of State, wrote the

1 MB. (A) Sp! BSyS slow fy wld dy,

3 Tha must have been from Baghdad from the Khalifah Al Mastansir
Dallah See Raverty 616, note 2
3MS (A) crore ue (B) ik wills agin the toxt Tabagdt-t
Napré reads Alau-d-Din Jané Seo| p 618, notes
 [ 9 J]
following quatrain upon the taking of that fort, and they en-
graved it upon stone :-—
Every fort which the king of kings conquered
He conquered by the help of God and the aid of the faith:
That fortress of Kalewar and that strong castle
He took in the year six hundred and thirty. !
It is apparently the date of the siege which accounts for the
difference of one year, And in the year 631 H.$ having made
an incursion in the direction of the province of Malwah and
taken Bhilsé® and also captured the city of Ujain,s and hav-
ing destroyed the :dol-temple of Ujain which had been built six
hundred yeara previously, and was called Mahakél, he levelled it to
ita foundations, and threw down the image of Rai Vikramajit
from whom the Hindis reckon their era® (the author of this
selection, by the order of the Khalifa of the time, the Emperor,
the Shadow of the Deity, in the year 972 H and again anew ia
the year 1003 H*® with the assistance of Hindi pundits trans-
lated 32 stories about him which are a wonder of relation and
strange circumstance, from the Hiudui iutothe Persian tongue and
called 1t Néma-i-Khirad Afzi—) and brought certain other 1m-
ages of cast molten brass placed them ou the ground in front of
the door of the mosque of old Dehli? and ordered the people
to trample them underfoot and a second time he brought an army
against Multan ;* this expedition was in every way unfoitunate
} 26th of the month Snfar 630, AH (Tabaqdt-1-Nagirt), 1282, A D.
$632 H (Tubagdt-+-Napert) p 621, nofe 6
§ Bhilea on the Betwé, is a place of Hindd pilgrimage, im its neighboarbood
are many interesting Buddhist topes
# Ujjain on the S)pra, was in ancient times the capital of Malw&, and the
spot which marked the lst meridian of Hindn geogravhers. It was the
city of Vikramaditya See Hunter, Imp. Gaz, and ‘Tieff Vol I p 346.
& Ain-v Ahbare (Jarrett) II. 15, notes 2,3, Alberunms, (Sachau) Il 5,6 The
Samvat era commencing from 57 BC.
6 1564 AD. and 1604 Al) Al-Badéom ched according to the Tabagdt-1-
Shah Juhdad in the year 1024, AH. (1615 AD) | can find no mention of
the Nami-1-Khirad Afzié, and can offer no snyegestion aa to what this work
wale translation of poambly it was of one of Kalddsa’s pooma 98 y ys
calsy WJ} (B) 293 wahy ab (A) The text (C) ageeswith MS (2B),
7 See Imp Gaz art ” Dehh.
3 See Raverty 628, .0fe 8, who holde that this shonld :oad whi Maun,
Uvb MSS. (4 and B) have wlibe sale bus! i
 [ 9% J
for him, and a very severe bodily illness affticted him, he so returned
and came to Dehli, and in the year 633 H, (1235 A D ) left this
lodging hovse of the world for the eternal mansions of the next
world. The duration of his sultanate was twenty-six years.
Verse.

For this reason this heart-enthralling palace became cold.

Because when you have warmed the place, they say to you
Ruse!
And the prince of poets® (on hum be mercy) says —
$ [In all Hindustén you saw the dust of the troops of Iyalti-
mish
Look now drink your wine, others walk in his plain]
Jt 1s the same Dehli one would say, yet where is hin victori-
ous canopy ?
1t is the sare kingdom at all events, where has thai royal
dignity of Ins gone P
The earth 18 @ house of mourning, and mourns too for its
own sake
At the time of the birth of that child whom they see
weeping.
It is a well known story that Sultén Shamsu-d-Din was a man
of a cold temperament, and once upou a time he desived to consort
with a pretty and comely girl, but found that he had not the
power The same thing happened several times . one day the girl
was poling some o1] on the head of the Sultan and shed some
teais upon the Sultin's head = He raised Ins head and asked the
cause of her weeping, after a great deal of hesitation she answer-
ed I had once a brother who was bald like you and that reminded
me of him, snd I wept. When he had heard the story of his being
napiisoned it became evident that she was the own sister of the
1 Nazim.
& Mir Khuard Dehlavi A few translated selections from tho works of this
poet wall be found i Elhott, Vol mm p 524, and a notioe of the poet Instoman
at p 67 of the same volume His full name waa Yammu-d-Din Muhammad
Hasar, he 1s sad to have left behind him some half nulbon of versos He
was born iw 651 AH (1253 A.D )and died in 725 A.W (1925 A.D.) but
according to the dtash Kada bie death ocearred AH, 752(A.D 1351)
8 Nut in MS (A).
 { 97 J
Sultén, and that God 6e he glorified and eralted had preserved
him from this incestuous intercourse. The writer of these pages 69.
heard this story from the laps of the Khalifauh of the world, 1 mean
Akbar Shah may (fod muke Paradise his kingdom in Fathpnr
and aleo in Lahore, one evening when he had summoned him ito
the private apartments of the capital and had conversed with
him on certain topics, he said, I heard this story from Sultan
Ghiyaésu-d-Din Balban and they said that when the Sultan wished
to have connection with that girl her catnamenia used to come
on [and this occurrence was at the time of wiitiug].!
Surrin Rogno-p-Din Frroz Soin mw Suamec-n-Din
Who in his father’s time had several times been in charge of
the districts of Budaon, and afterwards had received the canopy
and staff of authority, and while holding the country of Lahore
was his hetr-apparent, succeeded to the throne by consent of the
authorities in the aforesaid year? and Malik Taju-d-Din his
secretary3 wrote this congratulatury ode 11 honour of his acces-
sion —
All hail to the everlasting kingdom,
Above all to the king, in his heyday of youth,
Yamino-d-Daulat Ruknu-d-Din ‘
Whose door became hke the Rukn-1-Yamani* from its aus-
piciousness

When he ascended the thione, he opened the doors of the trea-

sury, and gave full scope to lis taste for meting and wantonness
and indolence and s!oth, and used to spend bis piccious hours in
the company of prostitutes and vagabonds,
When thy heart inclines towards the wine shop
Except the tavern keeper ® and the umsieran who will
praise thee,

1 The words m brackets are not found in ether MS. 1: A) or (BR).

® 633 AH
8 MS (A) omtta » before yo
* The sonth corner of the Ka‘aba, a spot of special veneration to pilrrims
Burton’a pilyrimace to Fl Medina and Mecca, III, 162 Hughes Diec of
islam, 345) See also Miur's Life of Mahomet, IT 36, note
§ test MATA) us
13
 [| 98|
And his mothe: Turkan Khétin,! who was a Turkish alave girl,
has ing gaiued absolute power, used to vex the other concubines of
the Sultém against whom her envious heart burned,
in varioas
ways, and put to death Qutbu-d Din the eldest son of the
Sultin by another concubine. The treasury became empty, and
70 Miia ! ete Vnharmad Shah the younger brother
ot fe Sultan, who was ruler of Gudh, refasing to ackaow-
kedge Ins authority cevolted against him, and Malik ‘Izzu-d-
Din? and Kabir Khan Sultant governor of Multén, and Malik
Safa d-Din ferdatory of Linsi, entering into correspondence
with one another iaised the standard of opposition. Sultan
Ruknu-d-Din Firozg Shah bad arrived in the neighbourhood
of Mangarpir and Tarayan with the intention of quelling this
disturbance, and before this ovcunence Nizému-]-Molk Junaidi
the Waxiv and Agent of the territory of Hindustaa, fearing the
Sultan had fled to Kiligha:t’ and had .gone in the directionof
Kul and joined hands with Malik ‘Izzu-d-Din Muhammad Salari;
and other tiusty Amirs who had remained in the army having
fled from the vicinity of Mangi:pir went to Dehli and having
sworn* fealty to Razziyah Khatin who was tho eldest daughter
of Sultan Shamsu-d-Din, and his heir apparent according to her
father’s will, and a woman endowed with excellent qualities,
Lrave, gencrous, and iutellient, :aised her to the throne and
nnpiscued Turhén Khatin When the Sultan having returned
fiom the army, ariived at Kilukhari, the troops of Sultan Ragziyah
went out to meet him, and having seized him withont fighting
imyprmoned him, and he died im prison.’ The duration of bis
dein was six months and a fraction.

U Suih Turkan, ety led Khadiwanda-1- Johan

2 The Tabaqdt i Name? guys, “ Mahk ‘Izzu-d-Din, Mahammad Salari who
was the feadatory of Budiin broke out intu rebellion and in another dires-
jin Moihk‘lazad-Din Kalu Khan Ajay feoffee of Multan, Malik Saifa-d-
Din Kup feudatory of ITanei, and Melik Alau-d-Din Jani who held the fief
of Lahor umied tex tie "and revolted Raverty pp. 638, 634,
8 Rilukhart, asut) or of Dohli
AUS (1) Wyle dus,s
B inthe yeaa db IX8th of Rabi n-l-Awwal
fig death wis orolably due roa volence, occurnng as it did acrording to
Munkey tk Sua, ou tle duy of iy scazare and imprisonment. Ses Raverty, p
G3G, nole 4,
 { 9 ]
Do not set thy heart upon the world, for it in a stranger
Like the singer who is every day in a new house.

Among the poets of that age [aud the master of that time]!
of Rukna-d-Din was Shihab Muhamra Badaoni® as Mir Khusri§
on him be mercy says it ane of his opening odes
In Budéon Mabamra rises intoxicated from sleep
If there comes forth frum this melody the sound of the
birds of Dehli

And Maliku-l-Kalam Fakhru-l-Mulk ‘Amid Tilaki* mentions

him as a master* and since the rpeech of the modern (poeta) after
the appearance of the cavalcade of the Prince of poets has be-
come like the stars at the time of the raising of the Lanner of 7t
the glorious sun, and like the seven poems® at the time of the
descent of the inspired revelation upon the best of men, and the

1f[ aot in MS. (A).

® The name is wrongly given in MS. (A) MS. (B) and the text. The real
name of this post is Shihibu-d-Din ibn Jamilu-d-Din Mntmnra ( Syeke ).
He was known as Shihib-i-Mutmara. The verse here quoted should be as
follows:
byole le sya 9) came wily 0 39
Ly WH} gles wisys Seti JF oy—idy
In Madaran Shahab-1-Mutmara maes intoxicated
if he hear the sound of the siaming of the birds of Dehli in this
melody.
Vide Majma‘w-l-Fugahd, Vol I page 3f't
§ Mir Khnara, the colebrated poet born at Patiala 651 A‘ Died 725 A He
the author of 99 poetical works (Beale (Mr jna‘u-]-Fusahi) see note 4, page 68.
# MS (A) gsSy! Liyaki We should rend ‘Amid Limoli, Fakbro-l-Malk
Khwaja ‘Amidu-d-Din commoaly known as ‘Amid Tulami, the panegrrist of
Suljan Mubammad Yamia, said by eome to hase been a native of Gilin,
called aleo ‘Amid Limaki. Maymu'w-i-Fugahe 1 353.
* 6 MS. (A) Uses.
$ The wala) f= or seven poems. The well-known poems of the
Jahitiyat or pre-Islamic age
Bee Introduction to Ancuent Arabian Poetiy, by C.J Lyall, pp. xxxi (Effect
of al-Islam on the old Poctry) and xiv (The Mu‘allaqat).
See also Noldeke {Beitrige cur Kenntniws der Poesie der alten Arabe,
Pp. xvii and seq.
See also Arabian Postry (Clouston) pp 3x1 and seq
 [ 100]
concealed as by #
Lord of the world on him be peace, remains
rning them, pay more they
curtain—men speak and write less conce
y in harm ony with the
do not even possess them—accordingl
of it, I have thong ht it in-
saying, The first comer has the best
odes from that emine nt author
cumbent upon me to include o few
and
as & benediction and blessing, in this composition of mine,
to leave a memorial for his friend s, and to establ ish my own con-
nection with the master, and to display upon the dais of evidence
the excellencies of that doughty kmght of the arena of elo-
quence, and more especially to fulfil the demands of fellow-citi-
genship The master poet Shihab! Muhamra [Badaoni] then says
as fullows. -

I am Alif in the table of existence and of no value asa sign.?

My existence depends upon the duration of the existence of
others, my own existence is transitory
I stand at the end of the row in the hope of obtaining »
better position, having rested from all movement with the
attributes of insigmficance
I have not the attribntes of Alif for Alif has no crookedness. *
All my writing has become crooked on the page of desire
There 1s the song of the nightingale, the rose is happy , while
I am careless like the lijy.t

1 See note 5, page 70

9 Alf standa for 1, m the numerical valne of letters, and 1s looked Tpon as
having vo mtrmsio value, but merely serving ag the starting place o1
origin for other numbers
Tn ste hteral value algo rt if wil (Sle that is, it has no capability of
being pronounced tall 1t 18 compounded with some other mgn such as
hamza
¢ Abf must stand at the end ether of w word agin (& tayd,
ora sytlable
pain walS qumut The Alif at the commen enent has a hua
* MSS (A) (B) sya cof
6 The hiy ws said by the porta not to he affected
by the song of the
nightingale and to remain speechless, ef Hitz

CS Cri OT L100 9m habs cmflacn

Pity it is thai snch o nightingale as I jivin gin such a gard

40 sweet a tongue should be silent as the hily garden and having
 { 101]
Like Alif I have no tongue, what have I to do with ten
tongues! ?
Since I can seize it* while thus at rest, Why should I
puraue P ‘
Since I cannot see openly how can I follow a hidden path P
By stratagem, I can recognize no distinction betweet. earth
and heaven, although J am like the heaven in my whirling,
and like the earth stationary
Tam not like water in freshness, nor like fire in sublimity,
nor hke the wind in sweetness, nor like the earth in
heaviness.

1 The ten tongues of the lly are of frequent mention in Persian poeiry,
cf. Hiifiz .
Este op Wj 39 St eyegee whmed
08 b wrtd yo City) Uy dye
Were Hafiz ke the hly endowed with ten tongues
His hips in thy presence would 1emain scaled hike the Ips of the rosebud.
also
oby pam et a—— El gy 5

crepe op pel ob3 SF yh dane

J att alone utterly heedless of thy cvpreas-hke form
Even though hke the lily my bods were cleft mto tonruce
The lily wey Sieanis of four varities The white vaniety 18 called
Stisan-t-dzad, seo Burhdn-1-ydtv' 8 v wae, according: to the Bahru l-yawdhar
its properties are those of heat and dryness and tt 18 useful m the hoadaches
of fever,
Tho Makhzanu-l-adwiya states that tha word Sésan 1s an Arabicised form
of the Syrian Sisdén? The erticle may be consnited for farther mformation
regarding the varetics and properties of these likes. The linear leaves of
the lily are compared to tongues
FMS, (B) ppSuye MS. (A) orice
The text should read —

$499 ny py Me WHET phse

ghey? By 90 Fe {SAI pam OY gp
5 pte byl pruebas eben} J} sls
olny WY eesre soyS tyitet LDre
*
 [ 102 ] .
ar elements.! Iam composed of
Jam not made out of these for
The refuse of the sewer water
the efftavia of the kennel.
has boasted of piety §
ato have taken to praise
My wisdom, as thongh incarnate, seem has girded its
my faults, avarice,) huge aa & mountain,
my
loins for taking presents.
lam become fixed in the way of avarice, not a sign of trath
remains in me. The oppression of my vices has over-
whelmed tho mercies of the Sacred Book.
al appe-
My greediness has so deceived me that the five sensu
tites hive tuken away from my heart with disgr ace the
blessings of the readings 4 of the ‘ashars
My inner natuve as well as my body 1s devoid of meditation
and recollection My eye like my ear is inchned to the
singing women and their song»
I desire brilhant speeches to fall from my tongue which is hke
a well-tempered sword. My pen has made me bent like a
sickle ® mm the pursuit of my daily bread.
My speech has failed me becanse its glory wasin the relation
of thiastory Yes! all thi loss of honour was owing to
mordinate dese for bread
Tam that mean one, less than the Jeast, who am not worth a
groat,6 if you think me wort a barleycorn, you will not
buy me for nothing

I For the constituiion and properties of the four elements, see Sadidi,
(Amati Lathograpluc Prone, Edition 1244 A H, page 7) wif Wy oe!
Bahsu-l. Arkdn, two of the four arc Neht and two of them are heavy Fire
wa Absolutely bght, wr is relatiwety lyght Farth ws absolutely heavy while
water 18 relatively hev,y The three lungdoms (animal, vegetable and
mineral) are composed of an admixture of these four elements

2 MSS (A) (B) oa sly yes pau she wii &

fab CY; Guhyy odlos
8MS (A) prob

# The reading of the Qur'an, which ia divided mto portions called ‘cshas
consiscing of ten Ayata
5 The tye. a bill-hook or reaping hook, 18 curved hke a sickle and very
sharp = It 1s also called Urld das, (Burhan-.-Qatr')

¢MS (A) pore Sie’

 [ 103]
Oh Shihab it is strange thatyouin this ro of kingly affairs
are neither the Amir of the Exght Sqnares ! nor the Kmht
of the Seven Places ®
Yon are not an angel, nor are you a devil, from what workshop
are you? Youare not a sojourner nor yet a traveller,
from what court are you ?
Your heart and intellect are careless of the tortures of the
grave, you have dressed yourself in Girkhani alk. §
You have become utterly regardless from lust, owing to desire 73.
for license, from urgent desire, by means of false accusatipn
you have planted the foot of success,
Sorrow for the tulip-cheeked beloved has shut fast the donr of
your wisdom The vein of your eye has shed blood from
desire for the cup of red wine,
You are corrupt like the wind, you stand paralysed hke the enith.
Youarea pear! of transitory existence, ashell empty-mouthed
With breath hke the burnmg hghtning you are the enchanter
of bad and good: with heart hke a flint, you are the
whetstone of dry and moist.
Naturally with desire you revolve like the sky in its figure-
designing, from your youth basting with giced, you are
hke a child in weakness
You carry the sorrow of the seven (heavens) and the four
(elements) in your heart, and every moment fiom pride you
are put to a hundred thousand devices in the performauce
of one gennflection
You are as coarse as the earth, and yet your speech is always
of the moon in the heavens ; you will not reach * the dignity
of a king from the station of a doorkeeper.

1 Tre Wazir at chess

“The Wazir having a straight move can be placed on all the squares winch
shows the great honour and advantage attached to rectitude of conduct”
Bland On the Perman game of chess, J R A § XIII, p 1).
$ The seven labours of Isfandiyar, see the Shah Nama (Turner Macan)
Vol Il, pp. 1126 and seqg
8 Girkhan, the hereditary title of the kings of the Kara Khitai, the mean.
ing of the title being “‘ universal king.” It muat not be confoanded with the
title of Garkin which was a Mongol title bestowed upon all who were allied
by marnage with the house of Chingiz Khan
See Ti ikh.: Raehidi, Elias and Ross, p 278, note.
MS. A we? I prefer gay aan the test.
 | ws |
n for a
y have not attamed eve
You yourself owing to frivolit
moment, freeing your ‘elf
from the :mperfections of the
es at state d times
ysorld, to the religions duti
may you be mformed at least
fyum the advice of the holy men
onee, that in these two worldsat any rate! you are famous
{ur erentmg dissensions
t a4 piide springs from
Pervargity springs from y our hear raylucas does
foohshuess Evil auses fiom your body es
from youth
crisy, the blast of
You are the moisture of the gul let of hypo
of the garden of
the forge of tyranny, you we the flower
befouls the reservoir
inordinate dusue, aud the mud which
of the soul,
jou spring from,
74. When present you mell the soul, perchance
m your ode you scatter snow ®
the heat of Tamiz?,
perchance you are of the breath of aviumn
,
You like # child seek throughout your Ife after vain images
from you fancifalness {he sorrows of time have made you
old im your youth,
Poetry 1s but a desire, and its metie 1s like the mirage which
is vor of water This breath of hfe 1s gnef to me, but its
savour is better than the water of life
When yom desue becomes collected thal fancy becomes en)oy-
ment, when you breathug 1s harmonious, 16 becomes
peattere) ol pearls
How long this deste of ihe imagmation * make one breath
pearl-scattering in praise of that man whose equal wisdom
has uot sen oven from the beginning
LMS (A) coy
2 mdz "the fuuth month of ihe Jewish year orgmnally sacred to the
god ‘Lammaz, see Kzehud vin 14 “ and behold there sat women weeping for
Tammiz,” Tammi was a deity of the Phamnicians called by the Gieeks and
Romane Adons The word signifies “dissolution” or “difluence” see
Gexenius a v POE See dso Alluruni’s Chronology, (Sachan) pp 68-82
Vanmuz was comceldent with the ann’s position m Cancer which 18 called the
horoscope of the woild because by ita creatiun ti + erextion of the four elements
becune completo, and by ther becoming complete all growth became
complete (Alyirini) Cotresponda to our Jaly, the hottest mouth of tl
Persinn summer °
3 When+ any ono's’ specch is not considered pleasipg the Persians say of him
atau! @ (ends Kaldmash yr!) ast Has speech 18 ace,
 [ 105}
The King of the throne of “Kun”! is Mubammad who
pitched the tent of dignity by the side of the door of the
Protector (God) from the house of Ummahani.®
He was a mortal of angelic beauty, a sky with the lowliness
of earth. Like the sky he was pure in body, like the
Angels he was pure in soul,
He was a pearl whose place was in the treasury of God, and
he was a moon whose brightness shone forth from the sky
of eternity
He was such a pearl that nothing of more value than his
nature was ever produced by the medium of the elements
from the sea of heaven.
He was such a moon that in every early morning the face of
the star of Yaman became black as coal from ghame at his
cornelian-hke lips.
So sweet tongued a prophet that the salvation of his disciples
comes by faith im his words,* from the eloqnence of his
utterances.
So eloquent in pear]-like speech that the beauty of his utterance 6.
makes the heart’s blood hke the hidden wealth of the mine,
a royal treasure.
The brightness of the eastern sun is shamed by the beauty of
his face, and the stature of the cypress of the garden is
bowed before the perfect uprighiness of his form.

1 In the technxal langnage of “ili philosophy (yf lun is called

yr pe ‘dlam-y-amyr the world of the orde:, o1 potentiahty ws jakana

w called hla pe ‘Glam-1 bhalg tho world of creation, or the maternal world,
8 Ummahani, daughter of Abu Tahs, the uncle of Muhammad, and sister
of ‘Ali. The reference 19 to the nocturnal j journey y of Mubammad called
gl” mi‘rdj (the ascent) which toek place from the house of Ummebaui.
When Muhammad awoke from his Vision in which he seemed to have prayed
in the temple of Jerusalem, Ummahini atiompted to prevent bun from gong
out of the house and telling the Vision to vthers, thus exposing himself to
mockery from unbelievers See Muu Life of Muhammad 11 220
® Ms. (A) (B) gt tlie da gm, The toxt as it stands is meaningless.
# MS (A) db; foie, The toxt and MS.(B) have “asl foxely
which is evidently wrong for two reasons Firstly, because of the sense of
tho pass2ge, aud secondly, the wees’ between giuis and dlls
14
 [ 106|
ted the way of absolute
By his accotntantship he has adop
he has opened the door of
monarchy; and by his eloquence
auspicious government.
revelation has drawn him
The attraction of secret desire, by
world to the ocean of
fiom the expanse of the natural
apim tual existence
beeame intoxicated
By the good tidings of his friend, his heart Qabéfah } has
with the hope of a mevting. The son of Abu
drunk from the eup of Ia friendstup.
the decrees of God.®
His speeches have founded a fortress § for
of it, by right
‘Umar by lis justice became the builder
government.
in this way,
One, third 1 order,* has placed the footstep
-
whose path to the enjoyment of this world was not obstruct
ed by pride
His fourth pillar was ‘Ali’ who at the time of battle made
the face of the sun pale from the ghite: of his sword.
Oh, King! J eutreat you by your friends deliver me during
the whole of my hfe® by your aia trom the calamity of
foolish friends.
my
He who demanded from me? this Qasida, may his life like
Qugida be ornamented with the jewels of meauing ——

I Abii Bakr, whose original name was Abdu! Ka‘bah Ibn Abi Qahafah He
was the companion of Muhammad in his thght to Medina
2 by, A frontier forties. The same word 18 used in more recent timer to
magnify a traveller's rest house or caravangarai,
3 . . ae
ye sles MS (B). If we read b a qsias we must translate
“ for the expause of the truth he has founded a rampart ”
’ ,
4 glans, ‘Usman- the snrd Khalifa,
<
who was nch and thos able to enjoy
vie wt poe the good things of this hfe.
© yf 26 ay ls Mx (A) ‘Ali the fourth Khalif whose sword li) ,5
Zi l-pqir ‘
(See note 2 page 774), was brough
from heaven, and by him given to ‘AN. ent by Gate to Nobanmed
© Text sllayly poe das M8. (A) reads silt jigs ays and MS. (B)
of Ley!tyly ye! dot both of which are wrong. Only the firat half of the Qasids
3B given in the Mujma‘ul Fugahé,
7 Text && wt) MSS (A) (B) have yee
 { 107
The following Qasida also he wrote, imposing upon himself the
necessity of introducing the words “hair” and “ant,” in a de-
claration of the unity of God and in praise of the Prophet, mey
the peace of God be upon hem

Although with my tongue, I spht hairs at the time of dis- 76.

course, still in the praise of God, by reason of amazement, I
- am dumb as the ant.
1 And in the pursuit of the fairy-faced ones with chaivlike
locks, through desire often have I bound fast, Like the ant,
m: life to my waist with my heart,
And for the sake of the ant-eyed and sugar-lipped ones, in my
faney I have bored the hair of speech a hundred ways by
way of tmal,
That T mht have a store hke the ant,’ in his praise I have
cleft the hair mto halves, and have not 1eccived one jot
from any one in recognitwwn.
Henceforth, lke the ant, I will gird my lozns at the door of
the Incomparable one, and from the root of each hair,’ with
a hundred tongues will I proclarm his gracious aid
How can I open my lips, T that.am voiceless as an ant and a
fish Nay rather will I make each hair a tongue to scatter
pearls,
With this ant-like writing and these sugar-hke words,’ by
means of poetical arrangement | will spht the hair in the
declaration uf the unity of God the discerner of secreta,
That God to whose workmanship each several hair bears
witness, and all that exists, ant and fish and snake, wild
beasts and birds, men and genix.®
He who alone is self-existent, and 13 not within the bounds of
computation, from whose wisdom in both worlds nothing
18 hidden, neither the track of the ant nor the pomt of the
hair.

1 MS.(A) cops jy
3 MB. (A) copy 9
BMS (A) (pAssyh
90 yh upSy
#MS (A) 31 SS wipe gh
5 Insert, in text after uray MSS (A) (B)
© MS, (A) cpele ft mw
 { 8]
If, though as a single hair, His favour 1s shed upon the egg
of an ant, from it there will issue in 2 sngle moment&
hundred Jamshids, each one hke a hundred Jamshids.
If, though as a single har, he lets fall ns wrath upon an
elephant, the elephant will experience that which the
cub of the raping lion suffers fiom the ant?
a7 The intellect hein cannot understand, even by a hair's breadth,
the reason why the offspring of the powerful lion should
hecome the prey of the powerless ant.
In lus decree there 14 not the space of a hair's point open te
“ertiasm, even thongh he shold give the kingdom of a
Sulomon to an aut without recompense 8
By iis deeroe, the shape of the ant and the lion are
similar, and by his at the colour of hair and bone are
opposites
By lis grace at 15 that every haw has knowledge of him, and
from his eqmty it comes to pass that there is a§ guardian
over every ant, that 3dust in the palm is endowed with
chomwval properties, and water m the sea hecomes ennverted
into pearl,* that the ant appears to the eye as a diagon,
and a hair of the hmbs as a spear

1 Yt sand that the ants attack the newly born hon

cub as yet unprotected
by har and kiltit. The Araby call the ant J ato plo
Fither Busy and
4,3 (ft Mother Turnabout, und have some Cutiona
legends about them and
regaid them with somewhat of superstitious
awe = They eny that to see ma
dreun ante entermg a house betokens prosper
ity to its owner, While to see ante
Gawling on the carpet betokena prolific offapri
ng The appearance of flying
ality) 8 house where there as 4 rick person
botohens Ins death, and on no
mount, they sav, should aunty be pelunit
ed to crawl over any one lying sick
(Maretn d Haina) They Kay also that the ant has no stomach,
hyos upon the ait it breathes, and that iw end that it
never sleeps
§ Seo Qur'tn, xxvu 15-29
BMS (A) of
§ ley wtybd Quits dts Karsan The drops of rain fallmg in the mont
of Nisin ae said when recowved h
into the Bhell of the oyster to beco
converted into pemls (Qheyean | (nghe me
t) Nein {Burkdns Qats') or Nisin
was tho first month of the Jewish 3 che Correapondin
g to the month of April,
see Kaodus xn 2,2 4, Albrran’, Chronology (Sachau) 62,
and segq
PMS (A) lee bayys}
coge y Lea} pi50ese
 [ 109 ]
Oh Thou by whose power hair and blood and bone take shape,
Oh Thou! who art surety for the daily eupply of food to
bird and ant and snake and fish.
In the body of every ant there isan exact account of thy
equity, on the point of each hair there is a boundless praise
of thy bounty.
The eye of thy mercy provides® sustenance for every ant and
locust. The hand of thy favour tints the hair of all both
old and young.
The pen of thy skill shews® that of which a manifest sign
is shewn on the body of every ant, aud appears on the end
of every hair.
The mole on the cheek of the brides appear like spota ona
mirror. :
The ha on the face of kings appeara hike ants upon the
Arghawin.*
By thy order 1¢ is that the stomachless ant 1s hungry in
the way
By this bounty it 1s that the motionless hair upon the body
is satisfied.

YMs (A) w
3 MS (A) oy cslg salads ype The reading im the text ope gol
2?

18 preferable
B MSS (A) (B) dules cate Fold
4 The Arghawin, or (Arabce) Arjuwan w according to the MakAzanu I-
Adwiya, a tree which grows in Persia, bearing a brillantly 1ed flower of
beantiful hue but shght odour, havi a swecush taste It 19 uged as a
dessert by the Persians by whom 1t18 regaided as an exhilarunt, and ag
eléaring the voice = [ts wood 18 soft and Jight [The article from which the
above 1s cxtracted may be consulted for an account of its proper ties).
The Burhans Qalt states that o dink 18 made from the flowers which
reheves the after effects of drinking, and the ashes of the burnt wood are used
as a hau dye aud harr restoret
Vullers-Loxicon Pers Lat states p 81° Hac arbore designan sidetur arbor
dudae +e Corcis siliquastrum (Linn), ef J A, 8 1845, Dec p 457
That the dye obtained from it 19 of blood colour appears from the lmes in
the poum (Mu‘alfuqah) by Tha Kulsum, whore he writes
9
Laake 5) wipe yh (rom par y Wao bu Lyd lf

As though huth ow garments aud tires kad been dyed oi besmeared with
Arpiuoedn,
 [ 1]
door even by
1 He who did not tarn away ® Ina head from your
to
a heirs’ breadth, the ant, although tongueléss, began
praise him like the hzard é ,
ant became sleeple ss and fasting 10 devotion
Wheu he hke the
he
to you then without doubt with the sword of the finger
split the moon 1ato two parts hke a hair* —
He waa a sign hike the true dawn. hair-sphitting in lis speech,
His followers were as successful as ants in opposing the
scorpions of rehgion.
The silvery body ef the seven heavens, would become ( black)
hike ants, when he east aside the covering from his dark
locks.

1 The poet passes on from the praise of the Almighty to praise Mubammad.
BMS (A) dagtipe
oe
The metre shens this reading to be right
8 This story 15 related as follows in the Havatucl-Quiab jae
Que day the Prophet was sitting alone when an Arab came who had
caught a hzard and had tin hia sleeve He asked the people who that was
sitting there, they answered God's prophet, he rephed, addressing Muhammad,
“ |} swear by Lat and ‘Uzzi that 1 consider you my greatesi enemy and were
1 not ander an cath to my tmbe, | would certamly till you.” The prophet
said “ Accept the trae faith” The Arab cast the lizard from his sleeve and
said “I wall never accept the faith till this lizard does” Then the prophet
spoke to the lizard saying, “ Oh thon lizard” The lizard anawercd him in
chowe Arabic saying “ Lam thy sorvaut, Ob thou ornament of the Muslims.”
The prophet naked “ Whom dost thou worship?” He rephed “ That God who
iain Heaven and Karth, whose kingdom is m iho earth and his wondera m the
gen, and his marvels in thedesrris Him ] worship who knows “hat 13 an the
womb, and has ertablisbed lus pumshment in the fire” The prophet asked
“Who aml’” the hgard rephed, ‘ ‘thou art the prophet of the upholder of
the world, and the seal of prophecy He is rnghtly guided who behevea in
thee, an he i los: who demes thee" The Arab said —‘1 require no more
cogent proof than ihe; when 1 approached thee, I had no greater enmity
to any one than to thyself, bat now I hold thee dearer than my hfe, my father
and my mother” (Hasétu-l-Quitb by Agha Muhammad Biqir Majlis)
‘4 ph fc Bee Qar‘in, Surah 54. “The hour draws nigh, and the moon
weaphi asunder ” (Sacred Books of the Kast Yol.IX) In the sgl!) who
Hevatu-l qulth » MS copy of which dated 25th Zdl Hijyah 1087
A. H.
(1676A 1D) wbefore me 1 find the following socoant of the
miracle per-
formed by the prophet Muhammad st Mekka. “The tribe of Qoreish
sooght ass sign from Muhaminad the performance of some
miracle, the
Prophet pmnted to the moon and by the power af God Most High it
aplit into
two halves A trustworthy Hadw by Hasrat Imim Ja‘far Sadiq has
come
down to us, relating that fourteen infidels who were
demrous of working
 [ mW ]j
He lived like ants upon the earth in the midst of poverty,
For this reason the heaven appeared ia his eyes as inferior in
value to an eyelash.
In that place where the angels would have always cast their
wings like ants, *
If he had placed his foot even one hair's breadth beyond his
- abode.
In intercessiou from the lightness of bis spirit he split » hair,
So that, for the sake of an ant, iutercession was uot heavy to
bim even by the weight of a hair.
If for the sake of an ant one fell into error, he would make
his excuse.
He remained without bounty if he was not thankful in the
least.
On that night when he canght the least glimpse of that
illuminated dwelling
Wings® grew upon him like the ant in his desire for the
infinite.
Having cast his eye upon the fat morsel of the world which
perishes Jike a hair, he closed the avecuues of his appetite
against this turquoise-hued table,’ like the ant
the prophet’s destruction came to him on the evening of the 14th of
Zal Hiyeh and aaid to him, ‘Every prophet has shewn some wonderful
nuracle, so this evenmg we desire you to shew us some great muirecle.’
The prophet ssked what miracle they desired him to shew them. They
replied, ‘1f you have any power from God order the fall moon to
divide into two halves, Thereupon the angel Gabriel came down from
heaven and sad to Muhammad, ‘The Lord of heaven aud earth sends greeting
and has ordered all things to become obedient to you.’ Then the Prophet
raised his cyes to heaven and commanded thé moon to divide mto two halver,
wherenpon it split into two parts, and the prophet knelt to show hs gratitade
to Almighty God. ..,.... .. All authorities relate thas this took place in
Mekha; and further it is related thai when certaon travellers arrived they
said in answer to questions ‘ We tuo saw on that night that the moon was in
two halves’ Consequently ihe infidels beheved that 1t was a true miracle
and not merely magic” He alao relaies that thene infidels imposed upon
Mubammad the tesk of restoring the moon to ite onginsl condition, and also
of tarning one-half of the orb of the moon black whilv the other half was
bright.
LUG. (B) strtee coye.
aMS (A) onf “ye
FMS (A) ly Bays ord}
 [ uz j
ion
For tho ants of rehgion he carried away *s0 much provis
an eviden ce
that there remained on the point of each hair
of that bounty ! for ever and ever.
Oh thou Creator, I have made every hair a tongue, but yet
like an ant I complain in my heart of my voicelessness
to sing thy praise.
If thou hadst ulummed the eye of the ant hke the threaa
of hair, without the permission® of thy mercy this caravan
would not have passed.
Lam hke an ant in water, or ike a hair m the fire, becanse
this sugar-scatterimg mind of mine 18 not fit for this rela-
tion 8
Ihave the foot of effortin the stirrup of devotion to you
hike the ant, as long as one single hair remains of me*
I will not desist from this endeavour.
How can my burden be m the least degree lightenea apart
from thy consent ? How can I gird my los hke the aut
through avarice,® in the service of this one or that P
Althongh like the aut I have been crushed by the (iron)
hand of desire
Yet I never contemplated the slightest idea of profit or Joss
apart from thee
Since this 1s from thee I am happy, althongh my heart is
distraught and paimed, my heart 1s hke the eye of the ant
and my® condition 1s hke the hair of tho heart-ravishing
one

If the ant brought the foot of a locust into the presence of

Solomon, Shihab would have come headlong to thy door
with the feet of his soul about his head as hair
The ant of thy generous table O Sah showed him (Shihab)
that path of rectitude.

1MS (A) road,

3 MSS (A) (B) Jom (gi,
MSS (A)(B) yiats
* MBS (A) (B) Slo eye coye oh pyld
yy Lye
5 MSS.(A) (1) oTy Got re Lee
6 MS (X) allay
 [ usy
O Lord! grant him protection in crossing that hair like
bridge | over the fire
On the point of each hair of his you have a handred favours,
for this reason that the heart of an ant is not vexed by
him by so much as a hair's breadth in the world
Oh Lord !§ keep a watch upon the enemy of the king's domi-
-nions, for this is best, that he should be as a hair in the fire
and as an ant in the running water.

And he also wrote in praise of Sultan Ruknu-d-Din Firox

imposing upon himeelf the necessity of introducing four things®
as follows :—
Every moment this old wolf lion-hearted infant-eating *
Does with me that which the elephant and rhinoceros do at
the time of contest.
The elephant-like sky wears away my bedy as does the
rhinoceros
The time like a lion takes away my patience like a wolf.
I have not the strength of the rhinoceros, and the sky is like
a fierce elephant towards me.
It displays the boldness of a hon like the old wolf of the time.
The elephant did not so treat the rhinoceros, nor did the wolf
so treat the sheep
As the lion-like heaven treated this being who 1s thin as
har from oppression
The Lion of the sky has the craft of the wolf and the strength
of the rhmoceros.
For this canse he heaps pain continually on my heart hke the
load of an elephant.

1 The Sirit or bridge across the fire of Hell, The Sirit or bridge crossing
the infernal fire is described as fner than a hair and sharper than a sword
and is beset with brats and shaip thorns. The mghteous will pass’ over it
with the swiftness of the lightning but the wicked will soon miss their foot.
ing and will fall into bell fire
See Hughes, Dect of Islim, art Siig See also Qur’in 1,5

9 MB. (A) & slo GARGS5b 1 He He eed,

3 The werds $f karg rhinoceros, 8,§ gury wolf, ya& shir lion, As fil
elephant. .
MB (A) sym Sab cod pe S58 ot ent whe} ye,
15
 { 14]
rhinoceros.
A maddened elephant! is this wolf-haired
still sooner or later he
Even if mankind are hike male lions
ffecta their rain.
, the conqueror of
The sky, the overthrower of the rhinoceros
play, like the wolf it brings against the life
the Lion, if,
of Rustam a strong move like “ pilband,” §

1 MB, (A) mie Uy

Holy A stratagem in the game of chess See Albirini (India) I,
183-184 The re or elephant it appears had the same mobility as the queen
does 1 our modern game, that 18 1t commanded both rank and diagonal.
There was one pawn known as the Piydda-i-Asli or orignnal pawn, which
of
had certam privileges attached to it. It was permitted once in the conrse
the game to remuve to any square on the board where it might inflict the
greatest injury on the adversary, as by attacking two pieces at once—“ fork.
sug” them as chess players call it onder certain combinations this pawn was
Khwaja ‘Ali Shatran)i we
utilised to give mate. Thos in Auhadi’a Life of
find
pylAle gal wy Leyes oy) we af the gle lias data
whe roby erpin Oils 99 Jld Sh dyad Egatd ¢ gb Ui y qeuel 90 ty cst
gs oli
“When he moved his Rukh in the Board of :magmation he gave the odds of
two Kinghts and the Bishop to the kings of rhetoric the strateguat of imagi-
nation fell mto the pawn’s mate from the “ Filband ” of confusion.”
This (oil) wes explained to me by a Muabammadan friend, a chess player,
thos suppose the white king at hie own square, and a hostile pawn on his
second square guarded by Black Bishop at Q Kt 4, the adversary brings his
other Bishop toQ R 4 (ch) mate, white having other moves, but none which
oan prevent this final move of the Black Bishop.
Tho BuAr-s ‘Ayam gives the following defustion ofdiuby

WF oleY eylte wold dinbey 5 cb cole poi

1 5epli oils
© Uy wd
Pilband 18 the name of & manguvre im chess. “To give pilband” means
to mate by giving check with the Bishop (Pil).

OS BS willy Lin 59 9
daly yg zit WS yas
When in contest with elephants thou disen
gagest thy noose Thon defest:
est the king of Qanagy with the “ pilba
nd " (Nizami),
 [ ub}
The wolf of my patience casts of from him the waterproof
like a lion, if the elephant of this ¢oerulean castle has
made me over to his charge like a rhinoceros.
The lion of the sky, like the elephant in colour, a wolf by «
nature, takes and tears to pieces the armour of my patience
like the hide of the rhinoceros ! .
Last night when the lion of the sky became elephant coloured
in the hide of the rhinoceros, countless Josephs* appear-
ed from the wolves of the heaven.
My life is in the hands of the lion, and under the foot of the
rhinoceros of pain, until from the elephant bodied sky the 81.
tail of the wolf became evident.
The claw of the lion and the horn of the rhinoceros, the teara
of the elephant and the hair of the wolf.
Althoagh these four are of use wm making the amulet‘ of
heait’s attachment.
OF what use are the special properties of the lion and rhino-
ceros and the wolf and the elephant, when that silvery
cheeked one demands from me gold more than the weight uf
an elephant.
Since I do not possess the ferocity of the rhinoceros, the
heart of the lion, and the breath of the wolf, I will go to
meet my beloved with an elephant load of sorrow.
Hasan Dehlavi algo says.
nhs oily 3S wl_pe
yw SLES les} ule}
Alas! that the “ pflband” of thy love cannot easly be overcome.
For an excellent paper on the Persian Game of Chess by Bland, from which
tome of the above information is extracted, see J RK, A 8., Vol. XIII, pp.
1-70
| This reading is in the text, MSS. (A) (B) have a different reading

BS glen SS tye3 cyto tye.

§ se, when it became dark countless stars appeared See Qur’an XII. 1-15,
§ The morning Zodiacal light. A hght which appeara in the cast before the
true dawn. It is called alao wolf er: Subh-1-Kaztb the false dawn; see
J R.A 8&., July, 1878; also # name of one of the mansions of the moon called
a
alao Yy® Sheula. Burhén-s-Qaps',
* Sia} ta'wig MS. (A). An amulet made of then four things is said to be
efficacious in securing affection. We are reminded of the witohes in Macbeth,
“Seale of dragon, tooth of wolf,” &o,
 [ uej
In the jawe of the lion and ander the foot of the rhinoceros,
and of this old wolf, my beloved one keeps me as though
depicted upon the tear of the elephant on account of
love. . .
My beloved with the rhinoceros-hilted sword is trotting like
a wolf, I, like the elephant, am following him with a body
thin as thread.
Afterwards the wolf in rhinoceros-like armour, the elephant-
hke heaven, the hon-hunter of the sky appeared hke the
torch of the king.
The pillar of the world, tho elephant-conquering king with
the lion-headed mace, by whose wolf-swift horse the
rhincceros 18 fiercely attacked.
The eye of the wolf of the sky is of all colours from his lion-
like mace, the hump of the rhinoceros of the earth is trodden
into hollows by the foot of his elephant.
His elephantine club empties the forest of wolves, his wolf-
swift horse ! seizes the meadow from the lions,
His rhinoceios-hke staff of office 1s 1m the heart of the wolf
of the sky, lus club*® like a pillar has cleft asnnder
the hong,
From the point of his javelin, and lion-headed mace,
that
happena to the wolf and elephant which happened
to
the life of Gurgsir from the sword of the *brazen-bodied
one 8
Oh thou from whose lion-headed mace, rhinoceros-destroyer
elephant-crusher, the tomb becomes narro
w and dark for
Gurgin * like the pit of Bizhan

1 AGA dys SS,

9MB.(A) 4.
5 lafandiyir at the conclusion of
the seventh stage of the Haft khwan
* Gurgin.1 Milid one of tho
.
chiof warriors of Ke Khusran,
5 Bizhas, son of Geo, and nephew
of Rustam, was the lover of Mani
daughter of Afrasiyab, Gurgin jeh
being jealous of his prowoss plott
him and treacherously betra ed against
yed the secret of his amonr
condemned to be confined m aq , and Bizhan wag
deep pit head downwards He waa eventually
released by Rustam, Gr-gi
n was punished by Geo, and
Yor an epitome of tne then imprisoned
story, see Atkingon’s Shih
Bee Shah Nema, Vol, Nama, pp 800-324,
Il, pp 771~797 (Turner Maoan Edition).
 [ 7}
The reflection of thy elephant coloured! sword if it falls
upon lion and wolf makes their eyos which are like the
. jujubes® of Gurgan to become like the pomegranate.
If the breeze of youn lion-standard blows upon the dust of
the world the maddened rhinoceros will seck shelter from
the elephant, and the wolf from the sheep
When thon brandishest® thy elephantine mace, the lion
casts away ita teeth, the wolf its claws, the rhinoceros its
gall bladder, and the snake its head-stone.*
Rhinoceros-like in attack, wolf-like in gait, lion-like in
bravery, elephant-like in body is thy steed, Oh bero! hun-
dreds of thousands hke Rustam are thy slaves.
Oh King! in thy praise I have become more powerful than
wolf and rhinoceros, lion and elephant, by the oider of the
Lord who rules the sky.

L MSB. (A) (B) wks,

3 ols ‘Unnad, Zizyphus jujuba (N. QO Rhamnacese), a tree hearing an oval
baccate fruit of a reddish colour called in Hindnstani > ter, nearly alhed to
the Lotua of the Lotophagi, both leaves and fruit were uscd by the Arabian
physicians, According to the Bahru-l-Juudhir the fruit is useful to panfy
the blood from evil humcare, and 1a of service in dry coughs and ronghness of
the chest and langs, also in patn mm the kidneys and bladder. The lips of a
mistress are compared to thia frat. (Burhdn-r-Qéfs‘),
BMS Gh) sStsSt
4 jie Se The serpent 18 popularly supposed to carry a stone in ita head.
The Makhzanu-l-Adwiyaeays —Hajaru-l.Hasyyah ( Sa) ye ) called in
Persian ye $540 Muhra-1-Mar 19 of two kinds one a mineral which 18
known as S40 je Mar Muhra, rome say that 1t is found in emerald mines.
Tt has an emerald colour, inclined to blak or ashy, shaped hke a squaro
signet atone; weight from one to two misgdla
The other 1s an animal prodact which 1a found in the hinder part of the
hend of certain vipera. It ia not fonnd in all vipers, in fact tt ia onl~ rarely
fonnd in any of them; when 1t is taken from the muscles itis act but in
contact with the au becomes stony hard. In size it 18 about the size cf half
a shell, (cowric) oblong in shape, ashy-colonred. Certain sto ies are black and
hard, striped with three white stripes, others are white and soft Some are
artifice] In order to distingnish the geod and trae from the false, place at
upon the bite of a snake, 1¢ will stuck to itaf gonume If milk 1 poured o
it, the milk becomes clotted and changed in appearance, and it is said that
when some of them are placed in milk the milk does not become coagniated
and when all the poison has been extracted by the atone it falls off, refusing
 [ us)
thy muce if it so
Thon art elephant-bodied, lion-conquering, head of the
the
wishes, ean place the rhinoceros firmly on
aky hke the tail of the wolf !
of the wolf of the sky
That Wazir who to the punishment
os and the elephant
has given his heart, like the rhinocer
and the hon, mnatead of being confused
power of the rhino-
Without the eraft of the wolf, and the
es the head of the elephants
ceron, his determination strik
with the dmving hook and brin gs spar ks to the eyes of
the hons
caution the
In thy kingdom, Oh King ! from the strategy of thy
hon bas Iud aside its oppr essi on, the wolf its deceit, and
the rlunocetos its diso rder thro ugh fear of thee.
Oh thou, whose order 18 hke the decree of fate, thou from
whose dignity the Emperor like Fate overcomes the rhino-
ceros, the wolf, the hon and the elephant.
83. Skin, and horn, and hair, and tear, of wolf, rhinoceros, lion and
elephant will be of use in the way of life, and heart, and
nature, nud speech.

to adhere any longer, and dors not coagalate mik. Whuilet it is extracting the
poison ita colour changes, and when 16 w thrown into milk it returns to its
original condition
Another test is, when you rob 1t upon black or blue woollen cloth the cloth
becomes white, if rubbed very hard for a long time the cloth becomes black
and all whiteness disappears
Another teat When it is placed in a porcelain vessel in Jemon juice, tt
eging to Move in & errcular fashion This test 13 not pecuhar to this stone
but most shells and snaila too, shew the same phenomesun. ( Makhzanue.
Adweya} :
The Bahru-l-Jawdhir ays only
soley gtbo diey ayut Uni yh be dre sais) yee diel)oom
Hayaru-l-Haryyah The stone Pidzahr (Bezoer stone,) sume kinds are
heavy and black, some are aghen-grey, and some have thiee stripes
1 See note 8, page 115
a Sf MS (A) Pho hook or goad with which elephants are driven
called an Hi 1 qty betas
 { 119 }
For your armour und shoes, when did the wolf-natured sky
select ‘teara and skin from the elephant and lion and
rhinoceros P
For that purpose again and again,' this old wolf from the
elephant and Jioi and the rhinoceros, brings as an offering
its hide and skin and teeth as a present of rare value,
The she-wolf drives away the he-lion * as a good omen,
If in hunting it comes in sight of your rbinoceros-conquering
elephant.
Elephant-bestowor, I desire a desert place in Badaon,
Even though these regions are the abodes of the wolf and
rhinoceros and the lion.
As long as the lion and the elephant are co-partners in awe,
and the wolf and the rhinoceros are alike in writing ® so
long may your wolf-crafty enemy, Oh rhinoceros-destroyer
and elephant-like in strength,* be humbled in the dust
before the lion of your portico.
May your enemics bereft of life become like the lions and
elephants and wolves and rhinoceros at the end of the
stony line in the public baths.'

Sutyin Razzivan srnt Sutran SHamsv-p-Din

Came tothe throne in the year 634 H (1236 AD ), and followed
the path of equity and the principles of justice; set in order the
affairs Which had remained 1n confusion, and set before her the pur-
suit of benefivence, (which 1s as great a fault 1n women as stinginess
is im men) as the object of her ambition, and made N:z4mu-l-Mulk

1 MS,(A) gb y5 MS (B) has ,3 3

§ Text and MS (B) MS (A) has wySe ys To sighta jackal when going
to the chase is considered a good omen, a snake or a sheep is considered a
bad omen. The she-wolf is held to represent craft and cunning while the
lion representa atrength The meaning seems to be the triamph of stratagem
over force.
8 SS and Jf 5S. These words are exactly alike in writing
# MSS, (A) and (B) slimy,
6 The custom of ornamenting the walla of the public baths with frescoes
of animals and other subjects obtains at the present time m Persia, as it did
in ancient in the public baths of Greece and Rome. The wails and ceitngs
of the baths at Pompen are an example of this.
 [ 120]
Jnndi (Junsidi) Chief Waeir! Antagonism and strife shewed
itself among the Amirs, and Sultan Razziyah formed an excellent
plan, and threw these disloyal Amirs mto confusion so that they
fled in all directions, and she having selected certain of them for
pumshment put them to death,? and Nizdmo-l-Malk retired to
Sir Mar# and took up Ins abode in the secret place of death, and
Khwaja Mubazzab the Deputy succeeded him in office The
kingdom of Razviyah gained considerable power, she despatched
an army to reheve Rantanbhir,* which, after the death of Sultan
Shawsu-d-Din, the Hindis had invested continuously, and liberated
the Muslims from thew captivity, and Jamalu-d-Din Yaqit, the
Abyssiman, who was Master of the Horse, became her confidant
and truated adviser, to such a point that Sultan Razziyah when-
ever she rode horse or elephant used to rest upon ing arm or
shoulder’ He became an object of envy to the Amirs, and the
Sultin Razziyah came out from the curtain of chastity® aud wear-
ing the garments of men, regardless of propriety, used to wear a
tunic and kullah? when seated on the throne to rnle the hingdom.
Aud m the year 637 H (1239 AD.) Mahk ‘Izzu-d-Din I) az, Gover-
nor of Lahore, displayed hostility, Sultan Razviyah proceeded
against him and having reduced him to obedience added Multan also
to lis gdegir,* andin the same yearshe brought up an army avainst
1 See Thomas, Pathan Kings, p 104 and seqq, Tabaqat-i-Namzi states on the
coutraiy, that Junaidi ictused to acknowledge her She accordingly issued.
orders for his arrest, bot be became aware of this and went mto hiding, even-
tually dying im the balls of Sir Mir Bardir
§ Mahk Saifu-d-Din Kiyi and his brother Fakhra-d-Dio were taken prison:
ora and put todesth TJabaqét +-Nasii, p 640
BMS (A) B5% y90 pe By yd Ketired to the hill country of Sirmir.
4 Tho fortress of Rantunbhir in the province of Amir, 75 miles gouth-
east of Jaipiir, sce p 92, note »
+ Tho text has 3S es ot os bnt this 18 @ misprint for oy st cond
which 18 the rend:ng of the M8 (A), .
6 Inthe MS (A) we havo the following dol (y¢ dy) 5! Came out of retrrement,
that 1s simply abandoned the habits of purdah-nishins generally imposed on
Mogulmau ladies Tins seems the better reading (sec Raverty, p 642, note 8,
with refcrence to this subject),
7 The LF qabé and yIF Lulldh were a tume and hat worn by men
§ Afte, making ove: Multan to Malik ‘Izza-d-Din, Sultan Razziyah returned
to the camtal on the 19th of Sudbin 637 H | Twbagat wNagiri).
A jdegir was land held im fief, generally bestowed as a reward for some
warvioe
 [ 121 ]
Tabarhindahand, on the way the Turki Amirs witnessing her
immodest bebaviour, rebelled, aud seized both Sultén Razziyah
and Jamilu-d-Din Yaqit the Abyssinian, who had risen to be the
Chief Amir,! and confined them in the fortress of ‘Tabarhindah.®
4
Seek not fidelity to its promise from the indolent world.
For this old woman 1s the bride of a thousand lovers.
8 There is no sign of faithfulness to promise im the smile of
the rose.
Lament, Oli heart-reft nightingale, for here 1s cause for com-
plaint. .
Suurin Mo‘zzv-p-Din Banrin Saan* inn Suave.-p-Din
Next succeeded to the throne, and came to Delhi, At this time
Mahk Ikbtiydru-d-Vin Altiniyah® the ruler of Tabathindah having
espoused the Sultdn Razziyah, and having gamed over certain of
the Amirs and a body of the Jate®§ and Khitkhars, and all the land-
holders, brought au army towards Delhi Sultan Mu‘i-zu-d-
Din
Baliam Shah, sent the Mahk? Balban the vounger (who even.
tually became Sultén Ghiydsu-d-Din) with a vast amy to oppose
Razziyah, and a battle ensued rm wlich the forces of Razziyah were
defeated. She then went to ‘'abarhindah, nnd a second time eol-
leeted her forces and rallied her scattered troops, and arrived in
the neighbourhood of the village of Katihal® with the mtention of
conquering Delhi, and again being defeated at the hands of the

1 Rauzatu a-Safd calla him Chief Commande: of tronps For subsequent

events up to death of Ravziyah see Zabaqat-. Nesus
& Tubagat 1-Nagut states that they put Jamilu a-Din to death
B Hafiz Ode bexmumg weawghas Come eo So} yas as ly .
See Diwan Hafis Rosenweig-Schwannan I, p 30
* Son of Tyaltimish
5 Altiiniyah was appointed by Razziyah as feud itory of Baran (Bulandsiahr)
iramediately upon her accession, he was afterwaids made feudatory cf ‘Tabar-
hindah The account in the text differs slightly from that of the Zabaqdt-
1-Ndani?, see Raverty 647, note 9.
§ Elhott J 507) Tieffenthuler TI 206
7 Mahk Badru-d-Din Sankar Rimi had become Amir-i-Hijb on the death
of Ikhtiyiru-ed-Din He was the patron of Ghivasn-d Din Bulban for whom
he obtained promotion to the digmty of Amir Akhir, The account in the
texi talhes with that given in the Jibaqdi-1 Akbaii, but see Raverty 648, » 2,
® Kaithal Skr, Kapisthala. Lat 29° 49’ 7” N., Long 76? 26’ 26’ E 38 miles
dintant from Karnil 2d abont 100 miles N W of Dehli See Hunter, Gas
vu, 309,
lo
 { 122 ]
Malik Balban the younger, took to flight and both she and
Altiniynh fell into the hands of the Kawiérs! and were put to
death by order of Sultén Bahram Shah.
This event took place in the year 637 H (1239 A.D.),§ and the
duration of the reign of Kazziyah was three yeais six monthg and
wx days.
A head which the neck carnies loftily
That same head Inter finds a rope round ite neck
‘When the sovereign power was firmly established in the hands
of Sultan Bahram Shah, Mahk Ikhtiyiru-d-Din Itkin who was
86. formerly Hajrb and was married to a mister of the Sultén, and had
gotull the affairs of the kingdom “into his own hande by the
assistance of Nizamu-l-Mulk Muhazgabn-d-Din, being acenstomed
always to keep o large elephant ted up at his door, like @ king,
was mardered in the year 638 H. together with Muhazzabu-d-Din
Wazir, by certam Fidais,? by the orders of the Sultan, and in
this year the Sultin dealt with a party composed of Amirs and
chief men, and leading nobles, and grandees, and judges who used
to hold secret. meetings to discuss a change of monarchy and the
appointment of @ new king Some of them he pat to death, and
1 The printed text and M8, (A) and MS (B) all have
WhytyF Kawaran,
There 1s some little uncertainty ag to the identity of ths
tmbe The Tabagat-
«-Nagwi says “Sultiin Reviyyah with Mahk Altiniya
h fell captive ito the
hands of Hindis" (See Raverty’s translation page
648 and note 3,)
Tt seems probable that the Kawiran here
spoken of were a tribe of Jaty
otherwise known by the name of (atwira
g They are mentioned by Elhots,
as holding villages 11 Gohana, in Sonipat
Bangar and in the Dudb on the
op nate mde of the Jamna (sce [thott,
Races of the N W. Prownres of India,
Vol I page 126)
638 A A. Tabaqdt-+-Na? Theresa a confusion here in the dates,
Furshta anys thit the armies met
on the 4th Rabi‘al Awwal 697
end that Ravgyah and Altiniyah AZ
were put to death on the 265th of
month As Razziyah enme to the the uame
throne in 634, 687 would seem to
correct dute but see Raverty, p 648, be the
note 2
a ae ls i the reading of MS (A) Finehte Saye “two Tarka in 9
atate of (feigned) intoxiention,” wwe
ayyets Sy +» Minbiju-s-Sirdj writes
P. 102, Cal Text ska yo 05 isl31 shad
He sent two intoxicated Turks.
Ply cme 5,3
after the manner of Pasi
roof of the palace A Fidai fs one who down iron
any antorprise which he knows wil! cogi voluntar ily and cheerfully undarta
him hin If kes
Raverty Tabuqet-+-Nopirt p, OBL n 7 is i He ; .Qéfr')
(Burhén-s 3 cee
 [ 128}
some, a8 for example Badru-d-Din Sangar Amir Hajib! he sent to
Badéon where they died in prison, Among them was Qaqi Jalalu-d-
Din Kashani, whom they removed from his military command and
appointed Qazi of Badaon, and Qazi Shamsu-d-Din the Qazi of
Marhira* they threw under the feet of an elephant in the same
way.
And in the year 639 H._ the troops of the Mughal Changis Khan
came and invested the city of Lahore, and Malik Qardgash the
Governor of Lahore fled one day at midnight and came to Dehli,
where the Sultan pledged the Amlis anew to fealty, and having
summoned a conference sent Nizdmad-Malk? Wazir, who at heart
was not friendly to the Sultin, to oppose the Mughbil force in the
Panjab He, with craft and hypocrisy wrote a letter to the Sultan
and made many complamta of the Amirs whe were with him, and
begged the Sultan to come The Sultan, however, not thinking it
advisable to go im person, wrote a despatoh to him in apparent
sincerity, snying, “those recalcitrant Amirs shall meet thei: punish-
ment in due time, you should treat them with civility® till then”
He shewed that despatch in original to the Amirs and brought
them over to his side, and the Sultin MuSzzua-d-Din Bahram
Shah sent Hazrat Shaikhu-!-Inlam Khwaja-i-Khwajagén Qutbo-d-
Din Bakhtyar Dshi,® may God sanctify him, to the Amius to put
2 Who had been appomted Amir Hiyh when Ikhtiyaru-d-Din was murdered,
§ The MS (A) read ds cs'y as ly rye ad wilted ptt
which reading I follow Fersshta writes
ett Dd cole99 Ip B56 she ded pig Hh pad add
Thbugdt-+-Napri gives the details of this circumstance and states that it
was brought aboat by the machinations of a Darwesh who was jealous of
Qi7i Shamsaa-d-Din and had sufficient anfluouce over Bahrim Shih to compass
his enemy’s death
Ho calls the town Mihir (Haverty 657 and note +), MS (A) bes p50 ye
Marhara.
% Jabagat-1-Nénri atotes that the Suljin nominated Malik Qutbu-d-Din
Husain 1bn ‘Ali Ghiri, together with the Wasir the Khwiyah Muhagzabu-d-
Din for thus purpose, and that the letter referred to in the text was written
by him = (See Raverty 657, 658)
4 MS (A) eS ogilytoe wildy U ylssi U af aly yi, Carrying into effect
the maznn pide whebds & th wlivyol,
5 Sco Raverty, p.658, note 2 (Qutbu-d-Din Ushi aftcr whom the Qui
miniar ot Dehli 18 called ded in 633 Il = See Ruverty 622, note 6.
See aleo page 92, note 2 This was another man Sayyid Quibu-d-Ding
 [ 124 ]
fnatters straight and to quell the disturbance, but without BOCESSj
the Shaikhu-l-Islam retarned and came to Dehli, and jnst a this
junctore Nizamu-l-Mulk and the Amirs also arrived and besieged
the Sultfin in Dehli,! and taking him captive imprisoned him,
and after » few days despatched him to the next world and set
up another king in his place.
The times of old have bad this bubit
To take from this mau and give to that.
The duration of his reign was two years and one month and
fifteen days
Suctix AtAu-n-Din Mas‘tp Sain wy Ruxyv-p-Dir Virozsuixz
Having been released from prison by the consent of his uncles
Sultin Nagira-d-Din Mahmid and Sultan Jalile-d-Din, the sons
of Sultan Shamsu-d-Din Iyaltinush, became king at the ond of
the yeov already mentioned (639 H), efter that ‘Izzu-d-Din
Balban? (the elder) had occupied the throne for one day and had
issued a proclamation None of the Maliks or Amirs had been
satisiied with this arrangement and reverted to Sultan ‘Alan-
d-Din, aud appointed Malk Qutba-d-Din Hasan ag Deputy,
and
Mahk Muhazzabu-d-Din Nigimu-l-Mulk Wazir
of the kingdom,
and in the year 610 H. the Amirs of Sultan ‘Alitued-Din
Mas‘ad
put to death Nizimu-l-Mulk the Wazir.
One should not desire brief kingship
hke that of the roa
For a torrent speedily breaka down & La idge
The Wazirship was conferred upon Sadru-l-Milk Naymu-d-
Din
Aba Rehi, and Malik Ghiyagu-d-Din Balba
n the younger who had
at fire beon called Ulugh Khin
and afterwards attained the
digmty of Sultin,? became Amir Hajib and wy succession to hum
88 the governorship of Nagor aud Sind and Ajmir was conferred
1 On Saturday the 19th of Sha‘bin
899 H. The siege lasted till
of Z5 Qa‘dah ( Tabagat-..Napzvi, P 6659), the month
4 Gn the 13th of Zi Qa‘dah 689 H
nes
8 Mahk ‘lzzu d-Din Balban-s-
1Kashlii
hl Khini , see Raverty p 775 and ¢90
4
* Malik Gh
Ghiyisn-d-Din Balban wag di gmtied i the tt]
with
and made Deputy of the it
kingdom and leader of
but wea deprived of his office the troops in the ve
in vi0-51 H. He wag Amir Abin
when ho became Amir Hinb Akhi reel tao
See Ain-+- Akbari (Jar Khir tal 642 2,
rett) IF, 268,
 [ 125J
permanently upon Malik ‘Iszu-d-Din Balban, the elder, Budion
waa conferred upon Malik Taju-d-Din;
and in this year ‘Isz-ud-Din
Tugba Khan who had advanced from Karrah! to the neighbour-
hood of Lakhnauti sent Sharfu-l-Mulk Asha‘ri to the Sultiu ‘Alan-
d-Din with a written despatch, the Sultan then sent a red canopy
and a special robe of honour in charge of the Governor of Ondh®
for ‘Izza-d-Din Tughé Khan who was in Lakhnaati, and having
brought both his uncles aforementioned out of confinement,
assignod the district of Qanany to Mahk Jalalu-d-Din, and
Bahraij to Malik Nagirn-d-Din Mahmid, who acquitted them-
selves in those districta to his satisfaction. And in the year 642 H,
the Mughil forces® arrived in the district of Lakhnant!, the
assumption is that the Mughals mnust have come by way of Tibat
and Kinta, and Sultan ‘Alau-d-Min sent Timit Khan Qaré Beg* to
the assistance of ‘ugha Khin and the Mnughiils were defeated
Hostihty arose between Tugha Khan and Mahk Qirin,* Tugha
Khan came to Dehli, and Lakhuauti remained in the hauds of
Yimir Khan *

' The printed text has aff ! but MS. (A) has 955 which is correct. Karrah
ia on the right bank of the Ganges Lat 25°41’ N Long 81° 24° B, (see Hunter,
Imp Gaz.) Volt VIII Before Akbar’s time Karrah was the seat of govern-
ment,
4 Qivi Jalila-d-Din Kisini (Tabagdt-1+-Némi?)
8 This in an error winch has according to Raverty been handed on from
author to author Tho way the mistake origmated 1s pointed out by him
in his note 8 on p 665
The omginal reading wes shinle jas Kufiir-+ Jéynogar which by some
strange perversion became wld Cie ,lAS thence to wld oe BF and so to
our author's statement.
Jaynagar or Jiypir on the Battarini mver im Origsa, capital of the province
under the Lion Dynasty, the Gajpati or Lords of Elephants (Ain-t-Akbas? II.
219 x 1) (see Lup, Gaz. Vol VII, und Stat Ace of Bengal, XVII. 86-89).
The hina gt Infidel hordes of Jaynr zar were of courae Hindis and not
Mughils, hence the assumption in the toxt to account for the presence before
Lakhnauti 1a og unnecessary as it 1s absurd,
* The real name of Timir Khan Qara Beg as he ig called in the tert. is
Malik Qumara-d-Din Qirin-1-Timir Khan and he ws the Malik Qiran referred
to almne of twolater In other words Mahk Qiran and “Timir Khan” are
one and the samo petson, In the text wy psd 18 4 mMrsprint for yl ad
MS (A). See also Raverty 663, n. 9.
 { 126]
In this year the Mughal army! arnved in the vicinity of ehh
and assaulted it, aud the Sultan proceeding by forced marches with
all possible speed, reached the banks of the river Biah, and the
Mughiils raismg the siege of Uchh took to fight; the Sultan on
reaching Delhi took to arresting and putting to death to such an
extent that the Amirs and nobles turned against him, and agreed
to summon Malik Nasirn-d-Din Mabmid ibn Shamsu-d-Din from
Bahraij, and upon his orrival at Delhi im the year 644 H, they
threw Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din Mas‘id into prison and he speedily 8
exchanged that confinement for the prison house of etermty
This 1s the way of the changeable world:
In kindness 1 gtves and it robs you in wrath.
The duration of his reign was four years and one month,

Sougin Nistzv-p-Dix Mauwip tex Saamsv-p-Din Lvatrinisy

Succeeded to the sovereignty in the year 644 H, (1246 A.D ) and
the Wazirship was conferred upon Ghiyasu-d-Din Balban the
younger, who was in renlity great, and was the slave and son-
in-law of the father of Nagi u-d-din’
At the time of iis accession great Inrgesse was given, and the
poets recited many congratulatory odes from some of which the
following verses are taken—

V1244 4D. ‘This waa really n Mughil forco, under the v

accursed Mungitah” ( Tabaqat-s-Nagu i)
ominand of “the
* On the 23rd of Muhurram @44 H (1246 AD)
His reigu extended to a peried of four years, one
(Zabagal Nasri) month and one day
8 Shameu-d-Din Iysltimsh
Nisiru-d
r -Din Mabmid
; son of Shameu-d . Din Tyaltj
yaltimish wag
Qesr Bagh in Delhi m the year 626 H (Tubagdt
.s-Namzi) Porn at the
It will be remembe
me red a that he was the second « on
of Iya]
the name of Nayiru-d-Din, which was given
him upon the eet ot oe fone
brother (see p 94) m 626A H (cee Tabagat-.-Naperi, Cal, Textp 201 Lie)
He was a man of qmet and retiring disposition and spent most of Be
leisare in making manuscript copies of
the Qur’in Thomas
( Patha:
thinks that ths facnity “ posmbly bad .
:ta influence on the execution
finsh of the legends of his coinage,
which display a remarkable adv
on the earlier mintages in the fineness of the lines as
and the .in cofne
tion of the Persian characters" (p 126).
“improved Gefim-
 [ 127]
That great Lord who is a Hatim in generosity and a Rustum
in energy.
Nasir-i-Donya wa-Din Mahmid ibn Iyaltimish.
That great world cohqueror, the roof of whose palace is the
heaven.
In the height of his dignity this lower eplere is his veafure.
How cau we measure the glory the Sikka acquires from his
auspicious titles.!
Or how compute the exultation of the Khufbuh at the mention
of bis happy name.
The records of his equity and Ins laudable qualities are evident
fiom the book called Tubayat-1-Nds.i*® which was composed in his
honour
The Sultan entrusted all the affaus of the kingdom to Ghiyagu-
d-Din Balban and in giving him the title of Ulugh Khan said, “I
deliver into thy hands the reins of absolute authority, beware leat
thou commit thyself to any evil action, for tomorrow thou wilt be
at a loss in the presence of Almighty God and thou wilt bring
shame upon me and upon thyself” The Sultin himself would
generally retire into lus chamber and occapy himself in devotion,
and reading the Qur'an and im repeating the sacred names of God
may He be gloisied and exalted; and it is currently reported
that on the occasion of a pubhe audience he used to clothe
himself from head to foot n regal apparel, while in private he used
to wear an old ragged garment; aud they also say that he used to
devote his time to the copy of the Qur’au which he was writing,

1 His titles as given in the Tabaqat-e-Nagui were

As Snlfaina-l-A‘vama-l-Muayam, Nomro-d-Dunyé wau-d-Din, Abi-leMu-
gaffarsi-Mahmiid Shah sbn-i Suljén Iyaltamish Yamin-1-Khalifatn-liah Nagir.i-
Amini-1-Miminin
The Tubaqdt-+-Ndgui of Minhayu-s-Siray was written in bis court and
dedicated to him hence its name.
§ Tabagat-:-Namri of Minhiju-s-Siraj 18 a general history up to 658 H.
composed by Abi Umar Minhaju-d-Din Ueman ibn Suaéjn-d-Din al Jusjini.
See Elhott 13, 259. An English translation by Major Raverty has been pub-
lished in the Bibhotheca Indica, by the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
8 gS 09 oy sed
# Ibn-i-Batat& states in his history (French edition, Vol ITI, p. 169),

leroy wltiad Uemaay y Sajal CH ye la gly tele Ke wiley

GUO) Ser (jhe that cio lo ups) JUS sili giddy aS
 [ 128j
BO one
farther that he used to write it himeelf in private so that
might recognize his haudwriting and buy it for more than its fair
They relate also
valne, and he used to sebl (these) in the Basir.
several other strange stories abuat him, which resemble the narra.
tives sogarding the rightly directed Khalifa - among them I have
seen it written in a book that one day lus wife was complaining
of not havinga servant, and she said “ Whenever I bake bread for
you my hands get burned and bhstered.” He wept and replied,
“Phe world 18 passing away, bear your toil for these fow days for
God Almighty on the morrow of resurrection (we trust in Hun and
hetieve in Him) as a veward for this labour, will surely give yon a
Hiui to wait upon you, as it 1s, T cannot possibly buy e slave girl
for you from the public fands His wife too, agreed to this.

The world is but a dream in the eyes of the vigilant,

A wise man does not set his heart upon a dream,

And the Sultan in the month of Rajab 1n the year of hia acces-
rion, took an army towards Multan!’ and in Zil Qu‘dah having
ciowsed the river of Lahore (Ravi) and having appointed Ulugh
Khan as lender of the forces,? sent him towards the Jid hills 3 and
the country round Nandanah, and he himself halted on the banks
of the river Indus Ulugh Khan having pumshed that part of the
countiy brought 1t into subjection, and having given a lesson to

C’ était un souveram pieux 11 copiart des exemplaires du hvre illustre (le

Kornn), Jes vondart, et se nourrissait avec le prix qn’! en retiratt Le Kadhi
Camal eddin m’ a fait vow un Koran comeé de sa main, artistement et élégam.
ment ecuat
1 We find, wa Bamiin im the Tabaqit-1-Nimi7 (Raverty 677, notes 5,6)
bat both MSS (A) and (B) read Multin
8 ues doohe Also in MSS (A and B), bnt this muat be a copyiat's
error for ast poke
8 The Kola Jud (See Rennell’s Map Koh-1-Jehond) ia apparent]; a part
of
the Salt Range, Lat 32° Long 71° Baber states that the tribes of Jad and
Janzihah descended from a common ancestor, are the ruling :acor of the
chatr«ct and of all the tmbes between the Sind and Bahrah Ain-s-Akehari
(Jarrett) LH 405, note 23
Ticfenthaler (1 104), places” Nandanah or Nandanpour {forteresse ex
Prique yu nn montagne) between the Belat and the Indus
it muat have lain
momen here ner the le Jhelum to Peshawar
 { 129 ]
the Khiikhara! and other contumacious tribes, joined the Sultin
and returned to Dehil, and in the year 645 H , having taken Miwa!
turned his attention to the country of the Doab, and the same year
having sent Ulugh KhSn from the confines of Karrah to oppose
and overthrow the rebels of that district, arrived at Dehli with
great spoil.
And in the year 646 A.H., he proceeded against Rantanbbtir, and
laying punished the seditious tribes of those districts he returned, 91.
and in the year 647 H., he married the daughter of Ulagh Khan.
Then in the year 648 H., he took an army towards Multan, and
afler some days Mahk ‘Izzu-d-Din Balban-1 Buzurg, the Governor
of Niagor, withdrew his foot from the ci:cle of allegiance and
rebelled,’ but when the Sultén proceeded thither, he begged for
pardon and joined the Conrt,
' And in the year 649 H. he marched in the direction of Gwilide
and Chandéri and Malwa, and Jahir Dev*® the Rai of that

1 Khikhars, see Tieff 1, 104 and 103, Le district des salinos eat habité par les
Khocares ce sont ceux qui tirent ly set des mimes, c'est un nation qui 4 quitté
Vidolatrie pour embrasser le mahométasme, Sce also thia volume, p 67, ». 3
§ Text and M3, (A) wlyso Miwit This place is mot mentioned in the
Tabagat-s-Nagiri, it 18 mentioned in the Ain-1-Akbars (1. (Jarrett 307) as the
place to which Naerat Khin fled from Dehli when it was seized by Iqbal
Khan, some 150 years later than the events recorded in the text.
Tieffenthaler, Vol. I, p. 211, Mévat est un canton assez étendn, bornéd par Jes
provinces de Dehli et d’Adjmere et par los Districts de Djopour et de Dik.
It extends “north and south from Badshapur to Harsana, 47 miles, and east
and west from Dik to Narnol, 67 miles” Alwar is about the centre of it now.
Tieffenthaler goes on to say ‘Cotte contrée est habuce par beaucoup de
Mrhom¢tans qui ctaitnt ci-devent gentile Elle appartenait auparavant aux
Afghans dana le tems qa’'ils regnoient a Dehli: La Gouvernement pasan
ensuite aux Mogols Maintenant le Dyat (Jats) e’on est appropmé Je plus
graude partie et une partie est tombéo au pouvoir du Rajah de Dyepour
{Jaipir) qui en « expulsé beancoup d’habitans mahometans
He speaks of the abundance of Nim (Melsa asadsrachta) and Siseoo (Dalber-
9% seeco) trees, and praises the cattle and horses of the country.
He speaks of Narnol the capital city of the dhetrict, as having formerly been
populous and flourishing. See alao Rennell’s Memonr (1788), p 76.
8 Tabagat-+-Napri anys this occurred in 649 H, which is wore probably
correct, as at 18 the account of a cotemporary historian.
# This Raja is called in the Tabaydt 1-Negni, Chihar Ayiri, he was indeper-
dent sovereign of Narwar in AD 1216 (644 A.H ) under the name of Chshar
Deva, his coins bearmg the inscription wt view @¥. Ho wasa very power-
Fal Raya (see Thomas 67 et seqg and Raverty 690 note 1)
Vv
 [ 180]
country with five thousand cavalry and 200,000 infantry came
out to mect him and gave battle to the Sultan in great
force, but was defeated and the fort of Narwar! was taken.
And in this year Sher Khan Governor of Multan, and Malik ‘Izsu-
d-Din Balban who had left Nagor with reinforcements for him
reduced the fortress of Uchh, and Sher Khan remained in the
fortress, while Mahk ‘Izzu-d-Din Balban came to pay his respecte
to the king, and received from him as a jaegis the districts of
Badaon and was grven'the title of Kashla Khan
And in the year 650 H (1252 A D.) he left Dehli intending to
proceed to Lahore, and from there be went to Multén and Uchh,
and in this expedition Kaghli Khan accompamed the Sultan as
far as the raver Bish,
Aud to the year 651 1 marching from Dehli, he detailed foreea
to act aguiust Tabarhindah and Uchh avd Multan of winch Sher
Khan had cst contiol, and of which the Smdhis held possession ;
and having regamed possession of them, handed them over to the
charge of Aisalan Khan and returncd And in the year 652 H
having assembled an army on the confines of the country at the
foot of the luijls# of Bijnor, and having crossed the Ganges by

1 batwar --In tho din-s-Akbari, we find the Sarkar of Narwar as having

0 Cavalry, 20,000 Infantry Nerwor itaerf hud a stone fort (see also
Raverty 00, note 1)
In the text 9957 ia roisprint for gy) MB (A).
Narwer ‘luff 71 175 gives @ sketch plan of the fortress
of Narwar and
8 tong a wirplion from which the following note 1g abndged
A town of moderate si20 about 4 8 milo long and ten sn breadth, protected
in us time (about 1740 AD) with stone walls, but formerly unprotected.
Latitade 25° 40’ N Longitude takeu from the Islands cf the Blest 93° 247,
(Cf din-s-Akbari [Jarrett] UI 60) Houses well and substantially
built with
flat roofs
It has four gates, and there was a Chnstian family of Armeman stock
mee had bmlt a palace, and a chapel where » Jesuit father sad
Tass The
ortress was built upon # mountam ha i
peralle! North and Sonch Ting Smo peaks oe pure om
He considers tt must have been impregnable im old times
before the invention
of gunpowder “ poor Je malheur du genre hamain et Ia
raine des villes.”
A good supply of water is furnwhed by a large tank
paved and flanked with
stone He slao speaks of % magnetic iron ore
from which they procures iron
by ameiting for export in variogs forms,
and ® flint of & whitush colour
ad marvellous hardness used for flint locks,
$f Bardir and Bynor (Zubaqdt-+-Nomri), In the text instead of
 ( 181]
the ford of Midpir! and hugging the skirt of the mountain,
reached the banks of the river Rahab,* and having taken
much dooty and made many prisoners, giving themselves
up to rapine and making prisoners,’ invaded the country of
Katihar* going to Badaon and from thence to Oudh, and hagtened
to the capital. And after some time news arrived that certain
of the Amira, namely Ulugh EKban-1-A‘zam, and Arsalan Khan
and others, in concert with Malik Jalalu-d-Dim, the brother of
the Sultan, had commenced hostiltties in the vicinity of Tabar-
hindah. The Sultén therenpon marched from Dehli, and jn the
neighbourhood of Tabarbindah and Kuhram and Kaithal,® by
the mtervention of a party of Amirs, the Amira agreed to peace,
and with many protestations and oaths suing for pardon came
into submission to the Sultau, and the Sultdn conferred upon
Malhk Jalalu-d-Din the Governorshp of Lahore, and proceeded
to the capital And m the year 653 H tho feesnga of
the Sultin underwent a change with respect to hie mother
Matika-i-Jahin. He gave Qutlugh Khan, to whom Malika-i-
Jahan was married, a jdegix in Oudh,* and a short tine sfter
turmng against him also’ sent him to Bahay. [le took
fright at thos and came to the Inll country of Sir Mir, and Malik
‘Tzzu-d-Dia Kashla Khau and certain other Amirs mace common
eause with him and laid the foundation of revolt, the Sultan

pat a3 bly by which 1s manifeatly wrong T read pou aps? Baty BS

asm MS (A).
8 Hera eguin the printed text 19 hopelessly wrong. MS& (a) ~eads as
follows —
BLESS 593 lye yah LS oh which 18 intelhgible and talhes with
Tabagat-s-Napri Where the seading an Miy> om the text coms from, 16 18
hard to say
4 MS (A) The tort reads Om cl) GP OU see Alburini (India)
(Sachan) II 261 also Elliott, I 49 as regarda the Rahab.
B 8313 poly cht» MB (A)
4 The Calontta text of the Zubagét-+-Nogiri calla this iif Keethar Our
text hoa gS Kafthor, MS (A) bas ygaiS (?) MS (RB) pret (!)
see Raverty 696, note 4
5 See ENhott, 1 PR 354.
§ The printed text gives ¥dyyt 32 ‘Tt should be Bdyt yo MS. (A)
7 This should read ¥yye) padi fai {yi! ado Sai] yd g HOt an in the printed
text.
 [ 132]
army ! to
accordingly detailed Ulugh Kbin Balban with r large
oppose them, and when the two forces had errive d within a short
distance of each other the Shaikhu-l4slam Saiyyid Qntbu-d-Din
and Qazi Shamsy-d-Din of Bharaij and another party of men
incited Qutlugh Khan to come into Dehli, and inspired him
with a desire to possess that country ; 8 the inhabitants of Dehli
joined in this instigation Ulugh Khan represented this at the
Sultan's court, and the Sultan issued an order for every indivi
dual of that party to go separately to his own place, and
Qutlugh Khan and Malik ‘Izzu-d-Din Keshia Khan after this
defeat, traversed the distance of a hundred krohs® im two days
and came from Sémana to Dehli, but did not find the party
93. which had been the cause of thew being summoned Qutlugh
Kban and Kashla Khan also were separa ted, and Ulngh Khan
followmg them arrived m the Sultan's presence* And im the
yea: 605]1 the Sualtin issned an order for the eapulsion of
certain nooles and grandees from the city of Debli, and at the end of
this year the Mughils arrived on the boundaries of Uchh and
Multén, Kashla Khan Balban made common canse with them and
the Sultan came up mm hot haste against them The Mughils were
not able to stand against him and turned back towards Kburasan.
The Sultan also raed the banner of return towards the capital
aud having bestowed a robe of honour upon Malik Jalalu-d-
Din Jani marched towards Takhnauti® And in the year 656 H
(1258 A.D ) ambassadors came to the Saltan from Turkistan, and
he sent them back londed with presents, and in this year Hazrat
Moakhdiim Ganjshakar,® may (fod magnify his power and exalt his
1 This account differs from that given im the Tubagdt-+.Nagui (See Raverty
Pp 708 and ecqq)
§ oF she whys guehd5 MS (A) Tho word geki 12 omitted in
Calcutta text,
§ About 150 miles, see Ain-1-Akberi IT, p 414, also Cunn A @ I ,p 57,
The ancient Kiova of Magadh was about 13 miles, the hos of the Gangetic
provinces was rather more than 2} miles The Akbari kos waa rather less
than 13 mules and this 1s the standard referrod to above
* Theso Malhks (Qntlugh Khin and ‘Izza-d-Din Kashlu
Khan) retired
towards the Siwahk territory foiled in their object Tabagat.1.Nusi)
(
§ Compare the account in Tabaqdt-t-Négui according
to which these events
took place im the year 656 Hf not in 633 I
© Shaikh Faridu-d-Din Mas‘id Ganj-1-shakar was the
grandson of Farrukh
Shah of Kabul, and eon of Kamila-d-Dia Suleiméa
who came from Kabul to
 { 183 J
memory, ! left the lodging house of separation and disappointment
for the home of nearness and fulfilment.
And in the year 657 H. elephants and great treasure and
jewels and cloths without number, arrived from Lakhnanti as
presents, and in Rajab of this year Malik ‘Izzu-d-Din Kashla
Kban Balban earning relief from the turmoil of this transitory
world, hastened to the next world, and in this year Ghaugu-l-
‘Kiam Hazrat Sheikh Bahdu-d-Din Zakariyaéi*® the Multani, may
God sanctify him, raised the tent of® close anion with God Al-
mighty, and a celebrated poet wrote this couplet to record the date
By the arrow of the love of God one was wounded (zakhmi)
the other perished (khin).*
Multén in the reign of Shihiba-d-Din Ghiri He was one of the numerous
duciples of Bahéu-d-Din Zakariyi, and died two years later than his master,
according to Firishta (see also Ain-1-Akbari [Jarrett] 111. p 363)
His tomb is mentioned m the din-t-Akbari (I 825)as beng at Ajiidhan (Pik
Patan or Patan-1- Panjab).
There 18, ag will be seen, considerable discrepancy im the dates, Badioni gives
656 H as the date of Faridn-d-Din Gan)-i-shakar’s death and 657 H as that
of the death of Bahén-d-Din Zakariya, while according to Firishta the latter
should be 666 H and the former 668 H The Ain-s-Akbari gives 668 H as the
date of the death of Faridu-d-din Ganj-1-shakar and 665 [I as the date of
the,death of Bahiu-d-din Zakariyé
t MS (A) 45d tls B05 aly a}, The printed text 18 wrong here,
9 Shaikh Banéu-d-Din Zakariya was a famons Muhammadan saint of
Multan He was the grandson of Kamalu-d Din ‘Ali Shih Qureishi who
left Mecca for Khwarazm and thence came to Multan, the Qubbatn-]-Tslim,
and resided there, and became acknowledged by the people as their teacher
and gude Sharkh Bahan-d-Din was the gon of Shaikh Wajihu-d-Din by
the daughter of Husim-d-Din Tarmadi and was born m the fort of Kot
Karor im 587 H He died at Delhi about the vear 666 H , winle engaged in
devotion In his chamber an angel bearing a sealed missive having appeared to
his son Sadru-d Din ‘Amf with a command to pive the missive to Bahau-d-Din.
He did ao and retired, but returned on hearmg voices in the 100m saying
Sruay ereghd camnyd “The friend has jomed the friend” when he foand
hoa father lying dead
Thia account 1s abridged from Firiahta. The account of the suint given
by Beale differs from thia bat the source of the information gisen there 18
not atated Soe also Ain-s-Alebar? (Jarrett) II 362 and note
The tomb of Bihin-d-Din Zakariya is in Multan
PMS (A) Je 59 235 tye 50
4 The word gst} Bives the date 657 H the word wy gives the date
66H See page 133, nvte 1
 [ 134]
And in the year 658 H. Sultan Nagirn-d-Din Mohmid, chastired
the country of Miwat! and the rest of that district, and when he
was fully estabhshed as Malik m the year 664 H he fell sick and
closed hia eyes on the world of dreams and fancies, and went to
the eternal kingdom* He left no heir; the duration of his reiga
waa nineteen years, three months and a few days His tomb is
well known in Dehli, and every year crowds flock to visit it,
Verse
Come and cast one thoughtful look upon this dust.
Foi at 18 the dust of the restang-place of trusted kings,
And of the number of those who sounded the dicm of poetry
and attained the rank of Mahku-i-Kalam (Lord of Eloquence)
during Nasu n-d-Din’s rergn, one was Shamsu-d-Din Dabir 8 whose
mamifcst excetlencies and perfection are beyond deseription and
need no narration and praise, and Mir Khusri,* may God
sanctify hin, who tested the genumeness of hs own poems by the
touchstone of ther acceptallty to that other (Shaman d-Din)
used to boast of them, and in the preface to the Ghur atu-l-Kamal
and at the emd of the Husht Bihisht greatly embellished lis
words
in the mention of the piaiseworthy quahties
and im spreading

1 The Taheqet « Natur Oy) Tort, p 227 reads -

whayebo slag ao islet uslto dla Wtyb
peal wla ei pobex wl
S708 ety EU rly 70 wldI 910 aS wlyae
Khan-)-Mu‘aczam Ulugh Khin-)-A‘c
am marched towards the hills of
to quell tho insurrection of the Debi
robbers of Minual who would
be a terror
to devila
For a fall acount of the provinco
of Miwiat see Hunter, Imp. Qas »
Tt meludes the British districta Val Ix
of Muttra aud Gurgivn, part
Bhartpur of Ulnar and
See also page 129, nut 2, of this
Volume
§ On the ith Jamidiu-l-ay val » Mahe came to the thron
Muharram 644 1 hia Feign Was e on the 28ra
twenty years three months and
some days,
Ulogh Kuan having died mn iniaucy
8 Theres $s mention oF tha poet in either
the Mapna‘e-l-Pusahé op the
Atashkadu chore are some tighly laudatory verges at
Bihaghé im praise of one vou
the end of the Maske
Hauifah, posgih! J referring to
# Amir Khusri, (who hos Uneidy Shansa-d din
heen mentioned it page 96, note 2),
of Amir Mahmud Safa linn woe bon son
at Patals 6
Debhiu leo AH (Bourn , 151) ele 00) AN aud died at
 { 135 ]
abroad the excellencies of (that friend of his). And Sulgin
QhiySgu-d-Din Balban baving at the end of his reign appointed
him Secretary for the countries of Bangéla and Kamrid had
left him in the service of his elder son Nagiru-d-Din! Bughra
Khan, and these few couplets are from an ode of his.
Oh thoa* of whom this work of my heart is onworthy
though my ignorance; thou gavest me last night a false,
promise of entertainment.
All night I kept my eyes awake and’ [ did not know that
that was longing of that kind which you know to be vain.
I keep my heart * exercised thinking of thy face, and wonder-
ing why thy colour 18 so ripe and thy forehead like virgin
silver.

Tho date sastigned for his birth scoms unlikely ae ho would only have been
thirteen whon Niagiru-d-Din died. The Majmc‘u! Fugahd gives no date for his
birth bat says his father came to Dehli from Tarinstin in tho time of Changiz
Khan's invasion, and obtained great distinction in the court of Sulfjin Mahmid
ibn Tughlaq Shah and was killed in ‘a rebellion of the infidels, when his son
Amir Khosrii waa appointed aa tna euccessor in hia Amirship, which he
eventually gave up and acquirdd great skill and distinction asa poet. He
ded in 725 H and was burod in the tomb of Shaikh SLakarganj (Farida-
d-Din Ganyshakar see-nole 1, page 133)
Ho was the author the celebratod Qirdnu-s-Sa'daim the poem which was
written to commemorate the meeting of Saljin Nagira-d-Din with hia son
Sultan Ka: Qubad on the banks of tho Ghagra, and of several other works
(eee Elliott, III. pp. 523 and s0qq).
1 M8. (A) reads correctly w20_poli wlblee Suipin Nisiru-d-Din Bughri
Ehan second son of Ghiyaga-d-Din Balban He was placed in charge of Bengal
after the revolt and defeat of its goveinor Tughral.
He married a daughter of Sultan Nigtru-d-Din Mahmiid Shah by whom he
had a son and successor Kai-Qubad. (See Raverty, Tabagat-i-Népri 716 n.).
Tu Thomas, Pathan Kings of Delli thero is give a copy of an inscription
of Nasiru-d-Din Mabmid winch was engraved over the doorway of the
tinaret at Aligarh bearing the date 10th Rajab AH 652, and the sathor
mentions in rather too mild terms the wanton Vandalem which allowed a
record of tha kind to be destroyed in 1861.
Thomas advances the opinion that the original design for this inseription
both in matter and form was the work of Nasira-d-Din himeelf. (cf. Thomas
op. ext 129-130).
# MBS. (A) got.
SMB(4)y
* Mg. (A) Ud pyle aided
 [ 136]
I am overcome with idleness though it urges me on to strena-
ous endeavour—but there 18 a loose bond between me and
distraction.
Do not make me prepared with (the fire of) thy love! since I
am thy guest, because it 18 a great virtue to offer sacrifice of
unprepared flesh
We said “no Mushm wil! eat rew flesh,” but look! thy grief
has devoured me raw Is this your religious devotion.
® You call me “ raw,” if I cut open my own breast, I will
shew you that the heart which thou considerest raw, is ready.
So amazed am I at thy beauty and the glory of the king that
my imperfect work remains raw from my amazement.
Since the king is a second Kbusrii, my work will never re-
main unfinished, by reason of the kingdom of the second
Khusri—
Conqueror of the world® and of religion, he in view of
whone sovereignty the desireof Emperors for the Kingdom
of Snleiman was vain
The king Mahmid Shah, that Sultan from whose father’s
glory the cauldron of one single* demre, by reason of bis
empire, 18 not left unfilled
If the Sun of his benevolence shines io the direction of the
gerden no fruit issaes from the branches of the garden
unripe.’
What resource has the Sky if 1t does not support the burden
of thy digmty—how can you expect a raw baggage ammal
to bear a heavy Joad!
Thy enemy deserves this that you should sew him in a raw hide®

1 M8 (A) AS
# MB. (A) prs ope Kinest priiyet® ple
ph agtletiys OS Jo wt pplady Slt
8 MS.(A) Luo pel The text hes SU which is meaningless and spoils
the scangion
@ ude gdp Ss Ms (4).
bmg. (A) cle 3 of
§ This was a favourite modc of pnmishment in olden times the
unfortunate
victim was sewn np ina raw hide which as it dried, shronk and inflicted
ternble tortures
Vide page 12, note 2. Muhammad Qimm, (Elliot
t and Doweon I. 209)
 [ 137 j
for on the body of an inexperienced man of what use is
it for yon to fit 2 raw-hide !
Thy enemy bathes in blood,® instead of the collar of his
garment the Prisoner places on his neck every moment &
raw-hide.
Evety deed of thine 1s like® perfected gold, aud those who
wish thee evil are imperfect in their wok from fnyolity
and the assurance of shame.
Thy enemy 1s that naked demon* who has a skin made of
the whole of the Earth, and that too, if you take it off him
is a raw-hide.
If thou dost not spread thy table every day twice before the
people, they will perforce eat raw grain, since the hand of
desparr from lack of bread has no other resource.
If thy enemy becomes ruined > what fear is there? although
he advances im a futilo attack, like the lion of the flag he
18 helpless though impotence §
Of what «avail? 1s the sorcery of Fuara‘in since the dragon
of your standard will swallow the fictations serpent,
Oh Khnsru! Shamsn-d-din® 1s thy seoretary, strong and
well proved zn speech —he 1s not like the woithless Scribes
an moxperienced seribbler.
Me himself ay expereneed® and his verse 15 hke purified
gold -lus words are not } ae the best sayings of Khiaqani
still in the rough
Tho shy has prepared a perfect kingdom for thee -Oh Lord

14s (A) es yp da
3 MS (B) agrees with the texe MS (A) reads
tts Bogle Ups! cael mad Us
Tho textual reading i adopted with 4} tw place of 3)
BMS (Aj 5%
MS (A) whee IS 1 OS ys wt
8 sly MS. (A) °
6 le - gry (gseed (Burhdn-t Qéte')
TMS. (A) 2 Yb ae .
a vo ues} ue See page M4n 4
9 MS (A) 9 S459 byt ame
10 MM (A) byl She x Jt? The line as it stands in the text will not scan.
18
 , 138j
in thy favour grant that hs perfect work may never revert
to imperfection. :
d- Din
And the King of Kings and of Speech Amir Fakbra-
‘Amid Limaki! writes ina Qasida of whieh this is the opening
couplet .
When my loved one takes 8 the late, and binds the plectram
on he: fingernail
Her uail strikes Nal id® with a hundied woauds in the heart
through envy
97. Through envy of he: harp fever seizes upon Néhid at that
instant
Her nail becomes altogether Line from the effect of that
fever.*
Consider the henna on her nails to be like blood, which at the
tame of the sprmging of the stungs from the harp dry
as a reod, has spurted forth and made the nail moiat,
If an play my nail has scratched your lp, do nut be vexed® at
that,
Because now and then they dip the nail mto sugar by way of
tasting it.
Keep the point of your nail as sharp as a glance my love, for
the harp has no confidence m the fingers save for the sharp-
ness of their nails
Briug me consolation by the tenderness of thy kindnesa,*®
because compared with thy face, the biide of the moon
has tnought blood to ita nails thivugh envy
Give me wine red as the blued of a hare at the remembrance

t Pakhrn-d-Motk Khwaja ‘Amido-d Din, commonly known as ‘Amid

Dailami or ‘Amid Luwaki sud to be a native of Sannim and eulogt of Sultan
Mubammad Yamin.
SMS (A) reada ...... WAU pp Reds Say
y ig mE oon 90 MB,
(B) reads S¥5,4 +e plays the inte
3 Nahid, Tho plahet Venus 3p}, zehra whose seat is in the third heaven
(Burhan-s-Qajs'; called aleo “Js ul, ragqée-:-falak, (the dancer of the
sky) Astrologers eny that this planct is of » pearly bue, of beneficent
aspect, and with the quality of excessive morstness,
+g ofp} MS (A). Thon reading is proferable to that of the text
6 pySdeo wry MS. (A).
# gspyo t0Jwah o_
oo ls MS. 14) MS (B) is like the text.
 { 189]
of the assembly of the king, for his wrath ,has forced off
the claws from the paws of the male lions,
Shahanshah Nagir-i-Dunyaé wa-Din Mahmid, by whose equity
the partridge with ite beak has torn off the claws of the
awift-dying! hawk.
By the fate-like oppression of his enemy he has fallen in
danger of ruin, just as one's nail ia in danger in the hands
of an unskilled barber.®
His head is in danger of severance * by the sword of the daring,
like the nail af the time of paring, in accordance with the
Hadig *
1 MBS (A) (B) yp) 585 325
8 MS. (A) ovf. Of is the better reading
as in the text.
8 Gompare the Arabic proverb. peel pias pete ul ”- In capite
orphant disctt tonsor. .
There is aiso a Hindi proverh to the same effect, which rans :—
6 38 C38 6 56 Cagkne
The barber's son will leain and the traveller's head will be ent.
# MSS. (A) (B) 2mlid Sy) (ope = The reading im the text is a
copyist’s ersor
MBB (A) (Bj esl MALY pli, In the LAY Qele Jame'u-Lababer
of ine gt we find jy! oF 21529 phot colt ates Saby palit
“ Paring the rails prevents the worst of all diseases (1. ¢., poverty) and in-
creases the means of subsistence " Also,

Bie pyle QUi emt JU pd dase US ogi Aylt Ud » lab old Ly

= arene! oy ye G5, jie Eel5 SS as} AU) Jpaey
‘He who pares hia nails and trims his beard every Fiiday saying, “In the
name of God and in accordance with the ordinance of the prophet of God,”
every paring shal] be counted to him as the manumission of « slave of the
sons of Jama‘il’
Bpecial ruler are Inid down for cutting the nails They must be cut on
Friday, and Muhammad said, He who cats ns nule in alternate order will
naver be afflicted with blear eyes It is also said m a Hadis by Hamid ibn
‘Abda-r-Rahman, .
Hg be ppd y LAS ad Udo dasepy Hlibi Ua? vo .
“ Ho who paren bis naila on Friday ia filled with health and sickness leaves
him” The preferable ume for paring tho naslg iw ‘Thursday after the evoning
prayer In the case of the mght haud one shoul? comn ence fiom the litle
finger, proceeding to tho middle finger and thence to the thumb, thence to
the ring finger and Instly to the forefinger The order m the left hnad ws
(1) Lhamb (2) muddle finger (3, little finger (¢) farefingor (3) ring finger
 [ 140]
From the dread of the falcon of his equity it behoves that
they should take to flight ! when the eagle with lancet-like
talons casts his feathers and talons (through fear).
“ §uch ao quarry do they see,® that from their absence of claws
and their distress, ther claw demands asa loan from the
emall-clawed partridge tts claws.
For this reason that m the presence x18 power, the sky
seratches his head for envy, and each month, because of that
power, displays the body of the® moon in the shape of a
nail paring (crescent).
Compared with the pe:famed dust raised by his charger the
dast-like grains of the musk-bag have become valueless ‘ ar
the dust which 1s found under every nail.
You would say his arrow 18 a finger from the hand of victory
because it appears as though hia vail were like a willow-
leaf-bladed soul-destioying spear.
A finger which if he so wills it, like an Indian spear embeds
its nat] m the mind of :ron and the heart of separation.*
The sword of hig wrath has imprinted such a sca on the
cheek of his enemy as rematos on the check of the mother
from the anger § of the infant
Grndging the life of his evil disposed enemies, lo! the boarg
of Fate have sharpened their tusks, and the lous of Destiny
their claws.
Power of the worla: wnen the point of thy sword scratches
the hearts, it has carried away from the paws of the
op-
preasion of the dog-natured sky 1ts claws.®
How cau thy enemy be at all like thee, how
can he approach
thy daggor, whereas when he brandishes Ins
dagger it be-
comes at tiat moment? like a finger nail

1 Sb 53 y= Tho text should read thua

Bony whe MSS (A) (B)
8 MS (B) writes a) aye
at a line should read. WAL y™ eald'y wa pid 93 duly, gg (A)
* Text sy jes} MSS (A) and (B)
have aie ye 3! which must be wron
g
® The text is wrong, we should rond wl pre
MSS (A) and (B) Eq)
Jee eae ae SES aye
7 The toxt st appears sheild read gst!Qy arg (A).
 rm q
If his pride so misleads him that he finds fault with yoa, the
tip of his finger becomes as dust in his hand and his nail
as nothing.!
The edge of thy gword protests the face of the world,’ if
there had not been the nail as & shield bebind the back of
the finger tip it had not been well.
If the envier of the nail of thy bravery beara a grudge
against thee, perchance poor fellow it is because he does
not know that the nail is poisonous.
T have brought in the word nail (n@khun) as radif® in this
poem which is like a charm Verily it is os usefal in
magic, as the hair of the head or the tip of the nail.*
Oh king, do not desert me, go long aa the spiteful heaven
stiikes every moment one nail upon another by way of
producing the notes of my fate.
Inasmuch as tho mention arose of ‘Amid, who was controller
of all the states of Hindustan, it is essential to reproduce some
thing from poems of his which are rarely met with :
Arise ‘Ami4, if thy heart 18 not cold and dend
Leave thy love-poems, and speak the praise of the Lord of
the world
Praise the Court of Hcaven, for he has raised on high many
au azure dome withont theeirksome aid of tools;

LMS (A) wb so0 y

aMs (4) ole coy sly
§ Lug) Radif The name given toasyllable or word following the rhyme bat
in no way essential to it )3= Thue in this poem the word wal nakhun ia the
radif, the rhyming letter or as'5 qapyak bemg y (r). In MS {A) these
vergea are in the order given hore
# In Persia it is the ensiom to bury the parings of the nails, and the cut-
tinge of the hair, lest some harm should happen to the owner should they
fall into the possession of a mahcione peraon with magical power, The
butchers also make a hole or a cut im the blade bones of sheep for the same
reason, ns they are conmdered a powerful instrument of magic In the hat of
charms given in Guster'a transiation of the “Sword of Moses” we find ‘69,
to send plagnes, take (parings?) from seven men and pnt thom mtoa new
potsherd and go out to tho cometery and there any No. 69 and bury it ino
place thnt 1a not trodden by horges and afterwards take tho dust from this
poteherd anf blow 1t :nto lus face or upon the lintel of hia house” RAS,
Jan, 1896, p. 185.
 ( 12 ]
He has appointed two kings (the San and Moon) to travel
over this blne dome, and has allottea to them the planets
sa attendant cavaliers on all sides.
The tiring woman of hig skill has displayed a bundred
beauteous stars at ‘nightfall from behind the curtain of
uine folds!
He has ordained for the lady of the world, in Night and Day
two able handmaids with the titles of Rami and Hindi
(te, fair and dark)
Withovt any shop-keeper in the mmall shop of the sky, he has
suspended in one corner a pair of scales with two pans.*
His skil) has caused the crimson anemone® to grow upon the
summit of the mountains, his bounty has caused the Sari?
and Rabi? to blossom in the garden.

1 The nine boavens, beginning from the lowest are ~—

t ill hls Falaku-l-qamar (Moon)
# sees} SY Patakn-l-njarad (Mercary).
& bya | U3 Poiuko-2-Zohra (Venns)
+ ore} Ss
Vataku sh-Shanis (Sun)
6 gril ufls Falaxa-l-Marrikh { Mara)
8 Coyhtiel 19 Felnica |-Mashtaci (Jupiter).
1 ost $3 Pataku-z-Bubal (Satorn)
8 ang wis Falgku-s-sawabit ( Fixed tera)
9 tht ul Falakn-1-Ajlas (The plam eky)
NB-~
Pe Means an unstamped win)
Bee the Ghiydsu-l-Lughat
See also Ain.r. Akbart Li (Jarrett) 37, note 1.
Ree also Keshehif Bib Ind Vol 1], p 1134 and eogg,
8 The constellation Libra, called tI? sa? (tardex-s-charkk) or oSls
(sail (tarazi s-falak) or WI? (mizan).
5 asim “A beautiful red rose of an odonferons
and exlilerating flavour”
(mc } Steingase In the Hasht Eskishé of Amir Khusri, we fnd a
w
gore US oye 1d YA full smiliog ip ike the flower of the Siri ‘sl;
None of the dictionaries give this word nor can I ascertain
what the fower is
wea 55S Shaga'qun Nu'man so called because of its redness
fay 6 Fo ow2
being likened to the flashingais of lightning or from in the sense
of " blood ”,aa resembling blood in colour so thet it signifies “ peces of
frye
blood,” (Lane) « », ius
 { 143
At one time with the point of the compasses of his bounty
he has limned tlie form of the mouth: at another with the
pen of his favoor he has delineated the two eyebrows.
The face of day by bia bounty has become a biaze of whiteness 100,
The locks of the night by his skill have become a marvel of
blackess.
The kings of the earth! with submission and humility, in
,seaich of honour have rubbed their faces im the dust of
hia threshold.
Every month has its moon upon the plain of the sky, at one
time curved like the chaugdr," at another round hke the ball
So just is he, that at the time of dispensmg justice he has
never injnred any one even au hair's breadth by oppression.
That one who soucht his food in tho heart's blood of gr apes
hoiade on the morrow blach with disgrace hike the cheek
of the plum &
The partridge with ite (weak) claws could attack a hundred
hawks if so many heads of ants give such power to the
partridge.
The morning bieeze bestowed out of his all-encompassing
bounty upon Chin and Kl ata‘ the perfume of the bag of
tho musk deer.
Hear fiom me oh fiisend, since you have heard the declaration
of unity, a piece of advice tv hearing which both your ear
and mine are attentive
Beware of giving an exr to the sound of the strings of the harp.
Beware of turning your attention to the flagon fashioned of
earth (wine flask)
Those who in ths way live en good terms with their lovers,
suck as you, do not say, Where is one of thet company ?

t uss” usable (Saldfin-. majazi) So-called Inngs, ss opposed to

pda pb. (Sulafin-s-haqigi) true kings, +¢, the prophets.
A wipe According to the Burhén-s-Qdis‘ this name 1s given to any stick
with a bent end, eapecmlly toe the bent stick with whick they play the
“douhal” and ‘“‘naqqéra” (kinds of drama). Also apphed to a long pole
with a curved end from which is enspended a steel bell as one of the magnis
of royalty. Here it ia a “ polo” stick
8 Wine 1s forbidden to Muslims by their region, Cf. Qur'in, H. 216 and
Vv o .
6 (hd Khaté Cathay vid. D'Herbelot, 11, 481 Khathai,
 [ 44 J
Do you yourself hehold every morning, for the dove on the
garden bough by its song of Ka Ki! beors witness to this
beneficent one,
101. Cast thine eye upon the ground that thou mnyest see poured
out there many a friend of kind aspect, and many a sweet-
natnred loved one
Do thou ‘Amid again lay hold of the thread of confession of
unity
And hang it upon the rosary of thy prayers as it wore pearls,
Oh Sovereign Lord! world-possessing Deity who art ever.
hvin
Yet without (the intervention of the vivifying) spurit,? and
eloquent without a (material) tongue.
1 5Srs - The song of the dove, Where ? Whero?
wen
oe St gory S pad of
e . es

»” (Gd—ial ang wlals 3 §_Sys 5

Lu5aU 8) tyhis af pp
FF 38 9 8S hd ob JOT (Omar Khayyam).
¥ou palace towering to tho welkin bine
Where kings did bow thim down and homage do
1 saw a ring dove on ita niches perched
Aud thos she made compl unt Coo Goo, Coo Con (Whinfield),
The pious Mubammadana in India say that tho rmgdove'’s note 1g
eyo (ere via yas wos wle gubhan teri qudrat, Sublsdn tere
qudrat, Praise be to Thee for thy power.
8 Ct! Rak 1s the yitel principle the “breath of hfe ” (Ger 7) as
Gintingashed from the oe nafs or conscious manifestation of hfe, or the
Conscronsnosa itaelf Thus we find in the Qur'an XV 29
¢ 7 ear?
wu ay wee J 02 nafokkiu fihy min ricki, “ond beathed into
it of
my spit,” and agin in Qur'én V 116
% 6 gt Fue . Fuca,ye PRI
ote IGF ©
eo ig be poss aigle of ANS 2S
In hunto quituhu fagad ‘alimtahu ta'lamu nd fi nafsi
“Wad I said go veisly thon wouldst have known
it, thou knowest what uw
in my soul”
Jt as said in a tradition that God croated Adam and pnt into hims
we nafs and a TH vith
Tt would seem as though the word oe nafs connotes the same iden as
the word mind, usmg this word im the
sonac of the phenumona produced by
 [ 145}
By thy order three daughters have come forth from the soul !
Without the pangs of childbirth, aud without the intermediary
influence of a husband. .
Compared with thy ancient order what is Kiera* and what
is Qaigar .
In face of thy decree what is the Khaqan and what is Halaka ?
Without thy commend no ant can draw a single breath
of its own will, /
Without thy knowledge no sleeper turns from one side to the
other. -

the action of the 39 ré# or vital principle upon matter: the highest form
of matter, with which we are familiar, namely, the nerve atructures of the
homan brein, admita of certain phenomena which in their totality we call
mind the existence of a higher form of matter cnpable of higher manifesta-
tion than those which come within oar present experience is obviouply pos-
sible. A force apart from matter may, for anything we know, exist ina way
that we cannot figure to ourselves for want of some example Such a force
self-existent wonld be ¢ 3) Rik .
1 These three daughters here referred to are the threo divisions of cypsfl
nafe ui wafe, ie by Arabian metaphysicians divided primarily into two
divisions («) Jb! ut nafeu-l-‘agl which is elso called #&bWy tilt
annafeu-n-nd{igah the reason, mind, or discriminating faculty and (5)
ite fe nafeu-l-hatyat the breath of life.
The first of these is again sub-divided into two, that which commands and
that which forbids. thue they any Armitipotyy wb julinun yn'amwn
nafeatht. Such an one consults hus two minds, +¢, weighs the pros and cons,
See Lane article ue and ¢3J)> also Ghiydeu I-lughat, ond Aushshdf art.

ok,
3 ion The Chosroes. Qnisar y@ Cocsar; an Emperor.
ws& A Turkish word moaning Emperor. The name given to the
Emperor of China and potentates of Chinese Tartary (Sce de Courteille
Turk Oryent wile), Khagin, Onginally the title Qnin was given
Diet
to the supreme sovereign of the Mogals, while the subordinate princes
of the Chaghate: and other Chinglzi hnes were styled only Khan
After a time the higher Qua lost ita pecuhar distinctpve dignity and was
used by many bemdes tho govercign (see Ta 7kh-t-Rashidi (Ehas and Ross),
p don 1)
3S he Halakii, descendant of Changi7 Khan.
19
 [ 46]
downwarda,!
Although I like s harp am hump backed and head Ya Huwa.*
air of
Yet in the assembly of thy hope I play the
all the assembly of the
On that day when ont of awo of thee
knee,
prophets own their allegiance on bended
me, wretched
Oh Lord do thon of thy clemency bestow upotr edi-
d with disob
man that I am, forgiveness, fur I em deGle
énce and engulfed in it on all sides

His aleo is the following in praise of the prophet may the peare
and blessing of God be upon hrm *
whose
1 fashion now a garment of song the embroidery of
adornment of the sou}
sleeve, flows gracefully from the*
as the ornament of its divine Creator
102. I choose the path of thy forming by theofnamenoft straight-
forward praise,
Becanse the two worlds are an indication’ of the embroidery
of its sleeve;
Rose of the garden of the prophetic office, than whose spikensrd®

1 The word 4g chang in ite origins sense means bent or curved, hence it
wreme p hock, and especially the hook called also “gayak set » with which
@ephants ave driven Another secondary meaning is the bent hand and fingers
of man, or the claws of ammals und talons of birds Also the name of a
musical instrument (Burhan-1-Qafr‘) The fiw was played with a plectrum
called #43 Zakima, and from its description ad Sy9f Riz and wg oe
sarngin was like the o9° ‘id of the Arabs, and very stmiler to the mahdolix
ef our times.
Sys) Yo huss, An mnvoestionte the most High—eqmvalent
to “ My God
and my Lord"
$ Theao words are not 1n . MS (A) whieh has no introduction to the poem.
+.
MS. (R) hay Gh 3 Fayed a,
© MB (A) Ouyg?. MS (A) Saye’. 5 MSS, (A) and (B) alo
‘6 aire Sumbul (Nardostachys j;atamanas N. O. Valenanacess) vdp8or, or
spikenard of the ancients, a perfume held in high esteem = (8. John xu. 2),
Jn the Bahru-t-Jatwdhtz it 1s atated that there are two kinds of Sombal—
Bambul-i-Hindi, and Sunibal-1-Rimi
It is Inzntrve and a tonic to the brain. ...asefn) in dropsy, in fatalence
abd as a hemostatic in metrorrbagis % al
The perfumed sumbul 1 the variety called Sambifl-i-Hindi
Sambal-1-Riimi 10 also called Nardin indi while the
Gee alao Ibnu-l-Baijar (Sontheimer), Vol. II, pp 58 et séqg.
 1 147 ]
the morning breeze has never borne from Chin to Machin !
& rarer odour from the fragrant musk.
Head of the created beings of the world, by whose glorious
advent, the heaven has brought forth @ pearl of great
price from the sbell as an offering
The heaven has placed its two standards firmly planted in the
seventh of itg citadels, throughout the length and breadth
of the world in the five stated times of prayer *
Hig onyx-like® pye has not casi one glance upon the signet of

‘Of Tieffenthaler ZX 107. Abul Feda (Reinund) II 11,122 D’Herbelot

Vol II. Art Khatai. Machin or Mahi Chin see Ain-s-Akbari, II 11% aud note 2.
“ Japhet 1a credited by Orientuls with the paternity of Chin who received
the Celestial empire as his inheritance and begot Michin hie firat bora ”
§ The phrase ¢pide §y3 means literally tho six-sided oven.shaped (world).
The six sides or divisions of the world are—
ye ple ‘dlamu-l-ina, the world of mankiad.
oF pie ‘dlamu-lycan, the world of the jinn or genit,
IS) pile ‘glamu-l-maléskah, the world of angels.
oly! pe ‘dlamu-l-hajwgn, the animal yrorld.
hut gle ‘djamucn-nabét, the vegetable world.
wo'ael| pile ‘glameu-l-ma‘idin, the mineral world.
The five stated timea of prayer are known 1s— .
eb guhr yO8 ‘apr wy naghrih «sl ‘osha and Ie’ fajr.
The two standards ps ‘alam are the sun und moon, cf Qur'an, XXXVL.,
38, 39
8M S.(A)reads (SSE His onyrhike ee, &o
This must be taken to refer to a saying of the prophet Muhammad * The
cornehan for me and the onyx for my enormes” According to the Nukdbatu-
é-dehr (p 69), bo said this “ bocguse the onyx causes its wearer to become
ill-tempered, rash, precipitate, and litigious... There nie several varieties
of onyx.,.... .the best is that in which the markings aye of equi} breadth...
Tne whiteness of the onyx 1ncreases as the moon waxes, and dunimishes as 16
wanes The onyx softens when boiled m oil, sparkling and emitting hight...
The people of China (wee) where the onyx 1s found, will not approach
the mings on account of tho unlugkiness of the stone, so that ouly the
‘poorest claag will work there.
One property possessed by the onyx is that of curing acald-head in children:
it algo acts as a malagogne causing them to dribble when it 1s hung round
their necks ” .
See also Lane Art. tJ where it 18 stated that the wearmg of pn onyx
in 9 magnet indhoes anxiety, disquietude of mind, grief and tor:ifying dreams
 [ Ma]
Sclomon ! becanse there is the stamp of his seal upon every-
thing from the moon above to the fish below.*
Fate and Destiny are his guardians, Eternity and Hope his
helpers,
Earth ® and the time are hia advocates, angels and heaven
pledged to Lim
His lip is honey and his cheek a rose, what an advantage to
both worlds,
His golangabin* (confection of rose and honcy) relieves the
tremor of disobedience,
The mouth of the shell 1s full of the pearls of his pearl-hke
words,
The belt of the horizon is beyewelled with his widespread
faith,
The prosperity of the body of the faithful 1s in his left hand,
and the good fortune of the face of those whe follow the
path of his relgion 18 in lus right hand.
Tho pages of the seven heavens aro but an atom of his being,
The two worlds, compared with the stream of his might, are
but a sweat drop from hia forehead,
The tongue of a green hzard® is ono of the marks of his seal,
The web of the spider was a curtaim which conccaled his
relation,§

1 Soloman’s power lay according to tradition in the signet of his ring, on

wihioh was engraved the “ most niighty nome ”
See Lane Arabian Nighta mtroduction n 21 and Chap
in 15 This stone
was supposed to shew Solomon every thing he wished to know
See D'Hexbelot art. Soliman,
§ Called tye Yahmiit apon which the world is anid to reat. See page
lo,4 2
3M (A) whe}y 90}
nS ane Properties of the rose are said in
the Bahru-l-Jawghir to be
laxative, exspectorant, and an iphrodisiao
= while honey is anid
to ba a hi ht
dew which falls upon flowers und 1s
collected by bees, it 1s hot and dry mth
second degree 1t relieves dimneas of vision and is
a atomachic tonic, wa
lasative and expe torant Sadrdi further says that honey is benefi
men, but injuneus
cial to old
to youth
s and people of hot temperament,
When heated with pulp of roses, and 18 aphrodiat
cures the bites of snakes and of
Neither book mentions its use in d .
the treatment of tremors s cificall
Sadidis statemont that it 18 good tat
for old man may refer to senile
tremors ue
* This line should rend. Usha Wy 6543) (slow
. gue wht ws5s Sep page 110 ’
 { 140]
In the moon-bedecked heaven, one glance of his cleft the 103.
heart of the moon the beloved of the sky into two halves as
though it were a piece of cloth !
Both beasts of prey and birds have girded the loins of faith-
fulness to him.
Both young babes and old men lave oponed their lipé in his
praise.
The rose and the thorn of fragrant flowers arc the fruits of
his love and kindness \
The (sweet) sugar and the (bitter) colocynth are both re-
minders of his love andwrath
The garden, mn submisrion® to his creative power, lke the
violet has scratched its cheek (with vexation), Look!
there is a blue mark upon its jasmine cheek.
His body 1s composed of spirit of divine sanctity, which ig the
purification of the spirit of the human, One cannot reach
to his essential constitution, for his composition 18 of light.

ov 3, for the story of the lizard When Muhammad was fleeing from
lekka to Medina in company with Abu Bakr as Siddiq, lis father-in-
iw, they came to a cave in the Jubal Sanur and took refuge in 1t from their
nomies In order to concenl their whereabouts a spider was directed to
pin ita web over the entrance, which led the pursners, who had followed them
hus far, to conclude they had not entered the cave
Hardtu-l-Qulib, See ulyo Muir's Life of Mah JI 267 note
Compare the followmg lines by Ya‘qiibu-l-Manjaniqi, quoted by Ibn
Khalligén , .
eats hh ol s6Yh ps sla) coon le
. wry has} je wy ydAL oa: a! dtd e
Oh thon who art ao vain glorious! leave glory to him who 18 the Jord of
might and of power
David's weaving would liave been of no sorvice on the night of the cave
The honour was all given tu the spider °
Seo Ibn Khalbqan (de Slane), Vol IV, p 375.
According to another account immediately after Muhammad and Abu Bakr
had entered the cave, an Acacia tree grew up at the entrance and a pau of
nigeons had already nested 1 it, while a spider's web closed what remamed
of the entrance D. Herbelot II 231 art (Hegrah).
1 MS (A) &lyF oe.
§ MSS (A) and (B) (asda sly 3 wee
8 MSS. (A) and (B) (gmt cy “ihe af
 { 150]
When Bar&q the lightnmg fleet came under his stirrup he
leapt towards thebighest heavens so that the curved crea-
cent moon was like the hinder part of his saddle.
When his courser trod the face of the plain of the earth he
placed his foot'in such way that the heaven became like
the curth to bim.
Ono step of his reached to the extremity of the earth from the
house of Ummahani,' the second step reached to the Sidra, #
from the earth hike the angels
The orb of tho sun, the untamed steed, was led along in his
eavilcade,
The moon having stamped a brand upon its quarter with
its horseshoe shaped crescent
Consuler the goodness of his nature in that for our sakes in
the next world, he has, Jong pleaded the cause of his fol-
lowers with a heart full of pity
Wisdom, by lis favour, 1a drawn out from tho well of super-
station by tho rope of the cord of Chastity? which was his
104, mighty tatle
Asad Ullah leaving lus lair, with hia polished spear has torn
out the heart of the envious cur-hearted ones like the
tongue of a dog.
A band + hke the ants of the ground tiavelling fast& along o
path slender as a hav
Shing Like the hghtaing from the bi iluancy of the torch
of Jus rebyion 6
A band Cot men lost) like a hare which has fallen into leaven
7
hy reason of his wiath fell into the me from the,
bridge,
with then waists bound lke the ant in
ther hostility,
P Bec ace 2 pace $05 See Quran
Sur XVUL
RBAt som! ventli haven hating ats roots an the enth
After that 7
was taken 1,11 idratu-l Montaba and behold 1s ft wits were Lhe
waiter pota
und ia dcace et glephants ca 5” (Mathes) Mashkevu-leVt
msatih, Vol, UL
p 604
bec alerting +4 Dirt of Ivan {S:dratu-J-Muntaha)
Banat lk MS (Al (8) Quran dur UIE 98
Mp (4 os This wt udes {o the Muslima
t Ms ‘ nage

SMS) Ces Qed

TMS Cis and Teat pore MS {B) rae, These are Kitirg, infidels.
 [ 1st]
Qn tne surface of the board of his sincerity who can raise his
head in deceit! since not even the heavén survives the
throw of his two dice *
Seven pillars are established by his four friends, for the
seven heavens which are firmly fastenod to the pole.
Of these four stars 3 there are two conjunctions both of which
are fortunate. The Moon and Jupiter* are in conjunction,
each one with its own partner.
Tn the two cara of the four elements how happy 1s my earring.
From the two earrings® sprang eight Paradises with the
two lights which give sight to the cy cs.
‘Amid has devoted -his powers in all directions to sing his
praises, if perchance the good and bad of his words may
gaiz some currency.
How can I bonst of my descent, here, when I from my heart
supplicnte the intercessor of the day of judgment whose
religion God approves,
From the embroidery of my eulogy, what legality * is evident,
in my magic? It 1s lke wine whose pure brilliancy is
enhanced by the crystal cup."
From the sugaicandy of lis sayings the lips of the parrots

1 es MS. (A) (B).

SMS (A)(B) ¢ ye BEF enivS Ka'batem. Tho toniples of Mekkn
and Jerusalem
8 The first four Khahfa the “mghtly-direoted ” MS (A) reads whys 9d
* Both the Moon and Jupiter are fortunate ce Ibn Khaldin Proleg
(De Slane) II 217 and seqq
6 @kyb 9 ; Hassan and Hnsain, Ge 2 Their eight children.
3 9
‘Ali and Fatima
8 See Ibn Khalhqan (Shine) IIT 344 x. (8) Magio was held to be un-
Jawfol except the magicil effect of eloquence such #8 1n pogtry whith is-
called Stee) As-sahiul halal Tlofv says,

Jha pen by pad cut coe 5

AS Lure ot yf idle
is this poem 4 miracle, or 18 it lawful magic ?
Has a heavenly messenger brought thra message or was it Gabriel himself ?
See Hughes’ Dict of Ielém article Magic, also Lane sub voce ya
7 This cotiptet 1a omitted in MS (B)
MS (A) read, Umiyae od Why92 cughe ipo OF (ye ya.
 [ 152 ]
are imbued with sugar as though from the tray of elo-
108. quence they have eater the crumbs of Ins wisdom.
What person am I, what parrot am I, 1 that sing these verses P
When I sing his praise it is hike the buzzing of a fly May the
breath of the parrota of my sou! not fail for a single moment from
the singing hia praise and proclaiming his triumph.
Anotues Qasipa.!
Oh thou from awe of whose order the heaven is bowed in
submission, the proclamation of thy might is this, Thou
standest alone thou hast no companion
Thy kingdom 1s en everlasting Kingdom, thy domiuion is the
dominion of upnghtnesa
Thy empire is no changeable empire. Thy rale is not a
divided rule.
The rays of the brightness of thy holiness are the portrayers
of the sun and moon. The recluse of thy kingdom is in
the highest altitude of Simak reaching even to Samak.§
At one time thou givest to the paitridge of the day wings
and feathers of fiery hue, at another in the liquid cage of
the heavens thou makest the moon-tailed pigeon of the
night § as an angel *
Thon hast broken the cup of the moon at the head and foot
of each month.’ Thou hast bound thine all-encompassing
contemplation around the star Parak §

1 MS (A) has the words @ lay, Asan lahu Also by him

4 The fourteonth house of the houses of the Moon There are two Simiks
one As-Simaku-r-Rimib, the lance-beurmg Simik (Arcturus) , and the other
4s-Simiku-1-A‘zal, tho unarmed Simik (Spa Virginig ) Both of these are in
the feet of tho constellation Leo = 'l'he word Simiak 18 gad hy the Arab com-
mentator on Ulug Beg tc denote grent altitude, m derivation from the rout
Samaka to rese, to be exalted See Iba Khalliqin (de Slane) Vol L note 11,
Samak, tho fish, which 1s below the Karth bearing on its back a cow
which hears the earth on ita horn = (@hrydau-l-Lughat)
Bp é0 Burhdn-1-Qitv A bird having claws, with a black and whute tail
from which they make feathers for arrows lsu a pigeon oll black with a
white tarl.
4 MB (A) reads SLE which scoms to have no meaning. The text readg
US with a variant oe which we find on MS (B)
§ Both in the new moon, and im the last quarter, the moon has 4 defective
form, crescent or decrescent
6 Sys Parak = The star Canopus Burhin-1-Qipr',
 L ws J
Thy power is the gurdener, the four quarters of the earth
are his tilth. Thou hast cast around that as the shelter of
an eyelid, the bounty of the seven oceans!
From the midst of the oven of the east, thy order bringeth
forth the loaf of gold of the weat after the silvery loaf.
In the garden fall of thy skilled works, the hand of the tiring
woman of the mormng-breeze rmbs on the rouge of adorn-
ment hike the beauties ® do over the patches.* 106.
The rose with the mark of the mole on its cheek, displayed
its buds. Like the cheek of the beanty the moon displays
its face from the heavens.®
On the extremity of the plain of spring, jesuing from the door
of thy creation, the tulip sits with ao shield, the willow
stands with its arrow.
The jasmine and the rose proclaim thy skill with lip and
cheek.
Thy care preserves the sugar of the confection with salt *
Except thy eternal existence how can any caravan arrive ab
secondary existence,’
In the eye of truth there is kuhl*® (of ornament), m the eye

} These are according to the Burhan-» Qrtr',

wlaya = Bahret- Turjan & pb yar! Bahy-s-Tabariyn
prby 2 Buhr-+- N faa, P23) slay Daryd-1-Rim,

ty cslye Darya ve Maghib, up csbyo Daryé-s-Chin.

pil> yet! Bako t-Khudrazm
® MSS (A) and (B) reed lm
3 Jie oS, MSS. (A) and (B)
4 se - SS “A patch” for the face (Rurhin-1- Qatr')
6 Tread here 65 31 sulei cosy of AF do 5,3 tI} Tha seems the
best reading Both MSS (A) and (B) lend coyntenance tot The reading
in the text 18 impossible
4 That is to say the aweet lips of his beloved are so piquant that {t seems
as though they were tinged with salt Conserve of rosea is called Aan
parwarish,

1 py. (qrdam) Fxiatence from all eternity. For Sy® (/udig) poe note
4, page 1.
® The ext kuhl wos used naa collynam wet ye (Mil Kashidan)
is to put out the eyes Uso mil, called also ole mulmil, is the bodkin
or style ased for applying the kul,
20
 { 14,
of infidelity aud doubt there w the probe (of destruction).
Whoever has tho inscription on Jua ring im accordunce with
thy way! verily is saved, but whoever has on his forehead
the brand of opposition to thee verily he is lost.
In the glory of thy approbation why should any one take to
craft P Why should the saw of Nah rbn*Lamak ® cut down
every tree ?
The parrot of my hfe at the remembrance of thee has re-
mained safe from the snare of grief? just as in the ocean
of Jupiter the Fish is safe from the net 4
Like an Eelnopian and a Greek, the day has taken away from
thy threshold a gold embroidered manile, the night bas
despoiled thee of a dress distinguished by a plumed §
cap.
One draught of thy kindness 1s equal to the display of several
rows (of cups).
A morsel of thy favour is for the accountants ® several lake.
As long ag thou drawest him as by ‘the end of the cord, no
one turns away hs face from the door. It were better that
the neck of the heaven should be in the noose of the Milky.
way,
Thy wrath drives out the pride of tyrants? from their heads,
by means of the point of the sting of a mosquito? not by
the advanced enard of wn army

3 M8 (A) reads C&S but thai an error.

8 fel uy ce ‘The text and both MSS read oSle yy cw See Genesia
vy 28-30 Nosh the con of Lamech, alao Gen vi 14
3 pf old) MBS (A) and (H) The text renda wrongly pf §'33
4 When Jupiter enters the conatellation of Pracea he
is 1 the arcendant.
SMS (A) SUS US [us (By OS IS toe: LS hls]
als us m= yIdy! vs kulon--pardar ( Bur han-r-Qats')
* MBS (A) (B) bdaym Ua}
7 MS (A) Ble [MS (B) Iplen ‘rest ty he ]
8 2&3 Ms (A)
In the Nasthhu (-lowarikg of
Lisanu-]-Mulk we find the followi
of this incident — ng nccount
* The cause of the death of
Ni mrod wna this, that after
ability to burr Avraham, Geapairmg of na
\0 Consequence of his protection by
the idea of enter the Almighty,
ing inte c onflot with the Most High entered hia head,
and
 anne oe

[ 135J
If the drops of the bounty of thy nearness distil upon the
OLS ee

palate of my heart say to the clouds of supplication “ Do

not rain” and say to the tear of hope “ Do not fall.”
I am fulfilled with thy bounty like a pearl in the cloudy
a
an

weather.!
Not like the wine flask which comes forth from the assembly
3)

after yielding the benefit of its fulness *

NET EE!

T have attained the dignity of eloquence from thy consent.

By thy help it is that this joyful sound ® has been placed in
my hand by destiny.
TT

How long shall I utter cries of grief round the carpets of

TT

Emperors, because at thy door there is susteuance-

gaining world free from vexation ¢
Wine which gives you a headache is better cast on the ground.
EE

A carpet if it be of silk ® is more fit to be burnt than thorns.

he ordered Abraham to be bronght before him; then turning towards him he

sad, Oh Abraham, bid your Gol to come with his army, and array himeelf
against me in battle so that the one who conquers may have the upper
hand Tomorrow, that 1s Wednesday, we will arrange tho battle field before
NR

this city, and test man with man,

Then having reviewed hia army he came ont from the city with a countless
array, and drew up in line on the battle field.
The prophet Abraham came out alone and unaccompanied, in face of that
vast host, and stood there Suddenty, by the command of the Almighty, the
face of heaven became darkoned by a cloud of mosquitos, which are the
most contemptible of all crentures, and they at once begin to sting the army
of Nimrid, and put them to flight, and most of those worthless ones died.
Nimrid, on seeiug this, in fear and shame tnrued his back npon the whirlpool
of de ith, and fled into Ins fort Snddenly a single mosquito entering after him
stung his jp, and reached Ins brain. For forty vears the moequsto fed upon
ina brain, after winch Nimriid died in abject misery”
As the mosquito is known to be tho intermediary host of certain parasites
and may be the means of conveying infective disease, there may be a subs-
tratam ef trath in this fable
1 whe yp ‘MS (A) The tert rends wrongly whhs 33
That isto sy mv fulness is one which is permanent, like that of the
pearl which renvams hidden mm the shetl; not transitory like thet of the wine
flask wlorh Toads to emptiness
$ fom deumeak literally means the sound of clapping the hands from joy.
# MS (a) OS (ys
& By the laws of Islim, cloth made entirely of ilk 1s not permisardle for
use othe: as clothing at times of prayer, or ne a prayer carpet intl
woven of silk and colton mized ts permissible and ia dulled tar onoghyd'.
 { 186|
Ob Lord, with that rose of betievolence from the exhalationa
of whose excellence the olfactory sense of the angels
is refreshed while the musk of Chin remains dry asa
busk,
Let me refresh the olfactories of my soul every moment,
until I am on the biink of tue grave, that my dust may
be hke a rose garden far removed from the pricking of
thistles.
The possession of sincerity, and trne equity, che root of
modesty, and the secret! of truth, the house of religion
is founded on all of these both by bond and deed.
Ou the heaven of his pophecy, for the travellers along the
high road of the sacred law, each of these four pillars* is a
sign of the itjuiction Go on thy way and be pure ®
May every breath of my life be praise and glory, until the
breath of the morning, that each bieath may then be a
worthy present for the soul
Think that the pupils of my two eyes are foug in affection,
(ve, four Khalifs).
Otherwise thou wilt fail to gain Paradise, and art ready for
the door of hell,
What good will apostasy do you when ‘Ali 1s independent
of you? How can gold shew its perfect purty if the
touchstone doer nut shew the shine of it?
What blame is it to the body of the lute af during the tune¢
either its silken string breaks, o1 its bridge slyps down.
Go, and open the letter of the Prophet in all sincerity, that
it may efface fiom your miad the suspicion as regards
“ Faddak,’’ 5

1 MBS (A) (B) (gaya,

The term eh rapzi is upplied by Sunni Mushms to auy of the Shitah
pests. See Hughes Dict of Jsldm Art, Rafizi
§ The four khulifs
3 . we ww
Hadis peeaa} poses ped wate
p=" 1 Uke My companions are
like«58the todas
stars, , na
whichiA)
over of them you follow you you will will ba
be l led by st, 3

Farms
6 Faddak Was up
n ustitd
vat
Hear Medina which Muhdmutad left to his daughter
Aftei the bh
fophets :
death Aba Baki touk 1t'and Fatima demanded 1t of
 r 987 4
And he who like the ill-omened owl ! boasts of being a Kbarijt®
him, be replied: “ Thy father seid that we who are propels do not leave
hereditary legacies, all that I leave 18 for Moalims,

The Shi'ahs eny that Aba Bakr soised Fedak by force, The post denice
this assertion in the above vorse
} ap agt. ‘The ill-omen attending the owl is common to all countries,
probably from the hubit it has of frequenting ruined buildings. The Arabis
proverb indicates the estimation in which the owl! was held.
sly Uh,5 be pad Ragalt 9 wht sy!
& wm ulula bonum fuisest, cam venator non retigmneent Freytag Meid.
Prov Yl p 572.
The story told by Mas‘idi about Behram points in the same direction. See
Ibn Khaldiin (de Slane) Prolegomenea, I. 107.
In the Husdtu-l-Hatwdn there is « story told of Al Mi’miin who in the course
of his peregriuations one day saw a young min writing something on the wall
with a piece of charcoal. He ordered his servants to seo whet the maa was
writing and 1t was aa follows:
frill 6 st gh Atayglo peylfly perdi 685 rm OF yaad by
pre Se or Syl Ss see? x prt Lad cAcias ay?
Oh palace ill-luck and curse ure assembled in thee;
When will the owl make her nest in thy pillars ?
Happy the day when the ow! builds her nest in thee!
I shall be the first to announce thy downfall.
He explained this before A] Ma’miin by saying that he was in great distress
and hoped to benefit by the rain of the palace.
® The namo Khiri)i was given to any one who denipd any one of the true
[mimes (see Cureton’s Shahrastini Mtlal wa Arhal, page 85.)
See the article Khawarij in Hughes, Dict of Ila,
The Kharyi heresy was that any man of no matter what nation or tribe
tnay be appointed Khalifah provided that he waa a good man and was elected
by the whole body of Mosi:ms. o
See for a fuller avcount uf this eect. Sele’s Qar'in. Preliminary Discourse,
p 123 (Ed of 1887) (Badger Lndms and Setyysds of Omdn, Appendix, pp. 374,
and seq) (Osborn, Juidm under the Arabs, p 116). The last mentioned
gives a fall account of the origin of this heretical sect when ‘Ali and Ma'iwis
met at Siffin from which the following is an extract “ The valour of ‘Ali was
brilhantly seconded by that of hie favourite heatenant Mahke-l-Ashtar,
the Marshal Ney of the Araban Army. A tremendous charge by Malik at
last forced a wing of the Syrian troops to give -ground. Gradually the
whole line wag forced back, the retreat became a rout.’
However at this critical moment Amron ibn al-‘As knowing the fanatical
character of ‘Ali’s troops, ordered « number of Syrian soldiers to advance
 [ ibeJ
edmpared to the confidant of the cave! is like the night-fying
bat* in comparison with the standard of the day (the Sun).
Pot aside your desire of rebellion, say not ® word save in
respect, how can a dog contend with a tawny lion.’
What power have you to decide between the companions of
the Prophet, you who from foolishness like a blind man,
seek the softuess of ermine from the stoat.t .
Tt were better that the skirt of the time was freed by akilfal
management, from the impurity of those abomination-
working sects before that this sound reaches ther ears
What brought you inte hell 75
Oh Lord ! although for a long time my heart has heen afflict-
ed by the darhngs of Chig:l, and held fast by the rosy-
cheeks of Yamak °

towards their line bearing copies of the Qar'in fixed to the heads of ther
lances. “Let tho blood of the Faithful cease to flow” they cried “let
the Book of God decide between ua”
‘Al’s soldiers thereupon turned upon him headed by certain men whom
Aah-Shahrastini namer, ond insisted upon ‘Ali recalling Malik Al-Ashtar
from fighting against the Mosliums “or” seid they “we will aesorediy deal
with you as we dealt with ‘Usmin” and inmsted upon the matter in dispute
between ‘Ali and Mu‘awia being settled by arbitration. .
& Aba Bakr —The sole companion of Mulammad when he fled from Mecca
to Medinah, of. Qur’an 1x. 40,
we ade eee t Pee 6 Belongs & Miaderg nt, I Ion g
SAN gd Gat wpatll opi ty BF yall dayhf on all 5-05 OM ay yal Fh
o oe * e , 9

Unless yo help tim, and God did help him when these who disbeheved drove
tum forth the second of two, when they twain were in the eave (of Jabul Saor).
3$)24e% MSS, (A) and (B) have Sy) waS which seoms to have no
meaning. ,
6 Kisil Arslan is the Turkish for“ red lion” He was son of Udighiz the
first of the Atabsks of Agar beijin whose dynasty commenced in 655 H. and
eoded in 632 H. Muhammad the elder son of Idighiz succeeded his father
and was in turn succeeded Sy Kizil Arsién who was assassinated in 587 H.
(D' Herbelot) (Beale)
¢ $5. fanak The animal commonly known by the name #9 dalla,
weasel or stoat. e

§ gurin bnn 48, B of LLY reys GEE whe’

ae. ere ee Ff o oF ape S.

“5
In gardens shall they ask each other ubout the sinners — what
drove. you
into heli-fire ?
© Chiygsl, The Burhdn-+-Qéi' saya A coty in Torkestin whore inhabitants
are exosedingly beautiful and arc unequalled in archery.
 [ 159J
Yet in the begmning of the n@n and dal of my nage (54) 109.
after the year kh and nim and hd (655 H),! thanks
“be to God that the bird of my ambition has burst the
bonde of this met and gone free.
T have washed my hands of the one, and have freed my foot
from the other, springing out of both annares like the clay
pellets from a pea-shooter *
At thy footstool hencefurth my constant cry is “I repent,”
my supplication is to thee, my secret thonghts and open
dealings are with thee.
Thou shewest me meicy at that time when by the intoxica-
tion of the wineskin of death both my chin and jaws are
cold and shrunken 8
When my breath is bound upon the balista of my body like

Yagit says A city lying beyond the river Sihin im Torkestan near
Turrar Thence sprang Abi Mabammad ‘Abdar Rahman tbn Yahin ibn
Yiinas Aljwili the Khatib of Samargand im the days of Qadar Khin he died
in Sha‘bin 516 H
Yamak, Name of a city and country celebrated for the beauty of ite
people Burhdn-s-Qats‘
Yaqiit does not mention this
1 The nbove shews that ‘Amid Liimaki was born in the year 601 H. The
mode of reckoning 1s that always adopted. There does not appear to be any
antended double entendre here, thongh the word & which stands for 54
means good guidance no meaning can be sttached to the @& which stands
for 655 See page 99 note 4
a sib tufak 18 long tabe for throwing clay balls through by the force
of the breath cf Sass, Steingnas’ Dsct,
It 16 algo called Sy Pufak.
ef Enghsh pop-gun, traced by Skeat (Btym. Diet.) to the base Px expres.
sve of the act of hlowing Skt bukk
wo wy puf hardan to blow out—to puff
Syd 4 Sy tle
sie Ay iF ai (Gia
A lamp which God hes hghted
He who attempts to blow 1¢ out barns his beard
39 must be added in the text after the word lye MS (Aj. This
Bppeara to mean that when he ia at the point of death he finds mercy. The
intoxication 8 the unconsciousness resulting from approaching death, and
the retraction of the chin and lower jaw in the denth struggle is believed to
be the effects of the wineskin
 [ 160 }
a missile, then the stone of the balata! of death strikes my
body breaking it ag though it were an earthen jar*
Grant me a place at the bangnet of thy pardoning mercy,
At that time when the Angel of Death says tome “Take
and eat,” 4
Shewing hia helplessness Amid thy slave offers these vernes
in praine of thy excellence to the best of his power.
Accept these few brief words from this vile cur,*
For this mangy cur is & partner of your journey.
Thy praise is written on my heart, afterwards comes the praise
of the Prophet. May every word besides these be erased
from my heart.

As Evnogistic Qagips
Oh thon upon whose jaemine-hke face are the countless toila
of the violet-hued locks
By whose ruby lips the brilhant pearls are imprisoned.
Thy locks are an armourer who every moment brings forth
Fragrant chains to fetter thy hly-like face.
110. Thy lily face is better confined by the links of thy spikenard-
hued locks.
Bid the morning breeze as it breathes nos to remove the
chains (of thy hair) from thy rosy (checks).
Thy mouth ws like a delicate bud which hursts mto amiles ;
Loosen the folds of that bud even if with the point of a
thorn.
Thy rose-petalled cheeks are adorned by the bonds of thy
dark and fragrant locks,

' This appears to be the author's meaning The convulsive breathing in

compared to the jerking aghon of the bahsta
* Jf we read Ss for SS the meaning will be “ strikes
it with the elephant
goa” There is aome uncertainty about the
meaning of the word Hf
One meaning is according to the Burhan-1-Qéts'
“an earthenware vessel which
fs used for holding dates.”
a
8 S38 FF shonid he tho reading M8 (A) MB (B) read 21,5 6s,
oP
ow (qutuq) is a Turkieh word signifying any thing
eaten as a reheh
$38 (gazak) 18 the Persinn eqmivalent
of wes (qutug).
© Thus translation in admittediy melegant,
but it 18 inev-table.
 [ 161]
Save on thy rose who has ever seen so becoming a
bond ?
Perchance thou didst say, thy fnce is like the rose and tulip
to look upon, the fragrant down on thy cheek is like the
edging of a bed of tulips.
Thy cheek was not fit for this, why does it bear its chain,
like me who bear my chain in the time of the reign of this
monarch.
The world conquering king Nagirn-1-Haqq (ally of the truth),
he who places upon the hands and feét of meanness a
thousand fetters by his generosity.
Wala Muhammad Balban, who entangles rebels in the time
of war, in the noose of his wrath !
Oh king of the age, by whose auspicious fortune the treasurer
of Fate has undone the fastenings of the shell of the mine
of prosperity.
Beneath the saddle of the confusion of thy enemy ou the day
of fighting, each gicth of thy saddle becomes sixty-four *
thongs to bind him
He is hke the opium, provoking quarrels ond suspr-
cion,
If his opium remains enclosed within the poppy
head.$ 111
When the aromatic odour of thy good qualities removed the
bond from the wrinkled mouth of the musk bag of Tatar,
ambergris gained a fresh odour* from its fragtunt bieeze,
and the rose bud too was loosed from is prison by the
nowly arrived spring.

! These couplets are transposed in MS, (A) as given abova

8 ay je 3 wa Ido not understand this, nor cin I get any adequate
explanation of it
8 MS, (A) oly 5f Udsa4t. The Bahou-l-Jacihy sums up tho preperiies
of opium thas wy Byl y pres ey alls galiluhu yunfae we yanain wa
kastruhu yaqlule
Tn small doses it 18 benoficial acting as a soporific, in large dogeg it kills
No mention w made of its quarrel provoking propolis, and tren tha
second-half of tho couplet it would seem as though the uci, are piovoked
by its cultivation rather than by tho drng
# Ub) pte! MS. (A) The toxt roids aye ae
at
 Phe heaven every moment casts the fetter of intoxication oti
these who are diunk with the cup of thy favour, by the
obstruction of then brain !
Thy kingdom is a rivulet owing from the spring of satisfied
desne, safety, enjoyment aud pleasure are the banks of
thas stream
In such w way open the road of equity for the ends of victory,
That by thy justice no fetteras may exist in the world save
the locks of lovers’ hair
You see one who has assisted myustice m his soul im whose
path
Destiny places countless * obstacles
lake Naushirwin when thou kuockest at the door of justice,
Thou keepest not the chams firmly fastened on bad and
good
In thy reign, it behoves that no one m his Iifetime should
seo any fettet, save on the foot of the cypress and the
finger-bexting lenf of the Chinar é
The knot of the dragon's tail and the dragon’s head * as a
fetter on the sky, come and 1eheve the distressed heaven
from sts bondage.
That the sun and moon may become reheved of the affliction

§ Both MSN (A and B) have SsK5 aS p@ 1 am not satiafied with this

rendering but ci u suggest no better

BO ylotny §=MS (A) renda Ol she wo

« Platanus onentaha The omental plane has & broad palmate leaf It as
the Sycamore of the aneehts according to Balfour
4 wpe OAS mel capul ct vauda ( spo y url, ) pro quo etiam diestor
ws ois (dual; qui est term, techn nastron BA “Capnt et cauda draconis,
te, nodde as ndens of dexcendens’”’ Vuller sub roce OR = The Istildhdtue
b-Funun, anys that the ‘Uydatu r-Ra's 1s aluo called ‘Uqdatu-gh-shsmaliya and
the ‘Uydete . Gaweh is Cled 'Uydatu-t Jundbiya, and the two together are
called Jans via yt} 9m ‘These Lerma are fully explamed im the Artle
‘
pia) p Sto You Loe ateo Tho ov. qa
*.

where the terme are

explained ns boo the: wane oad des ending noes of the planet.
 4

{ 163 | .

of eclipse! in the knot of the dragon’s tail,* like me who

am in the bond of distress.
Thou hast ordered that the learned should be imprisoned,
Beware that thou layest no bond upon the earned.
Woe is me! Honour them rather ont of policy, and on the 112.
newly wedded bride of eulogy bind the princely pearl
taken from the casket of my heart
Has ever any monarch placed a bond on literary men out of
love of empire and naurpation ?
I, at all events, am a talking parrot, not a hunting faleon,
the hawk’s jesses are not rightly placed on the legs of
parrots.
Why do you imprison me, as from my secret heart there in
an evident fastening (of grief) fixed upon the door of my
heart's fortress.
Loose my bonds, and by way of conquering the fo: tress, fix

} As regards the word tJy-S Lustf it is generally held that thie word is
more specially applicable to an eclipse of the sun while ge thusifin apphed
to denote an eclipse of the moon. The Ghiydgu-i-Lughé} applies it to either :
while the Koghchéfi Ipfilahdt-i-Funin layn down that t39-S should be weed
to denote « total eclipse, and 39> a partial echpse; “3y~S morcover
indicating only a change of colour, while t5guce denotes a total loss of
colour. Lane however says they both mean the same, or that “in the common
conventional language «*9—S/t is the partial loss of the light of the sun, and
Sync) is the total loss of the light thereof,” and it is said in # tradition,
Bae!
9) oat crys! wins! Y yay ped! wt
As S ix amuch earlier letter than ¢ it is probable that originally at al
events &3=S stood for an eclipse either of the sun or moon, the meaning
being subsequently modified for convenience.
8 Compare the Hindi mythological monster Rabu.
The name Raha by which the ascending node is designated is properly
mythologics! and belongs to the monster in the heavens which, by the
ancient Hindis, as by more than one other people, was believed to occasion the
eclipees of the sun and moon by attempting to devour them. Burgess, Sirya
Sudahéata, p. 50.
Mythologically Raha ia a Daitya who is supposed to sei7zo the sun and moon
and swallow them thus obscuring their rava nnd cansing eclipses Rabu and
Keta are in astronomy the aacending and descending nodes Rahu is the
canse of eclipses and is used to design ite the eclipse itaelf, (Doweon Dict of
Hindu Mythology, p 252)
 { 16 J '
old of
the bond of thy heart upon the mercy of the thresh
the Creator. .
My heart was wounded by the tyranny and oppression of the
my heart
heaven, now the chain wounds my leg as well as
No one has seen half a ding weight of gold in my possession,
And, even if he has, I would not willingly undergo imprisou-
ment for the sake of 1t!
Gold has no value in my sight, how can I plodge it like @
uaurer so as to get twelve for every ten
1 have eloquence like pure gold, another man has gold itself,
Open your hand m bounty to me, and keep him imprisoned
Do not keop me so long 1n suspense waiting for my release,
My imprsonment has turned my blood to water in this weary
waiting
At lenst Jall this hapless innocent with the sword of thy
‘wrath,
113. Bui do not imprison mo, for imprisonment kills me* with its
perpetual agony.
My name has become famous for eloquence from east to wert,
Is it fitting to put fetters an the feet of such a famous poet P
Wisdom said to me long ago by way of advice,
Chain thyself at the threshold of the victonous king.
I was indulging in these hopes, when the king himself shewed
kindness and imprisoned this misorable one as though he
wore a murderer.
You may be quite sure that imprisonment is not required
in that place in which the seal of the treasury was opened
by his generosity
First thou didst fasten, then thon didst Toosen,? Oh! noble
bounty! I carry the fotters from thy door into the presence
of the Almighty as. memorial
It was the sword -of royalty [which loosened them] by the

iMS (A)
I ALND oe gg Boye Ai pe OY 39
oy ,Li5) pS whe Oyo 9

In MS (1B), tho first no is hke the tet, the second like MS (A)
2B9 (A) poses.
BMS (A) sles 5b
 { 165 ]
meroy of the Most Bountifal; had that not been so the
imprisonment would have utterly ruined me.
Since! you ‘Amid girt the loins of loyalty in the service of
the throne, therefore by his care the days of your imprison-
ment were brouglit to a happy termination
As long as the young and sprightly maidens to the distraction
of their lovers, have purposely bound their cheeks with the
chain of youthfal bloom.
So long may the door of good fortune be closed in every
direction to your encmicas,
And by the sword may the bars of both fortresses be opened.
Qasipa.
My eye is the bonndloss ocean, the thought of my heart is a
bark,
In sorrow my bark sets forth on the floods as they flow from
my eyes.
Night and day I float in the flond of tears, how can my bark 114
live in the midst of the raging billows of blood ?
How can I expect to win my desire from the vile wérld P
How can I launch my bark on the surface of a gutter P
Although my bark in this ocean, now sails on and now lies at
rest, sailing with the seven sails,* and resting on the four
anchors.8

1 MS, (A) wpe

The text as it stands must bo translated, If thon hadst girs . . . would
have been brought &c.
It is evident from this Qasida that ‘Amid Lomaki was imprisoned, bnt I
can find no reference to it m the account of him given in the Bfajma‘u-l-
Fupaha,
8 The seven saila hero appear to mean the seven members of the body,
known as the pil wala haft auddm (1) the head, (2) the chest, (3) the back,
(5) and (6) the two hands, (7) the feet ur (1) the brain, (2) the heart, (3) the
liver, (4) the spleen, (5) lungs, (6) gall bladder, (7) stomach.
_ This name was aleo given to ® vem by section of which it was supposed
that blood was withdrawn from the seven membcra firat montioned.
8 The four anchors are the four “ humonrs,” according to the old humoral
pathology pot ad-dam The blood ps al-balgham = The pblegm.
+ [all ag-pofra’. Thebile * Joga as-saud@. The black bile.
The four anchors may however bu taken to be the foor elements, earth,
air, fire, and water
 { 166J
Of what use to me are those sails and those anchora,
{f my bark is suddenly overwhelmed by the biilows of
death ?
In this age I songht fidelity from the tyrannical,
Who has ever seen a boat on the Jihiin in the month of
Mehrgan !
In frout of the claws of ths crab? and the revolution of the
nine heavens, luosen® thy four anchors and then launch
thy bark
The sea-monster of avarice of my soul turns back, otherwise *
one might drag the boat to the shore by some contrivance.
With the exception of the philosophers how can anyone

1, “In former times (seys Albirini) this day (Mihrajan) used to coincide
with the beginning of winter” at which ture the Jihin would be frozen and
unfit for navigation owing to the intense cold =Yaqiit states that in the winter
the Jihiin freezes so hard that the ice 1 five spans (about 40 inches) thick,
that the people dig wells through the ice with pik-ares to get water, and
that caravans and carta cross the ice, which become like a high road covered
with dast -This cootinues two montha Concerning the word Mihrgan, the
Burhan-1-Qafs' says, “‘ Mibrgin ia the seventh month of the Shamsi year, which
corresponds with the position of the sun in Libra, which in the beginning ct
antamn The feast of Mibrgin is the vext greatest feast among the Persians
to that of Nauroz, and, hke this latter feast, 19 divided into two, Mhhrgan--
khages and Mulrgdu-t-‘amma; the feast of Muhrgan lasts for six days beginniog
from the sixteenth of the month Jt 16 said that God Almghty laid out the
world on the 21st and endowed bodies with souls on that day. They fay also
that Faridin ascended the throne on that day The meaning of Mibrgin 1s the
binding of affection (cyimgay 2XE*) and it wan eo called because for the
above reasons the people were tronted kindly by their rujera on that day.
Others again sav that there was a king of the Persians named Mibr who
weve great tyrant and was conugned to hell in the middle of this month, so
that they called 1¢ Mihrgan im the meaning of death of a tyranmcal ksng.
(Burhén-+ Qatr)
According to others Mihr is the name of the san, who is said to have for
the first tme appeared to the world on this day. This is indicated by the
easton: of the Kisras of crowmng themeelyes on this day with a crown on
which was worked an image of the sun and uf the wheel on which he
rotates.—(Albiriini).
See aiso Albiriini (Chron of Ancient Natcona), p. 208 and seqq.
§ At tho commencement cf spring when the Sun enters Cancer; 1¢.,
March 21st
3 3 LAS

4 MSS (A) and (8) have, Au4

 t 1674
guide the ship out of the whirlpool of "this world to ils final
haven of refuge.!
Do uot set thy heart upon the ebony *-hke world, because a
ship built of ebouy is overwhelmed in the sea of this
worthless world
Do not seek for safety when loaded with boastralness
For an overloaded ship 1s speedily wrecked.
Seek security from sorrow at that time when you have been
wise enough to make, as I have, a ship from the plauke ot
the praise of thy lord.
The centre of kingship of lund and sea Taju-l-Hagq, who 115.
made a ship of safety for traversing the ucean (Qulzam)
of sorrow.
Sinjar® who is like the sky in dignity, in fear of whom
sedition navigated sts ship in the direction of the crossing
of the ocean of Quirawain.!

1 apis dele cope,

3 He compares the world to ebony becanse of ite blackness indicating
wigfuitune Ebony usel is sald in the Burhdn-f-Qats! to be “a black
wood winch when placed upon the fire emia a pleasaut smell hke the o,*
(‘ad) or aloos, when rubbed down with water and used x8 a collynum ib
reheves night blindness, given internally it diepela caloatas of the bladder.”
The Buhru-l-Jawdhtr says that ebony “1s 8 black wood which sinks when
thrown into water,” hence the poet assumes a ship built of ebony wonld sink.
8 Abal Hairs Sinjar Ibn Malakshab bn Alp Arslan waa Saltin of Kharasin,
Ghacna and Mawariu-n-Nahr. He was the sixth of the Seljiq Sultana,
He was oxoesively liberal, and was supposed te be wealthier then any of
the Persian kings. He was defeated and taken prisoner by the Ghuzz tribe
in 648 A H. (1153 A.D.) bat eventually escaped and was at the tune of Ins
death in 556 A H on tho pomt of recovering Ina throne He was born
according to Ton Khelhqin m A H 479, in the environs of Sinjit whence he
received lus name. One authority places his death in the year 552, He died
et Merv Sco lbn Khalliqin (de Slane) 1. 600
See aley D' Herbelot art Sangsar. Vol. II, p 202, et seqq.
4 Qairawin, Long. 10° EB. Lat. 36 N. is situated in the North of Africa, in
the province of Tunis It isthe ancient Cyrene, the modern Kairwiin. At
the commencement of the Muaulman occupation it was the capital of
Afrna See Abul Feds (Renaud) 11.1 198 The ocean of Qairawan i the
Medhterranean. *
In Abul Feds (Annales), we find that Qairawin was founded m the your 50
H. (665-686 A.D.) and wus completed five years later
 [ 168}
From the breezmof his smile in the ocean, the ship produces
from every dry stick the branch of saffron.’
Wher his auspicious prow turns towards the ocean the ship
looks like ® pearl emerging from the sea.
The heaven offers itself as his Indder when, arriving near the
shore, tho ship stands in need of a ladder.
At that time when lus ship floats over the crimson tide of the
blood of his brave enemies,
If we look, 1t appears as though his ship crosses over the dry
(sparkling) water of the points of daggers and spears
Thy enemy saw his hfe like a snare (from which he must
exenpe) and the ship of his desire shattered to piecos by
thy bond-loosening arrow.4
By the good fortune of thy arrival the ship sails along on
its breast, on the tops of the waves to the very highest
heavens 8
Thy dagger lays open the breast of thy envious enemica just
ag, hy means of its keel, the ship opens the lps of the
waves ond the mouth of the ocean,
At that time when, an pursuit of the punishment of thine
enenues, the morning bicezes hasten ther march and thy
ship govs with slackened rein,
116. From this lake Khusii demanded a ship (ode),
Saying such and such a ship is fit fur this wide ocean.
T obecaently set 1t suling over the faco of that ocean,
Although that ship was not fitted for such a sea,
When the sca of my mind burst into waves in thy praise, t
mide tle word ih (kisht?) the radif by way of tral,
Tf the st; had not been hke a fish, tongueless m its essence
It woull uot hive addressed me cxecpt as “Ocean of benevo-
levee and nune of eloquence ”
Ameng tLe profoundly learned 1s there anyono bette: than

! Bee page 4., note 2

8MS (A).
wes | wlia (BIS ais p55
Ua
wyleyyl Sud) Boa duo floss
MS (FP) hos tho sume with the exception of way fo. @44) in hne 2
© MB, (A) and MS (B) both hare wrong readings of theo lines,
 {

j leo|
‘Amid who has launched his ship fronr the Nile of excellence
into this Clyema! of eloquence.
Always, as long as in the shape of the crescent moon, with
each new momh, the ship appears on the bosom of the
ocean of the aly,
May thy boat of wine, bright as the sun, and liquid as fire,
float upon the water of delight for ever and ever.
Qasipa.
Happy art thou! at the sight of whose maddening glances
the stag is intoxicated
The snood of whose musk-fragrant ringlets puta the stag to
shame.
The eye of the narcissus is embarrassed by thy glances
The stag is harassed by envy of those muskladen locks.
Though the stag roamed round the garden a hundred times
he saw no bed of violets to equal the bloom on thy cheeks.
What magical power is there in that eye which, with one
glance captivates hearts from within and hanta the stag 117.
from without.
From envy of the musk-coloured spot® which stands hke a
drop of dew upon thy rose-like cheek, the stag without
respite nurses a lacerated heart in his breast.
e
4 The poy Bahr-+-Qulzum Clysma The Gulf of Heréopohs, or
Western Gulf of the Red Sea, through which the laraclites passed on dry
jand, It ia the moflern Gulf of Snez, and st 18 probable that Suez occupies
the mte of the ancient town of Clysma Epiphanins mentions +3 «davpor
vod «Aboperes ws one of the taree ports of tho Red Sea, the others
being Elath and Berenice.
There was in ancient times a fork or arm of the gea of which the “ Bitter
Lakes" are remains Thecanal of Trajan begmmng st Babylon entered the
Red Sea at Clysmon.
2 MBS (A) (B) §p%063
8 Cf. barn!
upsm pilot 9 gd)
nid gilte &
bie Bah Kad gle ayy wo tf
lee pind le wl ohle eblie! uw
Thou my hfe art when thou smileat
Bat my death when thon art angored.
Ah! thy cheek hke summer roses
With the grains of mask be sprinkled!
 {[ 1% ]
Reeds must that with those two love fascinated eyes,
The stag should endeavoor to protect himeelf from the snares
of thy locke
When the story of thy fragrant tresses reached him,
The stag curtailed his narration of the bag of musk.
The stag suffered from the effects of the intoxication of thine
e8,

And he got rid of his headache by drinking of the cup of the

assembly of the world-subduer.
The auspicious lion, protector of the crown of true religion,
: Singar,
in whose estimation the fierce lion of the sky 15 but a stag
The stag thought nght to carry a fragrant ball of camphor!
taken from the dust of his threshold, to Khita as 2 memorial.
Perhape it was from the dust of his dignity which became? the
ornament of the sun, that the stag obtained snpenonty
over the wild beasts by reason of his musk-bag.
Happy art thou star-arrowed one, whom the demon-hearted
fear and shun as* the stag avoids the lion.
An enemy who falls into thy clutches does riot escape ;
Who hes ever known the stag to escape from the claws of the
lion?
At that time the stag prided himself upon being fleeter than
thy charger, now in sooth the stag is ashamed of his slow-
footedness.
At the time of attack, how can the stag in spite of all his
efforta, reach the dust which is thrown up by thy char-
ger’s hoofs ?
Think it not strange if from the abundance of his bounty,
the
lynx goes slowly on foot, and the stag swiftly like
a horse
man,

‘Twixt thine eyelids reigns a Sultan,

Helpless, lo! I bow before hit.
Thia comparison of the mole on a cheek to
commonest similes among Persian poeta.
grains of musk in one of the
1 The oun is called p95 Leld shaméma-kafa
r,
§ S9!MB. (A).
OMB. A. se.
 [ iw j
Compared with the fragrance of thy goodness how can the
stag boast! of the dfied blood of his navel in Tatar.
By the sid of thy words which are like an antidote, I have
no fear, even, though the stag shall become like to one
that feeds on anakes ®
His food is the snake, but afterwards like the elk, besides the
antidote, the stag offers in every direction the bag of musk.
In the land in which thon art, by reason of thy great justice
the lynx sits eorrowfal, and the stag stands to comfort him.
The day that thoa pursuest him he shews only his right
shoulder when the stag rashes from the right to the left of
thy army.
Tn reliance upon thee if a stag were to chemsh 2 young lion in
its bosom it would be no wonder.
What power have two hundred enemies againat thy prowess ?
What does the hunting Jeopard think of a head of a thousand
stags ?
Thy enemy will be able to engare in conflict with thee.
At that time when the stag's horna are capable of fighting the
hon,

1 MB. (A) anf 3.

£ The elk is said to feed on snakes and the water which collects at the
corners of-the eys (inner canthus) 1 repuied an antidote for all possons.
( Burhan-s-Qafr’).
The following is abndged from the Hutztu-l-Haurgn =“ The atag 1s fond of
snakes which it eats wherever it can Sind them, commencing from tho tail of
the anake. Sometimes the stag gets bitten by the snake in which case 14s
tears flow down, and fill two hollows beneath its eyes large enough to oon-
tain the finger, here they congea] and become solid like wax. This wax us
used as an antidote against the poison of snakes and scorpions, and when
given by the mouth is useful as a remedy for other powons. The stag alyo
eate crabs, and hunts for figh by walking along the wargin of the lake or
river, when the fish come out of curiomty to see it, thia fact is made use of
by fishermen who sre wont to dress in the ekin of the stag.
The borus of the atag, which are shed yearly, are of great service io
mankind, more especially as a remedy for impotence, and to facilitate partur:-
tion. If a portion is burned and administered mized with honey it acts as
® vermifuge, and when used as a dentifrice removes discoloration of the
teeth. Used for famigation it drives away reptiles and other venomous
animals. If a portion ss bang roand the neck, the wearer will not sleep 20
long as it remains there. A draoght of tire stag’s biood dissolves stone m the
bladder.”
 { 172J
119. "In the meadow of thy favour the stag has never seen his
quarters and sides as thin as his legs.
Conqueror of the world, I have bound “The stag”! with
thirty-three couplets in thy praise by way of experiment
as though it were a camel,
It 15 fitting that the word “ musk deer” should be repeated as
radif a handred times siuce thou hast sent me in thy
kindness @ stag twice.
Formerly the stag thonght of nothing but the musk-bag, now
be makes the glory of thy praise his constant occupation.
‘Amid has opened the musk-bag of wisdom in singing thy
praises, like the musk-bag upon which the steg pridesitself.*
Always, aa long as men search for musk on the surface of the
giound, aud no musk deer lays aside its power of produc-
ing muak,
May the perfection of thy justice reach such a height that
the stag may extract musk from the huntmg leopard
Mayest thou roam at large and enjoy thyself in the meadow
of fortune, jnstas the stag roams over the meadows im
spring time
Fasting bas made his form which was like the Narwan>
slender as a reed, and has mado his face which was red as
the Arghawan* pale like the saffion.

1 The word eT aha stag, ovcurs in overy couplet of this qagida.

9 S20 mishk 1 saad to he the congealed blood of the navel of the stag of
Hints (Burhan + Qah' and Mokkzunu-l-Adwiya). The lactor work saya “ It
as very diffieu t to procure genuine musk, it 18 only brought ag u great rarity
a6 4 present to kings and great ralets mixed with saffron und a httle camphor
as 48 romedy fur headache, and 2s uaed alone or with other drugs such as the
vestioles of the beuver (Castuream) as o stimulant snaff im paralysis and
othor cold diseases of the bram, for which 14 18 alao used by manction
Hmelling ib remevew the evil efects of poms ns, especially of dish (aconite)
and guidun ¢ sumbil (F) Itag alsv very usefol asa collyriam im macy diseases
af the eye.
fb 18 @ cardiac tone removing palpitation, and faintness, reheves dysentery
and globulent diatenswn A suppository of musk asmata parturition ”
See also Ibn Baitie (Sonthenner) Vol 1] pp 613 ef seqq. for » fall
account of tho statewents of various authors regarding mask,
$ wy The Nirvan 1s described m the Burhan-v-Qats‘ ag a very gracefal
tree with abundane of leaves , culled algo gus Quinaz,
# ole)! The Arghawin nccording to the Burhdn-+-Qéfs'
is a tree with
 [ 1723]
How can it be saffron for it has not made me smile.!
Fasting has made my cheek yellow like the Zarir* through
weeping, and my tears red as the Arghawin.
How can it he a} tulip, for fasting makes his cheek like the
Kbiri #
How can it be a cypress, when fasting makes it weak and
tremulous ?4

brilliant red flowers, a driuk made of which removes the effects of intoxica-
tion The wood is burned and used as a penoll for the eyebrows whioh it
causes to grow and become black. Ibn-Baifjar (Sonthemmer) says, (Vol. f.
P 28)
“The tree is very abundant in Isfahan and bears brilliantly red flowers
which are edible, having a sweet taste which is communicated to wine,
The wood is soft and when burnt yields a black ash which 1s used as a
cosmatic The decoction of the root Bark when drank 1s a certain emetio "
Sontheimer does not give the botanical name. See note 4 page 109.
1 Seep 4l,n 2
JD) Zarir The Burhén-s-Qats! says tls ia “a berb with which they dye
clothes, 1$ 18 called also asparay ( Syrual ) According to aome however it
is the leaf*of Zard choba (turmeric) some other authors say itis a flower. It
is alao the name given to the bile, and alao to juundiwe (Burhdn-1-Qafr')
In Vullers we find Spa} (Arpaiag) herba flava tingendo inserviens,
alas yy} (Zarir) or Cysty (wars).
According to Ibn Banfar, (Sontbeimer) m9 wars is Memecylon tinctoriam—
N O Melustomacem, regarding which Drury m his Useful plants of Inds,
page 291, saya, ‘The leaves are used in dyeing affording a delicate yellow
luke — they are also good for dyemg clothes red ..by itself it gives an
evanescent yellow.
8 sr A flower of which there are many varieties
gg bs ger Khirt--Kluld'i — rm dark purple
Py ot Khivi-1-Min
dint — is violet. It is also called Sy oie
Haft rang
ost? eons Khiri-+-Sahra't — 18 red and white; called also
oshy> sy Khii-t-Khiram.
sited Coyt Khiri-n-Shirazi — 18 yellow, called also y{y adtines ug
Guls hamesha buhér and in Arabic ~SQS ‘Ayfir ( Burhdn-1-Qufr'),
See also Vullers,
According to [bn Baatir (Sonthe:mer) this plant is the wall flower Cheiran-
thus Chewrss N O Cruciforsd
4MSS. A and B have why. The text reads why which is a better
soadiug
 [ Ws J
His form stately as the Narwan 1s buwed like the reed,
Has any one ever seen fasting proceed from the Narwan and
cypress of the garden?
Till his face, which was like a full-blown rose, drew back again
into the bud there was no certainty that the rose and the
garden had commenced their fast.
Till his full moon once more became a crescent moon ' who had
clearly seen fasting overtaking the aun and moon of the
heavens.
The shaft of grief 1s broken in my heart, for his stature nas
been brought by fasting from the straight form of an arrow
to the shape of a bent bow
It is two days since I have seen jar upon jar of sugar® in
that very moment when fasting set its seal upon his lips.
I am in astonishment at her sugar-distilling lip which is like
the pistachio, for there is sugar in the jar on each side and
fasting in the middle.
Because of her love her month is less than an atom, nay
even less than the minutest atom, can any one imagine that
« minute particle such as this cau endure fasting.
Look! how marvellous 1+ is with what skill she imprisons
fasting between those particlea of ruby which scatter
sweetness.
With a glance she drinks my hoart’s blood because she
thinks that by taking a draught of blood she will openly
break her fast.
This heart ef mine is faint with Jonging for her ips.
In this desire that I may break my fast with the seeds of the
pomegranate.5

1 The text has Sila WSs. A.B. have (fle whioh ia right.
5 Nigimi Ganjami says.
em SS tangshakar, means the hp of a mistress, and also « suger jar
of special form having « very narrow month.
AK 655 6b Ls
ireF Ale 553 Jo 65
The heart of the jar of sugar from the tightness of her honed lips, 15
moro tightly boand than w the cmctare of her whist,
8 Cf. Nigimi (Stta :dasadma).
 L 1%j

Haply she has hung the amulet on her silvery monse-like

neck, so that wisdom like a fasting cat has been compelled
to remain fasting.!
My tongue has become dry like that of one fasting in advising
her.
For thy form is like a fresh blown rose, fasting is the
autumn wind (which withers it).
Although thou openest thy lips hike a bud which had been
closed by fasting, just as I broke my fast at the table of
the praise of my Lord;
The ocean of benevolence champion of the truth, round the
table of whose bounty men and genii broke their fast ;
Muhammad whose vanguard is like destiny, the jointa of whose
spear broke their faat with the blood of the .eacmies
(trickling down) from the point
He, whose right hand is like that of Isfandiyar, has also, from
the liberality of his hand, caused the sge® to break its faat
on this side of the seven stages.
Before the generosity of his heart, the ocean and the mine,
havo, in their ntter povérty, considered fasting to be their
bounden duty.
Hail O King! in whose just reign the wolf, as though it were s
shepherd, has kept its fast to secure the safety of the flock.
Thow act like the two first fingers,® a close companion of the
heavens, just as fasting goes hand-in-hand with prayer.
Thy existence is the twin brother of kingdom, just as fasting
is the twin brother of Zakét, Hayy and ‘Umrah.*
PSyVs styl 3 ol
Py KH dpe3) wha}
A lip more alluring than the seed of the pomegranate
A tongue far sweeter than the whitest sugar.
A favourite simile with Persian poets.
1 These couplets occur in this order in MSS. A add B.
§MS (A) reads ys Sol8S which is tho reading sdopted here.
SAjlwe cgglaney The forefinger and middle finger which are most commonly
weed together to oppose the thamb
# 1,83‘3 Zakat or elmegiving » 18 one of the fre foundations of rectical

religion, Qur‘in xi 77. 5S 5h ty ia byeill y tne= pti 1sh3

“And npeak to men kindly, and be steadfast in prayer and give uima”
The proportion to be given varies with the different kinds of property.
 [ 176 ]
The breeze of thy good qualities lke the fragrance of the
perfome of the breath of the faster,' has carried fasting
‘as a special offering to the garden of Paradise.
Thon hast cast out the custom of tyranny from the kingdoms
under thy sway, inasmuch as thou hast relieved waste
countries of taxes, and excused the feeble from fasting
The spirit of man 18 often broken by the vicissitudes of the
heavens ® just as his bodily fast 18 broken by bread
In this time noone, from the time of Jamshid till now, remem-
bers fasting at the table of such a host as thou art
At the smell of the table of thy, bounty the guest has con-
tidered it incumbent upon him, whether in the feast or in
the fray, to fast from food of all kinds
The bird of thy arrow has broken its fast, like the gnat of
Nimrid on the brain of thy enemy in the cup of the skull
(the cup of vapours),
For the maintenance of thy kingdom, young and old have
fasted, both the old and the new creation
The revolution of this six-stomed world 18 full of the mention
of thy glory, just as fasting fills the seven members of the
body in this darkness
Haj) ~=Tho Pilgrimage to Mecca which 18 »ncumbent upon all Mushms
who have the necessary menns
‘Umrah The lesser pilgrimage, which may be performed dt any time
except during the Sth, 9th, and loth days uf Zal Wiyjah See Hughes (Diet.
of Islam)
1 aigl& spKiin cask eyes} Ga pe Test. (MSS A ond B read
rl (69Kbio ea woe
33
291 khitlif in defined as the smell of the breath of ono who fasts
A Hadi anys

crab yy BU ote carb pial ody vigld,

s * I?

The breath of one fastingis sweeter im the sight of God than sweet smell-
ang savour .
See also Lane Art MS Jt hecxme altered (for the worse).
Tho Qimis, says ’
. wwe, Fey, . 408
dari, wuts dala y Uagle pila od wala y
8 Roth MSS (A) aud (B) agree with the text. I take the word wlaly
abahat to be a plural for ned by Badioni on the analogy of et xmmahat
and to atand for tho bigle oshf ® nuk aba-t-'ulwiya, the nine heavens
 [ 17 J
On tlus earth, the worlds children (have fasted) with such
endurance that thespiritual bemgs wall nevor he able to
break the fast.
I stood hefore thee with my loins girt in honest service, ag
though fasting, because fasting is not one ef my objects,
neither openly nor in secret!
My manliness actuated by ambition bowed the knee tome? 123
and said,
Tmagino that both your pen and your finger tips are fastiny
The claims of thy generosity caused me to bresk my tat?
and consume my time, had it not been for that ] would
have speedily imposed a fast upon my words.
Had not the praise of thee been the sustenance of my powers
of speech how could the pomt of my tongue have bioken
its fast by breaking into poetry °
Like the parrot, my first inmming food* 14 the sugar of
giahitude to thee, not hke the huma doJ hreak my fast
upon bones
Who is able to break his fast in this way at the time of
hiinging m the “radif” better than ‘Amid, with the
draught of trial.
We has broken lis fast with a feather from tle wing of the
bid of praise, because at this time fasting is the best nest
for the bird of pimse

MS (A) reads By whs ay fog & ores Me (BP cade

wens vee Od ph 3 the reading in the text 18

By le poty IOs gp! Alo}

All of these readings appear to bo corrupt and the follweiny 6 of or som
reasonable, and has been adupted in the translation

Bhyy whe! cg'y lay & dy ple}

& The text reaas dy) sed but MSS (A) and (H) read dy? jie
8 yhio MS (A)
4 "The following is the routine of afast day About half an honr after
midnight, the gun sounds its warmng to faithful men that it is time to
prepare for the Saki (ay ) or moming meal” (Burton's Mecca T.
p 110 note) see also Lane’s Morden Kayptiars for the observances of the
month of Ratmagan
23
 [ 17%j
Always, ns long as fasting bringa as its reward from the
bounty and mercy of God, a hidden treasure worth
hundred princely treasures,
Mayest thou be famed! for generosity and kindness in this
world, for fasting points the way to the highest heaven.
ANOTHER Qasina,
I, who have made my dwelling m a corner like the Simurgh*
1 hase made my uest beyond the axis of earthly apliere.
Why do I bear the shame of every bird in this ill-omened
land ¥8
124, Thave gone like the ‘Angi* and have made my esting
place m the mountains

1 MS (A) reads iu matead of Sued asm the Toxt

2 The bird of the mountain of Alburz which noarnshed Zil when he was
abandoned there by order of lus fither Sam, and taught liom the Iingunge
of the country On restoring Zal to his father she gave lum a feather fram
her wing and smd “ Whenever thou ait involved in any difficulty or danger
put thus feather on the fire aud I will instantly appear to thee to ensure thy
sufety” See Shih Ndéma (Atkinson) p 76 Shdéindma, Turner Macan, Ed.
J. pp 97 et seqy.
8 There 18 a play on the word pr here which cannot be preserved.
# Avother name fo the Simugh, and a synonym for anvthing rare and
unaltamable (See Burhan 1-Qefi' under the name ho cglhic)
There wa long account of the ‘Anquan the &eryatu--d-Haivdn where it
says on the authority of Qazwini that the Angi 18 the largest of all birds
which can seize an elephant as ensly asa kite snatches uparat It once
lived among men, but caused them so much annoyance that by the prayeis
of a holy prophet at was bamwhed to an anmhabited aaland 1 md ocean
beyond the ayuator, full of enormous anmalg When the ‘Angi flies there
wv a sound tthe thunder and floods It hyves 2000 years, and prira at the ago
of $0000 fete stud that the cluwa are mado mto Inge dunking cups A
desenptiom of the mode of capturing the ‘Angi’ 1g also given but is too long
to quote
Among the proverbs of the Arabs one 15 yo sihis ts ale which 18
said of any one of whose reformation thote i ug hope “ May the Angi
fly away with baw”
‘Tuy aso ay oS ly day
a) lot Lent Obl Biel» bat y oye
Liborabe , che Goal and tho Angad are three names of things unattumnable
tid none st ne
Vo seamed the Mag re also eid do ersure mange mg @ Deauafe wean
ord tied aadied, to oasure hasig at biave Bou,
 [ 179 ]
Until the bird of ay ambition swoops down upon the harvest
of the lower world, I have made the harvest field‘ of the
sky full of grain-like stars.
‘Why does the moon display the halo-harvest when it does
not shewa single grain to any one, whereas I with one single
grain of manlmess have bouud many « sheaf. ,
By the light of the knowledge of God, 1 have made the
newly wedded viugin bride of reality to shine in the
chamber of wisdom with the brilliancy of the day.
The course of the heavenly bodies in the columns of the
almanac of the Creation, I have proved one by one by
comparison with the astronomical tables! of intellect.
In the bridle of four rings, that 1s the trappings: of the four
elements, great is the training which I have given the
unruly steed of my passions.
I have mage the parrot of my soul, whose cage is the form
of this uncouth body which is like a midden, every moment
to rival the nightingale of the veidant® garden
The parrot has left for the garden, the kite of lust which is
following it circhng rouud and round my uatare I have
detained within the midden of the body
In many an art for which 3 the scientists had no taste
I have mnde as great progress, hundred fuld as they are, as
a rann who follows but one art
«My iutellect has served to light the lamp of tho treasure of
science, I have made my skill the oil which ,upplies the
hight to the wick.+
The jewel of the secret of reality has been acqmyred in such
a (perfect) wy that T have made my mind the storehouse
of the treasury of secret knowledge
Once by way of vaunting in the ruse-garden of desire,

I Tho text (and also MS, B) haa an abauid reading ers the real
reading 18 @ op us is seen in MS (A)

8 ul sae MS. (A) There is a verbal antithesis between qf

(gulakan} garden aud ot yguillkan dost heap in the Perman which [hve
attempted io uméate by the words garden and milden,
BMS (4) CHS Tho text and US. (B) read why.
# Mb. (A) and (B) buth rc pais yo The text has Galas
 f 130J
I displayed the biillmucy of my shill particoloared hke the
peacock,
The falcon of tl« Divine indignation smote me with its
talons fiom its Inding-placo, so that I took refuge ino
corner hike the prgeon.
They would have shewn me the way (and have bidden me
walk) in this solitary windowless tower
Had vot my amlition carried me far beyond the seven
windows (of the aky)
A tower, nunow, ay! at that time even narrower than my
heait, (so nairow that) you would say I am o cord and
have given myself a place in the eye of a needle.
Jt is the constellation of the Archer, and Iam like the Sun,
and have by my cold mghs changed the bright spring of
the world into the bitter cold of winter!
This was not all, the good tidings of my bad fortune bronght
to me the blacksmith, to whom I sud—Strike off my bead
in return for the blood whieh is npon my head.
The splevdou and comfort of the golden-throned sun is my
desert,
Whereas Tam residing wpon a (hard) aon (prison) seat
The seven-headed dragon (The Shy) hides its head (in astonish.
ment) éo pee that T have brought this two-headed serpent
Gught and day) w.der my shat
They dete mene tor me an impitsenment like that of Bizhan
-n the well of tyranny = T hase not seen Manizha’ nor
have J committcd the crime of Bizhan
1 The San enters the cnr staat of Sagittarina m the commencement of
the winter
3 The danghter of Afragynb When Bizhan mdertook to clear the country
of Armin of ita plague of wila hogs, after fultiling his task he wag led by
the machinations of hia companion Gargin, who was jealous of him, to
tutrude upon the renrement of Manizha, the beantifal daughter o: Afb astyab,
and press hus suit, which he did with auch snecess that after son. time ther
amour wan discovernd and Gerswiz was sent by Afrimyib to put Bizhan
to death by the imterceamon of Pirin the punishment was averted, but
Bizhan was imprisoned in a deep pit At frat Manizha was condemnedto
undergo the same punishment but her doom was changed and she was
allowed to dwell near the pit, all the people bemg forlidden by proclamation
to supply her with food Eventually, by the belp of Ruatum, Bizhan was
freed and he and Manizha went to Irin together, (See Atkinson's Shdh
Namah, pp 300 aud egy) See also page 116 note 5
 { 181 ]
Patience has the strongth of Rustum,!' as one may say,
1 have entrusted the strength necessary for my release to the
arm of Rastum-like patience.
All of my companions are free to follow thei: occupations
while I am fast in prison,
Gort forbid T should be the oly one of all mankind ta have
committed this fanit
The times are out of yoint, if not how can thg following of
the Ishraqi plulosophy *® wlach JT tollowed so eavellently
have thrown me into misfortune 7? ‘
The shaft of the tyzranment heavens passed through and
through from the back. although I had armed my breast
with the cnirass of panhence
My body longs for food m the captivity of sorcow, and 1 have
prepared for its support my blood as 148 diink, and my heart
as 1f8 neat
Once I was like the tulip m complaning, but then afterwaids
I made myself like the lily ten-tongued (but silent ) 4
Jake the violet I have let my bead tall forw wd) (in sorrow)
fiom dearth of henefactors, and though ithe the lily 1 have
ten tongees J am beeome damb in thy praise
1 am suffering the pumshment of my words, because in my

1 Rustum exsricated Bizhan from the pit by @rawmg him up with his
amanid or \apso
2 BSS The Hiuminats A sect of Philosophers, of whom Plato was
one, who, instead of following the preceptsof any revealed Liw, looked to their
own proper wspiration and mental lan aneion, which they held to be tho
reaalé of spiritual meditation Vayr Kirvhfah, LE op. 87, wretes as follows.
© Philosophea tlaminatione CHolunet cl-uslaa) sue Neo Platoniea ter ceteres
dineiplinaa philosophicas eundem locum tenet que n Theovophra inter doctiinas
Talame suinids mado, quo philo~uphaia physvea ef thesluytea snter allas daseiuplinas
locum tenet quem theolayve dogmatico-rcholastica enter has,

Tn the @eyBue ce hy cobs ggole de ese wefind Philosophers

are of four kinds,—those who arrive at wisdom simply by meditation, those
who arrive at it simply by panhe ition of the mud by sectugion and retare-
ment, those who arrive at it by cumbiuing theso two =Thege lust are called
the Ishraqi sect.

See Haji Khalifah KS pe See alsu de Stane, Proleg Jon Khat Ht 167,
® The M3 (A) has 45 89!) (tam The teat follows MS (B).
Soe note 1 page 101.
 [ 1e2}
lying flattery I have made every beggar a king,’ and have
made the (worthless) Liadan! into frankincense.
At one time I have proclaimed Suh4! superior in brillianoy
to the moon,
At another I have scorned the river as being inferior to the
drippings of a sieve.®
I have made friends with Avarice, hke ‘Amid from the lust
for blood, aud for that reason I have made contentment my
enemy.
I have subjected my spirit, which is hke a high mettled horse,
to the burthen of Ixbour, becuuse of the tyranny sand
meanness of the heavens, see now what a jade he has
become
I have made barren my truth-adorning heart and my jewel-
producing nature, without the help of Qitiéa,* not now
only but long ago.
1 ws¥ Ladan Tho rosinons balsamic ymco of Custus creticus and other
species, according to the Bis hén +-Qafe' it 1s called also sins Jhs Honey-
amberyris and 1a used mm medicine. It .« the juice of a plant growing in
nondy soil, of which goats are very fond, and their hur becomes covered with
the e:odation, tho best 1s collected fiom then bourds, ss femina quedam,
cus in utero frtus mortuns sit, vaginam auam vapoie ladans vaporarerit, foetus
alle mortuus ulico ezerdit See also [bn Baitir (Suntheimer) I p 439
It is the nd of Genesis xxxvii Z25and xlin 11, where 1st 19 translated in
our version myrrk The Greeks called it oraxrf. The true myrnh (Ap.
$
J muriun) ws different.
The qf"! Agkhab ws the whito ambergris which was accounted the best.
$ A small obscure star in the Lesser Bow
8 MS8 (A)and(B) have wij25 Gay but wl}4y8 18 a heiter reading.
4 wafdn, the exudation from species of mountain pines, black in colour,
need according to the But han-1- Qi‘ (and Qamis) for inunciion of camels affect-
ed with mange It 1, according to these, the exudation of the tiea called _»®y6
‘ar‘ar, (Juniper) the properties of which are thus enumerated in the Makkzanu-
l-Adwiya Doobstruent, dinretic, emmenagogue, relieves cough and cheat pains,
and pain in the spleen, reheves flatulence, hosmorrhoids, flatulent colic or
uterine pains Sitting over a hot infasion of it causes uterine spasm, while
& poultice of 1b 18 Antipodonfic I can find no mention in either of these
books of ita use aa an abortifacient It 1s perhaps Juntperua Sabina (Savine)
which is powerfally ecbolic According to Ibn Ba:tar (Sonth ) IL. p 94, ataa
Prnue cedrus, bat this appears tobe incorrect See also IT. p. 180, sv_sy? ‘Ar‘ar.
The word wy | phan is derived in Burluin +-Qéfr' from gel cand W9 1.¢)
mule-Itke, because mules have no offapring
 [ 183]
This one poem! of mine is worth a whole Divina and a
hundred caskets of jewela, nay more, every verse of it
have I made better than particoloured hair !
Imprisoument -has brought me to lamentation, ard from the
delicacy of my speech you see the joy which I have given
in the very midst of my lamentation.
Oh Lord, give me my sustenance from the date-tree of thy
favour, I have made the bird of my heart, to sing the
praises of thy Unity °
Present me with the robe of honour of thy protection, for
thy court is my orginal refuge, lo I have fled to my 1efuge.
Keep far from the darkness of infidelity,®? hypocrisy, hatred
and enmity, that heart which I have embollished with tie
hght of sincerity to Thee
Keep thou the Sun of Diviue knowledge shining within my
heart, for I have made my heart the mine of the jewels of
true belief.

Surzin Gurvigu-p-Din Ba.pan-1-Kyurp

Who had the title of Ulngh Khan, by the consent of the Mahks
and Amivs adorned the throne by his accession in the Qaar-1-Safed

1 gate The word oo herehas tts double meaning Saifi in hig prosody says,
‘A bait (poem) is called bait for the roagon that bait means a neuse and
they compire the batt of poetry ( y*%) with the bast of har (_y*%) and
he quotes the verses by Abi-l-Ala Ma‘rra

PN ye eas
9 0h yo ens Alyy taal cl pyle Umce
The brilliancy of beauty 13 shewn forth in two tents
The tent of poetry (sha) and the tent of han (shi'r)
8 Spt Shuk “Idolatry pagamwam polytheam” Ascubing plurality
to the Deity Associating anything with God
The Wahhabi writers define Shirk a3 of four kinda -
pint S5 yee Shukw t-‘sln Ascnbing knowledge to others than Gud.
yet Sy% Shirku-t-taganruf Aseribing powor to othors thau God
sols} S$ pte Bhaku-l-rbddah Offering worship to created thugs
sole} Sys Shirku-l-‘ddah, The performance of coremones which
imply relrunce on others than God,
Hughes. Dictwnay of Islém, p 679, Art. Shirk 9. v.
See also Qur'an, xxxv. 38 and xivi, and 9% and varus other places.
 [ 184|
(the White Palace) in the year 664 H! He was: one of the
“Foity Slaves” of Sultan Shamsu-d-Din, each one of whom had
attamed to the digmty of Amir, Inarmach as the reins of
government had been in Ins hands even m the days when he was
merely Ulugh Khau, the affairs of the State very quickly came
nto hig grasp He would not allow people of low o1igin to have
the shuldost authority. Tt is smd that a man named Fakbr, who
had for years served as chief of the Basat, had recourse to one of
128. the Sultans more itimat> attendants, and offered a very laye
sumon the condition that if the Sultan @biyasu-d-Din Balban
would speak with him once only, he would give him all this money
and valushle property 8 When this request was represcuted to the
Sultiin he would not entertain 1t, and said ‘to converse with people
of lov and mean extrachou will lower my prestige’ Te was
altogether opposed to oppression, and, in the early days of lus
roagh, poushed certam of his Amis on account of some
tyranny whch they hid practised upon their subjects, and having
handed over one or twoof them + he permitted the complainants to
excel retabation, and after that these Amirs had paid the blood
money, for shame they could never come out of their houses as
long ab they ved, and at last they left the world.
Verse
Reput thon arises from equity and justice ,
Oppression and hangehip are as the caudle and the wind
And all his praiseworthy yuslities may be estamated fiom this,
that he used never to oumt the ceremony of purification, and on
yoiug mito an agsembly where one was preaciing he need to

1 Of the 1x years which ite vened between the events recorded as having
oeccurrcd in but Ho and the accession of Ghivasued-Din Balban there as no
known hestuical record = The Vathh-t-Uuoz Shahi of Zitued-Din Barani
only begins from Ghiyasu d-Din Balbaa
3S (A) has the word ie between Au and jue
BMS (Abroqds dheit f o's obs
& dently 259% According to Finshta one of these was Haidir Khin the
Amirof Oudh, who hod killed a nan m the fary of mtuxication Balban after
enquuy had the Agur publicly flogged, and delivered him to the widow aa
a slave He bought his releise with a sum of 20,000 silver tankehs but
never loft hia house afterwaids and died fiom shume (See also Elhott,
IJ 101)
 [ 18 j
dasplay emotion, and weep much, wile as regards hie treatment of
sedition and revolt he used to shew himself a merciless repreagor,

He laid claim to the glory of an Emperor, because of this

That he adorned the warld with wisdom and equity,
In days of retarement he would wear a blanket;
And he strove in prayer and supplication
His eyes fixed upon the ground, his heart boiling hke a
cauldron;
A heart eloquent of speech, bnt a silent tongue ,
Till his hoart perceived with the eye of secret knowledge
All that was visible of these intiicate matters.
In this same year of his reign Tatar Khan the son of Arsalan
Khan sent from Lakhnanti sixty-three elephants a3 a present;
md in this year the Sultén proceeding to Patiali! and Kaupula,
built the fots of Patialil, Kanpila, Bhojpiir, and certaiy
othe: forts, and with five thousand cuvaiy crossed the Ganges on
the pretext of making preparation for an expedition to the Jad
hills {0 two days after Ieaving Dehli he arrived in the midst of
the termtory of Kaithm * and pnt to death every male, even those
of eixht yents of age, and bound the women, aud inflicted such
chastisement that up tall the reign of Jalila-d-Din the territory
of Badaon and Amroha remaived srfe from the ravagen of the
Kaitharis,’ and he threw open all the roads of Bihar and Jaun-
pir, and all the ruads of the Eastern part of India which wore
closed, aud made over the territory of Miwat, winch hes in
the Dob, to strong handed governo:s, with orders to put to death
the rebels, which they did, nuprisuming some. Then he made an
attack in the direction of the country at the foot of the Sintir

1 M3 (A) cglAiy Putiali The printed toxt has gly Betili,

Patil In Ahgany tahwl, 22 miles north of Etah, a rained fort still
exiata (Hunter Imp Gaz )
Kanpla In Farakhubad district, celebrated in Mahibhirata—(Imp.

Bhonie The residence of the Ujyaimmh Bajaha, west of Arrah and

north of Sasseram, a purgena in the Sirkir Rohtés Bibir
® Su also Tarikh-s-Fivor Shthi. Firiebta reads res Kateher. MS (A)
eade US Kinthar. The district of Rohilkhand 1 meant
8 Who Firishts saya were ootorious robbera aud brigauds
24
 | 186J
hills,! and built a fort on those boundaries, aud havibg called it
Higér-i-Nau (New Castle) proceeded to the Jad hills, and brought
an army* towards Lahor, and rebuilt the castle of Lahor which
had been laid waste by the Mnghiils in the reign of Sultan Mu‘zzu-
a Din Bahrim Shah. Here he became iil, and the news of his
illness 3 reached the confincs of Lakhnauti, and Tughral, Nab of
Amin Khan, who had been appointed to succeed Sher Khin in
that district, laid the foundation of rebellion, and fought with
his muster Amin Khan and came off victorious, and having im-
prisoned him gathered round himself the paraphernalia of royalty,
and gave himself the title of Ma‘izzu-d-Din, and completely
defeated some imperial troops which had been sent to oppose him.
Sultan Ghiyagu-d-Din brought rp an army egamat Tughral but
he went towards Jajnagar and Tarkila (Narkila)$ and Mahk
Ikhtiyaru-d-Din Beg Bilaa* was ordored to pursne him, the
Rai of Sunargim named Dhaniy® oftering his services to the
Sultin engaged to bring Toghral, and Malik Ikhtiyaru-d-Din
proceeding by forced marches found Tughval, who had fied into a
a jangle,’ walking about off his gumd, and having pnt him to
130. death sent his head to the court The Sultan conferred that
kingdom with a canopy and baton of office on his younger son
Bughré Khan, Governor of Samana, who eventually received the

1 MS. (A) reads Sytine bla,’ Kohpaya-:-Sanhéz This seemato be a

copyist’s error, but I cannot suggest the trne reading. The Kumion hills
must bo meant.
daly ply sham 8 (A)
8 Noithor Finshta nor 41i0-d-Din Barni montaon this.
@ MS, (A) reads BLES paw B=" yd and &as yb
5 MB. (A) b ey wt ghia) wSblo Mahk Ikhtiyarn-d-Din Tangras
Tasikh.»-Fivos Shahi calle him Mahk Rarbak Bektare Sulpini See Elhott,
HI 117, note
6 Called Danij Rai m Tartkk-+-Firoz Shohi See Elhott, IIT 114, nole
“The Jijnagur hera mentioned was evidently east of the B,ahmapatra
and oorresponds to Tippora. The Sunargauw, prosently mentiored as on the
road to Jéynagar, 1@ described by Rennell as bemg once a large city and now
« village on a branch of the Brahmeputra 13 miles S E of Dacca”
Tt 19 marked in Rennell’s Map given in Vol I1T of Tseffenthaler “ Sonner-
gong” SceMapN 6 SeeJ A 8 B, 1874, p, 82.
7 'The printed text and MS. (A) both have wahS 50 dic?
kia 2 as
The above appoars to bo the meaning,
uf . ;
 [ 187]
title of Sultan Nagiru-d-Din, and then left for the capital. Since,
after the death of Sher Khin (who was uncle’s son to the Sultin
and one of the “ Forty Slaves” of Sultén Shamsu-d-Din, and
Governor of Lihor agd Dibilpur, and had read the Khuthah in
Ghaznin in the namo of Sultén Nagiru-d-Din, the Mughals during
his governorship not daring to invade Hinduastiin) the road of
communication had become opened! to the Mughils, accordingly
Sultan Balban, to remedy this, despatched his elder son Sultin
Mohammad, who 1s known as the Khdn-1-Shakid, and Qdan-1-Alulk,
(having first conferred apon him a canopy and baton of office, and
the signs and iusignia of royalty, and having made him his heir-
apparent, and giving over Sind with its dependencies to his care)
with fall equipment towards Multin, and the country mnght up
to Tattha and the seacoast was in lus possession Amir Khosri
and Amir Rasan of Dehli remamed in Is service for five years*
in Maltau, and were entolled among his intrmate companions. On
two occasions he sent lnaige sums of gold from Multan to Shiraz
and begged that Shakh Sa'di2 may God have mercy on lin,
wonld come to live with him. The Shaikh did not come, excusing
himself on the score of old age, but commended Mir Khusrii to
the care of the Sultan, writing in excessively laudatory terms
concerning him, and sent a collection of autograph poems. Salton
Muhamma‘l used to visit Mnttan every year to soe Sultin Balban,
and used to retnin distingaished with robes of honour and all

I The Calentta text exactly reve;ser the meaning by reading 493 today
Thas losing all the gense of the pasenge Cf MSS (A) (B)
MS (A) hag, correctly, 99 B51,
8 Shukh Sharfu-d-Din Mushh ibn ‘Abdu lah as-Sa‘di He was a native of
Shiraz where lis family for generations had been famed for emmence in
lenning He 18 said to have lived to a great age, acccunte differmg between
102 und 112 years (Beale pays 120) He apent 30 yenia in acquirmg rviences,
30 yeara on travelling (bo made the Hnjy fourteon times) and 30 yours mn
qmetude He died in the year 691 H (1201 A D) We was the contemporary
of many greaé men, among them Amir Khusre of Dehli who entertained him.
iia Kuthyat are of world wide reparation, The Mayma‘ul Fusuhd (¥ 274)
fiom which the above i taken does not give tho date of Sa‘di’s birth, aud
#ives the date of bis death as 791 H wlach is wrong Accoiding to the
uccounk given by Beale Sa‘di was born “ about the year 571 AT” The
nbove account would however place his bath im enthe: 589 AH or 579 AH
Of Ing works the Gulistiin and Bustin are the best known
for a full seeunnt of Sadi sce the prelace to Piutt’s Gulttan. See also
tfushkada, p 284.
 posstble rewards aud distinctions, and on the Jast oceaston on
which they were able to mcect, the Sultan wstructed him in
are
private with excellent counsels and pleasing dist ourses, which
mentioned im the hoake of the Histories of Dehli, and having
granted hin permission to depart sent lam to Multan, and m the
same year Itunar! the Mughdl with thirty thousand horsemen
having crossed the Ravi by the ford of Lahor caused great com-
motion in those distacts, and the Governor of Lahor sent a
131. petition to Khana-Shabid® telling hun ot what had occurred.
He while m js assembly read 30,0U0 as 3,000 and, marching with
aluge force, by rapid and continuons marches arrived at the
boundaries of Bagh-1-Sabz,3 on tho hanks of the Labor river where
he engaged the infidels and attuned the diguity of martyrdom
Thig event took place au Zu-Hiyjah of the year 683 H,* and Mir
Hasan ® of Dehli composed a puse lament; and sent it to Debli
Lt uw copred here in tis very words.

The Lument of Mu Ha-an

{bos an old story that the ty:annons sphere, though at may for
atime knit the knot of complasance, and make a covenant of
mutnal sincerity, turns from its prenose, and that discordant time,
although if professer to shew iequieseence, aud makes specious
promises of fidelity, fails to perform them
The wanton-eyed heaven, the paprt of whose manliness is rullied
by the defect of the mote of meanness, at fist hke a drunken man,
gives some bounty im a case where there has been no favour
received to demand it, batin the end, hke the children, takes the

1Ttmar Both im the printed text and m MS (A) Ziin-d-Din Barn’ calls
hin Samar Pusshta calls hom Timir Khen.
Called HAdu-1 Shaked or the “Mortyr Prince" because he fell mn battle
oppowng "the accursed Samar, the bravest dog of all the dogs of Changiz
Khan” (Ethott, HI 122) .
BMS (A) Sim gl MS. (B) pw BU the text reads siya gl Bagh.i.
Barir with e footnote variant Bagh-1-Sard,
* Zida-d-Din Barni gay 5 684 H.
& Zitu-d-Din Barni attributes this lament to Amir Khueri.
(Elhott IL.
122) Finghta also states that Amir Khusra escaped when
the Prince was
lolied, and wrote a lament. It seems probable therefore
that the lament
should be attributed to Mir Khasri The Hasan which occurs in Text and
both MSS. (A)(B) may have asd its ongin in a copy ist’s
crror,
 { 189]
gift back agam without any treacherous conduct having been
committed. The habits and customs of the oppresmve times are
cast in the name mould, whether by experience or by hearsay, we
seo or hear that whomsoever it perceives coming to perfection like
the moon, it desires to darken the face of Ine fulness with the
blot of defect, and whomsoever it finds msing lke a cloud him it
strives to tear to pieces, and to scatter lus substance to the
extreme boundaries of the horzon As i this orchard of
amuzement and garden of egrets, no 10se blooms without a thorn
so no heart escapes the thom of sorrow. Alas! for the newly
sprang veiduie which has become yellow, withered in the bloom
of its beauty by the autumn of calamity. Alas! for the many
fresh-springing trees which have been laid low im the dust of the
ground by the fierce binst of Death

Consider the winds of Auturon, how chil they are and cold,
The cowardly blows they have dealt alike at the young and
old

Ono of the examples of this allegory is the veath of the late

Emperor Qa‘in-1-Mulk Ghazi.) may Cod uke muaifest his
demonstrations and weigh down the seale wae! his «¢ -celleneies,
on Friday the last day of the month of 7a-lL-Tisjah im the year
683 ALL, when the moon, the kandness am the heart of infidels,
conld nowhere be seen, the Sun with the company of the amy
of Islam came forth to smite with the sword, and the great
Prinee who was the Sun of the heaven of the kitrlem with the
hight of holy war stiung on ins noble brs, and the un-
ghangealiie determination of “yhad” firmly phintal on his
Uinstricus mind, placed his auspuaous foot im fhe sturap By
u ght they submitted to his yadgwent which solved all difheultes,
that Itmar with the whole of lua army had advanced into the
plain at a distance of three farsangs. When mormng broke, he
commenced to march intending to leave that place, and ata
distance of one farsnng coming face to face with those accursed
ones,* elected to draw up their forces in a place on the ontskirts

1] Qaan-i-Mulk Ghizi The eldest con of Ghiydéyu-d-Din Balban who was

Khin of Multin. See page 187 ante.
9 ty ope do wf ab. (4)
 [ 190 }
of Bagh-1-Sarir! on the banks of the mver of Lilhor. Accor-
dingly be very strongly fortified a laige village which was close
to tho river, aud made such dispositions that when the infidels
came ayninst it, both rivers* should be mm the remy of hin army,
8o that neither could any man of his own army turnin fight nor
could any yay be inflicted upon his army by that troublesome
horde® and m very truth that choice of position was the acme
of caution and the very height of skill im that world-conquemng
Khan, but since when Fato 15 adverse the thread of all plans
becomes tungled, and the orderly row of enterprises becomes dis-
ordered,

He who falls in with evil fortune by the way.

Fhs affurs fall out just as hin enemies desire
His Fortune like a mad man loses the mght way,
FIs senses, like the mghtblind, fall into the well.
By chance that day the Moon and the Sun, which may be
compared tu kingr, were suspended in the mgn of the Fish, and
Mara, whose blood-red aspect 1s entirely due to the blood of the
princes of the people, had drawn out from the quiver of that
sin the arrow of disappointment and the dart of disobedience
against thaé Orion® (white) girdled Khan, who was hke
Juco
coming forth from a watery sign, the house of fear and calamity
and the proofs of sedition and signs of harm tints Lecame evidently
1 xe eY MS (Ai js eu Probably the jaw gh before mentioned
§ Tho Rivi and Satin) This battle was fought close to Multin, avd is
described hy Fir.shta, who states that after having
ronted the Mughil a my,
the Prince and some of ly retainers were restiug
hy the bank of the river
when they wero ultaeked hy one of tho Maghil elefs
who was lying in
amensh with 2000 men, and the Prnee
wag killed wath many of Ing fol-
lowers , the aimy which had taken the alarm
returning just m time to seo
hin die. '
B trend 881% Ubsle” ys (A)
# MS (A) rods gale A185 yy
Led} ils Lady Ale pit Whon Fate comes, the plum becomes
NRLLOW
Other proverbs of tins kind are the
following —
px by * Cai JP bet Wher Fale comes, esution 18 urclo
.g
eal ast 5 Leal J tat When Fave comes the eve is blind
" he thice stas m Ouions belt
fe
See Laue. bg
 [ 191]
manifest, while thé hint and indication of the proverb “ In face
of Fate wide becomes strait” becnme written on the conseoative
prges (of his history) In short, at midday just as the courier
of the hoaven reached.the country of noon, and the day of that
wo1ld-conquering Emperor was approaching its decline, eyddenly
a band made its appearance from the direction of those infidels.
The Khain-i-Ghazi at that same moment monnted his horse and
issued an order in obedience to which all the cavalry and the
body servants and retinue and zetainers, 1 accordance with the
mandate ‘ Kill the infidels all of them’,! drew up m a lune a
hundred timed stronger than the 1ampait of Sikandar® After
ordermg the nght wing and dressing the left wing, he himeelf
of noble qualities, stood in the centre like the moon and the host
of the stars, ready for the jihad, while the Tatar infidels, let
confusion and dismay come upon them, crossed the river of Léhor,
and confronted the ranks of the Muslims. Thereupon these wild- 134.
loving desert-born savages, placing the featheis of the éwl®
upon ther iwlomened heads, while the Ghazis of Islim, kings of
Turkestan and Khilj) and notables of Hindustiin, and all the
soldiery mede the battleficld a place of prayer—as the Holy
Apostle, may fhe blessings and peace of God be upon lum, declared
that the holy war was closely allied to prayer, saying We return
froin the lesser holy war to the greater holy war,’ reciting the takbir§
1 See. Qur'an IX 5.
oF Sore Dur ou, GI Ie
pried dang Sad cS pel) 1glidUs
& The thick wall sard to have been built by Aloxander tho great to restrain
the wild natives of Nowthern Ana commonly known as tho wall of Gog
and Magog Sce D'erbelot Vol. I p 640, IT p 282, Ibn Khaldoun, Proleg -
I 162
8 Tho ow! called by the Arabs Uy lye 19.8 bird of 11] omen and 1s held
to be uncle m, Muslins being forbidden to ont sts flesh (Havydtu-l-Harudndt),
aS ont ‘ Bor ae § 7" oF
Heneo the proverb slual \s,3 be ad Aogah} wu? wl s/

Had there been any good in the owl the hunter would not have passed it
by. See also page 157, unfe 1, See alto Jd. A S 8B 1877, p. 81.
* According to Sif: wrters there are two Jridds, Al-Jthidu-t- Akbar or “the
mienter warfare” which is against one’s own lusts. and Al-Jthddu-l-Asgha
or “ tho Teaser warfare” against infidels (See Haghes..Diet of fald@m art. Jrhei )
digit Aldhu Akbar yA aU God is Almighty, See Mi _hkdtu T-Alandthib
Ny
 [ m2 }]

raised ther hands m prayer, and m the first attack they put
tou the swotd 2 considerable number of ablebodied men of the
Mughal cavalry, and tho lances of the Maliks of the Court so
wonnded the limbs of their enemies that above each of them the
blood spurted up likea spear, while sixty selected Turks inter-
weaving their arrows like closely-woven cloth, made 1¢ appear as
though the weft (of existence) of the Tatars was being torn to
shreds,!
In the beginning of the fray the arrow of the king leapt forth
The Tatars were all laid low.
As often as the great Lord, lion-hearted, wielding the sword,
with a blade as bright as his own faith, ealhed forth to
attack from the midst of the ranks.
You would say that the sword was trembling in that battlefield
at che excellencies of the monarch, and becoming in 1ts entirety
a tongue was saymg to him, Up and make an end of these ac-
cursed anes, and entrust their discomfiture to thy servants, but do
thou thys If refrain from personal action, for the sword 1s double
fred aud the scimuter of Fate pitiless m its wounding—no one
ean tall what may happen to any one of us from the decree of
the All poweiful I close my eyes against the fatal eye 8
Uo uot, that I way bind thy dust upon mine eyes.
Act not, for I greatly fear the evil eye.
‘Lh heaven has never seen such a brilliant countenance,
f anus ruc upon that fire to guard that eye ®
As loug as he strenuously performed the duties of fighting and
ata I ‘Ser ue, each of the weapons as it were entered into colloquy with
‘nie ine apear was saying, Oh King! refrain vour hand from me

' There in a requonce of plays upon worda in the orgmal which cannot
possibly be preserved in a translation 9 tir 1s. kind of cambric or lawn.
Tt also has the usual meanmg of “ arrow”
8 Sed) wx Anu cye Supposed to have the power of killing with one
glane ‘The Arabs saya Jet) qe Sas aly) lis May God bhad the fateful
eye to thes
6 OMe Acrording to Burhun-1-Qdfs', a seed which 1s burned to avert the
consequences of beng “overlooked ” by the evil eye. See Viller’s Lexicon
For tn interesting account of charms againat the evil eye see Lane's
Modern Egyptiuns
 [ 1938J
this day, for the tongue of my point by reason of constant fighting
and slaying is blunted, and I have no power left of opposing the
enemy with thrusts, I fear lest I should leap up and should commit
some untoward act. The arrow too was saying,
Thou, the knot of whose bowstring opens the knot of the
Jauzhar, do not advance to meet this danger.!
T myself in rashing forth to destruction cast dust upon my head,
lest the close-eyed beauty of the heaven,*? who sits on the fifth
roof near the door of the eighth mansion,® sitting in ambush, out
of temerity and spite, should discharge against you the shaft of
error from the bow of fraud and malice; the lassu was suying,
to-day tho thread of planning should not be Jet go from the hand
of deliberation, for J am conto: ted with anxiety at this precipitate
conflict and 11]-considered battle ; wait a while! for Jslain and the
Muslims are like the tent ropes connected with the tent of your
favours. Oh God! in dealing with tlis people, do not so long
delay putting the halter round their necks.

T have willingly put my neck in the noose for thy sake

Thou art my lassoer, who takest me with the noose of thy
locks.

In short, that mighty king, the defender of the faith, the uptooter
of infidelity, from mid-day tall eventide atticked that unproue
crowd with the whole main body of his army,.checrfully aud
willingly, wale the shouts of the victors im the fight, and the
clamvur of those eager for the fray * denfened the ears of the world
and of the sky,® and tongues of fire which leapt from the heads of

IMS (A) hos 8—3 ag has the toxt MS Bb 809 Nosthea is ut lhenble
Possibly we should read $danie mafsada darshar the head and tal of
Draco, see Burhan 1-Qaéts also (4en-1-Ahbart, WU (J) p 9, aluo Anchshaf, TL, 202.

#61 dig. SiG SF folo MS (A)

8 I read po ble 3° 4» MSS (A) and (B) have BLA jot y3 wluch makeg
no sense unlesa we supply a word suchas Bdsrbiay for wlich there is na
sanction The text reada _y’9 bnt it seems to me Oy 1s moe they to be
nght I might easily have become ty} by copy tst's error
OMS (A) 5S wWlb GWE 4 ley Wile glee y This ts o better read
ing than the tert.
b MSS (A) and (B) read ‘ew glow tor low gloat sn tho text
25
 { 194]
the flashing spears, and tongues of the swords made not a single
mistake in even 1a letter in trausmitting the message of des-
truction. In that uproar hke the day of resurrection every one
thonght of this Ayat A day when a man will flee from hie own
brother,'! the surface of the earth, like the eyes of old men who
have lost their sons* was full of blood, and the face of the sky
like the head of sons who have killed their fathers, full of dust.
Alas! my father why dost thou snhmit to the ateel of the fire-
like swoid
Oh! dost thou wish to iuflict the wonnd of orphanage on my
heart -
In the very midst of the weary conflict, and amid all this
pain and anguish, suddenly an arrow shot by Fato stritk the
wing of that falcon of the field of foray, and the bird of his life
took its flight from the cage of the body of that nobleone to the
gardens of the Compassionate and meadows of Bizgwan 8
Verily we are God’s and verily to Him do we return.*
At that same moment the backbone of the religion of Muham-
mad, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him, broke like
the heart of sorrowful orphans, and the rampart of the religion
of Muhammad fell m like (he grave of poor people of low origin, and
the assistance which the arm of the king alone could give shipped
from our giasp, and the confidence which the army of the
Muslims had possessed © was Jost Enactly at the time of sanset,
1 Qur'an Sor Ixax 34,
9 MS (A) Bolo aly yey The text has Slo oy pes which 19 bald
and dostroys all the antithetical force of the sentence,
Tu MS (2) the word yma 1s omitted
8MS (\) wlpsy heyy wha walt Aizuda, the name
of the door-keeper
of the aiden of Parade The word means“ P udon "forgiveness?
* Tho formula of remgnation to the Visine will uttered
by rous Maslime
m all times of adversity, more especially bereavement or im presence of
death lu the Quran 1 150, 132 we read, “ We will try you with something
of tau and hunver and Joss of wealth
and souls and fruit, but give good
tidings to Che piticnt who when there falls
on them a calamity soy, ‘Verily
we are God’s an’ verily, to Him do we return’
these, on them are blessings
fiom then Lond id merey, and they it 18
who are guided.” (Palmer)
s pdt $a soo Taue, Ar Dict. pod 4u. ‘Tho place which com.
prises EL Islam (meammne the Mushms) like as the exK complies the youug
bad, or the wungrezatiun 01 vlluchive budy of the Mush,
 [ 195]
the aun of tho life of that king whose san was setting sank into
the west of extinction, and the heaven, after the habit of mourners,
dyed its raiment blae, while falling tears began to course
down both its cheeks, Saturn, by way of fulfilling the require-
menta of fidelity and the domands of mourning, turned its robe
to black and bewailed the people of Hinddstan because of hia
death. Jupiter, in pity for that dust besoiled body and blood-
stained mantle rent his garments and cast jus turban in the dust.
And Mars, may the hand of his power be tightly closed as the
eye of the beauties, and the face of his sastenance be dak as the
locks of Ethiopians, sore wounded by compassion for that calamity,
with a rankling thorn! which brought forth his heart's blood,
was trembling like the Fish* before the Sun, and like the Ram#
in the hands of the slaughterer, while the Sun, for ¢hame that
it had not striven to avert this calamity and prevent this disaster,
came not forth, but sank below the earth, and Venus when she
saw what violence the heavenly bodies were undergoing at the
hands of Time, played her tambour more vehemently,* changed 187.
the tune of the drum, and commenced music in a fresh measure,
and because of the death of that slave-chershiag king, others in
place of uttermy magical strams began to weep, and Mereary® who
in forage and couquests in accord with the scribe, used to write
many recorda of victory, in that tyranuy® was blackening hia
face with the contents of his inkhorn, and was clothing himself
in a garment of paper made of the shects of lis own records,
while the new moon in the shape of a crescent on the horizon,
with bowed stature, in that day of judgment which had vimted
the earth, was striking its head on the wall and performing all the
customary mourning duties.

! tuys gle. Khai eAqiab The thoin of Scorpio Mara is called he je.
Bo Spm Hit, ‘Tho wen Pisces.
2 dea Hemal The sign Aries,
# yah) se O13 on the analogy of 4a og? O32 suid of a har
The y9%b cendfr isa kind of mandolin with chords of brass wire played
with o plectram, ‘Ihe word was originally 3, 99 from ite bomg hkencd to
the tail of a lamb, (Lanc).
6 Mereury 1s called oS es Dabires-Fulak = The scribe of the shy
pb
8 tazelion MS. (A) MS. (B) The textual reading Po ) muat he wrong,
 [ 196]
Thou placest thy cheek in the dust, alas, I wish not this
for thee
Moou of my days, Ido not wish thee to pass beneath the
Earth.
If thou goest out to the chase (1 diest) thy dust is my hife:
My life! 1s the solitude of thy dust pleasmg to thee? Ido
not wish it for thee.

May God, le He eralted and blessed, 1aise the pnrified and

ananetitied soul of that warrior prince to lofty heights and lugh
dsguities, and give lum, from tine to time, cups full of the biil-
haucy of lis beanty and glory, and make all the kindness, and
clemency, and affection, and cato which he evinced towards this
broken down worthicss one, a means of increasing the dignity and
wiping out the fanlts of that prince Amon, Oh Lord of the worlds !
And Mi: Khusrii! also on that dwy fell a prisoner into the
hands of Labori, a servant of the Mughil, and had to earry a
norebag and horsecloth upon lis head, He recounts this crrcum-
stance in these worda—-
1 who never even placed a 16se upon my head,
He placed # load on my bead and said “ It 18 a rose '2

And he composed in poptry and sent to Dehli two elegies written

mw tarkib-band® wineb are found in the aathology known as

1 gy~d peo For an account of Mir Khustii aco mdex referenc

e
Tho poet, relites some of jis Mxpancneer ak x eaptiieo— “AL the time
that thas leaner of evil, the inher waaa caphve in the Lands of the
Mughuls— may such divs never aetutt t=trac Ihng ima siudy desert, where
the heat made my head boil like etantdion, Fo and the
man who was with
mo on horseback urmvyet thst) at a atieam by the rondade
— Althongh
the naphtha of my hfe was heated LT would not indame
at with oil by
drinkinga draught of water Both my guud and dis herae drauk ther
fill and expired iminediately 2’ kdhott, I, Appendix, p 545
z Jo means both Aorserloth and also ro-e Phere 15 a difference m the read-
ings MS (A) reads, Ja link y abe paws ty MS (B) ie lke tho text.
BON Quy’ ye dw this class cf compesinon a rortam number of verses
having the game metic and rhyme are followe
d hy a couplet mm the same
metie but having # diferent vhyme—then the origmal
rhyme i reverted te
for ucertaw number of vases, and 1g ‘gam
followed by a teh conplet
having Qe same neti, bata rhyme differmg fiom both the original
rhyme
and that of tho tust mec) olated couplet—and go on In Tarjtband as
 [ 197]
Ghurraiu-l-Kamal.| For a space of a month more or leas, folk
used to sing those tarkil-bands and used to chant them as
threnodies over their dead from house to honse.
The following is one of them .—
Is this the Resurrection day or is it a calamity from heaven
which has come to light ?
Is this a disaster or has the day of Judgment appeared
upon the earth P
That breach which has appeared this year in Hindustan
has given entrance to the flood of sedition below the
foundation of the world
The assembly of lis frienda has been scattered like the
petals of the rose before the wind ,
Autumn the leaf scattercr has, one would say, appeared in
the garden?
Every eyelash, in the absence of friends, has become a
spear-point to the eye, and each point of the spear has
bronght blood spouting forth to a spear’s length
The heart writhes in agony siuce Time has broken the thread
of companionship,
When the string is broken, the peatls are scattered far and
wide.
Such a flood of tears has been shed by the people on all
sides that five fresh rivers have appeared around Mulian
I wished to bring my heart’s fire upon the tongue mm the
form of words,
When lo! a hundred tongues of fire appeared within my
mouth

has been statcd elsewhere, the plan is mmilar to tho ahove, but the mterpolate
ed couplet is always the same T)ug mterpolation occurs not more than
seven times both in Tarkib-band and an Taryi‘band.
l Gh ratu-l-kamal The longest of the four Diwina of Amir Khusra,
It contains poems written from the 84th to the 42nd year of Ing hfe, for an
account of thir and the other “ Diwins” see Elhott, 111 Appendix. See also
Haji Khalifah, IV 311.

3 MS (A) rends WiedS for ptiny),

8 MS. (A) agrees with the text MS. (B) has « worthless :eading

dudy Sef vlc yi) Os exe

 [ 198]
1 dug deep in my brepat, empty of all desire, and tears burst
forth from both my eyes, when the earth 1s hollowed out
then springs of water make thoir appearance.
Weeping has taken the bloom off my cheek, and disgraced
me, because by reason of it, the skin has left my cheek
ond the bones have come im sight.
The plancts ave all conjoined in my eyes! perchance it por-
tends a storm, since uta Watery coustcllation a conjane-
tion of planets 1s scen.
I only wish for that same collection (of friends) and how
can this be!
1t 14 epsentially impessible—how can this Bandtu-n-Na‘sh
become the Pleiades * (How can mowining become joy)
With what omen? did the king lead his army from Maltan
and draw the infidei-slaying sword in order to slay the
infidels.

I The text has paz ye wo should read pote yd as in MS. (A).

The astrologers state that when a conjunction of all the planeta shall take
place 1n ove of the watery consts lations (Scorpio, Pisces, Aquarius) a deluge
like that which destroyed the world in the time of Noah will occur again,
4 This couplet differing ns st does in rhyme, but being in the same metre is
characteristic of WY ead,$¥3 tarkib band, sce p. 196, note 8.
et} elo Bandtu-u-nu'sh, Uns name “Tho danghtors of the bier” is
given by the Arabs to the constellation Uraa Major, See Lane, a0 yes -
‘Lhe origin of the name ° The danghtera of the bier” 18 aaid by Sedilot in
his Notes tothe Prok gomenes des Tables Astronomignes @Oloug Be 8, to be that
“the Arab Chiistians culled the “Chariot” or the four stars composing the
body of the Great Bear pe ow Ferctiion Java, and the throe starg (the
handle of the plough) of the tol Mena, Matha ae anedlis” The Persiang
have8 superstition thut if two people are sogether and one of them points
ont ths constelintion to the other, one of the two will die within the year,
The allusion to the Pleiades is explamed by the followmg verses of Ibna-l-
Amid (see de Slane, Jon Khall LU, 263)
“T have seized on ove of the opportunities which life offera to form with
my conpanions a part of (he band of the Pleiades, and, sf you do not aid us
to mamtuin our ravh in that chow by sending us some wiae, we shall be sad
like the daughters of the hearse”
The Pleads 18 considered a fortunate astomam (cf.) Job xxxviil, 13,
“The sweet influences of Pleiades”

8 MSS (A) and (8) road @b 2a,

 { 199j
When they brought him tidings of the enemy, with that
strength which he possessed, ruthlessly he displayed his
wrath and uuforled his standards.
That army witich was then present sought for no second
army,
For this reason that Rustum must not be indebted to an
armed host.!
One assault tuok him from Multan to Lahor, saying
In my reign can any one rebel against me ?
Am I not such a lion, that my swoid which is liko fire and
water
Has by its slaying turned every year of theirs to dust and
ashes ?
Such torrents of blood often have I set flowing over the
earth,
That the vulture flies® over the sarface of blood hkea
duck over the water
In this year to such an extent do I stain the earth with
their blood,
That the evening twilight reddens with the reflection of
the earth.
He was bent upon this enterprise and did not know that
the Destiny of heaven had drawn the lino of fate across
the writing of the page of mtention
His eyes were smitten by the stars, if I have the power
I must heat a needle, and hke a shooting star thrast it
into the eye of the seven planets.
The first day of the month became Muharram ® for him, 140.
not for him only but for all people.

1 These verses are transposed m the text, MS. (A) and MS, (B) give this
order,
8 MSS, (A) and (B) read OAES5 wiyd poy
3 M3. (A) reads ey”
Ot Bo 1,5
‘The Martyr Prince wags killed on the last day of Ziil Hiyjah the morrow
of which was the sacred month of Muharram.
Tho ‘Ashira (the tenth) is a voluntary fast day observed on the tenth of
the month of Muharram. We read in the Mighkat (VII) Ibn Abbas gaia
T did not sée his Iughness intend the fast of any day which he considered
more noble than the ‘Ashiri and the fast of Ramazan” Again “ the fast of
 [ 20 ]
Since at the end of Zil Hijjah be drove his dagger into
the neck of his enemies
That the day of ‘Ashira might arrive he entered the ranks
of holy war hke Husain, the dust of his steed served as
colly1ium for the eye of the biilliant moon.
What an hour was that when the infidel reached the van of
the amy!
Oue upon another his squadrons passed over the river and
came upon them unawares !
Thou didst see the king’s steed,? casting the cloud of dust
to the sky
The wind-footed courier chargmg the infidels worthless
as duat.
He raised a turmoml among the stars by the shouts of
his army.
He noduced an carthquake im the world by the rushing
of ns cavalry,
F.om the roll of the drums, the neighing of the horses, and
the shouts of their riders, he caused a quaking of the
plain and desert and mountain
Has horses were reeking (with sweat), with shoes as hot as
fire, sv that the hoofa of each hery-shod steed struck
spaths 3
What awe was there! at one time drawing up for battle,
What terror was there ' at another time raising the battle
cries *
141 Fiom the flash of the sword m Ins hand he scattered heat
and oppressiveness around him

he day ‘Ashuia J am hopefal will cover the faults of the coming year ”
(Matthews, Vol |} p 402)
It 18 the only day of Muhirram observed by the Sanni Mushme, beng
the day on wiich, 14 18 said, God croated Adam and Eve, heaven and hell, the
tablet of decree, the pen, hfe and death" (Haghes, Dit of Islam)
1 MS (A) ready Sele Sa wT and Oyay yd aby wb; ly oT se (igo.
$ MS. (A) reads 6% instead of 74> agin the text,
$ MSS (A) (B) road gl utilyo mae3y
# MS (A) wheyT 326 All op) cae de wf
LIES 19 9 pT all sys enbas de wy
MS. (B) reuds the same as (A) repeating “AN in the second line,
 [ 201}
While the very thought of his spear pricked tho heart like
so many thorns.
The brave-hearted were attacking, bent on consuming their
enemies,
The faint-hearted were plotting intent upon flight.
[Whiles, the king the cherisher of brave men, im thas
field of battle,
Was doing deeds of bravery aud urging on the warriors].!
Striking manfully blow after blow upon the ribs of the
unmanly cowards,
And sending forth flames of fire from his well tempered
sword.
Raising aloft like Jamshid the standard, te restrain the
demons,
Urging on his steed, like the sun, to capture kingdoms.
Bringing the sky into supplication from that affliction.
Making the sun perform the Tayammum* with that dust.
[ At that time when there was a distinction between brave
and coward,
Many a one there was whose lips were dry and his cheeks
pale].3

! These linea ava omitted in the text bat are in both MSS.
MB wlaxe WhO! yy 72 aye ld slg
ist) 6 wtayes wye wtayesl
8 pow tayammum This word signiies “Intention” and is restroted
to the uzé or ablutional ceremony performed with sand mstead of water,
which 1s permissible under certain circumstances, as for metance when
water cannot be procured without incarring undne risk or Inbour
Qar'én V 9. “If ye cannot find water then take fine surface sand and wipe
your faces, and your handa therewith” This hke so many of Mabammad's
Tojanctions was excellent as a sanitary measure.
8 The text and MS. (B) are both wrong hore, repeating the preoeding
band as though this poem wete a farji‘bund Tho following 1s the correct
reading as given in MS (A)

Opt dpe G aye3) Grams OF By Wyo

a9 oy) yy y Khim led AF by LpSlas cst
Consequently in the translation I have omitted the incorrectly repoated
ines, and have given these in their place.
26
 [ 202 J
The day was cast into darkness when they hurled ' one
apon the other,
The sun became pale when cagger was interweaved with
dagger.
The day was nearing its decline, seeing that the swords*
were weaving a sky of rust over the sun of the army.
The rows of swords in both ranks resembled (the teeth of)
a comb,
The combatants are entangled one with the other like hair
with hair §
142. The Earth looked like a» sheet of water when cuirass was
knit with cuirnss, the plain resembled a rose garden
when shield was woven with shield
The heaven flies away as though flying from an arrow,
The arrows flying ubave their heads are thick as the feathers
of a wing.
When half the force of the infidels had their heads swept
off by the sword
Those infidel heads* which were matted together like the
locks of black hair
Ruby-red drops of blood sprang like tears 5 from the sword
So that the gold-woven standards were besprinkled with
the jewels.
Esch single head «es cloft in twain when the swords
blows met.

1 M8. (B) reads O15 which ia the best reading.

9 This is the readingof MS (4) & )&}35 8 ars. (B) follows the text
but with no intelligible meaning. The reading of MS (A) is not quite eatis-
factory and it seems poomble that we should read ay Ga y. t« The war
xiors’ swords, .
® MA, (A) has the following —
a eenaie

yor se FU slate wf suite 1, ols

MS. (B) bas otto|) alS winle the text has this as an auernative
reading for Caeil} ty ale
MS. (B) is the reading adopted for thus line, reading however ait
(text) and MS. (A) for 543 4g, (8) in the second line,
© MG. (A) yoy whyilf.
5 Insert ¥ before 3 MS. (A).
ee
 { 203]
The cloven heads became as one again when head was
thrust against head.
The slain were lying on all sides of that verdant plain !
Like the figures which they weave on the green brocade.
Long had they been striving even from morning till even-
ing, face to face, and hair to hair, and hand to hand.?
The king* wished to spread the carpet of victory but to
what avail
Since the heavens had woven that carpet in another pattern.
¢[His enspicions eword did not cease from contest for
one moment.
From the declining day till night in that day of declining
fortune].
Ob Lord ' was that blood which flowed over the face of the
plain
Or was it a river urging its waves toward the lips of the
thirsty.
Just as water drops to the earth when you eift it5 in
& sieve
So the blood dript from the limbs of the weary warriors.
The mortally wounded lay iu the death-agony writhing on
the ground, while from his throat blood burst in billows,
spouting in the air,
The arrows drove the bodies over the sea of blood like
boats,
Plying their oars madly and urging their course onwards 6

1 MS. (A) reads

See goby wT citpbl yo slit GLAS which is tho
reading adopted.
BMS (A) ronda OUSL51 gad gant y cared 99 Koaytyy
MB (B) O355Lpp p——) gery go) 989 ay!)
3B MS (B) reads incorrectly ds S-soly>
* The text and MS. (B) are again wrong here giving in this place the
couplet begimning Wire wos, seo page 196 note 3, wstead of the lines
which sbould follow
SEF speed AILS} pated whey of
Jia} 323 wht on S5 jy Sih»
5 MB.(A) coy
© These lines follow here in BIS, (A) in the text they are five coupleta later.
 [ 204j
The mver bore those (the imfidel enemies) to hell and the
stream bore these (the Muslims) to Paradise, although
the blood of infidel and Muslim was flowing side by side.
. The chargers were plunging and the heads of the riders
falling
The feet of the horses speeding and the heads of the riders
bowling along
Every spurt of blood which spurted from the body struck
by an arrow
Leapt without restraint hke a man who leaps to avoid an
arrow.!
The arrow of every man who from stoutness of heart had
an arm nerved for the fight, fitted accurately to the bow
flew straight to the heart of the enemy’s army.
And he who from faint-heartedvess has lost command of
his arme and leg’, was 1unnimg now to the water and
now to the plain
The king, the commande: of the army, was urging on the
charger of his fortune, and 1t galloped with him im draw-
ing up his line, and planning the scheme of action.
144, The heavens turned Victory backwards seizing it by the
hair,
Although Victory was speeding towards us haying left the
accursed { infidels)
*[The inhdels were expecting the coming of night, to take
to flight,
Suddenly the ecale of the balance turned against us]
What a night was that! when the sun had fallen from the
sky |
And demons were hurling fire upon the earth, and the stars
had fallen,
When nothing of day remained for that sun of fortune 3

1 These lines follow here m MS (A) which reada Ope? ps ud wpe.

4 Here again the text aud MS (B) are wrong Here ehonld follow ag in
MS (A).
o> wey B as tate jebiy youl wk
ard ws Ss ty tye ole wlfL
$ These are omtted in MS (B) NS (A) ronda |y oe’ LUT
This and the following are transposed in the text,
 L 205]
Some little daylight remained when the sun (of royalty)
fell.
Although Husain of the famous Kerbelé! was in straits for
want of water
He was the Muhammad whose end came upon him in the
water ®
The heart of mankind became (full of holes like) « fishing
net because, from the craft of the demon the royal signet
which was on the hand of Solomon fell into the water.’
The infidels were wallowing in blood as the donkey wallows
in the gutter, the believers lay in the mud lke jewels in
the mire.
One army was passing through the water of the flood of
disaster,
The other parched with thirst had falley in with a mirage.
Each one of them was put down on the tablet of the earth
afor this reason that their affairs had fallen into the
account of the day of reckoning

1 A city in ‘Triq 50 miles sonth west of Bagdad and mx miles west of the
Euphrates Husain was slan there AA. 62 im conflict with Yazid abn
Mn ‘awia on the 10thof Mrbhatram , the name of the place whero Husain waa
cut off from the Euphrates was called Kerbeli See Uughos Diet of
Islam art. Wusaun
&MS (A) reads 433 solid} UY & wT yo 4S but the text 18 the correct
reading
It refers to the cirenmatances alroady related under which the Khan-i-
Shalnd, the Marty: prince met hin death Firishte relates that having defeated
the enemy the “generals of Hinduet in discarded all cantien ind pursued
the fagitives while the Mohammad, the Martyr Khan, who had not performed
the mid day prayer, wont hasty with 500 of jig army ro the margin of a
large tank winch then was near, abghfed nnd «engaged im prayer when hig
party were suddenly attacked by one of thea Mnehul Generals with 2,000 men
who were in ambush” (Teiskh-eJicedta, T 148) Bombay Edition) The
Prince after a galinnt fight was killed by an arrow and most of bis men
killed It was heie Amir Khusid was t then prisoner bat: escaped
8 The following 18 greatly abridged from the Qrasaau-l Anbryi
-Solomon’s famous signet mng im which lay the secrot of all lis power wag
gtolen from him by the jinn Asfarj? who while Solomon waa bathing, per-
sonated lim and demanded the rng, from Ins wife (Faminah) to whom he
had entrusted it Obtaimmg it from her he sat on the throne and ruled ghe
kingdom, Solomon having been cost out as an imposter Solomon entered
the service of some fishermen who used to give him two fish dally as his
 { 206j
The akull caps which were lying in the freah crimson blood
looked like cocoanuts engraved and ornamented with
vermilion |
145. The wounds of the heart were weeping tears of blood in
bidding farewell to the soul, and the bodies were lying
desolate owing to separation from life.
Alas! many were the hving who were lying among the
dead overcome with terror, their bodies blood-stained and
their eyes sunk in (feigned ) sleep
Look at the deeds of this crafty old wolf (tne sky) for lions
were as though bound in chains and elephants in fetters
at the hands of (infidel) dogs
{This was not a battle, I verily saw that that was the day
of resarrection. If these are the tokens of the reaurrec-
tion, then [ have seen it] #
Look at the revolution of the heaven, for it brought about
such a change, that it made the centre of Islam to go
round and round (in perplexity) hke the compasses.*

wages, one cf which be ato bat eold the other to feed the poor. -In the mean-
time Apaf recognized that it was not Solomon who was ralimg, and brought
40 holy men (*#ly ) before the throne cach bearing an open copy of the
Taurat (Book of the Law) which they read aloud, Agtarji the demon was not
able wo bear this, rashed up to tho roof of the piace, caat the ring into the
water and Jed Solomon happened to be fishing that day but being tired fell
asleep on the bank of the river, a large snake came ont of the water and
taking the green bough of a tree in iis mouth was fanumg Solomon as he
slept, when the dsherman’s daughter pussed by, she ran off to her father
apd beggel lum to marry her to Solomon Eventually this was settled
(thongh Solomon protested Ina inability to provide a dowry) and Solomon
married the girl. ‘The fish which had swallowed the ring fell into ther net
on the following dny and was given to Solomon with two other fish, Solomon
took them and svld iwo of them and gave the other to the fisherman's
daughter to fry She struch a kniic into st and the ring fell out, the whole
byte becoming illuminated, she screamed and fainted, Solomon seized the
mng and put it ov, thus recovering his lost hingdom.
1 MS, (A) reads
y= ty WEES. Tho toxt and MS. (B) read
yw cslgeK
which seema preferable.
§ The text and MS. (B) are again wrong: the proper hnes here are
ph AD gues y cals wf oy 6 59
PEI Er?Cp mbt wildly |) euch Ff
8 MS (A) roads (xanantadoptcd) or wl] etyto MS (8) 16 the same
as the text except that 1 reads IS in both lines.
 { 907 j
Has one ever seen an atom carry off the water of the sun's
spring P
Has one ever soen a stone, which has rivalled the princely
pearl?
When the king entered the cave of the protection of God,
that man‘is a dog who did not wake the sleepers of the
cave! with his lamentations
That he entered the secret cave (of death) when fleeing
from his enemies, is no disgrace.
The elect of God (Muhammad) fied towards the cave to
avoid the attack of his enemies.#
And if a spark reached him from the arrow of his enemies
this too ia right’ for the wrath of Nimrod at last com-
mitted Abraham to the fire.
And if he went to the holy place (Paradise) do not be vexed
and count it as a shame to him for ‘Iss through the
spite of the Nazareves devoted his life on the cross.
And if the (infidel) dogs were crafty as foxes to him, say
this, that it is of a piece with the dog like behaviour
which was shewn to (‘Ali) the Haidar-i-Karrar (lion of
repeated attacks).®
And if the denens caused him to drown, then easy this that
it ie like when a demon drowned Rustum in the ocean.’
Every year he used to devote his life and energy to fighting
the Mughals,
At last he yielded up his precious life in this endeavour.

§ Qur'an, Sirata-I-Kahf, XVII. The seven sleepers of Ephesus, MS. (A)

sea Sa omen

reade BisS (5007 wf mbes, MB. (B) which the text follows reads S=nKS ;
and the text reads, @y5 for a,S,
3 MSS (A)and (B) read whew jy J.
3 The tert and MS. (B) are hopelessly wrong here. the correct reading
7S ji.
MB (A) in Camels) ph choad
¢ Qor'in, 221 52-69,
Said they Burn him and help your gods if ye are going to do so
Riise

We eaid Oh fire! be thon cool and s safoty for Abraham.

% § MSG. (A) and (B) read qXeoy Us wld £5} The reading ia
% the text GET is insamiambie. ‘
§ Abdor Rahman sbn Moljim slew ‘Ah with a sword while engaged 10
prayer on the 19th Ramezén 35 A H in the Mosque of Kifa.
1 See Shah Nama (Tarver Macan), Vol. II., p. 748. 1. 8
 f 208]
This is one of the tricks of fate which at one time sheds
blood and at another gives lifo;! we are powerless, it is
+ useloss to strive against the aJl-powerful tyrant (fate).
The mighty lion when stung by the ant roars aloud in
agony

The mnfumated elephant when pricked by a thorn shrieks

fiom pai
[It was on Friday, the last day of Zil Hijjah that this battle
took place
At the end of eghty-three and the begining of eighty-
four]!
The sun and moon wept over the face of that one of
auspicious features,
Day and might wept over the youth of that short-lived one
Like his orders, teara from the eyes, flowed from east to
weat
Behold the obedience of the servanta® who wept without
any master.
Tn Ins reign birds and fishes were so happy
L47. That the fishes wept m the water and the birds in the air.
Tho heavens with its thousand eyes wept over the people
of the earth hike vernal showers upon the prusu *
The dew which falls every mormmg from heaven and waters
the earth, consider that as the tears of the stars who are
weeping in the highest heavens,
The people of Multén, men and women, weeping and tear.
me thaw haw, im every street, face to face and every
where,
No onc could sleep at might for the noise of the wailing,
and the beating of the drums, for m every house the
mourners Were weeping bitterly.

1 MS (A) O49 wly a »

3 MS. (A) has the following lines in place of those i tho text

MI of way AF de E hed ele yg te eam

lst Muharram (644 A 1.)
BMS (A) gp whey row,
$ Thos couplet 18 omutted from MS. (B)
 [ 209 }
They were preparing to perform the ward in the water of
their eyea,
Hoping for pardon for that they wept at the time of prayer.
Their tongues were blistered like the feet of prisoners,
So sorely did the} weep for the captives of calamity.
Their eyes poured forth blood upon the earth like the
throat of the slain,
So bitterly did each one weep for his own dead.!
And if by chance a captive returned from that bond of
calamity,
Every one seeing his face wept honest tears of sorrow
[So great was the weemng that the waves of the tears
were greater than those of the Jihdan.
This was my own condition, the state of the others how can
I describe 'J*
Shall I wring my hands, or shall I with my own tceth
make my arm livid,
Or shall I wear clothes of a darker bluc than this blue
heaven 73
Every man of repntation, tattoos his arm with the needle,
But when I make my aim blue with my teeth, the name of
the king leaps forth on my arm
Alas! that he by the tyranny of the blue sky, 18 sleeping
beneath the earth, whole * because of his sleepmg there
the whole horizon has become blue (dark)
There was both the blackness of the Hindit and the white-
ness of the Turk, whereas now both Turk and Hindd are
wearmg bjue (as mourmng)
6 [It was as though the people were tearmg the heavens
and dividing them among themselves,

1 This is the order of the couplets in MS (4)

BMS (A) ental yet 9 wus 290 aS OS wioia. tu,$
weno eye 5 whys Jw ox Ul Ke la
® Blue waa the customary mourning colour in Pera
* MS (A) 39
© Thia couplet iw not iw the text norm MS (B) MS (A) reads
Gis f wand y doy LS ty lew

ops gasoye as dala Joss wrt y ht dons

=3
to
 f 210]
To such an extent was the earth in alf directions blue with
mourning garments |
Now 1t has become customary to wear blue—so that hence-
forth it beboves the weavers of white cloth to dye their
thread blae mm the shattle.!
In every street? of Cairo a river blue like the Nile was
flowing; to such an extent were blue garments beg
washed im fears on all sides
The dyers of blue cloth were as happy as if there was a
bridal in their houses, because so many brides had their
gaiments dyed blue an mourmug for their husbands.é
The lovely ones who were smiting their foreheads and
sheddig tears of blood had their cheeks below ther
eyes red (with blood) while above their eye-biows it was
bine.
The beauties have no need of bluc (patches) and reduess
(rouge) after this,
For the checks are torn til they are red (with blood) and
the face iy enutten till it 1s blue (with bruises)
In such quantities do they tear the hair from thew
deheate biows, one and all
That the root of every ‘haw becomes bluc from such rough
treatment.
119. {How long shall I tear out the bair ct my head in this
lamentation and mourning!
Nay * wall pluck this body of imue hkhe a hair from the
head of my hfe} 4
Alas! that my heart has suddenly turned to blood on
account of (the loss of) my fiends

The order of tho followwg couplets differs from that of the text as wilt
be geen.

LMS (A) reada »S& for 35 be the latter x8 the correct reading
8 MS (A) 995 oe
Ss (A) whee oslo py
eas A pt OSs 313 pF eit H org Dye Gaye Not an the text
pS. ole eH cy Core eye os Cot
 { 211j
Alas! for that assembly who were a constant fresh joy to
their friends.
The eyes becamé flooded with water and blood on account
of their friends, so long as [ saw my friends in the
midst of blood and water.
Such priceless blood of my friends has the earth swallowed
That it is my right to demand from the Earth the blood
money for my friends,
If 1b were possible for those who sleep in the dust to arise,
I would devote the remainder of my life to secure the
existence of my friends.
It were a pity that the eye should have its pupil always
with it, and yet that its friends should be out of sight !
How can one bear to look at others instead of one’s friends,
My frends are gone! How can I embrace a stranger!
How can [I clothe any other person in the mantle of any
frionds'
I wall place their dust in my eyes (as a collyrium) How
can it be right that the dust of my friends’ feet should
be so little valued #
In desire for my friends, even though they sever my head
(from my body),
Still the desire for my friends will never be severed from
my * head
Oh my King! whenever thou biddest me I will tear my
garment of life to the very edge m mourning for my
trends.
My life has been torn to shreds in a hundied plices through 160
grief, how can 1t be right that I should tear a shied into
shreds for the sake of my friends #
My friends have gone of whom are you talking,
Once for all bring your speech to an ending and breathe
a prayer for my friends.

LMS (A) 999 pop3! sks poeyo whe yy WSL wane

3 MS (A) The orde: in the text differs

BMS (A) OmtS wp pyw 9 pilings csiee 30

4 I follow the text here Ms (A) reads

whines este Hei wa OY YY

 [ 22]
[Always remember the departed, especially at the time
of prayer,
Because nothing shews you the way to mercy save the
guidance of prayer] !
O Lord may the illumination of the sun of merey hght
upon their souls,?
Mey,therr souls shine like the sun from the bounty of thy
light
In the day of batile the Great Khin was their leader,
May the same Khan be also their leader to the Garden of
Paradise
If an angel flies thither in desire for him 1¢ becomes a fly,*
May tho wings of the peacock of Paradise drivo away the
flies from them.
The bounty of mercy 1s the water of hfe in the gloom of
the grave,*
Oh Lord, in the darkness of the tomb may they have the
water of hife.
{When the faces become black from the san of resurrection
May the wings of the angels cast protecting shade over
their heads] &
When they give ® into their hands the record of their decds
taken from the book of punishment,
May the record bear as its heading the words “ A book for
the mght hand ””7

These lines sie notin the text nor m MS (B).

! lea Jia
yo Meld Jy tA GS pe ab
fey Slo yemho Silanes ty cay aS
les Sto Peltdua Dil sashes the letter with which the word da‘d
begms, while Didi! alyo means “ that which shows tho way
"
2 Steyl ws (A)
B phe sapF ay wthe5 wilpd ya MS (A)
yo
# Mo (4) s9F wlelE
® Ting eoupl (4s omuted from she text

~ ot anf Nagy cela S558 5 ely

ons wih ila Said53 3) poe ps
SSS, Ove, ast 2

ho 6 wat Te, autasfa hin who in given his book in his

 [ 213 ]
May the drops of blood which were shed from their throats
Become the most-coatly rubies of their crown of pardon.
For the thirsty ones! whose souls departed for lack of
water, .
May the cload of mercy rain continuously upon their heads
For the captives ¥ who were long subjected to hardships, 161.
Oh Gord! may the hope of speedy release make their way
light for them.
May the affliction which they suffered in imprisonment, be
to those who have escaped from prison (by death) the
cause of their eternal salvation,
And those who have survived and have returned from
that calamity,
May they experience the mercy of the Author of good,’ and
may the favour of the Sultan be theirs.
Since Muhammad has departed may the event he Lappy for
the king May his son Kaiqubad be most fortunate and
his son Kaikhusri bo blessed.

And the opening [of another threnody] 4 is as follows:

My heart sit silent in sorrow for no trace of joy 1emains,
Grief, do thou take away tho world, for no joy is left
therein

In the following ode too he refers to the same disastrous

occurrence
Behold this calamity § which has be fallen this year on the
frontier of Multan,
The right wing of the believers has been defeated’ by the
infidel ranks.

right hand, ho shall be reckoned with by an easy reckoning; and he shall go

back to ns family joyfully.”
1 MS (A) wenarS, gst uw wl cslola a fy wS85 7T follow the text here
3 This 1s the reading of the text. MS, (A) reads wii MS. (B) wets
5 Vullers. w}353,
* Theso words are not in either M5.
5 MS (A) reads (fia! y* 44 (yxe%, This 1s the preferable reading.
6 MS. (A) eeSS,
 f 24 ]
How can I explain that day of resurrection, from the
agony of which the Angel of Death would have craved
respite.
How can I describe the way in which the Ghazis, attacked
the front of the Khaibaris, hke the Lion of repeated
attacks
But what help has anyone against the decree of fate which
was ordained by and issued from the Almighty.
152, What was the condition of the battle field? it was one
lond of dead bodies,
So much blood was spilled and the load was lying
upon it!
The blood of martyrs, poured out hke a hbation, was
mingled with the earth,
The necks of prsoners bound togethor with ropes in rows,
hke 10sc chains,
The heads strangled in the tight noose of the saddle-
cords,?
The necks caught in the toils of the head-ropes,
Althongh my head escaped that game of strangulation,
Still my neck did not escape that noose of torture
T was taken captive, and for fear lest they should shed my
blood
My blood dred up, not a single drop remained in my weak
and emaciated body
1 was poured ont hke water running withont begmmug
and without end, and like bubbles thousands of bhsters
appeired on my feet from much travelling
The shin was separated from my feet by the blisters,
Like to the seams of a slipper burst open
My heart, because of affliction, wag as hard as the hilt of a
sword

IMS (A) reads Boe dy BLASJL OS AF a5) cone5

MS (8) ed ag cand
jl a & ay cts}
The raal is iding seems to bc Sed dys Anas yb Om de fe ws}
2 ¢554 Jy bec Richardson g. v. oss Size.
 [ 2b]
From weskness my body was become wood like the handle
of a olub,!
Not a breath remained in my wind-pipe by reason of thirst,
My belly was like a drum fiom the duration of my hunger *
My body waa stripped naked hike a tree in autumn,
And like a rose torn into a thousand shreds by the thorns,
For sorrow the pupil of my cyes poured forth drops
Like the (scattered pearls) of a necklace broken from the
neck of a bride.
A Quiina® driving me on in tiont followed along the way 153.
seated on a horse, like a leopard on a hill range
Fostor ab isto ore teterrimus axille odor similis,
Capill ors ejus pub: similes usque ad mentum delapsi *
If I lagged behind a step or two through fatigue
He would draw at one time kis falelnon® at another his
javelin ®
I kept heaving deep sighs and saying to mysclf
Alas' I shall never be able to escape from this calamity !
A thousand thanks to God Almmghty who hbczated me
With my heart free from anew wounds and my body
unhurt by the sword.
When he desired to make my body a brick for the grave,
Water and clay built up for me anew my palace of 5 ears.
But what good to me was my cscape from that rope
If snapped like the bond between the Afuhka@jr and Ansa 7

1 yoda Chuyue: Pavet-de-Courteie m jis Turki dictionary gives this

word ag jedra Chiqmar, with the moanmgs wassue, gourdin,
$ These lines are as follows in MN (1)
ai woy 3 pile Koules uso
gleb wis} wy ph Yous us?

8 £ cannot find tina word, possibly it is connected with tho Tiahi gn

gichi, nn armed soldier
# See Elhot und Dowson, IT], 528
B alab faghina there is a Turki word wleyb tighan which meang
afaleon, and another wiles) degh@nel oweau semblavle & Pépervier (P
de C ). Hence the above translation by the word falehion
A jee takhind a dart having no point (Richardson)
7 The Ansdi or ‘helpers of the prophet’ were those tives of El Medinah
 [ 26J
in the dust like roses
AN) those lives were poured out
is Antamn not Spring.
By the fierce blast of misfortune, this
assembly emptied of those
The world full of roses and the
who can smell their perfume,
plood hke the rose bud
How should not my heart turn to
at this treatment !!
ins to me this year,
Not one of my friends of last yoar rema
ome " last year.”
It 18 evident that “ this year ” also wall bec
newl y born spring
Do thou also hke me, oh cloud of the blood.
rain teardrops of
Now wash thy hands of water, and
of my regiet
164 Give me a cup, that from the depths
bitter tears.
I may empty st of wine, and fill 1t with
Now that the date is 684 (H )
s the good
To me inoiny thier and thirtieth year come
tidings of the thirty-fourth.
because if my years should be thuty
Not thuty-four
lniation
thousnad, wher ane comes to the account of Anui
nather thisty counts for aught sor a thonsand.
T am not 4 poet, even though T were & magician, still then
Pashall become dast
Lam uot a Khosra, evea were Ja Karkbusta, still at that
grave.
time my kingdom would be but the

And su the prefice to the Ghurravu-l-Kamal he writes some

eplomised poems relating to this circumstance, tho gist of
ihe matter as that Ue) dreaght Toghral to nothing, and the
prines who used to pray with lamentation and teara at the fool-
ntoal of the beat of all helpers saying Make me of thy mercy
rufous Empoor rose to such power in the districts of
Lakboaut: and Chatar Lat that his bend which toached the
rtara, reached to the starlesa expanse of the highest heaven, and
a

who, while mother respects rivals, united so far as to espouse the cause of
Mubammad
The Mudwjuin were the rcfageea from Mecca, and to avoid jealousy and
strife between them and the Ansar, each of tho Angdr wag made to swear an
oath of brothirhood with one of the Mukdjrin This bond was however
7a

broken shortly after the battle uf Bedi Sve sfure's Life of Mahomed, Vol iit
p 26,aleo Palmer's translation of che Qur'an, p xxziy, and Haghes Duct
of Eslann ¢ Angair
me

{ These nes follow here m MS (A)

 [ 27
Malik GLameu-d-Din Dabir, and Qazi Agir aesired to retain me
by seizing my garments,! but the separation from my friends
seized mo by thecollar. I was obliged like Joseph to leave that
prison pit and turn my steps to® the metropolis, and under the
shadow of the standagd of the Shadow of God [ remained in the
city. In those very same months, the Kbén-i-Buzurg Qain
Malik arrived from the conquest of Damrela,’ and a rumour came
to us that my words had reached him,* so that he made enquiries
regarding the ripe fruit of my words, unripe fruit as it really was
T laid it before him, and it was honovred with acceptance in his
private hall of audience, and I was distinguished by a robe of
honour and rewards, and I girded my loins in his service and wore
the cap of companionship, aud I gave for five years more to the
Panjib and Multén water from the sea of my comfortable circum-
stances, till suddenly, by the potent order of the wise ruler, the
atar of my glory came inte opposition with the mauspicious Mars ;5 155
the time of 1ta decline had armved when the unlucky cavalcade
of those born under the influence of Mars came in sight, and at
evening time, the bnght sun® sank by the revolution of the
heaven, a world of brave men struck by arrows had fallen, and
the plain of the earth was full of broken cups, and Death itself
was saying at that time “ Where shall I place my cup and where
shal) I take my pitcher.” The sky fed apon dust and the sun
swallowed a bow! of blood.
How can we describe that day of resurrection,
When even the Angel of Death sought protection from
the fray.

In that forge of calamity the rope of the infidels seized mo also

by the throat, but inasmuch as God Most High had lengthened the

1 dS cop S cyAld pile lay MBS (A) and (B)

3 plays”, Seo Muyaddasi, DeGooje’s Glossary, p. 207.
BMS (A) Aly yo,
& Sdeyglt MB (A).
5 pe? ee" Mars and Satarn are conndered stars of 1! omec, and are
called in Arabic whe’ nahedn. The two misfortunes (See Ibn Khaldin
Proleg i: 218).
OMS. (A) reads Gt UH MS (B) Lipo CUS}. Bo also footnote
variant to the text. The former w the reading adopted
28
 { 218j
rope uf my Ife, T obtamed release, and by the high road Jmade
for the abode of favonra, and attamed to the myht of the uume
of Islam! and at the feet of my mother became (as it were)
an inhabitant of Puradiuse, while as for herself, as soon as her eyee
fell upon me the fountain of her milk flowed from tenderness
towards me,
Paradise always les beneath the teet ot » mother,
Sce two atreams of milk flow therefrom, the sign of
Paradiso.®

And T spent some time pleasantly and qnictly in seoing my

beloved mother and other dear ones in the fort. of Manunpur,
otherwise edled Patuili® on the banks of the nver Ganges ”
In short, when the news of this heart-rending disaster reached
the ears of the Sultan, having observed the duties of mourning
for sue daya, a great affliction fell upon lim, eo much so that
he could uever again gird lig loins, but he uscd to occupy himself
156 in all matters, and sent a despaich addressed to Bayh Khan
who had acquired the title of Sultin Nasnu-d-Din to Lakhnanti
saying Since so ment a chlumity has fallen upov yout brother
I desire that you should take lis place as sou are well able to do,
that in looking an your face I may be able to forget the numerous

' The reading here a ver aneertain, the text reads poy 14s
yale wl s
Whieh has no evident moaning MS (B) rews ¢3) Mt jin Soljola 5 x
The word #3tj6US hero ia clearly wrong MS (A) reads 05 Yi jos sala sty
and thi as the variant 1 adopt although the
phrase J! 39 house wf denefits
enol very asuitone Still, T have thonght it better
tore reiding than to take thig as the
to angeeat other hy pothetical readings,
$ Thu refers to the two anuings of Paradise mentioned in tho Qur'in, Iv
-& -- S
(Smatur Ralmin) wlin Le
‘ “
whe
‘
besFa
Cita tits Le i99 xe. y,>
Ant boodes (hese are garden
s twain - In each two gushing springs
The prsserb rune whale
os yo Nees Soo Roebuck O, P. 484,
8 Pavel * Ancient town t Aliga
nj falot Etals Thsinet, N-W
mented on the old dah
Provinces
hark of the Ginges 22 mile
town” In north-cnst of Etah
Gaz oar a Tredeathehs
thont 76 mules fram, Ditty
Yo yog, plices it at n distance of
and about 20 from Fuar
rachabad
6 Sen page 184
 [ 219 4
sorrows which I suffer on his account. Négiru-d-Din who! had
acquired permanent and independent contro! over that district
(of Lakhnanti) put off for some time coming to Dihli, and
even after coming to Dibhli ot the earnest solicitation of his
father was not able ‘to remain there, “ the elephant bethought
him of Hindustin”* so that forgetting the demands ‘of filial,
paternal, and brotherly affection he became so restless from
staying in that place that one day without his father’s permission’
together with certain of his kinsfolk he went foith on pretence
of huntmg, and marching by 1apid stages reached Lakhvanti and
busied himself with his own affairs ,
Vense.
Why should I not betake myself to my own conntry P
Why should I not bo the dust of the sole of the foot of my
friend ?
I cannot endure the sorrow of exile and absence from home,
I will go to my own country, and be my own monarch
Accordingly Sultan Batban, who was very depressed and dejected
at this occurrence, so that day by day his weakness gathered
strenyth, as he lay on his bed of sickness, being moreover past
eighty years of age, conferied upon the eldest son of the Martyred
Khan who was called Kmkhusri, the title of Khueri Khan, and
gave the effans of Empire into ing hands. Multan too was entiusted
to him, and ho made him the heir-apparent, and made a will to
the effect that Kaiqubad the son of Bughra Khan should be sent
to his father in Lakhnauti After he had relieved his mind of
anxiety as to the succession of Kaikhusri, and the other testamen-
tary dispositions of the government having occupied him three
days, he removed the baggage of existence from this world to

1 MSS (A) and (B)..... @F Lye yee), The text and both MSS
call hin) Nasitu d-Din.
3 His thonglits tarned homewards. Another provorb of this kind 19
dypeo ie pele 5 yee Chpo, zeurg-r-chaman zt khatir-vbulbul namirawaa,
re, the demre of the garden never leaves the heart of the mghtingale.
3 dg SuOdy63 MSS (A) and (B). Tho reading 10 tho text soy Cady
wat vartance buth with the scnac, and also with tho stntement of other
Instoumns Barni says “ He wanted to go to Lakhnauti so he found a metext
for devug so and set off thithe: without leave fiom his fatho: (EB, D TT £24)
 [ 220 Jj
187. the next. This event took place m the year 686 H.! He had
reigned twenty-two years and some months.
Ob my heart' the world is no place of permanence and stay,
Keep thy hand from the world—for it has no stability.
Suigin Muszzu-p-Din Karqupap ain Surin Nigrmev-p-Din sin
Scrgin Guivagu-p-Din Bavpan,
Tn the srxteenth year of his age, in succession to his grand-
father, by the intervention of Mahk Kachhan, who was called
Ttimar, and other Amirs who were disaffected to the Martyred
Khan, succeeded to the thione of Empne® Then having bestowed
Maltan npon Khustn Khan with his family and dependents, they
sin‘ hun off there ander some pretext and ‘exiled his adherents,
and shen the Hmyare became established he appomted all the
aftvesa of the state to their old posts m the kingdom, and Malik
Nivainu-d-Din? was appointed Dadbeg* and they gave Khwaja
Khatirad-Dim the faule of Khwaje-1-Jahin, and Malik Shahik
Amt Haph that of Wazir Khan, and Mahk Qiyamu-l-Malk
obtained the post of Wakildar and after six months he left Dibli
and founded the palace of Kilughagi, which is vow a ruin, near the
ford of Khwaja Khir on the banks of the nver Jumna , there ha
held public andiences, and by craft gottmg hold of the Mughals
who had newly become Moslims, put the majority of them to
death, and baniehed a certain number of them. The chief author
and canso of this action was Mahk Nizamu-d-Din ‘Alaga the
168 Wart (thee Nizamu-d-Din ‘Alaga ts the same in whose
honour
Muhammad ‘Auf: composed the Looks Jami‘u-l-Hikayat and

1 J2k7 A D.
2 Ziaud-Din Barm, author of the Térekh Firng Shiki
shphtlgives a
diffs rent yevonnt of Lhe manna hy
which Faiqubad wttamed the meverion.
Ho states that shertiy before
ius death Bulban sutimoned
to hig presence
Maliko-l Umara Kotwal of Dibh, Khwaja Hasam
Basri the Wazir and some
others and charged them to set Kakhuari son of the Martyr prince
the throne = After npon
jis death, however, the Kotwal and hia peuple wlio for
somo private roanon ( S93 Sipe
ya] OSG wT a ee i ) bad bee
unfriondly to the Martyr prince, wera
apprehensive of danger if Kaikh
Succecded, ao they sont hun to a
Maltin and placed the son of
Kanyubdd on the throne with the B a Khan,
titlo of Mu4zzu d-Din (Elhots ints
© Nephew of Mahko-l-U mara Kotwal aa
of Dibli. A).
* Chief Juative
 { 221]
Tazkiratu-sh-Shu'ara); and to Malik Chhajii (who eventually became
grantee of Karra -and Manikpir, and whom Mir Ebusri eulogises
in the Qirdnu-s-Sa‘dain in these words,’
“
Khan of Karra Chhaji, conqueror of countries
Who haat encircled thy feet with ankleta® formed from the
lips of Kbans)
was given Samana, his daughter was united in marriage to
Sultan Mu‘izza-d-Din Kaiqubad. At the end of the month of Zal
Hijjah in the abovementioned year, news arrived that the Tatar
infidels whose leader was Itimar had attacked Lahore and the
frontier of Multan. The Sultan appointed Shank Birbak with
thirty thousand cavalry and giving him the title of Khan-i-Jahin
despatched him to oppose them. He pursued the Tatars as far
as the foot of the Jiid hills, and put the greater number of them
to the sword, or made them prisoners, and having repulsed them
he came to the Court.
Inasmuch as Sultan Kaiqubad, during the lifetime of Sultan
Balban, had not attained the desires of his heart, and learned
instructors had been placed in charge of him, at this time when
he attained to the Empire finding himself completely unfettered
he occupied himself with the full fruition of lustful delights,
while the majority of the people took advantage of the luxurivus-
ness of his reign to spend their days in wantonness and license.
The mivistrants of debauchery, jesters, singers and jugglers were
admitted to close intimacy in his Court, 1m maiked contrist to his
giandfather’s reign, and iIcaruing, and piety, aud integrity were
nothing valued , and Malik Nizamu-d-Din ‘Alagoa seeing that the

1 Not %yS asin the text, but, 836 MSS. (A) and (B) sleo Barni. See
note 3. Mahk Chbaji was brother’s son to Balban.
2 MSS. (A) and (B) Ai8f 9 92,5 cigs3, Soo Haji Khulfa lV 510, 9399,
for Cranie-s-Sa'dawn.
8 In tho original there is 6 play on the word 5,f Karra which cannes bo
reproduced in Euglish. The lines arc as follows MSS. (A) and (B;.
OW gh BF ME GALS GES yA Cyt
4S lk
See Ara-1-Akbai Hl 167, wte 2, where Karra 16 said (as by Ibn Batiita) to
have been the place of meeting of Matizen-d-Din and Nasina-d Di. Sco
also Adca mp Gaz of India, Vol VIN but hatra aon the Ganges nid les
fax away from the ine Lakhnauti - Dihh, but go also docs the river Sargu
 f 222 4 ,
Boltdn was immersed in luxury gnd enjoyment, and utterly care-
leas of his kingdom's affairs, stretched forth the hand of oppres-
sion and went to unwarranted lengths, The vain desire of
sovereignty came into his heart, so that he set about devising the
downfall of the family of Ghiyaqu-d-Din. In the first instance
having instigated Sultan Mu‘izau-d-Din to murder Kai Khusri the
son of Sultan Muhammad the Martyr, he summoned him from
Multan, and in the town of Rohtak rawed him to the digmty of
martyrdom and sent hnn to join his father.
In the same way he accused Khwaja-1-Jahan of an imaginary
enme and had him publicly paraded on an ass through the city,
he also imprisoned the Amir and Mahks of the house of Balban
who were ielated to the Mughals who had recently become
Moslims, and deported them to distaut fortresses, and destroyed
the glory of Mu‘izzu-d-Din.
Sultan Nuaswu-d Din Bughré Kban, when the tidings of his
son's rainous condition reached him mm Lakhnauti, wrote a letter
full of hints couched in the language of enigma and munendo to
Sultan Na‘izza-d-Din warning him of the simster intentions of
Nivamu-l-Mulk, Sultan Mu‘zan-d-Din out of the hot-hoadedness
of youth, did not act on his father’s advice, and after munch
correspondence it was decided that Saltin Namra-d-Din shonld
Jeave Lakhnauti, and Sultén Mu‘zzu-d-Din should start from
Jhhli and that they should visit each other in Oudh.
From what Mi Khustii may the mercy of God be upon him,
gays tu the Qian +-Na‘dau,! and also from the 7A tkh-v-Maubarale
Shahi? wo jou that Bugha Khan, on his accession to the
throne
@ Bengala with the tith) of Nasun-d-Din, was comme with a luge
gather to attack Inbh, and Sultan Muo‘aza-d-lin also having
collected fis toreca from. the neighbouring distiicls advaneed
agninst him im the duection of Oudh, and since the river Sara3
lay between them the son alighted on thia side and the father on

Quante Sadan The conynnetion uf the two auspicious planets.

Jupiter and Veona, see HK 9399, slao E and D, IIT 524
Btavskher Mutoak Shit, tho author of this work 18 Yahya bin Ahmad
tin Malulah Snhindi (blot [V. 6),
"Lhe jnincepal streuma (of Ondh) are the
Sua (Sarji) the Ghaghar
(Gogra) the Sas and the Gud. (Gumti)
In the frst mentaoned divers aquatie
animals wud forus of stiange sppenianco
shew themselves (Atm. Akbure
Vol Mtv)
 | 223]
the othor side, and neither was able to cross the river. The
Amira and Moalike of: @hiyagn-d-Din’s party, intervened with
advice to come to peaceful terms, and Sultién Nagira-d-Din with
a party of special retainers crossed the river, as 1t had been agreed
that the son should sit upon the throne, and the father, standing
below the throne, should pay the customary dues of reverente and
respect to him. Sultén Mu‘izza-d-Din from excess of desire forgot
that compact, and on the inatant his eyes fell upon the spleudid
presence of his father he came down from his throne and running
barefooted, was about to fall at his feet. The father however 160.
would not permit this, whereupon each embraced the other and
for a long time they wept bitterly, and in spite of all the father’s
attempts to take his stand at the foot of the throne, the son
forcibly took him by the hand, and led him to the throne and
seated him upon it Theh he also took Ins seat, and after a long
time the Sultan Nagiru-d-Din returned to his own camp, and sent
as presents to his son a large number of famous elephants
and very many extremely valuable presents and curiosities, and
priceless treasures from the country of Lakhnanti. Thp son also
sent to his father an equal number of Persian horses, and other
kinds of valuable articles and cloth goods, and iare and unique
presents such that the accountant of imagination 1s unable to
estimate their number and value, and all sorts of delight and
pleasure burst upon the Amirs of Gluyagu-d-Din and Nasru-d-
Din aud Mu‘izzu-d-Din, and upon Ingh and low of the armies,
aud the Maliks of both parties exchanged visite Mir Khusrit
relates im detail this meeting/ in the Qudnu-s-Sa‘dain, and i
another place he writes in a gasida.

Hail! to the happy kingdom when two kings are as one.

Hail! tu the happy era when two trotha are 45 one

Ain-v-Akbari IT, 805 gives an account of the meeting of father and gon
For the river Sarji, sve Tio I 250, 259, 260, 291, also plate XIX. facing
page 292, in which the confluence ot the Sari and Ghigra is shown ns at
was mn 1768,
The Qudnu-s-Sa'datn fixea the meeting between father and son a8 having
taken plue at Ayadhya on the banks of the Ghugra.
! Thn Batita gives 2 eomewhnt more fanciful description of this meeting
of Nagira-d-Din and Ma4vsu-d-Din Paris Edu, 1835, Vol LI.p 177, see
also Elliott ITI p 596
 { 224)
Behold! the gon is a monarch, the father n Sultan,
Behold the glorious kingdom now that two kings are as one,
“Tis for the sake of kingship and world enalaving power,
That for the world, two world-protecting kings become
&s one
One 18 the Nisir of the age, the king Mabmiid Sualtin,
Whose edict m the four parts of the world is still as one.
The other 18 Ma‘izzu-d-Din the world’s king Kaiqnbad,
Tu whose grasp Irin and Turan are welded into one.
And thia is his also—
161. Sultan Mu‘izzu-d-Danyé wad Din Kaiqubad Shah
Haat thou ever scen one who 18 the light of the cyes of four
kings
On the laet day! when Sultén Nagirn-d-Din came to bid fare-
well in the presence of Malik Nizimu-]-Mnlk and Qiwimu-]-Mulk,
who were both of them counsellors and closely bound up with
the Government, he gave Mu‘izzo-d-Din many good pieces of
useful advice on all subjects, with exhortation, and examples and
instinces, and first of all warned him against excess in
wine and
venery, then spoke of his carclessness with regard to state maitors,
and rebuked hin severely for killing his brother Kat Khusrit
and
the other noted Amuaand Maliks of the adherents of Ghiyasu
-d-
Din; then ho exhorted lim to be continnally given to prayer
and
to perform the fast of Ramazan, and to kecp all the
principal
tenets of the Muaniman religion, and tanght him certain fixed
rules and essential regulations of sovereignty. At the time of
taking his departure he whispered in a low
tone telimg him to
get nd of Nizamu-t-Mulk ‘Alaga ag goon as possible,
“for” said he
“if he gets a chance at you 14 18 smull chance
you will get” this
much he said, and they bid one another farewell
with great
emotion, and Sujtin Mu‘izzu-d-Din
for a few days remembered
his father's injunctions, and gave up
his vicious pleasures, bat
when he had travelled a few stagea the
merry courtesans and all
kinda of enticing: musicians and enchantin
g jugglers, subverteis
of prety, skilled and clever, crowded
round him on all sides,
and cutived tis feet from the
firm path of fortitude and self-

MS (A) Cpgy yo.

 . 2%
restraint, by all sorts of gallantries and coquetrioa, and sense-
ravishing gestares and alluremente.
The bitter parting advice of his father did not find place in
his beart .
For this reason that his heart was inclined to ‘sweets of
pleasure.

And the elephant saw Hindustén! in its dreams and he

broke through his forced repentance, which wns as filmy as the web
of a spider, at the first provocation, and used to say, “ Which 162
advice ¥ 3 and what counsel ?
I will not give up the delights of to-day for tomorrow
Let tomoriow bring what it may, say to it “ Bring it.”
Tn oppomtion to this view 1s the following,
It befits not a king to be drunken with wine
Nor become entangled 1n lust and desire ,
The king should be always the guardian of hia people,
It is a in that a puardian should be drunken
When the shepherd becomes full of new wine
The flock sleeps m the belly of the wolf.

Heavy cups of wine used he to drink from the hands of the

hglt-living cup bearer’, and used tc snatch a portion from his
short ephemeral existence, and in this state malicious time used
to foretell this calamity,’
Oh thon whose reign 1s the reign of faithlesa friends
From thy love springs hate, from thy honour disgrace,
Thou art as full of turmoil, but as empty, as the drum;
Lasting for one mght hke the candle, and for one day like
the rose,

In this heentious mode of life he made Ins way to Dibli where

he arnved m the year 689 H. (1290 A.D.) Thero certain of his
notable Amits became suspicious of his mteutions, and withdrew

1 See note 2, page 219

® The text has 42 lS ousprint for dy elds.
3 The text reads. 41% nt but MS. (A) reade preferably 4
29
 [ 226 J .
to the shuts of the mouutaia Sher Khan! who was one of their
namber repented and returned, and was thrown into@ prison
which he only left to go to the prison house of the grave, the
others wee punished They bestewed upon Firoz Khan ibn
Yaghrash the Khali, who eventually obtamed the title of Sultan
163. Jalaln-d-Din, the title of Shayista Khan,’ and entrusted the
district of Baran 4 to hia coutrol , accordingly he formed a plot by
which he ,got Malk Himér Kachban, who had treacherously
attempted to slay him, into lug power, and took vengeance on him
for the deed which he had failed to accomplish. Then was seen the
truth of the proverb “He who digged a pit for his brother is
fallen into 16 himself,
Thou hast digged a pit in the way * that thou mayest over-
throw others.
Dost thou not fear lest one day thon should'st find thyself
in the mudat of it ?
This was the plan which Sultan Mu‘izzu-d-Din carried into
effect. He was very anxious to act upon the advice of his father
and remove Nizdmu-l-Mulk ‘Aliga, so ho in the first metance
appointed him to Multan, but Nizamu-l-Mulk saw through thia
device, and kept making excuses for delaying his departure, where-
upon certain of the king's retainers at a hint from him, poisoned
Nizému-]-Mulk’s cup, and despatched him to the land of non-
existence. It so lappened that this occurrence became ® cause
of
injury ty the State. At this same time the Sultan
was attacked
by paralyms® from his excesses in wine
and venery, in addition
to which other deadly ills aud chronic diseases obtained the
mastery over his body, and his conatitation
not bemg able to stand
against them, his powers succumbed.
The greater namber of the
Amira and Maliks who were well disposed
to him raised his son

MB (A) reads WA poy! Arar Khia,

9MB.(A) le inuls,
MS. (A) wy! p thd,
* MS (A) Jo30 for ale53
6 ay Laqwa Facial paralyas The disease 1s thos described in the
gtlyp ya Bakru-lyawithe & digease in which ong half of
to ene mide so that the broath the face is drawn
and the spittle come from
cannot be properly approwma one side, the lips
te d and one of the eyes
cannot be closed,”
 [ 227]
Kai Kiiiis who was an infant! of tender years to the throne with
the title of Shamsu-d-Din.
In the year 688 H. (1289 AD.) they made terms with Shayista
Khan who had distanced all his rivals. Accordingly he ordered
all his kinsmen and retainers whom he had summoned from Baran,
8 and had stationed fully armed and equipped in readiness on the
other side of the river, to cross the river Jumna and prepare to
contest the day with their enemies. Certain of the Amirs of the
party of Ghiydgu-d-Din and Mo‘izzu-d-Din came oat to oppose
him with elephants and a large gathering, and having placed a
royal umbrella over the head of Sultin Mu‘izzu-d-Din, who was 164
reduced toa shadow by weakness and emaciation, displayed him
from afar off from the summit of the palace of Kilighari where
he was but barely visable, and made obeisance to him In the
meantime Mahk Chhaji, brothe:’s son to Sultaén Ghiyagu-d-Din,
who had acquired the title of Kishli Khan cried out “I wish to
place Sultin Mu‘izzu-d-Din upon a boat and take him to his father
at Lakbnanti and remain myself in the service of Sultan Shamsu-
d-Din Kai Kats ”—In spite of this the people of Dihli, fron the
highest to the lowest, came to the assistance of Shaman-d-Din,
and having assembled in front of the Budion gate stood up5 to
oppose Shayista Kban in battle, and siuce the sons of Malika-1-
Umara Fakh2-4-Din Kotwal had been taken prisoners m the
fight with Shayistea Khan, and Mehk Himar Surkha, who had
plotted with the servants of Ghiyagu-d-Din to kill Shéyiste
Khao and carry off Sultin Shamsu-d-Din (Kai Kaiis),6 had fallen
by the hand of Ikhtiyéra-d-Din son of Shayista Khan , accordingly
Mabka-1-Umara (Fakhru-d-Din) opposed the people and prevented
their assembling as they deswed, till at last the adherents of
*Shayista Khan removed Sultin Shamsu-d-Din Kai Kais from tho
throne by force and carried him off to Bahipir,’ where Shayista

1 MB. (A) omits the word ab

* Tho rending of the text ia here adopted MS (A) reads dp! Boule glass
8 MS. (A) omits the words (9 Sy?) after tub
# gms doll 4m. I can see no other meaning for these words,
5 MS (A) reads aisKeyl,
6 MS (A) omits the word cys
1 MS. (A) reads Inte Bato. saya Baharpis (KE. and D, 11). 134)
 [ 228J
Kbao was, they then ordered! a man whose father had been put
to death by Sultan Mu‘izsu-d-Din to go to the palace of Kilighari,
which he did, and finding the Sultén at his Jast gasp, he kicked
him several times on the head, and then threw him into the river
Jamna, and the Empire passed from the dynasty of Ghor, and
kingship from tho family of Gluyagu-d-Din Tins occurrence
took place in the middle* of the month of Muharram in the year
689 H (1209 AD.) The duration of the sovereignty of Sultaa
Mu‘izzu-d-lin was three years and some monthg
This ts the changeableness of the ancient heaven,
At one time 16 is bke a bow at another hike an arrow ,
165 At one time it feeds you with kinduess at another poisons
you with enmity,
This 15 uo example of the custom of tho revolving heaven.

We learn from the Taikh-c-Mubhak Shahi* that Sultan

Mu‘izzu d-Din, after the capture of the Shihzida, was seized
while sitting in durbar durmg that revolt of the populace, and was
bound, and diej in captivity of huuger and thirst in the course
of his sufferings he wrote this quatraio,
The horse of my excellence has been left far behind on the
plain
The hand of my generosity has fallen between the hammer
and the anvil.
My eye which used to see the gold of the mine and
the
invisible yowel
To-day alas ' 1s blinded for lack of bread.
And when the tumult between Itmar Sarkh
a and the people
of Dihli subsided, and Shayista Khan
had gained bis heart’s*
desire and seated the pmace upon the
throne, aud had set the
affaire of the kingdom Beng again, on
the second day after this,
Sultan Mo‘zzu-d-Din bade farewell
to this transitory 5 unstable
LMS (A) dazed,
®MS (A) butyl yo,
8 Sinehte pays O67 H Térikh-s. Mubdrak Shahi says
19th Muharram 689 H.
& The Térdd-1.-Muberak Shech
i giveg the date of the deat
as the 19th Muharram A H 689 h of M a‘isen-d-Din
§ MS (A) omts pl.
 { 229j
world, and realised that ail that wanton enjoyment had been but a
dream and s phantasy.
x
Quatram.
If with your love you have lived in peace your whole life
long,
Should you taste all the sweets the world can give your
whole life long.
Still at the end comes Death to meet you, and then yon find
"Tis but a dream you have vainly dreamed your whole hfe
long.

Sungin Suyamev-v-Din Kar Kits.

The son of Mu‘izzu-d-Din Kaiqubaéd nominally ascended the
throne! in Bahdpiirin the year already mentioned, by the co-
operation of Shiyista Khan and Mahk Chhaji, and the uncle of
Shayista Khan, nnmed Malik Husain, who had kept quiet at Kila-
ghari durmg the disturbances, for the safe custody of Sulfan
Mvu‘izzu-d-Din, had estabhshed great confidence Shayista Khan
made Malik Chhaja Kishli Khan undertake the duties of Regent, 168.

and handing over the young prince to Ins charge, made a requeat
on his own behalf for the districts of Tiberhinda, Debilpar, aud
Multan, and asked permission to depart thither , Malik y1elding up
the Regency and Vazirship to Shéyista Khan*® asked for tho dis-
trict of Karrafor himself Shayista Khan immediately acceded to
his request, and conferred on him a robe of honom, and some days
later allowed him te proceed to Karra, and Maliku-1-Umara Fakhra-
d-Din Kotwal having congratulated Shayista Khan on his accession
to such high office and great prosperity was msttumental rn obtam-
Ing permisston for Mahk Chhaji to leave
Shayita Khan used to bring the prince into the durbar hall
and used himself to give audience and to regulate the important
affairs of state After a month or two, he brought Sultan Shamau-
a-Din on horseback to the palace of Kilighari, and imprisoned
hin, and giving him aa his fellows the inhabitants of the prison-
house of the grave, sent him to the secret abode of destruction

1 MBS (1) reuds Nhl weal ys,

3 MB (A) reads 3! foes
 [ 230]
The duration of the kingdom of Shameu-d-Din Kai Kaas wes
three montis and a few days!
The wine of the sky is not unmixed with the brine of
BOLTOW,
The world’s one employment 1s jugglery —naught else.

Scirin Javinu-p-Din rn Yacueasy Kpiii

Whose name was Mahk Firoz and lus title Shaysta Khan,
came to the throne in the year 689 H. as has already been said,
167 with the consent and assistance of Mahk Chhaji Kishli Khan;
and inasmuch he had previously been regent and governor of the
kingdom * the affairs (of state) all devolved upon him,
It must not be forgotten that although SInhabu-d-Din Hakim
K.rmavi Jaunpwi,? the author of the Instory called Tubugdt-t
Muhmad Shahi, deduces the pedigree of Sultién Jalalu-d-Din and
Sultan Mahinfid Malwi from the stock of Qalj Khdn, son-in-law
of Changi, Khan, there 1s along story connected with this This at
least1s clear that this ancestry has no real authority, any one of
sound judgment will be able to detect the falaity of his claim to
this descent , and as a matter of fact there is no connection what-
ever between Qalij and Khalj, in spite of the fact that Qaltj has
too rongh # sound for the Turki tongue, and if 1¢ had any equi-
valent (of sufficient softuess) 1t would be Qalj * with the meaning

1 Nesther Barni nor Firshta reckon Kaakiiia (or Kaiumours) as having had
an independent reign, and isagsmuch ag be was only an infant of some thieo
years of age, 1b seems moro rational to allado to hom marely as the pappet
that he really was Tho only object am ravemg him to the throne was
on attempt to save the kingdom from passing into the hands of the Khiljis,
Jalilu-d Din Khilj, who had been sppomted Vizir when Nizimo-l-Mulk
had been poisoned, was reatly to seize upon the throne The fef of Buran
had been conferred upon Jim with the title of Shiyita Kun, subsequently
he wae made ‘Ari4.-Mamaihk. The plots he contrived to got md of Kaiqubid
have been detailed above.
8 BI8,(A) omits the word ( chlo ),
8 See the Tabaqut-s-Mahmed Shahi
# The editor of the text atates in a footnote that this iss mere vei bal
quibble of no importance, bocause ei qaly and et gal) are tho same, the
alyf in eu hemg im place of the fathah which follows tho gm a in
accordance with te customary ode of wartiag Tarke further he states that
among modern Persians t vofreguently used for
 [ 231]
af a avord and in some histories it ia said that Khalj is the name
of one of the sons of Yafig, (Japhet) the son of Nah (Noah) on
whom be peace and that the Khiljis descend from lim God knows
the truth of this. To make along story short, Sultan Jalala-d-Din
divided the greater portien of the valnahle appointments between
his sons and brothers, and bestowed the following titles—upon hia
eldest son the title of Kbhiin Khanan, upon his second son that of
Arkali Khan, and on his youngest son that of Qadr Khin, while
he gave to his uncle Malik Husain the title of Taja-l-Mulk. In
this same way he bestowed various titles upon others, and allotted
them estates, and having bnilt a new town, and a new gardon on
the banks of the Jumna opposite to the Mut‘izzi palace he called
it a citadel, “The Rocky Citadel”; when it was completed it was
called Shahr-i-nau" (New-town)! and in Sha‘bén, of the second
year after his accession, Malik Chhaja Kishli Khin went to Karra,
and became openly rebellious The Amirs of tho party of
Ghiyagn-d-Din who held estates in that district jomed with him,
came to Budiion and crossed the Ganges hy the ford of Biylina
with the intention of attacking Dihli, waiting for the armval
of Malik Chhajii who was to come by wav of Karra? (and)§
Sultan Jalalu-d-Din left Khin Khinan nm Tihli and marehed
agninst them. Dividing his forces into two army corps he himself
went by way of Kol, and reached Budaon,* sending Arkali Khan
towards Amroha to oppose Mahk Chhajii Arkali Khan fought
the enemy valiantly 1n many engagements durmg several days
on the banks of the Rahah. In the nicantime the people of
Rairam Dev the Raja of Kola, which was also called Koocla, gave
mformation to Malik Chhaja that Sultén Jalalo-d-Din was in
pursuit of him, and having frightencd him exceedingly, urged
him to take to fheht He was in such dread of the Sultan, that
he did not know Ing head from Ina heels, and in the dead of night
he made lis escape, but eventually fell mto the hands of the
Kuwérs® Arkali Khan crossed the Rahab,® despatched Bairim

EMS (A) Ody Pyaaye yo.

SMS. (A) reads O'2y! FF By 5! gs The rending in tho text 18 adopt!
8 MS. (A) mnsorts y hae
MS (A) reads Osu elo y JS 8! jt Tho toxt 19 preferable
5 The text gives an altornation reading whitys3
MS (A) BF yy
 [ 282}
Dev to hell, and pursued Mahk Chhaji, and took him prisoner
together with some of the other Amis of the Qhiydsi faction.
Then he went in the direction of Bahaii and Kasam Kar, which
as the same as Shamsabad,' and when they took Malik Chhaji and
the other captive Balbani Amirs in fetters and chains® into the
presence of thy Sultin, ho called to mind their old ties of rela-
tionship, and Ivosed them fiom their bonds, sent them to the baths,
elothed them im rich garments of honour, and made them
partake of his own table, sending Mahk Chhaya with the greatest
marks of respect to Multan
169. Mahk ‘Alau-d-Din who was the brother's son and son-in-law of
tho Sultéu.3 and had been appo.nted to the district of Karra, and
mas Beg, the brother of ‘Alau-d-Din who subsequently became
Ulugh Khan* was appointed to the post of Akbor Beg. In the
meanwhile, the summons which 1s distasteful to all reached Khan-i-
Khanén The Sultan was greatly distressed at bia loss Mir
Ehusrii wrote the following dirge in memory of him —
What day is (his that T .ee not the sun shining,

ne
Tf might has come why do [ not sec the brilhant moon
Since two days my sun has remamed behind the clouds,

OEE ete EN
So that in my eyes I see nothmg but clouds and rain
In Hindustan an evident danger has appeared,
Qn every face I seo thousands of wrinkles but I do not see CON

the Khagiin §
EI

The stone of the royal signet 1s hidden asa stone in the

mite
My heart has tarned to blood hke the ruby for that I see
hum not

4} MS (A) omita ols

tas (a) Us sone

@ MS. (A) hasly cr} Us She which as & mistake and omits they
after the word Std inserting it after the word ds
MS (A) which reads CntS le wy ae af
§ Thero are playa on the words (hA meaning @ fault, and the kingdom
of Khata or Cathay, and (*® meaumg a wrinkle and the kingdom of
Chin or China The title wisld Khaqin ts the title of the Emperors of
Cathay For the meaning of Khaqin, see Térikk-+-Rashidi, (Ross
and Kan),
page 80, note |
 { 233]
Lo there is tho King, seated on his throne, with bis courtiers
standing round him on all sides,
All are there, but still I do not see Kban-i- Khanan.
When I saw fortune blinded, I asked him, Dost thou wish
for sight ?
Ho replied, What could I do with sight, since I cannot see
Mohmiid Sultan!

And in the year following, Arkali Khan came from Multan to

Dihli, and the Sultan Jenving him in Dihli proceeded to Mandawar,
and after his arrival at that stage, having received with anxiety
indings of the revolt of certain of the Ghiydsi Amirs, he made
over the district of Budéon to Mahk Maghlati,! sont him off at
ouce and appomted Mahk Mubarak to Tiberhindah, then after
reducing the fortress of Mandawar proceeded by an uninterrupted 170
series of marches to Dihli, and in those days a certaim Saiyyid
ascetic and recluse, holding close commumon with God,® relying
upon Him, bountiful,? adorned with so many excellencies and
perfections, Sidi Maula * by name first came from ‘Ajam (Peraia)
to Ajiidhan in the service of the pillar of the Saints the master
Shaikh Fmid, Gan) 1-Shakkar, may God sanctify his resting place,
and sought permission to proceed to the eastern parta of Hin-
dustan They sud to him “ Beware of crowds of men, and abstain
from interconse with kings” When he reached Dihli, Kban-1-
Khanan, the eldest son of the Sultan, displayed the greatest deme
to become his disciple 5 Inthe same way the greater number of
the deposed Maliks and Amirs of the Balban party* used daily
both mormng and escning to mit at the table of that darvesh, who
would not accept anjthing fromany one People used to credié
him with alehemistie powers, and used to come in such crowds that
a thousand mans of fine flour and five hundred mans of freshly
skinned meat, aud thiee luudred mans of sugar used to be the daily

IMS (A) ggblio tle

a POS wile Ms (A)
B gob Ms (A)
*# See Beale’s Dictionary, page 240
& mg. (A) aliies S04).
© MS. (A) omts &
30
 [ 24 J
alms; the afore-
expenditare of the Sbsikh which he expended in
and the prayers
said Sidi although he engaged always in vigils! public
present at the
of the five stated times, was, however, never
the condit ions of public
prayer on Fridays, nor was he bound by
custom , and Qazi Jalalu-d-
worship in accordance with established
of note, and trusted
Din Kaghavi (and)> Qazi Urda and men
used contin ually to worship at
chiefs, and all both great and small,
his monastery
goes thet one
When this news reached the Sultan, the story
to hia monastery, and saw for himself
night he went in disguise
Accordingly the
that he expended even more than was reported.
with the
pext day he held « grand durbar and ordered Sidi Maula
les, to be brought
Qaqi and the other Amirs who were his discip in
before him with ignominious treatment of all kinds, bound
end
fettcrs and chaine, He enqured into the state of the case,
asked each one whether the Sidi Inid claim to kingly power. The
aforesaid Sidi demed xt, and fortibed Ins demal with an oath, bat
to no purpose At that time Qazi Jalalu-d-Din lay under the
Sultén’s displeasure, he also demed the allegation The Sultan
171 deposed him, and nominated him as Qazi of Budaon. In order
to verify the claims to Seiyyidehip, and to test the miraculous
porvvers of the Sidi, hoe had a huge fire like that prepared by
Nimiaid (for Abraham) lighted, and wished to have Sidi Maula
thrown into that temple of fire, The Ulama of tho time, in con-
sidoration of the wrehpious uatare of thal order, issued a manda-
mus which they communicated to tho Sultan saying, “The
essential nature of fire 19 to consume things, and no one can issue
forth from it io safety anburt.” The Sultan accordingly desisted
and gave up that ordeal, but he pumshed the larger number of
thoso Mahks iu that same assembly, and some he expatriated;
ena nasmuch as the answers of Sidi Maula were all in accordance
with reason, and no fauit conld be found with him either on the
score of rehgions law or logic, the Sultan was reduced to extre-
mity, and suddenly turning to Abi Bakr Tisi Haidari who was
the chief of the sect of Qalandars, and utterly unscrupulous, he

LMS, (A) ogee

9 MS (A) adds Jy.
8 MS, (A) omits ».
4 M&. (A) omite the words 400 ye
 f 235}
said “ Why do not you darveshes avenge me of this tyrent,” there-
upon & Qalandar leapt up from their midst, and atruck the unfor.
tunate Sidi several blows with a razor and wounded him, then
they shaved off the holy man’s whiskers! with a knife even to the
chin, and stabbed him in the side* with sackmakers’ needles,
and then, by command of Arkali Khan, the second son of the
Sultan, an elephant driver drove a rogue elephant over the head
of the poor oppressed Sidi, and martyred him with countless
tortures may God be gracious to him. They say that this same
Sidi, for a whole month before this occurrence used to sing these
verses at all times, smiling the while he sang:
Tn the kitchen of love, they slay naught but the good:
The weak natured, and evil disposed they kill not.
If thon art a sincere lover, flee not from sisughter,
He whom they alay not is no better than a corpse.
And just a¢ this time, on the very day of his murder, a whirl-
wind black with dust arose, and the world was darkened, there 172.
was ® scarcity of rain in that year, and such a famine occurred
tbat the Hindiis, from excess of hunger and want, went in bands
and joining their hands threw themselves into the river Jumna,
and became the portion of the alligator of extinction, Many
Muslims also, burning in the flames of hunger, were drowned
in the ocean of non-existence, while the rest of the world took
these signs and events as proofs of the verity of Sidi and as
evidence of his sincerity. Although no inferences can be drawn
from facts of this kind, since they may finally prove to be only
comcidences, stil} I myself have seen with my own eyes examples
of such incidents, as shall be related in their proper places if God
so will it
God has never eursed any nation
Until the heart of a holy man has been grieved
The remainder of the accused, at the intercession of Arkali
Kbin, were delivered from the danger which threatened their
lives, and from the punishment intended by the Saltin; and in
this same year the Sultéu for the second time marched against

1 Slee cycler MB. (A),

9 st coolyyt MB. (A),
 [ 236 }
Rantanbhor, and destroyed the country round it, and overthrew
the idols and idol-temples, but returned without attempting to
reduce the fort. Arkali Khin went to Multdn without hia per-
mission, at which the Sultén was very vexed.
In the year 691 H. the Mughuls under Chingiz Khan came up
against Hindustin with a very large army, and fought a very
severe battle with the Sultin’s yictorious forces in the neighbour-
hood of Sanim. When the Mughuls became aware of the size of
the army of Hindustan they began to make overtures for peace.
The Sultan thereupon summoved their leader, who was very
closely related to Halak Khan, and also his son, who called tha
Saltin his father They acco:dmply had an interview and ex-
changed gifts and presents and each returned to his own country :
178. and Alghi! the grandson of Chingi2z Kban, embraced Islam, and
several thousand Mughuls besides followed his example and having
learnt to repeat the sacred and blessed formula, elected to remain
iu the service of the Sultan. Alghii was selected for the honour
of becoming son-m-law to the Sultén The Mughuls took up
their abode in Gbiyésptr in which 1s now the sacred tomb of the
Prince of Holy men Nizimul Aula? muy God sanctify his resting
place 1t18 commonly known as Mughulpir and those Mughuls
were called the “new Muslims,”
At the close of this same year the Sultan having gone up against
the fort of Mand&war ravaged and pillaged the country round it
and then returned. ‘Alan-d-Din the Governor of Karra, obtained
permission in thet year to proceed to Bhilsa? and attacked that
country* and brought much booty thence to present to the Sultan,
and the idol which was the object of worsinp of the Hindis, he
ceased to be cast down in front of the gate of Badiion to be
trampled upon by the people® These services of ‘Alau-d-Din
being Inghly approved,® the jagtr of Oudh also was added to
his
other estates, and since ‘Aliu-d-Din was very angry
and incensed

1 Sen Tavikh-1-Rathidi (Ehas and Ross) p 34

m.
§ ba
Nvimu-d-Din in Aubya.
yi. Sec Beale O.B D, p, 21), also Ain-:
i Akbariit (J)

8 MBS (A) reads @\y Biles, The text has 4540 which is meaningless
4 MB, (A) by OLY wf
* MB (A) omits Soe after pte and has GX for pide
oe at °
# MS (A) WH for olin, r
o
 { 237]
against the Sultin'’s consort, who was his mother-in-law, and
agaiust the daughter of the Sultén, because she always made
practice of speaking ill of him to her father, he was anzions,
on
any pretext whatever, tp leave the Sultan's dominions and go to a
distance, and find some place of refuge for himeelf; accordingly he
provided himself with now servants, aud making all preparations
as to personal clothing and furniture, he asked the Sultan! to
bestow upon him the district of Chanderi, and leaving Dih)i came
to Karra, and from there under the pretence of attacking Chan-
deri, he went by way of Ilichpir, and made for the frontiers of the
country of Deogir; leaving Malik ‘Alau-l-Mulk who was one of his
friends, as his deputy im Karra, and having instructed him to
temponse with the Sultan, went off somewhere unknown to anyone,
and when no news could be obtained of Mahk ‘Alin-d-Din’s where-
abouts for a considerable time, the Sultin was exceedingly sorry.*
Suddenly news arrived that ‘Alau-d-Din having gone up against 174.
the rebel Deo Gir, had conquered the whole of his country as far
as the confines of the country of the Deccan, and hed taken as
ppoil much treasure, and elephants and poperty, several thousands
of horses, together with valuables; silk and cloth goods, and
jewels, beyond the lumts of computation, and that he was making
for Karra This was a source of great gratification to the Sultan,
but the wise men of those times knew very well, both from
analogy and iuference, that ‘Aliu-d-Din® had gone to that
country without permission from the Sultin, and had suffered
much annoyance at the hands of Malika i-Jahin who was the
consort of the Sultan, and also from jis own wife, and had accord-
ingly faced the world, always nursing in his breast simater inten-
tions Now* that he was m a position perfectly to put his
rebellious ideas into execution, and had not the aceess to the
Court, 1t was strange that the Sultin seemed to suffer no appre-
hension as regarded him, but no one dared represent these views
to the Snitén, who was wholly and entnely ignorant of the
annoyance which ‘Alau-d-Din had snffered at the hands of the
Queen-mother and his own wife, and if by chance they ventared

1 8 (A) whhle gale3.

2MS (A) Badto pla epi As.
3 MS, (A) omits “8S.
¢ MS, (A) omits 3.
 { 238}
to speak! of the possibility of the revolt and treachery of ‘Aléu-
d-Din, the Sultan attributed it to jealousy, and would never allow
the idea of his contumacy or rebellion to enter his head.
In short, at the time when the Sultan was in the neighbour-
hood of Gwiliar he summoned a council of his Amirs to deli-
berate about ‘Aléu-d-Din and said.* “ What in your opinion is
‘Alan-d-Din’s object in coming hither with so great display and
circumstance, what will he do and what ought I to do? shall I
goto meet him by way of Chanderi or shall I remain where
T am, or again shall I return to Dihti?'” Malik Ahmad Chap who
waa 8, Vazir of sound judgment and ripe experience and loyal to
the backbone, did all he could to warn the Sultén by adducing
logical arguments and quoting precedents, reminding him of the
revolt of Malik Chhaji and the mutiny of the inhabitants of
Karyn, eventy which were of recent occurrence, as testifying to
176. the probabilities of the present position, aud urged him to go out
to meet ‘Alju-d-Din on the way by which he would arrive, and to
put an end to his ostentatious display and pompous arrogance, to
seize his elephants and property, and all the things which
wore likely to be of use; but the Sultan would not listen to his
advice, and launching forth into extravagant eulogy of ‘Alau-d-
Din declared that his mind was perfectly at ease on his account
in every possible way, “ for is he not” (said he) “my protégé® and
foster child, he can never harbour any evil designs against me.”
Mahk Fakhru-d-Din, and the other Amirs also went with oly
speeches to the Sultin, and bronght forward all sorts of absard
argamenta simply to suit the humour of the Sultan, and adducing
weak examples induced him to return to Dihli; Malik Ahmad
Chap rose up in wrath from that assembly, and spoke as follows :
“Tf Malik ‘Aldu-d-Din with all this* pomp and royal display has
arrived at Karra and crossing the river Sarii makes for Lekhnanti,
Ido not know whet can be done by any one to oppose him,” and
lamenting exceedingly the condition of the Sultan he repeated the
following lines—

1M8.(A) J we.
9 MB. (A) oS ely onlb isis
OMB. (A) By! Byzy2
© MB (A) le) dod out &
 [ 289]
A foeman, thongh small one should never despise,
For a mountain is made up of stones of small sise.
a

The Sultan then came from Gwiilidr to Dinh, and ‘Aléa-d-Din

having reached Karpa' wrote despatches full of craft and
cunning to the Court, and worked upon the avarice of the Sultan
by presents of elephants and endless wealth, and begged for
a kindly worded Ictter summoning him to the Court, while all
the time he was engaged in preparations to start for Lakhnanti,
and having sent hia brother® Zafer Khan to Oudh ordered him
to hold in readiness all the boats on the river Sari. The simple
minded Sultan Jalalu-d-Din wrote a command with his own
haud in accordance with ‘Aliu-d-Din’s request and sent it® by
the hand of two confidential and trasted body servanta, one of
whom was named Imada-l-Mulk and the other* Ziau-d-Din.
These men when they arrived soon perceived by his manner and 176.
benring® that the face of affairs was altered® and ‘Alau-d-Din
having prepared the dish for the Sultan, and having arranged
for its service at a given signal, handed over? those two
messengers to sentries who were charged to keep them s0 closely
guarded that not even a bird should be able to flap its wings
near thom, then he wrote a letter to Ilmas Beg his brother, who
was also a son-in-law of the Sultan,® and sent it to Dihli, conched
in these words “Inasmuch as in the course of this expedition,
I have committed many unwarranted acts, in that without taking
the orders of the Sultan I proceeded to Deogir, for this reasou
certain persone have aroused fear in my heart and snxiety—but
seeing that I am the loyal servant and son of the Sultan, if he
will march lightly equipped and by rapid marches come and ley
hands upon me, and carry me off I have nothing to urge againat

1 Badger 13%,
9 MS. (A) wld yb ope ydly) the word
Sy in the text is omitted
here.
8 MB, (A dseyd,
# MB. (A) cers.
5 MS (A) yl Q4y ¢ yb.
6 HAS wyS_sS40 (5py #S literally “ that the lesves had changed colour,”
1 MB. (A) dy,
8 MB. (A) d99 whale sleja pay! 8S,
 { 340]
imprisonment, and if, as they have said the current rumours are
true, and the Sultiu’a mind is in reality turned against me,
I must perforce lay violent hands upon myself and effaco myself
from the world” When Ilmas Beg laid that! letter before the
Sultan, he on the instant sentS Ilmas Beg to reassure ‘Alaén-d-Din
and gave him a promise that he himself would follow. Ilmés
Beg embarked in a boat, and going like the wind over the surface
of the water,® on the seventh day joined Malik ‘Alau-d-Din, and
urged him to proceed to Lakhnanti,* but certain of the wise and
far-seeiug companions of ‘Alau-d-Din said, “‘ What need have we
to goto Lakhnuauti when the Sultin by reason of his excessive
greed for the wealth of Deogir, and the elephants and horses of
that country will come here hghtly equipped ® in the very height
of the rainy season.6 At that timo we will take any steps that
may bo necessary,’ and whatever has to be done to meet the emer-
gency, we have it all stored up and we will put an end to him on
the spot.”* Since the cup of the hfe of Sultan Jalali-d-Din was
fall® and his heart was brim full of lust and greed for that
fancied and all-omened treasure,!9 and Fate too bad rendered him
deaf and blind, not one of these evil designs was perceived by
him;
Verse.
When Fate Iets fall from the sky a feather,
17. All the wise men became !! blind and deaf

Casting the advice of his well-wishers bebind him,!% he embarked

ov a boat with certain of his trusted followers and a thousand

IMS (A)Y bof

2 MS, (A) OF Bey 5 oy) uedy,
OMS. (A) OB My gy
© MB. (A) dye Kpeye? (Sys rib) ov tygt y
BMA (A) flay
@ Sas or JS ats Turki word, “ saison des pluses” (Pavet
do Courteilles )
TMS. (A) paint oyh af aSositya
© MS (4) eles and omits ogo.
9 MS (4)9 WS53
10SL MB. (A) pd pyd yo Se
MB. (A) OS,
1 Lit, striking ther words on the dorsum of
hus foot,
 { #1J
sowars, horrowiny his speed from'the wind and his haste from the
stream, and set owt for Karra: he sent Malik Ahmad Chap the
Vasir with au armed force and a body of retainers by land,’
Malik Ahmad Chap was rending his garments but all to no
purpose.
Verse.
If the listener will not turn his ear to counsel,
He will reap retribution from the high heaven,
The Snltin, whose life’s boat had been wrecked by a contrary
wind, and had been cnst on the shore of destruction, arrived at
Knrra on the 17th of the bleased month of Ramazan: and ‘Alau-d-
Din, who had kept his forces in readiness, had crossed the river
Ganges between Kara and Manikpir and had pitched his camp-
then he sent Ilmis Beg to the Sultan, sending by him some valuable
jewels, with atrict orders to use all the means he could devise
and all the craft he could command to separate the Sultan from
his army and bring him to ‘Alau-d-Din. His confederate there-
fore went and presented himself before the Sultan, and with
great ciaftiness and deceit, and with obsequious humility represen-
ted that® if he had pot come ‘Alau-d-Din would have been utterly
seared and would have escaped, “and to such an extent” said
he, “have the evil speakers stuffed hs ears® with reports of the
unkind and ill-disposed utterances of the Sultan, and filled lus
mind with fear, that even now fear and suspicion is by no
meuns entirely removed from his mind.* There is still a probabi-
hty of that of which I spoke before, unless the Sultan should
shew him some favour and kimdness, and should re-assure him,
and going alone, without any retinue, should take him by the hand
and lead lim here.”
‘The Sultén taking his blood-thirsty words for the truth,
ordered the cavalry escort which accumpanied him to remain
halted where they were, and he himself, together with a small
body ot retainers armed and ready for battle, proceededa short
distance forward, going forth to meet Death, while the arch-

1 MS, (A) scaiklee wiyy, 8 MS, (A) 2.

3 MB. (A) tpt cdsS. # MS (A) omits ys
&§ MS. (A) omits 9.
31
 { u2]
178, traivor ims Beg forther represented ! saying “my brother is in
great fear and awe of the Sultan Saud is quaking from head to
foot; and when he sees even this small body of men, he will be
all the move alarmed, and will despair of the Sultan's clemency.” ®
Accordingly the Sultan oidered this body of retainers to lay
aside their arms which ‘hey did: those who were closely attached
to the Sultén were greally agitated at this foolish decision, but
the Sultén would not be dissuaded by their objections. When
they ariived near the bank of the river, the army of ‘ Alau-d-
Din was plainly vinble drawn up in close order fully armed and
equipped, and evidently expecting an engagement, Malik Kbur-
ram * the Vakildar said to Ilmaa Beg “ We left our army behind
we at your instigation, aud we laid down our arms, what is this
that we see an army ready for action P” He replied “my brother
wishes to review his amy, and following his usual course, he
wishes to make a proper display ® before the Sultan, with an eye
to future advantage,” the Sultin in accordance with the saying
“When fate comes the pldin becomes narrow” 6 up to that
moment even did not discover the deceit of his enemy, but of bis
own free will walked deliberately into the jaws of the dragon,

Verse

When the day becomes daik to any man,

He does that which is hurtfal to him.

When he said to the stony-hearted mas Beg

“Tn spita of my
old age and the weakneas dne to fasting I cam
© 50 far,’ even yet
wil] not your cruel brother's heart induce him &
to get into s boat
and come to me?" Iimas Beg answered my
brother is unwilling
to receive the Sultin empty handed® and with
reserve,
“If thon goest empty handed to
visit a Sheikh,
Thon wilt get no profit, nor
wilt thou even see him”
179. He is busy selecting elephants and valua
bles and goods to present

LMS (A) dye MS (A) ible

8 MB. (A) gyilblan, # MB. (A) ppd Elbe,
SMS (A) oyf 39 whee pls 1d lal
y wht,
® See page 190, note 4
. TMS (A) pov,
«Ms. (A) OS gs * MS (A) gy cus,
 [ a3]
and is quite occupied in that service! and he has been preparing
food for breaking your faat, and to do hononr to the arrival of his
guest, and is now awaiting the honoured coming of the Sultan, so
that he may he distinguished among his peers by the honour
derived from the royal visit.” The Sultdn all this time was ocou-
pied in reading the sacred volume; they reached the river's bank
by the time of afternoon prayer and he took his seat in the place
they had made ready for him to sit in, and ‘Alau-d-Din having
got every thing ready® came witha great gatheriny to pay hia
respects to the Sultan aud fell at his feet.® The Sultan smiling,
with affection and kindness and love smote him a gentle blow on
the cheek, and addressing him with great shew of fondness and
clemency and warni-heartedness, began to give him‘ words of
counsel, and was talking to him affectionately and lovingly,
reassuring him in every posable way, and seizing the hand of
Mahk ‘Alao-d-Din was drawing him near. At this moment when
the Sultan laid hold of his beard, and, kissmg him, was shewing
him marks.of his special favour, and‘ had given his hand into his,
‘Aldu-d-Din seizing the Sultin's hand firmly, wreached it, and gave
a signal to a party of men who were confederate and, had sworn
together
to murder the Sultan. Then Mahmid Salim who was
one of the scum of Samana, aimed a blow with his sword at the
Sultan and wounded him; on receiving that wound the Sultéa
made for the boat crying out ag he ran. “Thou wretch ‘Alau-d-
Tin, what is this thon hast done!” At this juncture one Ikhti-
yaru-d Din who had been a particular protégé of the Sultéu ran
behind him and inflicted a second wound whioh killed him; he
then cut off his head and brought it to ‘Alau-d-Din.' By Alan-d-
Din’s orders, the head of the unfortunate oppressed andl martyred
monaich was placed upon a spear and carried round Karya and
Mamkpir: from thence they took it to Oudh; and the body- 180,
servants of the Sultan who were in the boat were all put to
death, some of them threw themselves into the river, aud were
drowned in the ocean of destraction. Mahk Fakhru-d-Din
Kichi fell into their hands alive and was murdered. Malik Ahmad
Chap having made prisoners of the Sultén’s army brought it to

1 MS. (A) Upttho wedded ly £ M8, (A) omite ge

8 Ms (A) oli 4 MB, (A) adds »
6 MS. (A) oyf.
 [ we
di ing the arrival of Arkali Khan from Multan
(ewes the arte son of the Saltin and fitted to succeed him
in the kingdom) as 8 temporary measure, with the co-operation
of Malika-i-Jalan, seated Qadr Khan the youngest son of the
Sultan, upon the throne of Dihii, with the title of Ruoknu-d-Din
Thrihim. The Amirs and Malike of Jalalu-d-Din 8 party oame
one and all to swear allegiance to him st his accession. Ho
retained the name of King for one month. Malik ‘Algu-d-Din
lost no time,’ but on the very day of the assassination of the
Sultan, made open display of the insignia and emblems of royalty,
and raising the imperial canopy over his own head § was addressed
as Soltdn and + in the middle of the rainy season marching unin-
terruptedly he made straight for the metropolis of Dihli, and
showering dindrs and dirhems like rain over the heads
of the,
popuiage, and pelting the people i the streets great and small with
golden musiles from bahstue aud slings,’ came to his
own garden
on the banks of the Jumna and alighted there. Day
by day the
Amirs of the Jaléli faction joined themselves to himand swore
“allegiance to him, and by the hope of the red gold, all regret
Jalala-d-Din for
was completely effaced from their black hearts,
Liberality is the alchemy ® of the copper
of faulte ;
Liberahty is the remedy for all pain.
Tt ws said that by the day when
Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din reached
Badion sixty thoasand sowars had joined hig standard, Malik
Rakno-d-Din Ibrahim Seeing that he had not the power to
him went to Maltan
resist
to Ay ksh Khan, with
certain chosen Amirs
who remaimed faithful after the
massaore (of Jalala-d-Din),
aid the whole of the kingdom
fell under the domiuion of
‘Aléu-d-Din

LMS (A) inserts 9

1 MS (A) rons 5039 ot BSI05
OMS (A) BES oy oy cass yd) Sil,
* MS (A) inserts d
PMS (A) ronds Sse 5
thus Rimi Lipo49
yé, Cf Roobuck
All copper whigh Is Proverbs, 998, sof
affected by Kimiya beco J) om) LeosSy as’
mes gold. urn,
“The serence (of
Alchemy) hus for ita
aud silver ig Perfec obje ct the aubst;
ted by artificial mea
See Proleg ibn Kba ng"’ ,
ldin, (de Blane) mines By which gol
III, 207. Bee leo
Skeat, s, v,
 { 2% j
The kingdom is God's and greatness is His. The massacre of 16%,
Sultén Jalalu-d-Din took place in the seventeenth of the month
of Ramazin in the year 694 H. (A.D. 1294) and the duration of
his reign was seven yeans and some months.
Verses.
Hast thon seen the acta of the tyrant heaven and ita ster,
Mention it not; what is the heaven, its revolution, or its
arched vault ?
How is it that the revolving heaven has cast the sun of the
kingdom headlong into the dust,
Dust be on the head of hia sun of glory.
Sultan Jalaln-d-Din had a taste for poetry, and Amir Khusri
after the death of Mn‘izzu-d-Din Kaiqubad, came into the service
of the Sultén Jalilu-d-Din, and was honoured by being selected
as an intimate companion, and was made Qur’an-keeper to the
Sultan, he was presented every year with the robes of honour
which were reserved for the Amirs of the Sultan! and were
tekens of special distinction and peculiar trast.
In this same category were Amir Hasan and Muid Jajarmi and
Awir Arslin Katibi and Sa‘d-i-Mantiqi and Baqi-i-Khatib and Qazi
Mughig of Hansi, who is one of the most learned men of the
time of Jalalityi-Din and wrote a Ghazal in nincteen metres? of
which this is the opening :—

Two pearly ears, a stately form, two lovely cheeks, with

fresh youth dight,
Thy glory is the friry’s pride, a fairy thou, at glory’s
height.
And ithe rest of the learned men used to keep the Sultan's
assembly embellished and aduined with the jewels of poems, and
delicate points of learning and philosophy, and the following
few verses are the offspring of the Sultan's genius :—

1 MS. (A) pb sly.

we ¥9}9) 5% It would appear from the statement that this ghasal
or ode was made up of nineteen lines, each of which was in a different metre.
The first of thé above lines is either Mutaga::b or Ramal This is called
win? yp Gabahrain (of two metres) in prosody.
The second line us in Ramal
 [ 246]
163. I do not wish those flowing locks of thine tobe entangled
I do not wish that rosy cheek of thine (with shame) to barn.
I wish that thou one night unclothed may’st come to my
embrace
Yes, loud I cry with all my might, I would not have it
hidden.

And at the time when he was besieging Gwaliar he built a

pavilion and a lofty dome! and wrote this quatrain as an inscrip-
tion for that building —
Quatrain.

I whose foot spurns the head of heaven,

How can a heap of stone and earth augment my dignity ?
This broken stone I have thus arranged in order that
Some broken heart may haply take comfort from it.
And Sa‘d Mantiqi and the other poets he ordered to point out
to him the defects and beanties of this composition, They all
praised it exceedingly and said! It has no fuult, but he replied ;
You are afraid of hurting my feelings, I will point ont ita defect #
in this quatrasn:
Tt may be some chance traveller may pass by this gpot
Whose tattered gaiment is the satin mantle of the starless
sky,®
Perchance from the felicity of Ins auspicious footsteps
One atom may fall to my lot; this will suffice me.
Svunrin ‘Aniv-p-Din Kurt.
On the twenty-minth* of Zil Hijjah in the year six hundred and
ninetyefive (695 H.) (A.J). 1295) raised the banner of tho Sultanate

1 MB. (A) 9 aS by
SMS (A) omits Gass,
8 uplbt ere. The highest of nll the heaven so called (ypLbi
it has no ator, ' The hteral meanin of
) bec
anse
g gpl is “worn out" “effaced *
Thos teh uetel Jey meang & man Who
se garments are worn ont It also
by a secondaty (post cinsmeal) mea ning 18 uscd in the sense of “ Satm ”
Honce there is a doable play on the wor
d rl here, m tls opposite senses,
* MS (A) reads PO 9 Sodyd whil
e our text has (992 Sm g0.
 { 7 Jj
of Dihli, with the consent of his brother Ilmis Beg, to whom he
geve the title of Ulngh bin! and to Sinjar, his wife’s brother,
who was the Mir-t-Majlis he gave the title of Alp Khan, while to
Malik Nugrat Jalisari he gave that of Nusrat Khan, and to Malik
Badra-d-Din that of Zafar Khan,’ and alighted at the plain of
Siri, where he pitched his camp, and giving public audience
Gelighted the heaits of the Amirs and all classes of his subjects
by his boundless munificence, then he had the Khnufbah and the 188,
Sskka promulgated in his own name and conferred ® appointments
and titles upon the Amirs, and distributing jagirs gave his mind
first of all to his principal object which was to overthrow the two
sons of Sultin Jalalu-d-Din who were in Multan.*

Verse.
As long as the head of the heir to the throne is on his
shoulders,
Disorder is the mantle of the body of the state.
Inthe Muharram 696A.H (he sent) Ulugh Khan and Alp
Khan against Arkali Khan and Sualtiu Rokna-d-Din ;* both these

Mir Khusri in the Tdéri{j-s-‘Aldi, atates that ‘Aliu-d-Din left Katra

Mankpar on the 19th of Rubi‘al Akhir 605 H. aud after takmg great booty
from Rim Deo, Rai of Deogir, returned to Karyn on the 28th Rajab. His
accesmon to the throne took place on the 16th Ramuzan 695 H., and he arrived
at Dihli on the 22nd of Zilhijjah of the eame year.
The text has posmbly been corrected to agiee with this author's date.
Barni does not give the day of the month nor does Fuishta, The latter
tells us that on the death of Jalala-d-Din, Malika-i-Jahin of her own accord
set Qadr Khin the youngest son of Jalaln-d-Din on the throne, with the title
of Ruknn d-Din Ibrahim, and finding he was too young, sent to Multan to
summon the eecond son Arkalt Khin, who refused to come hearing of ‘Alau-
a Din’s success with the army.
1 MS, (A); the toxt reads wih Sy &
§ Barni anys that the title of Zvfar Khiin was conferred on Malik Hizabrn-
a-Din, (Elhott Il. 157).
” va
® The toxt omits Jy8® before 4&819 supphed from MS, (A).
* It appears both from Baini and Firehta that the youngest gon of the late
Saltin was iu Dihhi and that Arkali Khin wagsin Multin. See note 4~lnat
page, and Elliott TH. 160.
5 Althongh the author has given no account of Qadr Khawea coronation he.
hero givea him the title by which he was rasked to the throne
 [ ‘48]
brothers were besieged! in the fortress of Multén. The inhabi-
tants of the city and the Kotwal asked for quarter, and made over-
tures for peace, and tho two princes, by the intervention of Shaikh
Roknu-d-Din Quraishi may God sanctify his resting place! came
forth and had an interview with Ulngh Khan,’ who treated them
with the utmost respect, sending a despatch announcing his
victory to Dihli; and taking the family and tribe of Jalalu-d-Dtn
he set out for Dihli. When they came near Bohar* s place in the
vicinity of Hansi, Nuerat Khan arrived with an order, in obedience
tu which they put oot the eyes of both the sons’ of Sultin Jalalu-
d-Din, of Alghi Khan the Mughul son-in-law to the Sultan,
and of Malik Ahmad Chap,§ and handed over the Sultan's sons?
to the Kotwal of Hansi and martyred them together with two
sons of Arkali Khan.* They kept the Sultan's wives and the
rest of his children imprisoned in Dihli, sending Ahmad Chap
and Alghi the Mughni to the fortress of Gwahar, and putting ont
the eyes of some others also, scattered them in all directions and
punished them with tortures, and very many of the old families
they utterly destroyed and the hidden meaning
of Sidi Maula’ soon

o ?
1 J read hore fm thongh there is a question if we should not read
woe ”
wen”, The text reads yf which in manifestly wrong. MS. (A) reads
ws aw a
gee winch ws perhaps meant for ppis” ws, (B) which is of very
iittle valne as before pomted ont reads yee,
§ Barui staves that the sone of the Suljin sent Shoikho-1-Islim, Shaikh
Ruknu-d-Din to sue for safety from Ulngh Khin and received his assuranc
es,
(Elliott IIT. 161), MS. (4) omts5s3M1 Tins Bokna-d-Din was the son of
Gheikh Sadra-d-Din ‘Anf and grandson of Shaikh Bahiu-d-Din Zakariyi
(See Aint. Abkbari, Jarrett III 365)
Finahta gives a fall biography of Ruknu-d-Din, his father and
gtandfather
q¥ .
BMS. (A) Baye) elie wld) b
MB (A) shy).
5 MS (A) yng yoyo
8 Nab Amir.s-Hagsb (Barni Elliott I11 162) MB (A) omits fy
TMS (A} omts wlhl.
* Barni merely states that the Princes were imprisone
d, and that al the
sons of Arkalt Khan were g) in
9 MS (4) omits cr™y*,
 [ 20 ]
became evident, and (vengeance for) his blood did not long sleep.'
In « short time® it became the canso of the shedding of tha
blood of Sultén Jalalu-d-Din and his family, and of so many 184.
thousands of others among the people who had been murdered.
The wealth of Qarin which still sinks down to the bottom
of the earth, "
You may have read, that it was a souree of envy to the
poor.$
And in the year * 697 A.H. (1297 A.D.), Nugrat Khan having
been appainted to the office of Vazir, used strenuous efforts to
recover the money which Sultén ‘Alaéu-d-Din had lavished in
the commencement of his reign in order to gain over the affec-
tions of the people, and demanding the repayment of very large
sume deposited them in the treasury ; and having sammoned from
Karya ‘Aliu-l-Mulk the uncle of Ziiu-d-Din Barni, the author
of the Tarikh-i-Piroz Shahi (whom Snltan ‘Alau-d-Din had re-
moved from the kotwalship of Dibli and had sent as governor to
Karra, appointing Nasrat Khan to the office of Kotwil) he
conferred upon him his old rank, Alp Khan being appointed
to Multan. And in the year 698 A. H. (1298 A.D.) one Saldi® a
Mughul commander, crossing the Indus came towards Hindustan,
and Ulugh Khan and Tugblaq Khan the governor of Depélpar
(who is Ghazi-i-Mulk), were appomnted to put down that nsing,
and offered strong opposition to them® on the confines of Jirin
Manjhar.’?’ The Moghul army was defeated, some of them were
killed and others taken prisoners, and the army of Sultan ‘Alau-d-
Dio returned victorious with many spoils. A second time

1 M8. (A) Sagetwo,

SMS (A) wde, .
8 See Qor’in XXVIII. 78.
¢ Omit Jlu MS, (A).
& The text reads (sMigq Chataldi. MS (A) reads qsdhe guldi, 20 alec
Borui (Eliott [1] 165) and Ain-s-Akbari (Jarrett) IiT. 347,
Firishta calls him Chaidi,
6 MB (A) whiul &
7 Both Barni and Firishta say Siwitin.
32
 { 250 j
Qutluq Khwije, the son of Dud,! came from Mawar&u-n-nahr
with s countless host to attempt ihe conquest of Hindustan, and
penetrated ne fer as Dibli, inflicting no injury on the districts
through which he passed. In Duibli itself grain became very
dear, and the citizens were in great strait,’ and Sultan ‘Alau-d-
Din placing Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan in command of the
forces, sent them with a countless host to oppose the Mughul
army, and a severe battle was fought on the frontiers of Gili.t
Zafar Kbin was killed, and the Snitin had gained what he
wanted in this® Qutlnq Khwaja after his defeat made his way
to Khai asan where he died.
A third time Targhi Mughal who was one of the margans,® that
is to say accorate archers of that country, accompamed by 100,000
infantry and 20,000 valiant and renowned cavalry, seized the fort
of the hills, and gaining possession of that country, penetrated
as far as the township of Baran, where Malik Fakhru-d-Din Amir
Dad the Governor was etttrenched; Malik Tughlaq @hazi-i-
Mulk was sent from the metropolis to put down that disturbance?
Malik Fokbru-d-Din sallying from the fortress of Baran,’ joined
with Malik Tugblaq, and they jointly mado a night attack upon
the Mnghuls* The Mugbul forces being ronted, Targhi was taken
prisoner and Malik Taghiaq brought him into the royal presence,
A fourth timo, Muhammad Tnrtiq © and ‘Ali Beg Mughul, who
were the gong of the royal house of Khutdsan, brought together

1 MS (A), ao aleo Firishta

BMS (A) 47 yo,
SMa (A) otf SO
4 Or Kili (Bain)
# Borni exploins this He snys “‘Alan-d-Din returned from Kili, ¢ nsider-
ing that he Lad won a great victory tho Mughule had been
put to flight and
the brave and fearless Zafar Khan had been got rid
of without diegrace,”
a wh This word 1s given by M Pavet de Courteille
ja the meanings of
Sitio bon rews hos [ta a Torki word
1 The roading of MS (A}1s here followed vez,
was dpels A wl go age? Wy y hls se es wShe,
MS (A) 80h p9 yy) ylaajy
NS (A) diy! Jie ys oye GLU
lo The reading of this ane ina Title uncet
ain MS (A) may be either
4) or 5,7 Nother Barut nor Fusshta givo any assis
tance: nor does
 [ 231J
a very large army, which they divided into two, one hore down
upon Nagor,! while the other seized the fort of the Sirmar hills
and oooupied the dotntry as far as the river Bidh which they call
Kali Pani® Sultan ‘Alaéu-d-Dio appointed Malik Manik his
slave (who is Kafr Naib or Hazar Dindri*) with Malik Tughlng
Governor of Depélpir to proceed to Amroha; and while the
Mughal army, haviug succueded in capturing much spoil and many
cattle, was marching to the banks of the river Rahab, Malik Mauik 186.
came up in pursuit* ond a severe battle ensued. Both the Mughal
princes evinced great bravery, but were ultimately taken prisoners,
and were put to death, while the greater part of those accursed
ones became food for the sword of vengeance, and the remnant
of the sword fled panicstiicken to their own country. The hends
of these two princes were taken to Badion and impaled apon
the battlements of thé fort, One of the learned poets.of that
time wrote the following quatrain which was afterwards inscribed
upon the southera gateway of that city.
Quatrain.
Noble fortress! whose helper may the nssistanco of the
Almighty ever be!
May the victory and conquest of the Emperor ever be thy
standard-bearer !
The Malk of this age became thy builder, and built theo
anew,
May Targhi, like ‘Ali Beg® become thy captive
And Mir Khusri® has witten an account of the fight between
Mahk Mamk (who had obtained the title’ of Malik Naib7) in

eithor word appear in the Turki dictionary. The text reade dh Taryiq
which seems rathor aneg necessitate reading The Térith-s-'Alai roude Tartiig,
(Elhott III 72)
LMS (4) 39° 2S galt,
BMS (A) phre PLAIK Ip
8 So called because he had beon orginally,purchnsed for a thonsand dinirs
4 MB, (A) Honey ope
MB. (A) Ay ole.
6 MS. (A) omits don,t) dale,
1 Finghte states ‘that this title was conferred upon Malik Kafiir (Tasir
Diniri) on the occasion of hia being placed in command of an army to
proceed ugainst Rim Deo, Raja of Deoghar, » refractory tributary.
 [ 2]
the Tarikh-v-Kjastinu-l-Futsh' a marvel of literatore, which
mortal powers confess themselves impotent to approach or
imitate, though to tell the truth all the writings of that king
of posts, rightly named Kbusri, are of this excellence, and to
praise and crown them is an smpertinence and error for any other.
Whenever any thouglt shines forth from his mind
It is so subtle as to escape comprehension and defy imita-
tion,

On the fifth occasion Iqb&lmand and Kapak, Mughuls, brought

together an army to take vengeance for Turtiq® and ‘Ali Beg,
and invaded the frontiers of Multan, The Sultan on this occa-
sion also appointed Mahk Naib, and Malik Tughlag. They pro-
ceeded by forced marches while the Mughals were falling back,
and pursuing them gave battle Kapak was taken prisoner, but
was ransomed by the infidel ‘'atars, with the prisoners and abun-
dant booty which had fallen into ther hands. From that day
the Mughuls lost their enthasinsm for the conquest of Hindustan,
and the teeth of ther ambition became blunted.
After these victories, the Sultan one mght was holding a wine
party quite at his ease with his companions, and was quaffing
copious draughts of wine The night, hike the circulation of the
187. wine cup, had come near to an end ; suddenly some of the assembled
guesta began to make signs to ench other* with hand, and eye,
and brow that it was time to break up,' the Sultan happened
to perceive it, he was annoyed and cried out Mutiny! Mutiny!
and on the instant guve orders for Baha (who was one of his
boon-companions and choice spirita) to be killed. The rest fled
in confusion. On the followmg morning when he came to realise

1 This work, known also as the Tarik}-t-‘Alai, is a prose history of the firat
years of Sulfin Aliu-d-Din Khilji from his accesmon in 695 H. to the close of
710 H. (Elhot III. 68-69.)
9 M8, (A) omits Om ond givos the pointing of Tartéq as GU
3 MS (A) o92390% This account differs somewhat from that given by
Khusri, who makes the invasion of Kapak separate from and precedent to
that of Iqbal Mudbir as he calls him.
#8 (A) behohy
3 M3 (A) whhke
phi 5,
 [ 253]
what had occurred, it was as clear as day to the Sultan! that his
suspicion was groundless.
Wait, till the world removes the voil from the face of events,
And till that thou hast done this evening, tomorrow is
plain to thee.
Then he asked for Qizi Bahé.* They replied, He was sent into
eternity at that very moment.3 The Sultén was very repentant
and ashamed at hearing this, and vowed never again to drink
wine, and ordered it to be proclaimed that the use of wine should
be absolutely abandoned throughout the kingdom, Cask upon
cask of wine was poured ont in the court till it became a flowing
river. Kveryone who was discovered intoxicated, was hauled off
to prison, and punished by imprisonment* and confiscation of
property.
Piety and penitence became the order of the day. the taverns
were in ruins,5 and the police officers had plenty of work,
and there was no longer any need to purchsse vinegar,‘ while the
wine bibbers were giving expression by their actions to these
verses:
Now he sprinkles the flagon with salt, now he shatters the
cup,?
How the policeman disturbs the peace of the tavern in
which we sup.

2 Tho text has a note here to tho effect that a (y shonld probably be in-
sorted after wlhhLe but that it 1s not found in either of the two MSS, before
the editor.
MS, (A) has ly, and reads o9 BL wf wf a as coy
Sy) we fy wllalen.
8 The text here and in the former Ime rends yk! 318, (A) has Gy.
8 The text reads compsd Ileiy whe} wiles aed yf
© MS (A) Mghyo cgdds» gHle p05
5 There is a play on words here in tho orginal Owe wlyd Utd,
8 Wine not being drank all the grapejuice could be utilsed for vinegar:
There 1s a hint here that every one waa discontented, hnd, aa we say, sour
looks which the Persians express by saying OS (ge sty? Spree wd,
So and #o sells vinegar Quiini says to his mistress.
G0 8 A Beg! he ghayi My
rye 978 pF ape unt pat
1 MS, (A) omits ly but the text 1s correct.
 [ 284
becoming suapi-
And in tho year 697 H (1297 A.D.) the Sultan contemplating
cious of the newly-converted Muslim Mugha ls was
their part, goaded
to murder and eradicate them, and they also for
their extortionate
by the extortion of the revenne collectors and
demands for refunding money,' were plott ing & rebellion whilst
the Sultin should be hunti ng ard hawki ng.? One of them who
was opposed (0 this scheme made it known to the Sulté n. Secret
of the country
orders were written and despatched to the Governors
saying that on 4 certain day5 they should put to death all the
new Moslim Mughuls with one consent wherever they found
them.
Accordingly on the appointed date they despatched so many
poor hapless Mughuls with the sword of injustice, and sent them
mind
on their travels to the kmgdom of annihilation, that the
cannot compate their number, and the name of Mughal no longer
survived in Hindustan, although this custom of killing strangers
has survived from that time
And in the commencement of affairs, the fact of so many
victories following one another in close succession led to extrava-
gant ambitions im the mind of the Sultan, one of these was rel-
‘ous innovation, and moreover by the assistance of these four
Ulugh Khao, Nusrat Khan, Zofar Khan and Alp Khan he was led
to estamate himself as bemg superior to the Prophet on whom
be the peuce and blessing of God, and his companions may
God be gracious to themall® The second was the conquest of
the whole inhabited world like Sikandar; this led to his ordering
his name to he inscribed on the currency and mentioned in the
proclamation 88 Sikandar-i-sani.6 When he sought the advice

1 This was spoken of above ‘Aliu-d-Din’s officers disapproved of the lavish

way he had squandered his money sn gifts in the early days of hia accession
to powor.
Sd yple wos MS (A)
8 MS (A) omits 9 the wd ys
M8 (A) phe y atpleal dale
8 MS (A) omits 9
6 Alexander the second The accuracy of this statement is testified to b
the existence of coma bearing this title Gold vome weighing 166, 1686 |
1695 gra aro m existence bearing the loond ™

Lerh yeelold AKC: | crney lilt yarn (See Thorns, p. 168)

Sskandasu p-adne Yaminu-l-byldfat Nagau Amiru-l-mamanin
 { 255 Jj
of ‘Alau-l-Mulk Kotwalof Dihli he restrained the Saltén from.
pursuing both these claims and said, “No one can evolve s reli-
gion out of his own brain uniess he be aided! by God, and till
he can perform miracles* This object cannot be acquired by the
strength of dominion, and wealth, and majesty, and splendour,
moreover such an attempt may be expected, nay is certain to
result in violent disorders and tamalts of all kinds, nothing will be
gained while disgrace will follow the attempt: as for conquering
realms, it is s worthy ambition, but needs the highest qualifica-
tions, as well aa perfection of rule and a vazir like Aristotle,
none of which are here existent.
Tf the Sultan clears Hindustan of infidels and frees the envi-
rons of Dihli from these contumacious ruffians, this will be in no
way inferior to the world conquests of Sikandar.”
The Sultin, after due meditation, was grestly pleaded with these 189.
ptoofs deduced frem reason and supported by precedent, and
bestowed a robe of honour upon ‘Aliu-]-Mulk and gave him large
rewards, and abstained from attempting to satisfy either of his
ambitions. The Amira, who on account of the harshness of the
Sultan, and the roughness of his temper, were unable to say any-
thing of service, all sent presents of horses and valuables for
‘Alau-l-Mulk and were loud in praise of him.
Verse.
In wy opivion thot one is thy well wisher,
Who says that will be a thorn in thy path.
In this year the Sultén proceeding to Deogir gained a fresh
conquest ® and doubled his spoils :
Thkt whigh he cut after that his sword cut double,
That which he defeated after that his mace defeated again
and again,
’
And in the year 698 H. (1298 A.D.) he appointed Ulugh Khan
to the command of a powerful army, to proceed into the country of
Giajerit against Rai Karan who had thirty thousand cavalry, and
eighty thousand infantry, and thirty head of elephants. Ulugh

1 MS (A) odhly aby ake «yo antye U

2 MB. (A) Mig she wie" y ‘The toxt ronda dy correctly.
BMS (A) 3 aged S05 oid
 [ 256 j
Khan, after Rai Karan was defeated, ravaged and laid waste Nahr-
wila, and porsued him;! and Rai Karan took refuge with Rai
Ramdeo* who was the ruler of Deogir, in the country of the
Deccan, The family of Rai Karan, with his treasury and elephants
and all his possessions, fell into the hands of the Muslim warrior.
Among the ladies of his harem was one Dewalrani, of whom Kbizr
190. Kban the son of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din ultimately became enamoured.
He related the account of his amours to Mir Kbusri for him to turn
into verse, and the book of Khizr Kban and Dewalrani, which is
known as the ‘Ashiga, is in his name. Ulugh Khan carried off an
idol from Nalirwala (in place of the idol of Somnat which Saltan
Mabmiid Ind carmed? to @haznin, and the Hindis had mndo an
object of their worship,) and took it to Dihli where he caused it
to be trampled under foot by the populace , then he pursued Rai
Karau as far as Somnat, aud a second time laid waste the idol
temple of Somnat, and building | mosque there retraced his
ateps
Nusrat Khan having proceeded to Kuhanbayat,* a well-known
post, seized much spol of valuable goods and rabies and other
jewels from the traders; Kafr Haszér Dinaéri whom the
Sultén Aldu-d-Din had latterly taken into close favour, and made
Naybu-]-Mulk, was part of that booty.
When Ulugh Khan ariived on the frontiers of Alwar he occupied
himself with verifying the amount of property and spoil which
had fallen into the hands of his people dniing these several
battles, and exacted the giving up of much of it with great
severity. A certain party of Mughuls who accompanied bim thought

LM3, (8)9 age) ot dled ‘

BMS (A) gL) coips wlty
8 MS (A) Ss? Soy
4 MS. (A) reads Ath
Cambay, in Gujerat According to Hunter (Imp Gaz, IIT 272) “the
name of Camboy or Khambhit is aaid to be derived from Khambha or Stam-
bhatwth, the pool of Mahideva under the form of the piliar god = During the
11th and 12th centnries, Cambay appears aa one of the chief ports of the
Auhelwira (Nabrwila) kingdom and at the conquest of that kingdom by the
Musulmine in 1.97, it 11 enid to have been one of the richest towns im India.
Tieffenthaler Vol I 9 372 Canbdhat, grande ville et portde mer, que lea
Européens appellent Cambaye (pp 380-38) )
6 MS, (A) se 3.
 f 257}
this rather unfair, and consequently plotted a rebellion, but
eventually were dispersed; some of them went off to Rai Hamir
Dev in Jhain.! which is near Rantanbhor, and some went else-
where. ‘
Ulogh Kban proceeded by contiunous marches to his masver at
Dihli, and from this we gather that the massacre of. the foreigners
(above alluded to) took place after the arrival of Ulugh Khin
from Gujrit. Historians have paid little attention to the dae
order of events, bat God knows the truth.
And in the year 699 H., (1299 AD.) Ulugh Khan was nominated
to proceed against the fortress of Rantanbhor and Jhain, which
is better known as Naughahr,? and Rai Hamir Dev, the grandson 191
of Rai Pithora,* who had ten thousand cavalry, and countless
infantry, and celebrated elephants, gave him battle but» was
defeated, and with great generalship withdraw the whole of his
forces into the fortress of Rantapvbhor.
Ulugh Khin having reported * the state of affairs to the Conrt,
urged the Sultén to capture the fort; the Sultdn collected his
forces © and marched against Rantanbhor, and in a short time,
by skilful effort, and aided by the energy of his Maliks, completely
nubdued and took the fortress, and despatched Hamir Dev to
hell, Groat booty, and spoil, and treasures fell into his hands,
Then he appointed® a Kotwal to hold that fortress, and haying
bestowed the country of Jhain upon Ulugh Khan, left to attack
Chitor,’ and having conquered that place also within a few days,

1 Tieffenthaler, I. p. 322, mentions a city called Tsachiin at a distance of °

five miles from the fortress of Rantanbhor. This would appear to be pro-
bably the place spoken of 1n the text.
Seo Elliot, I1J.146 where Jhiin is said to bo Ujjain, also p. 172, note I,
where thia opinion 18 abandoned
§ Tieffenthaler does not montion this name . .
8 MS. (A) reads Ri: Hamir Dev of Rantunbhor, omitting se4y cot) Span,
but Barni calla Hamir Dov the =) nabsa of Ril Pithori, so that the reading
of the text 1s ndopted.
4 MS (A) Saye) yy.
5 MS. (A) omits fy.
6 MS. (A) dpe) Gps.
i Barnisays that after taking Rantanbhor and putting Hamir Dev to
death the Sniltin returned to Dibli. so also Fineghta, See Hunter Imp Gaz,
IIE, 480
33
 2 { 258]
and! having given it the nawe of Khizribéd, and having bestowed
a red canopy npon Khigr Khan aforesaid, made Chitor over to him
as governor, Among the events which happened in this expedi-
tion this was one, that Nusrat Khin had come from Karra® to
Rantanbhor, to remforce Ulugh Khin before the Sultan arrived
there ;* and during the siege ono day a stone struck him on the
head, and he weut without delay to the other world. One arm
of the Suiltin, that is to say Zafar Khan, had been broken in the
fight with Qutlug Khwaja, and now the second arm was broken
also.
When the army was encamped in the verghboarhood of Malhab*
the Sultan one day was engnged in the hunting field; when
mght came on he remained in the plain, and at dawn of day he
posted hia troops all round, while he himself with a select follow-
fug uecended an eminence and waa watching the aport.§ In the
meantime the brother’s son of the Sultan, Akat Khan,’ together
with a band of new-Muslim Mughuls who were engnged in per-
192 forming the duties of guards, attached the Sultan relentlessly and
sroote him with arrows, seized bun and wounded his arm. As 1b was
the winter season, and the Sultan was wearing a cap* stulfed with
cotton Ins wounds were not fatal Akat Khan wished to olight
fiom hia horse and stike off the Sultan’s head from his body,
but some of the attendants pretending to side with him and take
lus part, cried out, the Sultan 1s killed! Akeat Khau was satisfied
at hearing this, und made off with all speed to the camp on horse-
buck, and entermy the royal hall of audience seated himself upon
the throne, and drawing the canopy over Ins head, the Amirs, in
acvordauce with ancient custom, gave in their allegiance to him

LMS. (A) y.
8 MS (A) ayF 3.
BANS. (A) omits teh,
4 The reading bore 18 doubtful The text hag andy bxas 71s) Br)
with an alternative reading “3 wy in o footnote. MS. (A) reads
wee esl) 3® Finghta (Bo Text p 186) reads Gad tole,
6 G6 503 Qamurgha, hou do chasse, (Pavet de Courteille). A Turki word
signifying hunting groand Firghtn loc est aleo uses this word
6 MS (A) omits 9 . 1 Finshta aleo anya Akat Khan,
8 Ms (A) reads #aiyy3 alg _
 [ 239}
as the rightful king,! and raised no overt objection, Akat Khau
was so overwhelmed by his inordinate lust that on the instant he
made an attempt upon the harum,* but Malik Dinar Harami who
was on guard at the entrance to the haram with his meu armed
and equipped, said, Till you shew me the head of the Sultin I
will not permit you to set foot within this private chamber. Sultin
Alau-d-Din, when he had somewhat rogained consciousness ® after
that perilous attack, bound up his wounds He was convinced
in his own mind that Akat Khan, in nmson with the Amira who
had revolted, had had the audacity to make this disgraceful
attempt upor his life. for that were it not so, he was not the man
to attempt ié alone.
Accordingly his tention was to make his way to Jhiin (where
Ulugh Khan was) with the fifty or sixty attendants who had
remained with him, and see what courso Ulugh Khan would
recommend, One or two of his confidential retainers ponyA
ont the unwisdom of this course and urged him to go at once te
the royal pavilion and kingly court.
Before they arrived at the Court filty horsemen joined them,
and Akat Khin took the road to Afghanpir, but a body of men 198.
who had been despatched in pursnit of him by forced marches
made him prisoner, sent him inte the Sultan's presence, and then
utterly destroyed all his family and relations wherever they found
them, among whom Qutluq Khan ns brother also perished.®
Verse
One who injures the country is better beheaded
And at that same time ‘Umar Khan and Mangit Khin the two

| The words S395 3 ¥y93 tora a tvzak are Turki words (P de C) Iy93 or Byy3
ugnifes the royal family It also meins king law right, also a cnstom mtro-
duced by Chengiz Khin $333 meana simply “mght” or “ authorty,’” hence
tne words in the text would mean that they acknowledged lim as nghtfat
king with due formalities.
8 MS. (A) omits qld,
8 MS. (A) T Coy!
SMS (A) BdyF_prhloos fy 91.
6 The account gtvon by Barni of this occurrence 1s the same as tho text
« (Blot INL. 17:-173) Farighta also calls him Salesman Shih, Akat Khin,
though Briggy in lna tianslatiun calle hum “Tho Prince Rookn Khan ”
 [ 260]
on: certaini of the Amira
Sultdn, revolted ini Badéaon:
of the n,
wat from the Court eieed them and brought them to the Sulfé
ont.!
by whose orders their eyes were put
th voltest against thy benefactor
fall hesdlong.
Brew i ‘thou art the sun, thou wilt
tbe ee
This farther occurrence took place, namely, whenname
Rantan bhor, @ person j
was engaged in besieg ing
Maula, ore of the ‘lavas of Maliku 1-Umaré Kotwal? gathered
together certain ruffians, displayed a counterfeit order in Dihli,®
one ‘Tarmugi
entered the city by the Badaon gate, and sent for city gates,
cut his head off,* closed the
Kotwal and iu an mstant
of his, who was
and sent a mossenger to ‘Algu-l-Mulk § a friend
come from the
Kotwal of the New Castle, saying ‘An order has
Satan, come and read it” ‘Alau-l-Mulk being fully alive to what
wis going on® did not obey the summons, whereupon the rebel
all the
Haji Maula went to the Ruby Palace, and liberating
gold) out
prisoners, gave & horse and arms and a large bag (of
of the treasury to each one, gathered together an immense
following; then he seized by force Smyyid Zada-i-‘Alawi Shah
Nabsa,’ who on his mother’s side was descended from Sultan
Shamsu-d-Din Altamsh (Iyaltimish), sammoning his chef men
194. and nobles for the purpose, and scated him upon the throne at

1 MB (A) Od BHT leit paige yo Ukxe,

8 According to Barn: “a mauld or slave of the late Kotwél Amiru-]-Umara
Fakhra-d-Din ”
8 Pretending to have received 1 from the Sultan (Barni).
6 MS. (A) Wardle [2% Gy Ht pipe
§ ‘Alau-d-Din Ayaz (Barni).
6 MS. (A) HO BS} spo I
1 Barni’s account 1s ag follows ‘There was an ‘Alaw! (descendant of ‘Ali)
in Dibli who was called the grandson of Shih Najaf who by ns mother’s
side wos grandson of Sulfin Shamsn-d-Din The Mauli set off from the
Red Palace with a party of horse, and went to the house of the poor ‘Alnwi
They carricd him off by force and eeated him on the throne in the Red Paleco.
fhe principal men of the city were brought by forte and made to ke his
hand —(Ethot (IE 176), The editor remarks that the passage in which he
ia called tha guendson of Shab Najaf 1s very doubtful.
Finghta writes, ....ce00 (git aisals lyst af ssl. ‘Alaw) whom
they used to call Shahanghah who ou hus mother’s mde traced descent from
Shamsu-d-Din Altamsh.
 '{ 261 J
the entrance to the Red Palace, and compelled the chief men
whether they would or no, to awear alleginnce to him.
The Sultan, when he heard this tidings, did uot publish it, nor
did he betray any signs of emotion, until le bad succeeded by
superhuman effort 10 entirely! reducing the fortress. A woek had
hardly passed after this exploit of Haji Maulé when Malik
Hamidu Din, who was Amir of Koh, with his sons who were
renowned for their valour, and a body of the cavalry of Zafar
Khan who had come from Amrohé to oppose the Mughuls,®
engaged Haji Maula in fight, and having destroyed him, put to
death the hapless Saiyyid Zada also, and sent thar heads to
Rantanbhor. The Sultén nominated Ulugh Khan to proceed to
Dihli to track out those who had taken part in that® rebellion,
and bring them to destruction. He also completely eradicated
the family and relations of Maliku-l-Umara on this suspicion that
Haji Maulé would not have embarked on this enterprise without.
their mstigation.4
The Sultan after adding the fortress of Rantanbhor and its
sarronnding districts to the jdegir of Ulugh Khan returned (to
Dihli). Ulogh Khin was taken ill that very day while on the
road, and died, and Rantanbhor became for him like the Paradise
of Skaddad.$

LMS (A)
9 S19 ened Bald gd Ai y ose!) agi pled ast
BMS. (A) qglio ise nyse?
$.MS.(A) 3 wfys
¢ The text reads O24 Hype)
yo} ups ¢2>% 0 alao MB. (A), but we should,
read onl Boye) 4 as without this the senac 18 not very obvious
Barni states, ‘The sons and grandgons of the old kotwdél Mahka-l-Umira
hnd no guilty knowledge of the revolt, but they aud every one belonging to
that family were put to death.
5 The Térikh-s-Firoz Shéhi states, in opposition to our author, that Ulugh
Khin did not die till four or five months later, when he had cullected a large
force for the purpose of attaching Tilang and Ma‘bar. Fuushta also states
that Ulugh Khan died about six monthe Inter
6 MS (A) reads 9,5 lag dae cats Prac See Qur'iin Ixxxix 5
**Haut thou not aoen how thy Lud did with ‘Ad? with
Train of the colinnta * the he of winch hus uot been ercated in
the land "
 [ 262 ] '
Moreover a band of robbers of Jalor, whose leader was Mir
Muhammad Shah, were captured m Rantaubhor after the fort
Iram of the columns “ This city 1s said to nave been situated in Yemen,
between Havramaut and Sana‘a It was founded by Shaddad ibn ‘Ad, who was
excessively strong and mighty, and when ho heard of Paradise and of what
God had prepared therein for hia saite, ‘ palaces of gold and mlver and abodes
beneath which rivers flow, and upper chambers above which are otber upper
chambers, (Qur’in xxxix. 21) he said to na mghty men ‘Verity I will take to
myself upon the earth a city like nnto Paradise,’ Then he appointed thereunto
a handred mon of his servants and mighty men of valour, and under the hand
of each of them a thonsand helpers, and bade them search out and find an
open space of the plam in the Jand of Yemen, and choose the best thereof
jn soil. Then he provided them with wealth, and designed for them the
pattern of their work, and wrote to lis three onief Jorda Ghimm-ibn-‘Ulwan,
Zalhik iba ‘Ulwin, and Walid sbnar Rusyyin, and chargod them to write to
thorr lorde in the utmost parts of their cities that they should collect all
that wag in their land of gold and of silver, of pearls and of rabies, of musk
and ambergris and saffron, and shoald send them unto him. Then he sent
unto all the mines, and took out therefrom all the gold and the silver that
was in them, and ho sent his three agents to the divers ito the oceans, and
they bronght out therefrom jowels, and gathered them together as it wert
mountains, und all of this was brought to Shaddid. Then they sent the
minors to the mimea of rubics and emeralds and all other jewels, and they
brought out from thence immense riches Thon he ordered and the gol?
was beaten and fashioned ito biicks, aud he builded therewith that city,
and he commanded the pearls and the rubies, the onyx and the emerald and
the cornelian, aud the walls of the ty were set with them And ho made
for it upper chambers, and above them other chambeis supported on columna,
and to all of them pillars of eme:ald and of onyx and of raby. Then he
caused to fow bencath the city a wide channel which he bronght to the city
from beneath the earth a spaco of forty lengues, hke to a large canal.
Then ho ordered, and there were male to flow from that channel, rrvulets
in the streets, and highways und stiects flowed with clear wate. And he
ordered banks to bo made for thit canal and for all the rvolets, and they
were overlaid with red gold, and the pebbles thereof were made of all kinds of
precious atones, red and ycllow and yreen And there were planted on oither
bank of tho stream wud of the mvulets trees of gold bearing fruit, and the
fruutsof them wore of those rubies and precauus gems And tho length of the
city was made twelve jusahis ard the breadth thereof hke unto the length,
And the walls of the city were Ligh and lofty, and there were builded
therein three hundd thonsand palaces set with all kmda of jewe within
and without 9 Aud he Loi for himself in the midst of the city on the bank
of the canal a palace lofty and ugh, towering over all thogo palaces *
. ‘ . . . * aud there passed
tu the burlding of it Give hundred 5 ears
 [ 263}
was taken. When the Suitién asked Muhammad Shah (who had
been wounded) ‘If I should spare your lifo and have you cured,
and you shonld thus escape this deadly danger, how would you ;
treat me in future?’ he replied, ‘If 1 slonld get well and should
have an opportunity, I would kill you and raise the son of Hamir
Dev to the throne.’ The Sultan wondered, and was amazed at 1985.
this andacity, and enquired of his most shrewd and astute Amire
the reason why the people had so turned against him, and why
these continual riots and seditions were 80 constantly occurring,
aud further sought to know how to sct about remedying these
evils, They shewed him several paths of conduct which would
end naturally in four things Firstly, that the king should in
his own person be aware of the enterprises both good and bad
which are going on in his kingdum. Secondly, that he should
put an end to wine bibbing, which is the source of so much evil,
Thirdly, abandonment by the mahks of their gadding about to
each others’ houses and holding deliberative meetings! Fow thly,
to demand back the money which he had lavished, from all
classes, whether soldiery or populace, becanse it 1s the fountain
head of all riot and sedition, especially upstarts and nouteaua reches,®
and in ashoit time these regulations would by their inherent
good, be acceptable to the Rais, and pass from potentiality to
actuality yust as has already been related in a former place.
The Sultén did away with wine drinking, and brought tho other

Thon Almighty God wished to send a warning to him and to his host,”
calling him to repentance, and he chose to himself Hid abn Khalid who
came und called upon Shaddid to behovo and confess the powcr and umity
of God, but he persisted 1n his idolatry and disobedience. Then Hiid waned
him of punishment to come and of the full of lus kingdom, but he would
not be moved from bis ovil ways”
At lust he was wformed that the city was fimshed and he get out te go to
it with three hundred thousand, leaving all his kingdom to hia aon Miisad
who had it 18 said believed in the words of Hid When Shaddid arrived
with ono day’s journey of Iram a voice came from heaven, and he and all
who were with him fell dead, not one remained, and ali who were mm the erty
died, the workmen and artficers, the agents and warriois, not a soul remained
ahve. ‘And the city sank into the earth ”
Muyamu-l-Buldin Yiqit Vol. I.
{ MS. (A) rende pat in place of pol
2 The Persian phrase 18 d\fie het y. Naukisald + salu
 [ 264]
regulations also into force, and aleo published several new rules
of Ris own, which have never been heard of eithor before or
after his time, whether they were in accordance with religious
Jaw or not ; one of these rules was that regulating the price of
grain, aud cloth, and borses, and all necessaries essential to the
comfort of the soldiery and popalace, and the bestowal of rewards
and alms upon all classes of the people, the detail of which is told
at some length in the history of Zid-i Barni.| Those laws were
the most extraoidimary of all this cheapness of provisions was
one of the chief sources of the prospeuty of the people, and
formed a stout wall of defence against the irruption of the
Mughols, And inasmuch as in mentioning some of these events
wa occurrences in the original work,’ the chronological sequence
har not been preserved, and they have been only incidentally
mentioned as occasion arose, for this reason they have also been
recounted here 1n the same munnner.
196. In the year 700 H. he ordered ‘Ainu-l.Mulk Shihab Multani to
proceed to Malwa with a large army [and Koka the Rani who
had forty thousand cavaly and 100,000 mfantry, not being able
to stand aguinst kim fled]* ‘Ainu-l-Mulk ravaged and pHlaged
that country and returned victorious with countless spoils* The
Khusrit of poets has described this in the ‘Ashiga, in these words .
He gave ‘Ainu-l-Mulk a signal with his brow
To turn his face towards the kmgdom of Malwa;
From the clear-mghtedness which ‘Aimu-I-Mulk possessed,
That which he ordered was brought into sight
He marched with an army drawn up in array,
And placcd :ound them sentinels like the eyelashes, §
And i the year already mentioned the Sultdn set out for
Soruth® ona hunting expedition, and despatched to hell Sutal

' The Yis7kh-1-Feos Shahi Eliot and Dowson, TIT pp 192 et seqg
MMB (A) WES chalyo :
8 The words in bruckots ate not foand in MS (A).
* Fuighta gives tho date of this expedition as 701 H and calls Koka the
Raji of Malwa, ‘Tho icxt and MS (B) reads sl) Rani
§ There 18 n stiies uf play upon the words (ps? ‘arn
and 8X0 dida both
of which mean “eye” which is quute lost m tranalati
on,
8 MS (A) reads Sloe, Sawing The text has By ga0 Sorath
Akburi Wf. (0) 243, 358, Boy ley, Hust of Guyyardt p. 2 Aine:
 as

[ 265}
Dev a rebel who had taken refage in that fortress with a huge
army, the Sultan's army having before been unable to reduce it, but
it now fell into their hands. And in the year 701 H. (1301 A.D.)
the fort of Jalor was reduced by Kamalu-d-Din Kark and he sent
Knohar Dev, a headstrong rebel to the lowest abyss of hell.
And in the year 702 H. (1302 A.D.) he sent Malik Kafar Naib!
with a large army and complete equipment towards Tilang and
Marhat! and an immense quantity of treasure with eleplanta
and horses, jewels and cloths, fell as spoil into the hands of the
troops
And in the year 709 (1309 A.D.)® Malik Naib Kafir went a
second time to Arankal* and having taken much treasure and
several fine elephants and seven thousand horses asa present
from Rai Nadar Dev the Governor of Arankal made him a
regular tributary. And in the year 710 H. (1310 A D.) the country 197.
of Ma‘bar® as far as Dhor® Samundar came into the possession
of the Muslima.
And in the year 711 H. (1311 A.D.) Malik Naib brought to court
and presented his spoils consisting of three hundred an! twelve
elephants, and twenty thousand horses, ninety-six thousand mans
of gold, ond many chests of jewels and pearls besides other

LMS (A) reverses the order of this name. The text has 9° ual,
8 Telagé or Telingéna, the ancient name of one of the principal kingdoms
of § Indi See Ain-i-Akbari II. (J) 287; also Hunter my. Gas. I. art
Andhra; also Cunningham Ane. Geog. of India p, 619, 527,
8 There is a great gap here in the history partly due to the confusion of
antes, and absence of chronological sequence mentioned by the author. Barni
gives no asswtance and Firishta very little,
4 Warangal was the ancient capital of Telingins (Tieff III. 5) See Huxter
Imp. Gas XILI. 521. Begardmg Marhat or Maharashtra see Hunter, Imp.
Gus IX 166; also Grant Duff, Hytory of the Mahrattas, Preliminary Observa-
tions; also Cunningham, Ane Geog. of India p. 558,
Arangal or Warangal. Barni gives Laddar Dev as the name of the Bii of
Arangal. Elliott III 201. So also Firighta See text I. p 207.
5 Ma‘'bar. Coromandel. See Ibn Batitah (Pama Edn) IIT, 328, Ain.é.
Akbari (Jarrett) IIT 61,60. Abn-l-Feda (Reinand) I cpxxviii.
Ma‘bar extends from Killam (Oavalum) to Niléwar (Nellore). Wansif (Band
D ITT 2).
6 Finshta says Khwija Haji and Mahk Niib were sent to conquer Ma‘bar
and Dhor Samund where there were idol temples full of gold, and jewels. 1
cannot identify Dhor Samand.
34
 [ 266J
booty beyond the limits of compatation; Amir Ebusri who
was with that army has given fall particulars in the Kdusdinu-l.
Futdh;: some attributed these victories to respite befure panish-
ment, and some to the miracalous powers of Sultan ‘Algu-d-
Din, while others held that the peace and' security of that reign
were due to the unbounded blessings of the Sultanu-]-Maghiikh
Nigama-l-Auliyé! may God) sanctsfy has resting-place.
At length when the Sultau’s mind was satisfied, and he gained
some leisure from the administration of the State, he set himself
to provide for the future of his two sons, allotting to each one
a province in the neighbourhood, and setting apart districts for
them, Among other events was the marriage of Khizr Kban to
Dewal Rani, and Girdi's account is of a nature to last tuall eternity,
and those who have the taste may read the account of that in
the ‘Ashiqa;* then having bestowed upon Khizr Khan the canopy
and staff of office, and having made him his heir the Sultén sent
him away to Hatnapir * and the foot of the hills, When affairs
were settled,® and the heavens began to act with their ingrained
natural deceit, and commenced displaying those evil tratts, and
old age overcame the Sultan's health, his followers deserted him;
Verse.

In the world, when a king becomes advanced in years

His worshippers grow weary of him;
His head, which is worthy of a crown,
He must recline on musk not on ivory.$
198 Varions disorders affected him,’ and hectic fever which leads® to

1 Nyamud-d-Din Anlfyi was the son of Ahmad Diny$l. He was born at

Badion He died AH 725 and 1s boned at Ihhii,
Bee din-+-Akbari JI! 365, Finghta gives a long
biography of him,
$ MS. (A) omits ah.
§ See Eand D III 652, 563.
$ Text reads j92 ie = M8. (A) reada psi Bostinawar (? Hatniwar)
Bee Ain-s-Akbavi (5) If 104 and 111. 70 alao Hunter Gaz Ind
v 352.
OMS (A) ed LS.
© It was the custom to bury kings with musk, camphor
and other odori-
ferous substances The throne was of ivory,
TMB (A) 9 o4 pyle
8 MB. (A) reads qamyhove for qamye,
 [ 267}
ill-temper, and suspiciousness, and canees the health to become
deranged, gained the mastery over him, aud when only such a
szall amount of sheqlth remained that it was like a single lamp
to light the ‘whole house, Kbizge Khao in falfilment of a vow he
had made, in singleness of heart and sincerity of spirit set ont
from Hatnapir! hatefooted upon a pilgrimage to the holy men
of Dihit, and performed ins thanksgiving for the restoration of
his father's health, but it is a very strange fact that he never
ance went to visit the Sultanu-l-Mashaikh wal Auliya,
“ Shaikh of the secta, Pillar of the faith, Nizimu-d-Din
Like Khbizr and Masih, with a breath brings bones to life
with whom he was connected by bonds of affection and sanctity.
And Malik Naib info: med the Sultan of the coming of Khizr
Khan with considerable embellishment, saying that Alp Khan,
the maternal uncle of Khigr Khan, who had arrived from Gujrat,
out of policy and prudence, having 1egard to the affuirs of the
State and in his desire to hecome Naib and Vakil, had himself
summoned his sister's son, and further remarked that if this crude
idea and immature desire had not fised itself iy the mind of
Khizr Khan, why had he come unbidden to the Court?
The Sultan whose health was upset, and his brain disordered
and disposed to entertain absurd prejudices, in according with
the saying,* “ When a man’s health is disordered his fancies are
disordered,” from his great lack of discrimination taking this
suggestion as the actual fact, and regarding this asscrtion® as the
truth, instantly gave orders for the execution of Alp Khin, ,

Mahk Nath and Mahk Kamalu-d-Din Kark seizing that un-

happy wretch like a meek lamb, cut him to pieces inside the Royal
palace After that Malik Naib induced the Sultan (on the ground
that Khizr Khan had taken alarm at the murder of his uncle
and that it was not expedient for him to return to his own
place in the court), to issue instructions that, to allow of
the restoration* of order in tho State, he should go for some 199

1 MS. (A) reads Hatn@wer. Khusri in the ‘Ashiqa states “ Whea the
Saltin recovered msome degree, Khizr Khin set out on lis expedition to
Bataopin.” (BE and O IIT, 664).
“ #MS. (Ale
8 MS. (A) reads wie,
© MS, (A) omits go} toxt line 1 and dy? text line 2.
 f 268j
time to Amroba till » command should issue summoning him
to the presence. In the meantime he might engage in hunting,
and he was to return to the Court bis canopy and staff of
office, and all the other insigan of royalty. Khizr Khau having
obeyed this order with a sed and distracted heart, after a
little while relying upon the sincerity of affection he enter-
‘ained for ius father and the confidence between them, wrote
© him to this effect,! that he had ueve: committed any breach
of trast which could cause the Sultan to be so wroth with
him; then overcome by sorrow he determined to leave Amroha
for Nihli. When he arrived to do obeisance to his father, the chord
of fatherly affection was stured in the heart of the Sultan, he
clasped his son to his brenst, and kissed him several times on the
forehead, and motioned to him to go and see his mother. Khigr
Khan went thither, and Mahk Naib out of villainy? on the
instant went back to the Sulta@n and filled his ears with lies,
saying,® ‘Khizr Khan has now come for the second time to
the palace with evil intentions without orders, and the Sultan
takes no notice of the matter’ The Sultan upon this occasion gave
orders to send both brothers, Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan, to the
fortress of Gwahair* Malik Natb, after these two heirs had been
deported, and the way was clear for Mahk Shihabu-d-Din, the
son of the Sultan by another mother, who was yet a lad of tender
years, made him hoir-apparent and exacted from him an agreement.
After two or tliree days the Sultin’s life became intolerable
through Lis affliction, and he would willingly have purchased a
breath at the price of a world, bat it was not to be had.
Verse
Sikandar, who held sway over a world,
At the time when he waa departing, and was quitting the
world,
It could not be as he wished, thongh he would have given
a world could they have given him in return the brief
respite of a moment,

4 I follow the text here. MS. (A) omita (ye

y@
& MS (A) reads hist sy3
8 MS, (A) omits colif y and mserta a
#MB (A) ge. Kalewar.
 [ 269]
The mint of Existence was emptied of the coin of life.
This event took place in the year 715 H (1316 A.D.).! The
duration of the reign of Sultan ‘Aléu-d-Din was twenty-one
years. (
‘Alau-d-Din who struck his stamp upon the golden coin
Sabdued a woild beneath the palm of Ins gold-scattering
hand,8
By the revolution of the sky, that stamp became changed,
but that gold '
Remained the same in appearance, and you may see it now
passing from hand to hand.
{Accountof Amir Khusrf and Mir Hasan may God have
mercy on them ].®
And among the poets* by whose existence the reign of Sultan
‘Alau-d-Din was adorned and honoured, one was the Kbusri-i-
Sha‘iran (Prince of Poets), may God shew him mercy and acceptance,
whose writings, whether prose or poetry, have completely filled
the world from one remotest end to the other.
He completed his five works, collegtively called KAamsa,’ in the
year 698 H. (1298 A. D.), in honour of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din,

1 MS. ,A) reads cyeei Khamé in place of ce ast and this is correot
as ‘Alia-d-Din died on the 7th Shawwil 715 H see Eand D ITI 558, but eee
alsu p 208. “On tho sixth Shawwil towards morning, the corpse of ‘Aliu-d-
Din was brought out of the Red Palaco of Siti, and was buried inn tomb in
front of the Jimi Maspd” (Torikh-t-Firuz Shahi) See also Thomas Pathén
Kanga of Dikli p 168" 1.
2MS (A) Sawd 9S Y } See Thomas Pathan Kings pp. 138 et seqq,
8 These words are not found in MS (A).
$ MS. (A) reads whe}
aF cotyns Kom i».
& These were the following —
eealigt Cad Hasht Bihtsht als wWiGe Sikandar ndma
wie 3 as! Latli wa Manin. gym y wip Shirin wa Khusrit.
3d Panj gan)
Khusra was of Tarki origm, ins father Amir Majmid onme to Dihli during
the mvasion of Changiz Khin into the service of Sulfan Mubammad ‘Tnghlaq
Sbih by whom he was advanced to high office, bat was eventually murdered,
Mir Khusrit succeeded hi father, but gave up office and became the devoted
disciple of Nigimu-d-Din Auliyé. His A/amea wae written in imtntion of
the Khamsa of Shukh Nizgimi.
He ws said to have written 400,000 couplets Neither KAnmeu is now extant,
 [ 270}
within the space of two years. Among these works is the Mafla'u.
LAnwar! which he composed in two weeks as he himself says (in
these verzes) :
The year of this ancient heaven which had passed away
‘Was after six hundred and ninety eight
Following on the steps of the sky traversing star*
In two weeka did the full noon § arrive at completion.
In the Nafakat* it is stated upon the authority of Sulténu-l-
Mashaikh Nigamu-l-Auliya, may God sanctify his sacred resting-
place, that on the day of judgment each individual will boast
of some one thing, and my boast (said he) will be of the heart-
burnings of this Turk Allah® (God's champion); Mir Khusri
probably alludes to this when he says :—
huerd my friend, strive in the right way
201. That you may be called Turk-1-Khuda (God's champion)
Another poet was Mir Hasan Dihlavi,® whose anthology also
has enslaved the east and west of the world. Although in that
reign there were other poets who composed anthologies, still by
reason of these two eminent poets the mention of the others sinks
into inmgnificance,
“When the sun comes out the stars disappear.”
The death of Mir Khusri took place in the year 725 H (1325
A.D) He 16 buried in Dihli at the foot of the sacred tomb of his

1 The Dr) albe Maflau-l-Anwa “Ortns uminnm. Poema persicum,

quod od Pentada Khosrew Dehlew, anno 725 (inc 18 Dec 1824) mortui,
pertinet = Vignnta hbri qm singuli histomam unam coutinent” HK 12256
s p> wa SA! Abitar vgardin khtrén, 8 OalS de Maher-Kimil,
ele Nufahit The Nofahatu-l-Uns see Hay Khalifah
Nofuhatu-t uns “halitus fanvheritatis e vins ganctitate eminentabus
prodeuntes, anctore Molla nostro Nur-ed-din Abd-ol-rahmin Ben Ahmad
Jimi anno 898 (me 23 Oct 1492) mortuo.” H K 18922
6 AU) Sp. Turk Allah.
‘ isles Umyi®, Mir Hasnn Dihlavi, whose name was Shakh Naymu-d-
Din Hasnn, was one of the most accomphshed poets of hig time THe, hke
Mir Khueri, was a dweiple of Nizgima-d-Din Auliyé, Majma'u-i-Fugahé 1
106) He died as our author tells us (in 789 AH) at Danlatabid in the
Decean, where he was buried, So also Atagh Kada p 351,
 t

{ 271|
own spiritual instractor ! may God ahew mercy to them. Maulané
Shih&b* wrote an enigmatical chronogram upon that, and having
had it engraved upon a@ tablet of stone had it fixed above the
shrine of Mir Kbaerd. It 18 as follows —
Mir Kbuerd, the Kbusra of the kingdom of éloquence,
That ocean of excellence, and sea of perfection;
His prose is more attractive than flowing water,
His poetry purer than the most limpid streams;
A sweet-singing nightingale without a rival,
Honey-tongued parrot without an equal:
In tracing the date of the year of his death,
When I placed my head upon the knee of thought,
One plirase ‘Adinw-i-Migl* came as the date,
Another was 7'afi-t-Shakar Maqal.*
Mir Hasan, in the year in which Sultan Mubemmad having
laid waste Dibli built Daulatabid* in the Deccan, died in that

1 Nigimu-d-Din Anliy&.
§ See p. 99 note 2 of this wuk,
8 There 18 no English equivalent that I am aware of for the word ji}
which means “a place of pilgrimage.” The word “ shrue” conveys this ides
better than moat others
# The letters of bel ide gave the date 725 Thar 7044410440 +14
80+404500+4 80. Bo also do those of «fide
XS vet. Thos 946494
10 +800 + 20 + 200 + 40 + 1004+1+80=726, Not counting the hamza
Mir Khuari died in the month of Ramasén 725 A. H (1885 AD) and is
end in the Mayma‘u-l-Fuguhdé to have beon buried in the banal place of
Ghakh Shakkar Ganj; as above stated in the text he was buried close to the
grave of his sprmtnal guide Nigimn-d-Din Auliya,
§ ‘Adimu-l-Mial means “ veerless.” Tifi-s-Ghakkar Maqél, “ Parrot of honied
speech oe

6 MS, (A) omits cca lee oli} ending d9y5 yread,

Daulatibad. Lat 10°57’ N. and long, 75°18’ EB 28 miles N-W of Hyderabad,
It was onginally called Deogin or Daogarh, and was the capital of the
Yadava kingdom. After bemg taken by ‘Aléa-d-Din, which event 1 note-
worthy as being the first appearance of the Muhammedans in the Decoan,
it was given back to ita Raja Ramchandia who rebelled, was subdued by
Naib Mahk Kafir, taken prisoner and sent to Dihli whence he was restored
to his kingdom Fivsally in 1888 (780 A.H.) Muhammad Tughlag Shih
 [ 272]
country, and war buried in the city of Danlatabad where his
sunctity
tomb is well known, and is visited as a shrine of
‘Arif Jami! may his resting-place be sanctified, saye~

Those two parrots from whose birth

Hindustan was filled with sngar,
Became at last a mark for the arrow of the sky
‘And were silenced and prisoned im the cage of earth.

Surpin Suimisu-p-Dinw inn ‘ALAv-p-DIN KRiL31

202. Who wasa child, ascended the throne as a puppet in the month
of Shawwal, 715 A.H. (1316 A.D.) by the exertious, and with
the consent of Malik Naib, and was styled by the above title
He sent Mahk Ikhtiyaru-d-Din Sanbal to the fortress of Gwaliar
to put out the eyes of Khizr Khan and Shadi Khan. He alsa
paused the mother of Khizr Khan, Malika-i-Jahan, to be im-
prigoned, and confiscated all her property, and having thrown the
Shahzada, whose name was Mubarak Khan, into prison, intended
to put ont his eyes, but fate did not second his efforts.

deserted Dili for Deogiri which he renamed Daulatabid and issued stringent
orders to all the imhabitants of Dihli to remove to the new capital
Ibn Batita (Paria Edn IV. 46) who visited at this time, compares it to the
former capital, and sey that the citadel was named poy. This was evi-
dently the old name of the city, Deogir aa we should probably read pa
1 Niro d-Din ‘Abdu-r-Rahmin was bornin 817 A.H. (1414 A.D) at Jim
Ehoriain, whence he took the name of Jimi
Hie father’s namo waa Nizamo-d-Din Ahmad. He was from his earliest
years distinguished for lis mental powers, and at the early age of five
yeovived the name of Niro-d-Din (Light of the Faith) and later he was
known as Maulini. He became very famons and attamed to the highest
dignity attainable by a mystic, that of ‘Anf. He wrote many works in
poetry, grammar and theology, among others the Haft Aurang, a series of
geven*poems, 112, Srsilatu-l-Zahab, The golden chain , Qssya-t-Balaman .
Abedi, Story of Salimin and Absil, Tubfatu-l-Ahror; The Offering t the
Wie, SubAatu l-abrar, Rosary of the Pious, Yusuf wa Zulestha Yon t 4
Zuleikhe, Laili va Muyniin, Laliand Majnin Khirad Nama Book Window
He died in tho year 898 H. (1402 A.D ) , ™
Seo Hiyi Khalifah 14412 Yusuf and '
(Dect. of Or. Boog) p 132, Wf ond Zuleskha (Gnifith's Preface) Beale
 [ 273]
When his attempte to uproot the family of ‘Alu-d-Din became
known, two sirdars named Mubashghir and Baghir in concert with
& bodyof pathsof the garrison of the Hazir Sutin palace, one
night murdered Malik Naib,! ,;
Verse,
If thon doest evil, hope not for good,
For never wilt thou gather grapes from thorns ;
I do not imagine that thou who hast sown barley in autamn
When harvest comes wilt gather in wheat.
Then, having released Shahzada Mubarak Khan from prison,
they appointed *® him to be Naib to Sultan Shihabu-d-Din in
place of Malhk N&ib: Mubarak Khan carried on the affairs of the
state for one or two months after that, and succeeded in conciliat-
ing the Amirs and Malike. Then he sent Sultén Shibabu-d-Din
to the fortress of Gwaliar where he finally died in the year 716 H.®
Verse, “
No one has ever seen a trace of fidelity in Time,
Everyoue who seeks fidelity from Time is in error.
The Sirdars having put some of these paiks to death,* scattered 203.
the rest of them 1m all directions.
Verse,
Good requites good, and evil meets with evil,
This is the way of the world. requital of actions.
And the period of the reign of Shihabu-d-Din was three
months and a few days.
Sutzin Qurev v-Din Musinax Span ren ‘Aniv-p-Din Karst.
Ascended the throne of Dibli with the consent of the Amirs

1 Thirty-five days after tho death of ‘Aliu-d-Din (Barni) i. 715 H.

(1816 A.D.)
2 Mg. (A) Oldsto,S Lpaie,
8 There is as difference here of great importance between the printed text
and the MS. The former has 710 H. winle MS. (A) reads 716 H, which is
correct, as is seen from the Nuh Sepshr of Mir Khuari.
4 MB. (A) bopley lily,
With regard to the succession of §hibibn-d-Din, see Firishts, who
describes lim by the name of ‘Omar Khin (Brigg's Firighta 1. 843). His
foll namwe was Shrhibu-d-Din ‘Umar according to Mir Khnari.
85
 [ 274J
and Vasirs in the early part of the year 717, HH! and ap-
portioning appointments and suitable g@egirs among hia moet
trusted Awirs, specially distingnisbed by promoting to high
office one Hasan, Barawar bacha,! who was very handsome,
and had been brought as a captive from Malwa. He had been the
protégé of Mahk Shadi Naib-1-Kbass, the Haid of Sultan ‘Aliu-d-
Dins
He gave him the title of Khusri Khia. The tribe of Barf war *
bea family of servile position in Gujrat ; but now in the kingdom
of Dihli, the Sultan, to snch an extent was he infatuated by his
beautiful faco, raised him, in spite of his unfitness for the office,
to the trusted post of Vazir
Verse.
If thou desirest thy kingdom to be glorious
Give not high office to an upstart;
Culess thou wishest that thy state should be ruined
Entiust not thy affeirs to the inexperienced,
And Sultéu Qutbu-d-Din, masmuch as he had undorgone the
affuction of imprisonment, on the very first day of his reign had
all the prisones hberated, and appomted Mahk Fakhru-d-Din
Jing the Son of Ghazi Mahk, who eventually was entitled
Mubammad ‘Adil, to be Mir Akhor5
In the first year of hus reign he contemplated the conquent of
Deogir otherwise called Daulatabad,’ but his Amirs opposed and
dissuaded him.

1 Bo also the Tarikh-1-Firoz Shahi of Barui, but Khusrit in both the ‘Ashiga
and Nuh Sipshr, anys the beginning of 716 H In the latter poem the date is
apeoifioully stated to have been the 24th of Muharram, 716 H. But Firishta
gaye the 7th of Muharram, and the editor states in a footnote to the transia-
tion of the Nuk Suprhr, that w some loose extracts the date is 717 H.
‘Alau-d Din having died on the 7th Shawwil 715 and Shihabu-d-Din
having reigned three months and s few days, would bring the accession of
Qojba-d-Din to about the middie or end of Malhairam 716, so that we may
oonsider thia as the correct date unless there was an interregnum of a whole
year, of which there 1s no evidence
® MS. (A).
3.MS. (A) omits y after cele. # MS. (A).
5 Master of the Horse. Akhor isa Tarkish word signifying stable. Of.
Akhta, « Torki word signifying, a gelding
6 Beo Pp. 271 note 6,
 { 275 J

Verse,

Tt was not deemed expedient, from motives of wisdom,

That the world’s king should move from his place;
Who knows, what are the hidden designs of evil wishera, 204.

Or wha, in all sincerity, is well disposed to the king?

In the year 718 H (1318 A.D.) Sultan Qutbu-d-Din sent Sar
Salahi Kotwal! with orders to proceed to Gwiliir and put to
death Kbigr Khan and Shadi Khan. Having done this he sam-
moned Dewal Rani and included her in his garam With
reference to this Mir Khusra writes: '

Verses.
In short one who is acquainted with the secrot of this mystery
In this way opened the door of tls treasmry of secrets,
That when the Sultan Mubarak Shah in oruelty
Tornéd agaiust his own kith and kin with anger and frown-
ing,
He considered that the interests ot the country demanded
their murder,
And thought that they deserved the sharp sword.
His object was to empty the country of noble men by mali-
cious enterprise.
Secretly he sent » messengor to Khizr Khan
Making treacherous protestations of hearty good will
Saying, Oh thon shining light who remainest far from the
assembly,
Thy body ill at ease and thy countenance without light;
Thou knowest that thus 1s none of my doing,
The oppressed remains wlule the oppieasor disappears.
If thou art imprisoned, by the Lord of the world
When the time comes he himself will loosen these bonds.
In this matter haste and anxiety are not fitting,
An elephant extricates ituelf from the mue by patient on-
deavour,
» Now, we too are engaged in plumbing this matter
So that by clever contrivance we may fice you from that
captivity
*
LA roffian named Shadi’ (Mi Khusré Band D Lil, 653.)
 [ 276]
Tf thou art fitted to become s king
We will make thee ruler over a wide kingdom.
But the affection for some one which springs in thy heart
Is not fitted for the loftiness of thy ambition.
Dewal Rani who is but a handmaiden to thee,
For whom even were the moon needed as handmaid this were
an easy matter,
I have heard that she is so dear to thee
That thy cypress-like form stoops to kiss her feet.’
This is not fitting that from shortsightedness
The king should be enslaved by a slave.
The gourd is in any case of no account in the garden .
That it should attempt to raise its head in emulation of the
Ohinar.
A straw which places its foot upon the face of the stream
Is carried hither and thither by the wind and buffeted by the
floods.!
(My heart's desire makes this request, that thou should’st give
up that mistress of thine.]
Since she went from here, send her back hither agaia
Send her to take her place at the foot of my throne.
When the infatuation of thy mind is somewhat leas
We will send her back to thee to be thy handmaid.
When the messenger went and took back the message
Khyr Khan's heart no longer enjoyed apy rest,
First he wept tears of blood which flooded his eyes and lips,
Then he sent back an answer mingled with blood
Saying, since the Shah has attained his ambition
in becoming
& sovereign,
He wast leave Dewal Rani to me.
If however you desire to deprive me of this
wealth
You desite to see me despoiled of wealth
and light.
Since this heart’s delight holds her head
ag high as mine
Cut off my head, afterwards thou wilt
know,
When the messenger, from that grief-stricken
soul

1 Here follows in the text the follo

wing verse given above in brackets,
wane OH» crt pA} wt} AF cuulyd dikebe ls colial
1h & footnote saying that this verse
1s in the ‘Ashiga but in none of the
three MBS, It as also not in MS, (4.)}
"
 [a7]
Bore those fiery sighs to the palace of the king,
The Emperor waxed wrath from head to foot
From his heart he smiled, as lightning smiles in the cloud,
The flame of the fire of ! enmity shot forth,
He whe sought a pretext, was provided with a new one!
In anger he sent for Sar Salahi (the Kotwal)
Saying you must travel this day before nightfall a hundred
kroha;
Go to Gwiliar at this moment without delay,
And with the aword cut off the heads of the lions of the
country,
That I may be safe from the nobles of the country;
Because this disturbance, small as it is, risks the existence of
the country.
At his order the tyrant set ont,
The pigeon was tied *“ by the foot and the hawk hungry.
In that day and night he travelled several leagues
He arrived and again imprisoned him intending (to kill him).*
He made known the orders he had received from the throne,
The garrison of the fort set about carrying out this severe
measure;
The ruthless soldiery entered shamelessly* into that pure
place of chastity,
The veiled ladies® were thrown into consternation and screamed
so that the roof and doors shook with their cries,
In that palace every arrow-like beam? became curved like a
bow,
The day of resurrection became a guest in that Paradise ;
From the corners of the rooms in great conste: nation
The male hona leapt forth in wrath,

1 MS, (A) reads 45b} 05 wat Hed,

8 MS. (A) reads lg: dul ly cegm cols,
8 MS (A) OY. The toxt has a misprint dia,
# The text is wrong here. MS, (A) reads correctly.

. Sinks
» Y ayF On y one)
8 MB. (A) agil gt &. # Ma. (A) wHdadys9p
1 x bas here the two meanings of arrow, and rafter or beam,
 { 278 ]
The arms had lost their strength, and the bodies their power,
Force was dead, and wit had sunk to sleep !
Shadi Khan Wala waxed wrath, and sought nid from the
protection of God most High,
Nimbly he leapt upon the Kotwal and fonght with him for a
long time, throw him to the ground and sought for & sword
wherewith to slay him
Inasmuch as he had lost hia sword of victory
What did that unattainable strength avail him ?
Alhes ran up to help him from ught and left
They fell one after the other and that fallen one rose up.
Each fierco (lon) was attacked by ten dogs,®
Seo how the dogs vent their wrath upon the hons,
Hey for the meauness of the cowardly sky
That permits dogs to hunt hons!
When they had forcibly bound those two prosperous chief-
tains,
The time bound the hunds of fortune and prosperity.
Those wondrous men fell into disgrace,
Blood-veeking swords appeared on cvery sido
When the murderons clashing of daggers was heard,
The blood-thirsty murderor appeared from the door,
Hard as a rock,’ sourco of grief, though his name was Shadi
(Joy)
As repulsive as the document of a dowry, and the grief
arising from debt.
Artful enough to depose Dajjal* from his place,

1 Addy pda O98 Bay Wy) MG (A).

PMB (A) Corby ohn han 95 0h Ls ys,
BMS. (A) codlen
§ les .Uot Ad-Dayat called also td eo Al-Masiha-l-Kazzab
Tho false Christ or Antichnst who 18 to appear
as une of the signe precedmy
the resoricction Cf 2 Thess u, So called according to some because he
will oover the earth with his adherents hke aa
the tar covers the body of
the mangy camel, the word
Jay dajala in Arabic having the primaiy
meaning of smoanng with tar
According to others he is ao called becau
se of hig lying (sccondary mean-
aug of as) 1n arlovating to hunself
Rodahip, o: nga from Jas dayjala
vegthewee twofold mguiicauon of
yn “ covering”
g” (tiuth
L with
i falsehood) or “ * gild-gid
 [ 279]
Hideous enough to make Satan forgetful of his own ugliness;
On each side of his face was gathered a dark cloud,!
From evety hair sprang a sword?
Fierce wrath us cutting 9s the executioner’s sword,
A glance as piercing as the chisel of Farhad ;*
His lips wreathed in an angry smile,
Throngh wrath seizing‘his lips between his teeth
His one desire and wish waa revenge and punishment,
From head to foot a statue of hatred and acorn;

According to the Mishkit, Dajjil will be the second of tho ten signs or
tokens which are to precede the resurreotion. After three of theae signs have
ocourred, namely, the rising of tho ann in the west. the comng of Dayal,
and the appearance of the boast which is to emerge from the mountain of
Safab, repentance will no longer avail anythmg,
The coming of Dajjal ws to be a time of calamity euch as haa nover hefore
been known He is of low statare though balky, with splay feet, blind, with
the flesh even on one aide of his face without the mark of an oye. His
right. eye is blind, lke the seed of a grape, and the word AF kur,
Infidelity, is written between his eyes, he is to appear from the middle of a
road between Syria and ‘Iraq and will mislead on the mght hand and on the
left The repetition of the Chapter of the Cave (Qur‘in XVIII) will bea
means of repelling his wukedness. He will not be able to enter either
Mecca or Medinah, His stay upon earth ig to Inat forty days, one day equal
to a year, and auother day equal toa month, another dey hke a week and
reat of the days like ordinary days Dajjél will it 18 suid bestow great
abundance upon those who believe in him, but sorely affiict those who reject
bum. Ho 1s to perform miracles such as killing a youth by severing jam in
two with a sword and restoring him to hfe, Then Jegus will descend from
heaven and will destroy Dajjal at tho entrance to a village called Lud in
Palestine Tho Jews of Isfahin will follow Dajjsl before whose coming
there will be three years daring the firat of which the sky will withhold one-
third of its ram and the earth one-third of her prodactions, during the
second the aky will withhold two-thirds and the earth two-thirds, during
the third neither sky nor earth will yiold rain uor produce, and every animal
jn the earth will die He will then come forth upon a whie ass, the space
between the sara of which 18 seventy feet.
t His whiskers 3 MS. {A) Sins»). The text reads Aieay yy,
2 days Farhad See Beale Dict. Or Buy p. 87. for the story of Parhid
who in order to gain the lovely Shirin, with whom he was madly in love,
attempted to cut through s mountam; he was on the point of completing
bis labonr when false intelligence waa sent to him by the husband of Shirin
that she was dead, whereapon ke cast himself headlong and waa dashed in
pieces.
 { 280]
When he gave the signal and btandished his sword on all sides !
Not one leapt like lightning from that mass of clouds.
May God have mercy !
How could anyone draw the sword of revenge upon that
crowd of moonlike faces.
‘Whose heart would not be torn with distracting grief
In pity for eo many young and beautiful men P
Oh Lord! may the breast of heaven be rent a hundredfold
To think that it haa brought so many noble ones to the dust.
How ean you look for pity for the blood he sheds, in the heart
of the butcher P
Whose one desire is to seo his knife stained with blood,
When the bloody butcher binds roses upou his head,
Why should he withhold his knife from the rose-like body ?
Since no one of them desired that the sword should succeed
in shedding their blood,’
There leapt from their midst like a whirlwind
A man of low origin, a Hinda by birth
Dusky of hue, hike to Ahmman?
Nay! a thousand Ahimans would stand aghast at his face
Gnief-incieasing ke the pleasure of those in distress,
Wrong in judgment like the iutellect of young people;
Unlucky to look upon as a young owl,
Like a morning in Dai* at Ghaznin cold and inhospitable ;
Like the night of sorrow his forehead full of gloom,
Like the nature of a wicked man, accursed.
A lip like the sole of a ploughman’s foot,
A cheek like the mouth of a man with paralysis ;
That hideous one had a mouth lke a helmet,
His smile like the yawning of a burst shoe ;
Long whiskers twisted over his ears

1 MB, (A) A eng Ol) pyh 9 25 yltt,

9MS, A fy o> &).
§ Ahrimio, the Satan of the Persians, is said in their traditions to have
been born out of the thought of the Almighty and of his pride in the world,
while the first man (whom they call Gaydmarth) was born from the sweat of
the brow of the Almighty wiped off in bewilderment at the sight of Ahrimin.
Bee Albirini (Chron ) p. 107.
* The tenth month of the Persian year. See Albirini (Chron.) p. 52.
It answers to our month of December,
 [ wi J
His whiskers taking the place of the ring in the slave's car;
Lightly he leapt out from the line of warriors,
[You would think that a wave of blood would burst from him, 206. |
His skirt tucked up in his wrathful haste, his slooves drawn
back for bloodshed.}!
He demanded a well-tempered sword from his offiver,*
Drew it, and tightened up the skirt of his tunic;
{The head of that cypress-like noble fell from his shoulders
He who was renowned for his youth and beauty] ®
Martyrdom was evident * in Khbizr in that palace;
Just as the tree praises God when its branches put forth leaves
The heaven kept lamenting over his punishment;
The angels continually assisted him in his martyrdom,
Rizwin threw open the gates of Paradise,
All the Hiiris began to sing his praises,
From that martyr’s shout of triumph which came forth from
the Shah,
The sun and moon joined in the martyr's song.
When the dagger was raised aloft and the Shah's face was
seen amid its clustering locks,
Lamentation arose in that assembly like ® the roll of thunder;
The sun made his body a shield to protect him,
Bat Fate turned it ou one side from before him.
When the sword of Fate severs the cord of Hope,
Neither sun nor moon can become a shield for thee;
With one blow which that ruthless one struck
He made the Shéh’s head a guest in his bosom.
To wash away the blood, the revolving water-wheel of the sky
Required that the spring of the sun should yield all ite blood ;
But, since there was no longer a breath of life in his body,
Of what avail was it to wash the blood from the surface of it,
Dewal Rani, who was a woman of dignity and beauty,
Was the hfespring of Khizr Khan's existence.

1 A footnote to the text states that these lines are not in either MS, MS,
(A) contaims then.
#3. (A) BdyLo,5 5.
8 ‘These lines are not in the text. MS. (A) reads
stl) ot gh pte yn HAS Oye LF 9 pe WHF oof51
4 MB, (A) cold, wal. & MS. (A) OF) wlap
36
 j 282j

Sinco the Khizr of the aky had lain in ambush to slay him
That very well of life! of his became the sword of enwity.
When we look m this crystal globe carefully
Many life giving springs are algo fatal to thoir Khizr.
The soul of the lover was poured out with his hfe blooa,
But still was hovering round about the beloved one
A rose from which thou bast tasted a pearl of dew,
Thou wilt shed thy blood* for it a hundred times.
Instead of rose water they drew his heart's blood from that
Prose,

See how they (mercilessly) robbed him of his Wslood !

And when the foundation stone of this edifice of lis desti uction
of the family of ‘Aléu-d-Din was Ind, the question was asked of
a devotec, why this should be P His :eply was becanse ‘Alau-d-Din
had cast a firebrand into the fanily > of the uncle of his bene-
factor, and as & consequence similar treatment had been meted out
to his own family.
Verse.

In this full voiced, re-echoing dome (the world)

Whatever speech you utter that same wall you hear,

At ali events, after the usurpation hy Sultin Qutbn-d-Din, all

the rules und regulations made by ‘Alau-d-Din, each of which
embodied some wise purpose or far-seemg design, were thrown
into confasion, and dissoluteness and wickedness, contumacy and
rebellion sprang anew to life during the reign of Sultén Qatbu-d-
Din, who threw open the doors of license and gratification of
draies to the people ; and when Mahk Kamaln-d-Din Garg, after
thut Alf Khan had been sammoned to the presence and had been
executed, proceeded to Gujrat where he attained martyrdom,
‘Ainu-l-Malk Multini was nominated by tho Court,s and having
quelled the disturbance there regaimed possession ® of Nahrwala
and all the country of Gujrat, Sultan Qutba-d-Din married the

1 ay'ty ats BMS (A) dp upd.

SMS (A) ronda. wlod instead of whey Hd and wuld in plece of
Ghela,
MB fA) am gyab BMS (A) 9 dyf Ens 5
 { 283]
daughter of Malik Dinar, and having given' him the title of
Zafar Kbiin gent him to Gujrat. He performed® the important.
duties of that province better and more satisfactorily than ‘Aina-l-
Malk, *
In the year 718 H, (1318 A.D.) Sultin Qutbu-d-Din marched
for Deogir with a larger army, and the Rais of that country were
not able to stand against him. ‘
He flayed’ Harpél Deo who had rebelied during the time which
followed the death of Rim Deo.4 The country of the Marhatias
also fell into the hands of Qutbu-d-Din who, having given Khusra
Khan the canopy and staff of office ordered him to proceed to
Ma‘bar, and having left Yaklakhi in Deogir as Naib, retarved to
Dibli. Near Badra-i-Sakan® Malik Asada-d/Din ibn Yaghrash
Khan who waa called Malik Khamiish, and who was the uncle's
son of Sultan ‘Aléa-d-Din, was smitten with the ambition of
chieftainship,® and plotted a rebellion againet the Sultén, who
however was warned? of this design by one of his loyal ad-
herents, and gave orders for the immediate execution of Malik
Asadnu-d-Din. He also sent orders that twenty of the relations of 210.
Yaghrash Khan who were aware of this conspi:acy ® some of whom
were children, should be executed, and when he reached Shain he
sent Shadi Kath ® his chief captain to Gwalidr to bring the family
and relations of the murdered Khigr Khan and Shadi Khan with
the remainder of the haram of ‘Aléu-d-Din to Dihili, after Laving

UMS, (A) insorts {yl ».

2 MS. A. OF 5. The textual reading is preferable
8 The Sultin ordered him to be flayed, and his skin to be hang over the
gate of Deogir.
4 MS. (A) omits 4, § Called Ghat-ieSakiin by Barni.
6 MS, (A) reads (oy TMB (A) Satay’
9d 2d,
8 There is a direct opposition here between the privted text ana the MS.
The latter MS. (A) writos diLSi9 pid Madly yf 9 OS, and this is adopted
as it seems more reasonable than that entirely innocent persons ‘should have
been put to death, though the statement that some were children is in keep-
ing with. the reading of the text, This lntter is moreover supported by the
statement of Barni. ‘‘ They had no knowledge whatever of the conspiracy,
but were all seized and slaughtered like sheep.”
9 MS. (A) reads 418 cost Shadi Kath, and this is the name give. also
in Barni's lustocy. Neithor the text nor the alteruative reading given ia its
fuotnote is correct.
 [ 284]
killed Sultan Shihdbu-d-Din, which he carried ont. Sulfén
Qutba-d-Din was led by the fact that Khigr Khin had beena
Gisciple of the Sult&nu-l-Mashaikh Nizggma-d-Din Auliy&, to
regard thst holy Shaikh with suspicion and distrust, and in
opposition to the wishes of the holy Shaikh, sent for Sheikh
Rakou-d-Din from Multan, and honoured Shaikbzada-i-Jém, who
was one of the opponents of Shaikh (Nigdmu-d-Din) with special
distinction.
Verse
When God ! desires to openly disgrace any man
He leads him to abuse those of holy and pare nature;
And if God desires to hide the sins of any man
He leads him to talk little about the sins of other sinners.

His habits also underwent great change, and his heart embol-
dened him to walk in the valley of bloodshed as his father had
done, 8o that rivers of blood began to flow, and he put to death
without any cause Zafar Khan Wali of Gujerat.
An the mean while Yaklakhi had prepared a rebellion in Deogir,
and had arranged to assume the insignia of royalty. At last
when Khusri Khan reached Deogir, the men of the army who had
been sent to Deogir seized Yaklakhi and made him over to
Kbusra Khan, who sent him bound to Dihli where he was execu-
ted. The Sultén* also put to death Malik Shahin who was
211 known by tho title of Wafa Malik, without any reason save the
representations of some intriguers.
In these days the Suitin used generally to array himself in
women’s garments, and adorning himself like them with gold aud
jewels, used to give public audience Moreover he openly indulged
in drinking and other forms of vice, inter marem feminamque
iscrimen nullomodo facere solebat.

Verse.
Btatora cujusvis ut littera Alf erecta, idem quod litters
Dal et Nin incurvescebat, adeo Alif in rimam omnium
inserebat.

1 MB. (A) omits the word 104. in error,

§ MB. (4) omits toe word willele buat it appears to be required.
 £285 ]
He used to commend buffoons and jesters to insult with jest
and witticisms his most trusted and eminent Amirs, as for in-
stance ‘Ainul Mulk Multéni and Qarabeg, who held fourteen ap-
pointments, and kammoning them for that purpose to the roof of
the Hasir Sutin palace, they used to perform low baffooneries, et
nudefacti, gestu turpi et obscceno, in vestes nobilium honoratoram
mingebant. Thus he prepared everything that was necessary
for the downfall of the kingdom.

Verse.

There was the rose, the leaf adorned it too.

And the kingdom seemed to say :—
Oh! King what can come to pass from wine bibbers
What too oan come to pass from unrestrained lust
The king maddened by lust, the empire ruined, the enemy
before and behind,
It is only too plain in such a case, what must come to pass.
And after the marder of Zafar Khan, he raised Husimu-d-Diu
who was half-brother! to Khusri Khan to succeed to the position
enjoyed by Zafar Khan and nominated him to proceed to Gujrat.
Huasamu-d-Din collected together the Barawar® crew from all
parts of that country and nursed a scheme of rebellion in hia
brain. The Amira of Zafar Khan's party® however sexzed him
and sent him to Dibli. The Sultan Jed by the feelings he enter-
tained towards Khusrii Khan took no steps to puvish Inm, but
had him set at hberty on the igstant and gave him extraordinary
privileges. Then he appointed Mahk Wahidu-d-Din‘* Quraighi,
to Gujrat in place of Husimu-d-Din. He it was who was the

1 Barni calla him yd yoly? which the translator renders maternal uncle,
But if our text 1s correct 1b would appear that he was not pole Joly? but
«exe sol) that is to say half-brother by the same mother, but by s different
father. This is the meanmg of the woid past Joly? here used, and would
further aocount for Barnl later on calling him baseborn.
MS: (A) gly! 8 MS, (A) wd Ab ¢otyor,
# Thos the printed text. Barni also calla him Wabidu-d-Din go] have
adopted this reading. MS, (A) reads WAM! @sey Wajihn-d-Din.
 { 286]
eause of the arrest of Yaklakhi,' Khueri Khan having arrived
en the frontier of Telinga, and having blockaded the Rai of that
country in one of his fortresses, accepted several head of elephants #
with treasure and valuables beyond all power of computation as
® present from him, and moved his camp towards the Maithili
country, and having gained possession of nine hundred and
twenty elephants and a diamond weighing six dirams, came into
the country of Ma‘bar, and relying on that * wealth entertained the
idea of disobedience and rebellion, and cbtaining permission to
remain there, put to death sevoral Amirs whom be had with him
Malik Talbigha Yaghda® and Malik Talbigha Nagori and Mahk
Haji Nab, with certam other Amirs of the Sultin's party, becoming
aware of his secret intentions threw him by force into a litter,
and, marching with all haste by forced marches, conveyed him
from Deogir to Dihli in seven days and acquainted the Sultan
with his nefarious designs. Khusri Khan however in the private
apartment of the palace where he enjoyed the special companion-
ship of the Saltén, gained him over by artful and specious
representations, and fully persuaded the Sultan of the villainy
of the Amirs® The Sultan took his words as Gospel, so greatly
was he inflaenced and contiolled by him, and was incensed against
the Amirs, censured them? severely and aubjected them to many
indignities, and although they brought forward many veracious
213 witnesses in support of their allegations it was all of no use, and
the wretched witnesses were severely punished
The story of Farazdaq the poet fits in with this, namely when he
accompanied by his wife, appealed to the Khalifah of Baghdad,
he got Ja‘far the Barmecide, to plead for him, and used his wife
Zubeide Kbatin asan intermediary. Hariin the Khalifah was

The printed text has simply gs#% bat MS (A) reads tS Yakiakhi.
Yokalakhi 1¢ will be renembered, had been appointed Governor of Deogir aftor
Harpal Deo had been taken and pat to death, According to Barni, Yaklukhi
was “an old servant of ‘Aliu-d-Din, who for many yeara was nail of tho
tarda” (couriers). Yakiakhi now revolted and was arrested by Wahidu-d-Din.
MS, (A) umite. & MS, (A) _» dye) 2S ym,
ous (A) dist wh cyl.
8 Ms (A) reads thos. Barni calla him Mahk Talbagha Yaghda
®MS (4) ommte wake after wits) bla.
TBS (A) omits wloet&
 [ 287j
favourably disposed towards Zubeida, and passed orders in ac-
cordance with the petition of the wife of Farazdaq.' He accord-
ingly wrote these lines :—
An advocate who appears before thee clothed
Is not like one who comes before thee naked? .
That is to say an intercessor who comes near thee wearing
drawers will not be eo influential as she who comes naked.
From that day this became a proverbial saying among the Arabs.
As soon as Khusrii Khan became quite assured in all ways of
his predominant influence over the Sultan, he gave orders for the
assembly of all his tribe from Gujrat and began to introduce
them into the seivice of the Sultan The Sultén reposed entire
confidence both in him® and in his family, and gave up the reins
of Government absolutely into his hands,* abandoning himself
to rioting and debauchery §

1 Abi Firas Hammim or Hamaim the son of Ghilib surnamed Abiil

Akhtial was a colebrated poet of the tribe of Tamim. Ho was commonly
known ag Al Farazdaq because of his stern and forbidding countenance, The
meaning of Farasdaq is said to be a lnmp of dough which has been kpeaded.
(Freytag Hamasah II 685). It was a nick-name given him according to
Ibu Kautaiba on account of his ugly face. He farther states however that
he was so called on acconnt of his short and dumpy staturé which made him
be compnred to the crast (farazdaqa) with which women polish their teeth.
But the firat explanation 1s best, because the poet caught the small-pox and
when he recovered his face remained deformed and wrinkled (Ibn Khall:
de Slane 11] 623).
we

$ Read ine for {340 which appears to be intended for ips, The
occasion on which these lines were spoken was, according to Tbn Khnlliqaa,
when Nawir the granddaughter of Dubeia, wished tc marry ono of
the Quraish tribe, and asked Al-Farazdaq to act aa her legal guardian
because he waa the son of her uncle. He however avatlod himself of «
formal promise given by her to abide by his decimon as to her affairs, to say
he would marry her himself Nawii was very angry at this and went to
‘Abdollah ibn az-Zubnir, soversign of Hijaz and ‘Iriq, to cbtam redress AJ
Farnzdaq set ont also They stopped at different houses. Al-Nawir stayed
with al-Khoula wife of Abdullah ibn az-Zobair, and Al Farazdaq with Hamza
their son, Al-Khanla interceded for al-Nawir, and ber intercession provailed
over that of Hamza whereupon Farasd«q spoke as above (Ibn Khall: (de
Slano), LIT. 624).
8 9.°(A) 9 yal gt Abad y 3) 9 lad alaiot.
# MS, (A) omits 8 6 MS, (Al dete fyttve,
 { 288 ]
Veree.
Casting aside the Qur‘én and the sword
214. Taking instead to the oup and flagon.
The attendants who were loyal to the state were struck dumb
and were compelled by the necessity for time-serving to throw,
*hemselves upon the protection of Khusri Khan,
Veree.

If the times give the reins of authority to a wolf,

You must save yourself by saying, God save you Gir!
And the family of Bariwar! gained entire control of the Court
of tho Sultén, and used to assemble by day and by night at the
house of Khusri Khan to plot sedition and rebellion against the
Sultin, and when Qazi Ziau-d-Din, who was known as Qizi Khan,
made these facts known, the Sultin who was the slave of his lust
immediately summoned Kbusri Khan in private? and informed
him of what had been said, wherenpon Khusrii Khan said, the
people see the great kindness which the Sultén shews me nnd
regard it as excessive, and from motives of jealousy falsely
accuse me. The Sultan believed him and® made over to him
the keys of the royal treasury and of all the other store-houses
as well Khusrai Khin* regarded this as a proof of his complete
asceudency deduced from it a favourable omen for his future ;—
Verse
When he saw his affairs so prosperous
He considered that omen as s proof of victory;
Fiom that favourable omen the heart of Kbusri Khan,
Like a strong mountain, became firmly established,
Eventually, one night the Sultan was holding a drinking
party in the company of Khusri Khan, and the Amirs of
the guards withdrew fiom thew posts, Qazi Khan came
down from the roof of the Hazr Sutin palace and was engaged
in examining if the doors were safe, and the guards posted.

1 MS. (A) 3199 Uns. 9 MS. (A) adds Gla50,

8 MS,“CA) Sphee os ssug Oph gt Gudea.
# MR, (4).
 [ 289]
Yn the meantime one Randhol! the unole of Khuari Khan 218.
with a body of the Bardwas, having daggers concealed under
their arms came upon Qazi Khan, and kept him engaged in
talk on one way and another, till, taking him off his guard,
they stabbed him and despatched him as s marty? to his abode
in Paradise. There was a great uproar? and the Sultén, who
at that moment had no other companion than Kbusri Kbin,
enquired what waa the tamult. Khusri Khan rose from beside
him and went ont to instigate his followers to murder the
Baltén, then returned and said that some of the horses of the
etad had broken loose, and were fighting among themselves,
At this moment Jahiriya the uncle of Khusrii Ebin approached
the Hazar Sutin with a party of his men, and having assaasina-
ted Ibréhim and Ishéq who were on guard at the palace, made
for the Sultin, The Sultan rising,’ half intoxicated as he was,
ran towards the faram, Khuart Khan caught him from behind
by the hair of his head, and as the Sultén was begging him
ko aid his escape Jahiriyé arrived, aimed a blow at the Sultén
wounding him in the side, then with his sword cutting off the
Sultan's head* throw it down below from the roof of the palace.
Verse,
Tho bed of that dear one was one of thorns
For his brocaded bed led to his rnin.
When the populace saw what had occurred, every one of them
went into hiding and there was dismay in all quarters. Putting
to death some of the Amirs at the door of the palace, the
Barawas entered the Sultin'’s baram and tore Farid Kban and
Mangt Khan, the two infant aons of Sultén ‘Alau-d-Din, from
their mother’s arms and cut off their heads, and committed every
kind of violence they wished, aod 1 one moment scattered to the
four winds all the honour and glorv of ‘Aldu-d-Din and
Qutba-d-Din.
Verse.
Tn one hour, in one moment, in one instant 5 216.
The whole course of the world becomes changnd,

1M8 (A) Upinas, $ MS. (A) omate dXly,

8 MS, (4) dialiy 4 MS. (A) {yebleleeree
OMB, (A) has pd Shy cable fy) thar’ Sy
8?
 [ 20j
And when they had glutted themselves with murder and rapine,
they sent for certain of the Amirs namely ‘Ainu-l-Malk Multénl,
and Mahk Fakhru-d-Din Jana, by whom is meant Sultin Muhem-
mad ibn Tughlaq Shih, and Malik Wabida-d-Din Quraishi with
the two suns of Qarabeg and other notable Amirs, and kept them
all that night till mornmg upon the roof of the Hagar Sutin;
and when it was day they made all the ‘Ulama and chief men of
the city swear allegiance to Kbusrfi Khan, and read the Khubah in
his name. By craft they got the upper hand of « certain party
whom they suspected of being opposed to them, and sent them
to the world of non-existence, and made over the family of Qizi
Ziéu-d-Din Qazi Khan,' all except his wife who fied,® to the
aforesaid Randhol.®
Husimu-d-Din, the brother by the mother’s side of Khuerf
Khan, was given the title of Khan-1-Khanan and Randhol * became
Rii-i-Riiyan, and the Aarams of Sultan Qutbu-d-Din and the other
princes and relatives they divided among themeelves. Khusrh
Khan took to himeelf® in marriage the chief wife of the Sultan.
These evonts happened in the year 720, H. (1320 A.D.) aud the
daration of the reign of Sultan Qutbu-d-Din was four® years and
some months.
Verse.
Since the world began so it has been, and so will always be,
To everyone the end of all things will be as this.

Niginu-v-Din Kyused Kyin

Whose name at the first was Hasan Barwabacha, in the

aforesaid year sat upon the throne of ‘Alau-d-Din and Qutbu-d-
217. Din, by the co-operation of lus own tribe; and the Amira who
bave already been mentioned, whether they would or no, were
constrained to give in their allegiance to him, and addressed him
by this title. The rites and ceremonies of Islim tended towards
neglect while Hindu customs and heathen observances obtained
curreacy.’ Idolatry and devastation of mosques became wide-

i M8, (A) omits 2 §MS (A) watt § s

9MB. (A) Lyte, 4 M8. (A) Uptdiy.
5 MS. (A) omits ,p. # MS. (A) reads yep.
1s. (a) 8,8 oly,
 [ 2% j
spread, and although Kbusrtt Khia, to conciliate the people
scattered gold and lavished presents on all sides so that in a
short time he squandered the greater part of the treasure of
Alu-d-Din and the wealth which Qutbu-d-Din had amassed,
Veree.

Who was it had acquired the wealth,

Who was it squandered it P ‘
still the hearts of great and small were not so attuned to this
disloyalty and irreligion of his that he could bring them into
harmony with his own, .
And in the year 721 A.H. (1821 A.D.) Khusri Khan put out
the eyes of certain of the offspring of ‘Alau-d-Din, for instance
Abtibakr Khan, and ‘Ali Kbéo, and Bahadur Khban,' and gained
over® certain of the Amirs, such aa ‘Ainul Malk and some others.
The Hindis gained ground and increased their influence in most
of the provinces, and a torrent of destruction swept suddenly upon
the followers of Islam and destroyed their wealth and property,
giving their families to the wind of extinction.
The affair of the Ghuzz which bad happened in the time of
Sulgdo Sinjar® was forgotten, and the atate of mankind was
expressed by this verse—~
Verse,
You will never see your fellowmen happy save at the door
of death,
You will never find a virgin gave in the womb of earth.
Khbuerh Khain* issued firmans to all the outlying distriots and
invited the people to side with him, he also bestowed upon Yisuf 218.
Sati Azlbacha® the title of Safi Khan while Ikhtiyaru-d-Din
Sanbal was styled Hatim Khan. He also made Kamalu-d-Din
Safi Wakildar, and the son of Qurra Qumar ‘Arizu-l-Mulk ; Malik
Fakbra-d-Din Jaina the son of Ghazi Mahk he appointed Akhur
Beg, and was especially desirous of gaming his good will, with
the object of using his influence to induce Ghazi Malik also, whe

1MB. (A). MS (A) stedle (pie,

8 MS, (A) se MS. (A) omits y
bMS, (A). The text reads 4z‘yly,1.
 { 22
was one of the notable Amirs of ‘Aléu-d-Din and was posted to
Oppose the Mnghuis, to leave the frontiers of Dip&lpur and fall
into his trap. At that time he put into effect every means he
could devise and gave ‘Ainu-]-Mulk Mult&ni for s time the title
of ‘Alam Khan. At last having gained over @bazi Malik, he
wrote a letter! expressing hie sincerity of purpose, and desiring
him when the day of battle should arrive to flee from Dihlt to
his own country, that is Malwa, and return when the danger hed
passed?
And of the Amirs, some sided with Ebuert Khan ont
of lust for place and property, but some others were rebellious,
When Ghazi Malik heard this startling news his seal for Islam
and for the preservation of the honour of his benefactor was
stirred, so that he girded up his loins for vengeance, and sending
despatches to ae Mali-s of the various districts sought their
sid in extirpating th. ungrateful wretch. Malik Fakbro-d-Din
sent secretly a letter to his father conveying his intention to fly
from Dthli and asking for post horses? which in the Hindi tongue,
are called dak chauki, and for the posting of cavalry escorts at
several phhees along the route,
At last one night by the assistance of the Son of Bahram Iba *
the governor
of Multénand Uchh® he fled from Dihlk with na
party of horsemen and made his way by forced marches towards
Dipalpur.
Verse
Seated upon that fleet Buraq ©
He hastened steadfastly with unity of purpose,

PMB. (A) pt Usite catty) «pigiken

# Tread here saatyo qld 5159 3! Oy although MS. (A) js the sameas
the text uaAice,
8 SYst Mag or p¥yt Ciagk travail pans salaire—cheval-—oourvier—petit
hatean (Pavet de Conrienle)
* MS. (4) and text footnote
5 The text has a misprint Sef here
§ The enitral upon wich Muhammad was mounted daring his ascent to
heaven known as the ele (ri'raj) Que’in XVII i.
In the Mishkdty-1-Magdbsh it is thas described, “After this = white
aaintal was brought for me to ride upon. Itemze was between that of a
 E 298j
And Gbiri Malik himeelt previously to this had sent two
hondred cavalry iuto the fort of Sarsuti. When Kbhusrtt Kbaa
awoke from his slumber of neglect he recognized that the
departare of Malik Fakbro-d-Din Jing was s strong proof of the
decline of his own power:! accordingly he despatched the eon
of Qorra Qumiir, whom he bad appointed ‘Ariz-i-Mamalik in
pursuit of him. He proceeded as far as the town of Sarsati, but
on his arrival there was obliged to retrace his steps without
finding an opportunity of accomplishing his. object, and conveyed
to Khuerti Khan tidiogs regarding the real state of affairs.
Ghazi Malik, after the errival of his con, was demonstrative®
in his expressions of satisfaction, and gave effect to the aspirations
of the Malike; further by issuing orders for the commencement
of the sihdd* he made amends for the previons delay, and gave
full satisfactionto the demands of bravery by marohing in the
direction of Dihli.
Khbusri Khan having bestowed upon his brother Khin-i-Khénaan
the canopy and staff of office, despatched Safi Khan with the
other Amirs of this canaille against Ghazi Malk who for many
years had done yeoman’s service in the various wars with the
Mughals, and had everywhere returned victorious and triumphant,
But on the other hand Malik Bahram Iba, the Governor of
Multin and Uchh, arrived to reinforce Ghizi Malik. The two
armies selected ss their field of battle
a spot near the reservoir
of Thinesar! At the first onset the breeze of victory blew
favourably for the armies of Islim, the standards of the infidels

mule and an ass and it stretched as far as the eye could see. The name of
the animal was Buriq” (Mighkétu-l-Magabsh, Matthews, 11. 651). The word
Buriq signifies brilliant like hghtnmg, or swift as lightning.
TMS. (A) reads Spd 255d Jig}pf. & Mastermaster General. See p. 201,
3 MS. (A) 9 Boxe.
@ Holy war undertaken in defence of the religion of Islam.
5 you (3 cggm. This rs the lake with which one of the alleged deriva-
tions of the name Sthaneswara ia connected wis, Sthanu (a name of Mahideo}
and Saralake Seo Hunter. Imp. Gaz., XIII. 260, .
This holy Jake 1s sitnated (says Cunningham) to the Sontk of the town, it
is called By various nemes. It 18 the centre of attraction for most pilgrims
Ié was in full repute in A.D 600, but in the Pagranic legends is given an
antiquity long anterior even to the Pandis themselves, the sacred pool 1s at
least as old as the Rig Veda itself (Cunningham, A.G. India, pp 386-836,)
 [ 24]
‘were overthrown, and the adherents of Khosri. Khan sbandon-
ing their elephants and horses, aud ammunition and standards
. fled precipitately to Dihli. Ghazi Malik with all speed pursued
and scattered these ungrateful wretches! and reached Dibli in
one long march.* Khusrh Khan paving rallied his scattered and
panic stricken forces, opened the doors of the treasury and
gave his army three and four years’ pay together with large
rewards and promises of appointments and governorships; and
things being as they were, he brought out from confinement in
the Aaram the remainder of the princes of the family of ‘Alau-d-
Din whom he had blinded, and put them to death , then, led by
hostile Fate, he marched on from the city in great force and
procecdedto the Hauz-i-Khass* where he encamped, his camp
extending in one line of tents from the Hauz-i-Khass to Indrapath,*
while Ghazi Malik encamped in the vicinity of the tomb ® of Sultan
Razziya In the meanwhile ‘Ainu-l-Mulk, in accordance with
agreement, having deserted the unsuccessful army of Khbueri
Khan fied with haste towards Dhar and Ujjain,® his defection
was a cause of great despondency to the followers of Khusra
Khau, On the following day the array of battle was drawn up
and the followers of the truth engaged in close conflict with the
partisans of snfidel:ty, and utterly vanquished the impious horde,
At the ontset the army of Kbusrii Khan obtained the mastery,
and the army of Ghazi Malik suffered a repulse, but Ghazi Malik
planting firmly the foot of resolution like another Rustum came
to the rescue, and with thrae hundred cavalry, men of tried

1M, (A) cskdond_wi,

8 The distance traversed in thie march was about 90 miles as the crow
flies, a long march bat perfectly feamble for cavalry.
& Barni says the Hauz-1-‘Alai. Tho royal lake constructed by ‘Alau-d-Din.
4 Indrapath. MS. (4) My 0? = Barni tells us that Ghizi Malik’s force
Jay encamped at Indrapath so that the two camps were face to face. It hes
juat outmde Dibli Its etymology, Indraprastha, points it out as the pro-
bable place where Indra slew the Vritras with his thunderbolt formed of the
head of the horse-headed Dadhyanch (seo also Cunningham 335).
& I read here Syn not Syne as in the text and MS, The burial place
of Bulgin Razziy+ 18 not apparently mentioned 1n any of the histories, but as
she was taken prisoner at Kaitbal and put to death there (638. H.) it is not
unlikely that she was buried near Indrapath,
OMS, (A) walia,
 :
*
ate
{ 25 j
valour, whom he had kept in concealment in an ambush, utterly
discowfited the infidel horde! and Malik Talbagha* Nagor, and
the son of Qurra Quinar® with the other nobles of that ignoble
kingdom, in that battle became food for the sword, as snch
hypocritical knaves should. ([husri Khan brought to bear all
temerity and manliness in spite of his unmanly’ character, and
fought bravely till the close of the day, but ® ut last finding he
was unable to withstand these lionhearted warviora, he turned 231.
his back in flight, and made for Talpath; his canopy and
standards and borrowed ® retinue fell into the hands of Ghazi
Malik.
Khusrt Khan returning from Talpath came to the tomb of
Mahk Shadi? who was an old patron of his, alone and distraught,
and hid himself thero in deapair, but the following day they laid
hands upon him, treating him with all possible indignity, and
brought him to Ghazi Mahk,® so that he reaped the reward of bia
infamous and abominable deeds,
Verse.
The tree thou didst nurture has borne its fruit,
Dost thou not see even now its fruit in its bosom,
Tf st has borne thorns it is thou who didst plant them,
Tf 1t has brought thee alk attire it is of thy own spinning.

And the following day Ghazi Malik left Indrapath ® and alighted
at Kaghk Sabzi!° Great and small came out to welcome his
coming, and gave vont to expressions of congratulation. The day
following he went on to the city of Dihli, where tidings was

1 MS. (A) LyllyS caren. 9 Text 445, MS (A) 2&0

8 Shiywte Khan. 4 BS. (A) omits G70 cyl.
e'o MS (a) tnserts .y.
wt.
1 Ms, (A) of, § MS. (A) omita the.
MS A ALO! The text reads 4iM3. But tho ren! reading should be
aig jl, Tndrapath, aa is shewn by what has gone before, and alco by
Barai.
0 ou uKhyS “the Green palace” but although this ia the rending of the
text and both MSS, I think we shonld read for wie figs andoubtedly
yo whoogS kighk-s-Siri, the palace of Siri, This 1s the reading of the
Térifh-s-Firos Shahi.
 [ 26]
brought to him that the raseal Kban-i-Khdndn had crept into the
corner of a garden,! where he was lying concealed.
Malik Fakbro-d-Diu proceeded by order of Ghazi Malik, and
having mutilated and disgraced him * paraded him about the city
where he met with oondign punishment, This event took place
in the year 720 AH. (1321. A.D). The duration of Kbusrt
Kban’s rule was four months and a few days.
Verse.
That which thou doest they will shew thee again,
That which thou givest, they will return thee tho like.

Surzin® Gutrigo-p-Din Tugu1aq Spin?

Who is the same as Ghazi Malik, ascended the throne in the
year 720 A.H. (1321 AD.) by the consent of the Amira and
pobles and was styled by this title In the space of one week
" he ordered and regulated the important affairs of the state with
a perfection unattainable to others in the course of years.*
He appointed his own relations to various posts and showing
many favours to the Amirs of ‘Aliu-d-Din and to some of the
Malike of Qutbi-d-Din gave them districts. Then he directed his
ambition to the rebuilding of the fortress of Tughlaqaibad and all
the lofty edifices, and set aboutit (without delay)*® and Badr
Sha'ir Shaghi © invented as a chronogram for the date of building

1 MBS (A) omits 9.

. e
8 chile die Mugla Sakitan ins the term applied to a form of punishment
which conmeted of cutting off the nose, ears and ips, The literal meaning
is “ making a public example.”
§M8, (A). The text omits the prefix & _
Barni gives an account of the mode in which Ghizi Mahk succeeded to
the throne, not as an usurper but as the mghtful auccessor in the absence of
any scion of the house of ‘Alau-d-Din and Qutbu-d-Din. (See Elliott,
III, 228-228).
4 MBS. (A) omits the words o/d eM, and the woras are 60 toreign to the
style of the author that they most be regarded as an interpolation, The
Editor of the text supphes them from one copy See footnote to Text
§ There wa difference here. The printed text reads oz wlyd LS pao
Shewed great slacrity therein, bni MS. (A) reada mmply dye) whys tar*
set about it. This seems the preferable reading.
@ Badra-d-Din Chichi, “wasa native of Ohich in Turkestin, He waa
man of great repute sa a scholar who passed
a large portion of his life in
 M

[ 297]
the fort (of Tughlayabad)! the following : “ Enter then her gates.”#
He brought to punishment also a body of men® who during the
glorious reign of Sultan Qutbu-d-Din had joined'hands with
Kbuert, Khan and had aided and abetted the baud of ruffians
and scoundrels. He also gave the title of Ulugh Khan to
Malik Fakhra-d-Din Jiné* who shewed marked signs of discre-
tion and kingly dignity,’ and conferred on him a canopy and the
other insignia of royalty, making him his heir-apparent; he also
raised Bahram Iba,6 who was the adopted brother of the Sultan,?
to the dignity of the title of Kishlii Khan, and entrusted to him
the district of Multan and the whole of Sind. To his other four
sons he gave the titles of Bahram Khan, Zater Khan, Mabmid
Khan and Nugrat Khan*
And in the year 721 A. H. [he appointed] Ulugh Khan [ to
proceed in command of his troops which were at Chandéri and
Badaon and in the other eastern districts of Hindustan, towards
Deogir and Tilang, and Ulugh Khan}? taking with him the army
of Deogir, invested the’ fortress of Arankal which for the
past seven hundred years had been the capital of Rai Sadar
Mahadeo and his ancestors, and haviug gained possession of the
clay-built citadel forming the outer line of defence, was on
the point of reducing the inner stone citadel also. In the

Dihli as the panegyrist of Salta Mahammad Tughlnq Shah and other

monarchs who provided his allotted portion from the tray of their bouuty. |
His Livés consists of 2,000 coupltte. His style is strange.” (Majma'sl
Fuguhaé 1.169). The date of his death 1s not stated. See also Beale, 0. B. D,
p-: 62.
1-M8,(A) inserts ol Wa.
2 laglisd, These words give the date 727 H.
8 Omit one ly from text,
.# MS (A) omits d9% ge) which is in the printed text.
6 MS (A) omits 9. It is unnecesanry
6MS.(A). Tho printed text has UV) ply) Babrim Ullah.
. U The printed text adde the words 34& (WA,
8 See also the acooudt given by Barni which ie almoat identical with the
above. (Elliott, ILL 280)
9 By the copyist’s error the words included in square brackets have been
omitted from MS (A), he having omitted all the words following the first
wh Pa and proceeding with the words following the second wih eh.
The printed text 1s correct.
38
 [ 298j
meantime’ ‘Ubaid Rakati® the poet, a turbulent fellow, the
notorious * opponent of Mir Khusri (on whom be mercy) who
rascal that he was wrote the following famous verses:
Khuerii’s own verse was very raw, 60 by mistake he took
Nizdmi’s * saucepan by mistake, his flammery § to cook.

(Mie Khusrfi in many of his compomtions complains bitterly

against him and Sa‘d Falsafi) joining with Shaikhzida Dimishqi
on the occasion of the late arrival of the stage from Dihli, spread
afalse report that the Sultan Tughlaq was no more, where- upon
great dismay spread throngh the Muslims, ‘Ubaid also terrified
the Amirs by his account of Ulugh Khan, and infidels springing up
puttodenth many of the soldiers of the army,® Malik Tigin and
other revolutionary Amirs planned an insurrection against Ulugh
Khan who with fifty sowars came by 1apid marches to the meta opohia,
wherenpon the Amirs took themselves off, each to his own district ,
and Mahk Tigin who had gone to the country between Multan and
Jaisalmir? was taken prisoner with his family, and Taju-d-Din
Talagani, the son-m-law of Mahk Tigin who had escaped from
prison, was captured ® on the hanks of the river Sari, and Ubaid
(the poet)® also was captmed im the same way in a wretched

1 MS, (A) reids wlye uy?

2 ‘Ubaid. MS, (A) adds (ply Rikéti, Seo Beale, O. B. D, p. 275.
3 MG, (A) reads s20 (esac
@ Shaikh Ni7ami Ganjawi whose fall name 1s Abi Muhammad Nizamn-d-Din
Abmad Iida xbn Abi Yisuf ibn Morsaryyidal Mufarrazi, a colobiated poet,
author of the Sikandar-Namna, also of other well-known works Has Khamag
(pentad) consists of Khusra and Shirin, Haft Parkar Lawli-o-Magnun, Makhtanu-
1-Asrar and Sikandar Nama
His death 18 said by Beale to have occurred in 597 A H but according to
the Mamna‘ul Fugahé (1. 687) he died in the reign of Toghral ibn Aralin the
Saljiq, 5764 H.
5 LS. inn dish made of wheat flour, meat and vinegar The word ‘ flum-
mory ’ suggests itself from ste etymologion) mgnification of raw, crude, harsh,
W. Uymrwed, (so named from its sournese) (vide Skeat. sv.)
6 Wo shonld here read ySiJ poy MS (A).
"MS (A) Lat 20° 58’ N Long. 70° 67 E in Rijpatina, C. L
OMS (A) aS Ji,
9 MS (A) omitsy6l% Barni says that he was impaled alive, Finwhte
Says that he was buried alive. (See Hilott, 111, 281-288)
 { 299]
plight. All this party with their families and friends, they cast
under the feet of elephants, and those who escaped this fate met
their death wherever they went.
And in the year 723 A.H. (1328 A.D.) Ulugh Kbén for the
second time marched towards Tilang;and Réi'Ledar Mahideo
again shut himself up in the fort.
Ulugh Khan gained possession of both the outer and inner
citadela | by force of arms, and took the Rai prisoner together
with his family and followers, and leaving commissioners there
drew off his army to Jajnagar® and Bidar,’ and having taken
as spoil many elephants and other property with jewels and
valuables without number [sent them] to Dihli [and despatched
Rae Ladhar also to the capital and having given to Arankal the
name of Sultanpir] returned to Dihlit =~
And in the year 724 A.H. (1824 A.D.), Sultan Ghiyagu-d- 224
Din Tughlaq Shah, upon the occasion of the tyranny of the
governors of Bengal, left Ulugh Khan as his viceroy in the
capital Tughlaqaébad which had been built in the space of three
years and a fraction, entrusting to his sound judgment the whole
civil administration, and left for Lakhnauti with a firm intention
of setting things straight; Sultan Nagiru-d-Din the ruler of
Lakhnauti, with the notable princes of those districts hastened to
meet the Sultan and placed their necks under his yoke; Sultan
Tugblaq Shah conferred upon Sultan Nagiru-d-Din the canopy
and staff of office and all other insigma of royalty, entrusted
Lakhnanti once more to his control and sent a despatch announc-
ing his success to Dihli; then he sent on in advance Tatar Khan
his adopted son, the Governor of Zafaraébad who brought Bahadur’
Shah otherwise known as Tada (? Nada ) the Governor of Sunar
Ganw who was boasting his independence, with a chain around

1 MS. (A) gglartts «gy? shen.

8 Or Jajpur, the former capital of Orissa (See Hwnter’s Gasetteer, Vol.
VIX and Statetecal Accountof Bengal, Vol. XVIII fora full account of this
place).
§ Bider (or Bedar) Town in the Nizim’s dominions, Haidaribid Deccan,
75 miles N-W. of Huidar’bid town. Lat. 17°, 53’ N. Long. 77°34’ BE. (See
Hunter's Gasetteer, Vol, II, 419).
4 Fhe words enclosed in square brackets are by a copyist’s error omitted
in MS. (A), the word Dibli occurring twice has misled the copyist, The
printed text 1s correct.
 [ 30]
his neck, and accompanied by all his elephants into the royal
presence at the Court.
Sultén Tughlaq Shah taking Bahador Shah with him, victoe
riovs and triumphant returned to Dihli, and proceeding by
donble stages made forced marches. Ulugh Khan upon hearing
this news gave immediate orders for the erection of a lofty and
noble palace near Afghanpur which 1s at a distance of three
krohe from Tughlogabid. It was completed in three days, so
that Sultan Toghlaq Shah might alight there! and having
passed the night in it and having rested might depart thence at
an auspicious moment and alight at Taghlaqabad.
The Sultan arrived there and Ulugh Kuan having gone ont to
meet him with all the nobles and grandees, spread a banquet of
welcome, The Sultan gave orders for the elephants which he had
brought with him from Bengal to be raced, and as the founda-
tion of the New Palace was new and unsettled the palace began
to shake and totter with the tramp of the elephants. When the
people beoame aware that the Sultan was mounting with all
- haste, they hurriedly came ont from the palace, without ever
washing their hands. The Sultin Taghlaq Shah was ongaged in
washing his hands® and eo did not come ont. In consequence he
washed his hands of life and the palace fell in upon him.§
We should not lose sight of the fact that from having built a
palace such as this, which was que unnecessary, there is a
vaspicion that Ulugh Khan may have built the palace* without

? These words are repeated twice in MS (A).

3 The text has creat wd oyhir but MS. (A) reads wyie® the
Tatter is correct. MS. (A) also omits the words 24% wi} (line 2 of the
* printed text)
§ Barni gives's different version, attributing the fellof the palace toe
thunderbolt which descended from the sky. (EMiott, 111 935). Firishta
gives a semowhat similar account to Badioni ; without specifically stating the
cause, he alludes tothe suspicion which attached to Ulngh Khén of being
@esignedly close by the author of the catastrophe, but discredits it. He farther
telis us that according to Sadr Jahn Gujarati, Ulugh Khan had raised the
palace by magic, and the magical art being withdrawn it fell; he proceeds
“iji Majammad Qandahari says that it was strack by lightning and this
does not seem at all improbable ” (Firithta Briggs, I. 408}.
+
©MB. (A) by03 qagr ra. The text has {duad qagdan parposely.
 [ so
foundations! as was currently ramoured, but the author of the
Tarikh-t-Firos GhBki makes no mention of this although thie may
possibly be due to desire to flatter Firos Shih and ont of regard
for him.
This event took place in the year 725 A.H. | (1825 A.D.) and
the duration of the reign of Snitin Qhiyagu-d-Din Tughlag Shéh
was four years and some months,
Verse.
Tf thou placest the world beneath thy feet
Thou wilt not sleep at last in thine own place.
It is currently reported among the people of India that Sultin
Ghiyégu-d-Din Tughlagq, on account of the ill will he bore to
Sultanu-l-Mashaikh, sent a message to the Shaikh while on the
way to Lakbnauti to this effect, “After my arrival st Dihli,
either the Shaikh will be (ruler) there or I.”3 The Shaikh ro-
plied, “ Dihli is still some way off.” This saying became prover-
bial from that day and gained carrency.
The Tughlag Nama of Mir Khusrtt which was the jatest of
his works, was written in verse in honour of the Sultin and in
obedience to his order.
The death of the Sulténu-]-Mash&ikh and also of Mir Khuert
occurred in the same year as has already been stated.
Souzin Mugaumay ‘Apt. rw Tuggiag Siz.
That is to say Ulogh Khan, by the agreement of the Amirs and

i pe" literally means “bollow” bat in its grammatical sense im-

plies weakness due to want of proper support. ¢f. wipal U8 “hollow” verb:
a verb of which the middle letter is weak.
3 In accordance with the proverb Oipenti! pS yo UDI99 da darvish
day gilime nakhuspand. Two derveshes cannot sleep in one blanket ; or again
the proverb wii py SS » pangs da ghomehir dar yak niyém
aagunjand. Two awords will not go into one scabbard; as we my: There
cannot be two kings in Brentford.
4 This ina well-known proverb and has come from the Persian into com-
mon use in Urdu, used to express the fatility of an moompetent person
atigmpting any task. or on an occasion of unnecessary haste. “ It’s a far cry
to Loch Awe” Roeback in his collection of Oriental proverbs does not give
this as a Persian, bot as an Urdi proverb. Its ongin is clear from our
author's statement.
 { 302j
officers ef the Court ascpnded the royal- throne in the year 725
AL. (1825 A.D.),! and after performing the ceremonial mourning
for the space of forty days,8 went to the treasure house of the
kings of former ages, and gave largesse such as exceeds all bounds
ef description, and having distmbated appointments and offices
ameng the Amirs, he made Malik Firoz his uncle’s son (who is
the same person as Sultén Fires) Nasbu-l-Mulk, and advanced the
dignity of his near relations ia the same manner. Hamid Lawiki,
too, was raised to an exalted position and Malik Sartes obtained
the title of ‘Imidu-l-Mulk, Malik Khurram that of Zahiru-i.
Juyish (Inspector of the Forces) Malik Pindér Khilji was given
the title of Qedr Eban, and Mahk Isse-d-Din Yahya that of
A'zamu-l-Mulk, the district of Satginw being also confirmed to
na.
And in the year 727 A.H. (1326-1327 A.D.) the Sultan having
formed the design of proceeding to Deogir, posted a chain
of dhawa,’ that is to say pdike, or runners, as guards at
distances of one kroh along the whole read* from Dihli to
Deogir, built a palace and a monastery at each stage and appointed §
a Shaikh toeach. They used to keep in constant readiness food
aud drink, betel-leaf* and all provisions for hospitality; and in

1 According to Firuhta on the third day after the faneral dbsequies of his
father.
® The period here mentioned of forty days is the same as that enjoined in
olden times to the Israchtes: thus we find in Genesis |. 8, speaking of the
death of Jacob “the physicians embalmed Ierael and forty days were fulfilled
for him; for so aro fulfilled the dags of these which are embalmed; and the
Egyptians moarned for him three score and ten days. But m Numbers xx. 29,
we fiud that the congregation mourned for Aaron thirty days.
The poricd of three daya only is enjomed on Mubammadans, except in the
case of widows who must perform the special ceremony of mourning called
Tadad for four months and ten days. Among Hindis the period of mournng
is tlurty days, (See Matthew, Mighkétw-l-Mapabih 1. 389).
3 The word Islas here apelt 393 ig a Sanskrit word WITS rt. NT¥_to
run, «Sj! péyik ite Persian equivalent has ® more usaal form wha paik.
$ MS, ‘A omite wy ».
§ MG. (A) dyty? spelt),
© The leaf of Chavica betle (Mig.) N.O. Piperacess is used in conjunction
with lime for mastication as 3 stomachic. The leaves contawing a pertion of
the nat of Areca catechu, known as Supéri, some hime (china) catechu ( kath)
and vanous aromatics, such as omnamon, cloves, &o,, aud rolled together
 { 908j
both! (palaces and monasteries) guides were stationed who were
ordered to see that travellers suffered no annoyance. The traces
of these (rest-houses) remained for many years. He gave Deogir
the name of Daulatabéd® snd considering it as the centre of his
dominions4 made it the metropolis, and conveyed Makhdima-i-
Jahan his mother, with all his family and relations, the Amirs
and Malike, the notables of the city, his servants and dependents,
and all bis treasure to Daulatabad : all the Satyyide and Shatkhs and
‘Ulama* also proceeded thither in the followitg of Makhdima-i-
Jahan, and the stipends and emoluments of allof them were doubled,
but in accordance with the saying “ Exile is the gravest of all
calamities and banishment is the sorest of all afflictions” this
desulation of Dihli and its desertion was a source cf great dis-
into the form of @ cone and skewered with s small piece of wood and offered
for snie In this condition they are known as khil, ge bird Ney or
gtlauri. The distribution of tha WY pan or betel, forms an im-
portant part on all ceremonial occasions, genernily asa Gani act of hospitality
before the guests depart. To European palates the bird is anything but
pleasant, it has a pungent somewhat acrid taste. It 1a powerful sinlagogue.
The medicival virtnes of the Chuviea betle aro supposed to be great. The
leaves smeared with mustard oil and applied hot to the cheat in several Inyors
are used as poultices in pulmonary catarcha, or in painful affections of the
livor. They are said also to arrest the secretion of milk when applied to the
breasts A form of cancer known ap “ betle-chewer’s cancer” has been
described by Dr. Elliott of Colombo.
The plant ia said to be a native of Java whence it has been introduced.
Jt grows best in a hot moist chmate euch as that of Lower Bengal where it is
largely cultivated (Drary, Veeful Plants of India),
1 MS. (A) omita the word spb,
9MS. (A) 9 O45 pli. See page 271, note 6, of this volume,
Bs, (A) PLY Sle omits ayd.
¢ The word Satyysd ( Ode) is a term nsed to denote the descendants
of Mabammad from his daughter Fatima by ‘Ali, The Sultan of Zausibir
also adopts this as his regal title.
Shavkh ( s+ ) in w term of honour denoting some considerable repata-
tion in the religions world+ a doctor of religion and law, a head or chief
of some religious order, a chief of a tribe ; or a reputed saint.
.é
The two first Khalifahs Abi Bakr and ‘Umar are known as wrt),
Ash-Shaikhan. The two Ghetkhs.
The term ‘Ulama ( ‘ele ) incudes all religious teachers as Imims, Muftis,
Qigzis, Manlavis, (ee, Hughes Dictionary of Islam, alse D’Hesbelot.) ‘
 f 304}
comfort to the inhabitanta, large numbers of the feoble a
widows, the helpless and indigent perished by the way, while ev
those who arrived in safety, could not settle there ; and towar
the end of the above-mentioned year Malik Bahadur Gorsha
the Inspector-General of the Forces, raised @ rebellion in Dih]
and Malik Aiy&z, who held the title of Khwaja-i-Jahan, foug
with Bahadur and defeated him. Bahadur was taken prison
and brought before the Suitén and met bis punishment. Afi
that, Malik Batrém Iba the adopted brother of Sultén Tughl
raised a rebellion in Multan and put to death ‘Ali Kbatati w
had been sent froma Dihli to summon him thither. The Sulté
in order to put down this rebellion, left Daulatabad for Dihli a1
thence by uninterrupted marches reached Multén. Bahra
baving come out: against him fought with him, but was 4
feated and eventually put to death, his head was brought to t
Sultan who intended to set the blood of the Multanis flowing h
rivers on account of his crime, but when the Sheikhu-l-Jsla
Qutbu-l-‘Alam Shaikh Ruknu-l-Hagq wau-d-Din Quraishi,* an
Gfod sanctify his holy reating place, having bared his venerab
head presented himself at the Court of the Sultaén and mnde inte
cession, the Sultau pardoned the offences of the peoplo,
Verse.
From the earliest times of Adam till the days of the king
Great men have shewn mercy ® mean men have committi
faults.

And the Sultan having bestowed Multan upon Qiwamu-l-Ma

Magbil retraced his steps, but after some little time ® having tun

1 parni makes no mention of ths occurrence, Firishta gives an accon

of it, but calls the rebel Bnhiu-d-din and states that he was governor
Sigur. The yenr assigned by him to thie revolt in which Bubiu-d-d
Gurghasp was defeated 1s 789 A.H, twelve years later than Badioni’s dat
according to Briggs (I 418). A reference to the onginal text, howeve
shews that the date given by Finshta 1s the samo ag Badtuni’sdate, Firtgh
Bo. Text I. 241.
9 MS. (A) OS 8b.
8 MS. (A) Baye Alle, aef abligs,
© An-1-Akbéri (Jarrett), III. 365.
SMS (A) 9 d—) phe
MS (A) stl Hg
 [ 905j
against him despatched Behzid to replace him, bat Sbéhf Lodi
the Afghan! killed Behsdd and broke out into open rebellion. The
Soltén on bis arrival at Dipalpir found that Sbhahf had fled into
the hill cougtry,? eo he turned back.
And in the year 729 A.H. (15329 A.D.) Narma Shirin the
Maghal,? the brother of Qutlugh Khwaja the Mughal King of
Kbordsin who had formerly invaded Hindtietan, having entered
the Dihli territory* with an enormous army, reduced the majority
of the forts, tand proceeded slangktering and taking captives from
Lahor and Saéména and Indari to the borders of Badion; and
when the victorions troops of Islim came up with him, he re-
treated as they advavced, the Sultin pursued him ® ag far as the
frontier of Kalanor and defeated him, and leaving the destruc-
tion of that fort in the hands of Mojiru-d-Din Abarija returned in
the direction of Dihli At this tame the Sultén formed the
opinion that in consequence of the refractory conduct of his sub-
jects in the Dofb it was advisable to double the taxes levied on
that country; he also instituted numbering their enttle anda
honse cenaua, and other vexatious aud oppressive measures, which
were the cauae of the complete ruin and desolation of the country,®
the weak were ntterly destroyed and the strong laid the founda-
tions of rebellion, The Sultan gave orders for the rewainder of
the inhabitanta of Dihh and the adjowing towns to start for
Daulatéibad, caravan by caravan, the housrs were to be purchased
from their owners, and the price of them to be paid in cash ont of
the public treasury, in add:tiun to which large rewards were to be
offered. By these means Daulatébad was populated, and Dihli

LMS (4) GAs. The text ronda whlas

8 The printed text has 4s) 95 99 but MS. (A) has @ltyS The text
is correct
BMS (A) Udo. The spelling glp*e adopted thronghout the printed
text is incorrect but is preserved as it 1s the commonly accepted form Mr.
Ney Elias in hie introdaction to the translation of the Zériid 1 Nashidi
{p 73, note 1) says that st takes a sharp ear to distinguish the exaet pronun
emtion of the word as spoken by a trae Mongol. It sounds as often Mo ghol
or Mo-ol as Mongol It has, he says, alwaya the vowel sound of ©, und never
that of & which is a foreign introduction.
MS (A) bof,
6 Mg. (a) gm 3! ayadlad,
6 MS (4) omits of,
39 ‘
 f 306 |
became so deserted that there was not left even A dog or a cat in
the city. The following verse describes ite condition —

Verse.
There where the heart-1avishing one used to toy with her
friends in the garden,
The wolf and the fox had their home, and the rhinoceros
and vulture thew abode.
This state of affairs also led to a diminution of the public
fonds. Among other sources of loss to the treasury was this that
the Sultan enacted that the mukar' of copper should become
current on an equal footmg with the muhar of silver, and any
one who shewed reluctance to receive 1t used to be instantly
punished severely. This enactment led to many corrupt practices
in the kingdom as a matter of conrse, and uusciupulous and
contumacious rascala used everywhere in their own houses to
set up mints and stamp coms, aud taking them into the cities
used to purchase with them silver and horses, weapons and fine
things, and thus rose to great wealth and digmty. But masmuch
as copper had no value as a currency in places at a distance and
one fanka of gold rose to the value of fifty or mxty copper comms,
the Sultan perceived the worthlessness of the copper coinage, and
issued an edict to the effect that every one who had in his house
& copper tanka should, sf he brought them to the pubhe treasury,
receive for them golden fankas m equal valne’ ‘The people

1 Finehta does not use the word muha: 7 and it would appear here
to havo the meaning of “cc.n” m its general sense The round muhur in
Akbir's time wis of the weight of oleven mishas and was worth nino rnpeer.
(din-s Ahbdsy 1 30) Barni usea:¢ in the same way es Bodioni. See Barni.
Calouttn toxt, p 475, line 10 et seqq
$MS (A) omits the word gy but it seems probable that this itheit
commg was mainly confined to copper Barni atates that the Hindis of
every province coined krora and laka of copper coins, so also Firighta,
8 The Persian textis IN wf ply 9} 5485. This can hardly mean
that for every coppor tenka u golden tanke would be gtven, and yet the word-
angof the precediug hne gives colour to tha view Jt rans as follows
aay al Yor 63 UyS ye “Every one who hag i tus honge a copper
cpka ' Boru’ account is much the same, Firghta’e 18 more exploit, but 16
ytint cleay tether the coins were exchanged at their relativa metal value or
7
thhivface att 1 however is most probable tha. the copper tanka having
 [ 307 J
profited grently by this arrangement, till at last copper became
copper and silver silver, and those copper tankas were lyiug in
heaps in Taghlaqabad as late as the time of Sultan Mubarak Shah
according to thé author of the Tarikh--Mubdrak Shahi, aud had
no more value than stones. God knows the truth.
And in the year! 738 A H. (1337 A.V) he desputched a force
of eighty thousand’ cavalry under eminent commanders to cap-
tare the mountain of Himachal ® which strauds between the coun.
try of Chin and Hindustan, and which they also call Qurachal&
with orders to leave garrisons in each succeastve place so that the
hine of communications for transport and supplies might remain
open and the road of return might be ensy After the entiy of
this army into this country, by reason of the peculiay features
of that monntain, on which heavy clouds form and rain pours in
torrents at the sound of men’ voices and their shoats and the
neighing of horses, in consequence also of the nariowness of the

beon artificially prononnod eqjanl in value to tho silees tanka, wag repur
chased by the tre wary at that same value, fo that the dislocation of (he
euriency and ite consequent disasters are easily intelligible See Elhott LI
240, Brigy’a Foner 418
Although 1311434 translation leaves ue im donbt ag to tlia, the text of
Puighta os perfictly clear on the subjeat end we neo that these copper tavkas
wore fasted ss tohows With an artiferd value, and st wag when the Saltin
found that '}. copper currency was distrasted by hie people who fonnd it waa
not recerved 1, foreign countriespthat he hit epon the expedient of offering to
exchinge the " ppet tankas foi silver or gold fankas, hopirg thereby, as
Finehta says, to rehabthtate the copper tauka, bat the people were too wise
for Us, and uiuew the whola stock genuine and couuterfeit alike upon the
Treasary which wis thus dreamed of gold and silver Firrshta (Bo Ed p 239)
For a fu! account of this ioived cur:enoy See Thomas Pathdn Kings
pp 239, et scan
1s (A) Aww y
8 Omit yg inshta says 100,000
SMimichal. Suowy mountain The Caleattn Text of Barn. calls this
Moantain ats inigpriut probably for Unt yi p ATT, lia l6, dc
# Raghidu d-Din the Jame'u (-Tawarrts (Elliott, ! bb, states Roevlos ese
monntrins there are others called Kalurchal (called alec Uy aime wet
iw another passage Aaryal) The editor rete dre rion f Sain
hemaid reads the name“ Kelatdeh ' flu Hatuta ever ce onouaerab”
are wi 385) The water part ot the sagae1s pohah tie o karte on
®
vanntam The firat port mar he the dak wordt MF age fe
‘rom the intense cold uf such a snowy rer 4
 f 908 J
paths and the scarcity of fodder, the patrols were not able to stand
to their posts, and the hill tribes getting the upper hand drove
back the army, and falling upon the rear of the force killed many
of them with poisoned arrows end stone showers, and sending the
most of them to the eternal world enabled them to attain martyr-
dom, taking the rest prisoners.! For along time they wandered
helplessly among the mountains, and those who escaped after
countless hardships the Sultan visited with condign punishment.®
And sfter this calamity so great an army never gathered round
280. the Sultin and all that money expended in their pay was thrown
away.
And in the year 739 AH (1338 AD) Bahram Khin Governor
of Sanarginw died, and Mahk Fakhru-d-Din Silahdér became
rebellions and assumed the title of Sultan, and having fought
with Qadr Khan the ruler of Iakhnauti in conjunction with Mahk
Husamu-d-Din Abarija the Mustauff, and ‘Izzu-d-Din Yahya
A‘zgamu-l-Mulk, was defeated, and all his sources of grandeur, his
treasure and his retainers fell into the hands of Qadr Khan; and
when the rainy season had arrived the horses belonging to
Qadr Khan died, and he had collected much money ® and had
stored 1t up in heaps in Ine own house with the object of present.
ing it to the Sultan In spite of all that Husimu-d-Din Aburja
could do to dissuade him from amassing wealth and inducing men
to covet if and thfts leading to disorder, Qadr Khan would not
listen, till eventually the very result predicted by Husamu-d-Din
ensued ; Malik Fakhro-d-Din returned, and the soldiery of Husi-
mu-d-Din joined him and killed ther own master, and all the mot 3y
fell to the lot of Fakhru-d-Din The absolute control of Sundr-
ganw was given him ; he appointed one Mukblis a servant of his,
to Lakbnanti, and ‘Ali Mubarak Inspector of Troops ; Qidr Khan
put Mukhlis to death and aspired at independence, writiug diplo-
matic letters to the court of the Sultéu. The Sulfién appointed
Mahk Yasuf, but he died by the way, and the Sultéu, having othe:
affairs to attend to, omitted to send any one elas to that distriet +

1 Barni states that the Hindia of Qarijal aesed the passes behind the
advancing force, end that of all the force only ten sowara returned. (p. 478)
Bee aleo Elhott, ITT. 242.
§ Aoocoriing to Firghta all those who escaped were put to death by order
of the Sujjain
3MB.(A) omits Jley © MB. (A) le wl hoo (gad
 { 309 |
At this junccaoro ‘Ali Mub’rak by reason of the enmity he bore to
Fakbru-d-Din, displayed the insignia of royalty, and assumed the
title of Salt&in ‘Aléu-d-Din, and Malik Ilyas Haji who was s man
of family and retinue, after a few days put ‘Alau-d-Din to death
with the assistance of some of the Amirs and Maliks of Lakh-
pauti, and himself assumed the title of Sultin Shamsu-d-Din, 931.
And in the year 741 A.H. (1340 A.D.) Saltén Muhammad hav-
ing left with the object of reducing Sunirgénw, sewed Fakhro-d-
Din and brought him prisoner to Lakhnanti, where he put him to
desth and returned. Shamsu-d-Din became absolute monarch of
that region, aud the kingly power and authority over that country
descended for a lengthened period in the hands of his sons,) and
never again returned to the possession of Sultén Muhammad ‘Adil.
And in the year 742 A.H. (1841 AD) Saiyyid Hasan Kaithalh
the father of Malik Ibrihim a feofee of the Sulfin, who waa
generally known as Hasan Kangh, and who eveutually obtaired
the sovereignty of the Deccan with the title of ‘Alainu-d-Din
Bahman Shah, fermented a revolt in Ma‘bar on the grounda of the
severity of the Suitdn’s governors, and the innovations introduced
in the laws, and the number of executions,? and gained over to his
own party nearly all the great men of Dibli who had been ap-
pointed to that district. He put to death the leaders of the
opposite party The Sultén proceeded from Lakhnanti to Deogir
for the purpose of quelling that disturbance, and on his arrival at
Tilang was taken ill, and, was forced to retarn by uninterrupted
marches to Dihli He left Qutélogh Khan in Danlatabad ; thus
the rebellion in Ma‘bar remained unchecked and Hasan’s influence »
increased rapidly.
And in the year 743 (1342 A D.) they put to death by treachery
Malik Halajun and Kul Chander Khakbar and Malik Tatar
Kbuid, the Governor of Lahore? and when Khwaja-i-Jahan
tame up against them,* they came cut to do baitle with him, but
the scoundrels suffered a severe defeat and were sorely punished.

1 MB, (A) reads 99 3! widijy? faye 99 dyro (a0 G

8 MS. (A) has not the word re aimply st is
8 MS. (A) has poi US and 4345, The text has diSS which seems
preferable.
¢ MS, (A) omits 0% gheU and reads wed)
 t 310]
And in the yenr 744 AH. (1843 A.D.) the Sultan passing
through Sanam and Sdindna gave orders to the Saiyyide and all
232 the Muslims in opposition to the advice of Hasau Kanka, fora
general massacre, but he kept the chief men of those districts in
their posts, conveyed thom to the suburbs of the city, and con-
ferred upon them villages and districts, and bestowing many rich
robes of honcur, and purses of gold gave them a place of abode
there, and when» genvral famine arose he issued an edict that any
ove who wished should proceed to the enstern part of Hinduatin
and spend the days of deainess aud semeity there, without let or
hindrance, and sn the same way if any peraon wishing to give up
hving im Daulutahad should return to Didi, po one woald molest
liom Moncover mm that year so many people arrived in Hindustan
from the counties of Khordran and ‘Iraq and Samarqand, m the
hope of receiving the bounty of the Sultan, that hardly any other
races were to pe scen in that country,
And in this year Hayi Suid Sargud! armved from Egypt bear-
ing the diploma of the Khalifah® with a banner and a robe of
honowt conforming upon the Sultan the t.tle of Naguw-s- Amir 1-
Mitmunin from the Khalifuh of the Abbasides who were still
extant, Phe Saltin ordered decorations and wluminatous in the
city, and proceeded with all the Shaikbsa and Saryyids and Ina
retainerr to give him an honourable reception, then, dismounting,
he kissed the feet of Haji Said and joined lusietinue He then
re-established the Friday prayers and the 1d, which all this
time he had kept in abc yinee waiting for the orders and sanction
ol the Khalifuh, he read the KAuthah in the name of the Khelifwh,
and struck out the names of those kings who had not received
authority from the Dar nl-Whilafah, with the exception of Snitan
Mahmid He then gave laiyeswe® of money and valuables to
such an extent that his tieasnry becaine exhausted, he also des-

1 The printed text reads usr, but MS (A) has (Sytye So has algo
Barni, Col ict p 192,! 10, and 13° (Sce also Blhott, LIT 249)
Barai givca a good account of the events preceding tue mmk of favour
from the Khalifah, o course of falsome adulation seema to have been then,
as in more modcra times, Lhe royal read to favour
§ Al Hakim b Amr Het bal ‘Abbas Abmad abn al Mustakfi biliila, who
was prociauned in 741 A H Foran acconut of these Eyyptiun Kbelifahs,
see Lhomas’ Pathan Kings, pp 257 and seqq Also D’Herbelot
$M8 (A) yo
 [ sll]
patched to Ngypt
a precious jewel, the like of which he had not
in his treasury, by the hands of H4ji Bargq‘ai, with other rarities
and presents; and having become, in his own opinion, the rizhtfal
Bhalifab, and keeping constantly placed before him the Quar'§n!
and the honorary presents and the patent of the Khalifah, wonld '

issue commands as though he were the Khalifah, and used to say 233.
“The Kbatifah says” this or that. He compelled the people to
profess allegiance to the Khalifah, and went to Sarkdawai which
isin the vicinity of Shams&bad, and on two or three occasions®
in Baraj and Kanbhiyat also he received patents from the
Khalifah, and a second time the Makhdimzada-i-Baghdadi *
came to visit him, and the Sultan went on foot to Palam to receive
him; and when he saw him from afar off he advanced to meet
him, and seated him upon the throne beside himself and made
over to him without reservation, the city of Kili with the garden
and the palace and all the buildings.
And in the year 745 A H. (1344 4D) Malik Nizamu-l-Mulk
governor of Karra, raised a rebellion, Shahr-n-leh the brother of
‘Ainu-l-Mulk brought up an army against him from Oadh and took
him prisoner, but the rebellion was quelled. Then Shihabu-d-din
Sultan waxed riotous in Bider, and Qutlugh Khin was despatched
agaist him, and Shihabu-d-din comig out with his son to do
battle was bemeged in the fortress, and Qutlugh Khan indacing
him to come out by promises of yuarter, sent him to the royal
presence.
And xn the year 746 AH. (1345 AT) ‘Ali: Sher sister's son to
Zafar Khan ‘Ala‘i gained possession of Gulbarga § in strong force,
having put to death the ruler of Bidar, and taking much spoik

1 MS (A) reads (3yio cde" al MSS, rend (j)40 which has no

intelligible measaing We must read here oye in tho sonse of ‘honours,’ se,
the banner and robe of honour sent by the Khalifah to him
8 MS (A) omits Je os
8 MS, (A) yy Broach and Cambay Hunter Imp Gas, IIT. 101
4 Ghidsa-d-dire Muhammad, a son of & great-grandson of the Khalif of
Baghdad Al Mustansir-billab: (Thomas, P K D 257, note 1)
6 A fall account of thig is givon by Ibn Batiite (Paris, Edo ui 258 and
seqq) who writes lola (sy Kon go> sibs} y, He gavn him in fief the
erty, of Siri, Barni (Calcutta text p 406) says te 3 or" i Satag$ 3
(sr jon wy yon”
6 MS.(A} Seolmp, Gas, VIL 882.
 { 312]
fought with Qutlagh Khan, but was defeated and obliged ty
retreat to the fortress of Bidar where he shat himself up.
Qutlugh Kbian however took him also prisoner, and sent him to
Serkdawari which was the camp of the Sultén’s army. The
Sultan in the firat instance sent the captives to Qhasnin in exile,
but afterwards recalled them thence aud pat them all to death.
And in the year 747 AH. (1346 A.D.) at the time when the
Sultén had made Sarkdawari his camp, ‘Ainu-l-Mulk arrived at
the Court, bringing from Zafaribad and Oodh much property and
rarities of great value as presents ; then the Sultan came to the con-
clusion that it wae advisable to recall Qutlagh Khan from the
Dakkan, and send ‘Ainu.J-Mulk to replace him. ‘Ainu-l-Mulk got
some idea into his head, and fied by night from Sarkdawari and
crossing the mver Ganges made for Oudh, and his brothor Shahru-
Nah laid hands upon certam of the elephants and horses! be-
longing to the king, which had been left behind to graze, and
carried them off. The Sultan went in pursuit of them as far ag
Qananj, and ‘Ainu-l-Malk, at the instigation of his brothers and
a party of the followers of Malik Firoz Naib Barbak, who had
been placed in charge of the elephants and horses, crossed the
river Ganges and coming over to this side® attacked the army of
the Sultin, and like the thieves and Gawdrs (of India)® took to
the woods and fought on foot, but not being ablo to stand against
the elephants and archers of the king took to flight, and Shahru-
Ilsh and his other brother together with the majority of the
sirdare of ‘Ainu-1-Mulk were drowned, and the remainder fell by the
awords of the soldiers, and the fugitives were taken prisoners by the
Gawars, who having found ‘Ainu-]-Malk alive took lim on their
shoulders ® and brought him bareheaded ° to the court and gave him
a few days respite,” aud the Sultan in consideration of his excellent

1 MS. (4) omits {). § MS, (A) wpb

8 MS.(A) omits ole ¢ MS,(A) Nyye
§ The text reads Sidigy) 25¥,4 and so does also MS (A). It seems
probable however that this 1s an erroneous reading due to the repetition of
dhctoy in the originel copy.
6 MS, (A) reads 4i45) naked.
1 Barni entirely omits all reference to the eventse here recorded. The
Gawiee ares race of gypsiesin India according
to Steingaas 1 oan find no
e of them im Sherring’s Hindu Castes, nor in Elliott's Tribes of the
 . [ ss]
services gave him his freedom, and in accordance with his former
cnntom treated him well, and giving him a district sent him back
to Dibli; then he recalled Qutlugh Khan from the Uakkan, bat
inasmuch as Qutlugh Khan had reduced that country to exeellent
order and had gamed the good will of the people, hid recall waa the
cause of great discontent (and disaffection)! and ‘Aziz Khumiar*
who was one of the cunaille, proceeding to Malwa put to death
many centurions (or Amirs of a hundred) which is the meaning
of the word Yizbighi® in accordance with the Snultau’s orders,
and thence arose many insurrections, ‘
And in the year 748 A H, (1347 A.D.) the captains of hundreds,
stirred up rebellion and sedition in Gujrét against Mugbil
the servant of Khwaja-i-Jahan who was naib-vasir of Gujrat,
and was biinging treasure to the Coart, ‘and attacked him
by night, gettimg possession of the treasure aud horses and pro-
perty belonging to the king. The Sultéa arrived at Gujrat with
the object of quelling this rebellion, and sent some of the trust-
worthy Amira as for instance Malik ‘Ali Sarjandar, and Ahmad
Lachin to Daulatabad to bind the Amira of hundreds who were
there and bring them to Court. Assoon as Malik Ahmad Lachin
arrived at the pass of Mantkganj, the Amirs of hundreds in their
alarm* came to a common understanding, aud put Malik Ahmad
Lachin to death; Aziz Khumar who had gone from Gujrat to
oppose the Amirs of hundreds of Dabbo'i ® and Baroda, on coming
face to face with the insurgents lost his head,® fell from
his horse and was taken prisoner. This news had reached the
Snitén and had augmented his wrath considerably And after
the defeat of Muqb:! and the murder of ‘Aziz, the Amirs of
hundreds waxed bold, and sent for their families and relations
from all directions, and with one consent turned against the
Sultan” and having captured the fortress of Daulatabad from the
the governors of Malik ‘Alam tovk possession of 1t, and raising
1 MS (A) omitsged 9. 8 MS (A) Som jay? Aziz Hmiar.
8 galol jn2 Commandant de cent hommes (Pavet de Oourteille).
# MS. (A) omits the words > wha,
5 MS.(A) Tho text1e wrong here Isabho't, See Tieff, I, 372 also map,
Vol. 11] see also Hunter, Imp. Gaz, 1V. 76; and Bayley, Hsstory of Gujrat.
8 Bo,S es 4 3 cued (Lit) Had lost ne hands and feet.
1 The printed text reads whale »xe) daub which in meaningless.
MS. (A) reads wlhlee ¥ and this seems the correct reading.
49
 f 814j
te the throne one Tema] Fath gave him the title of Sultda
Nanru-d-Din. After this the Amirs of handreds of Dabho'i and
Baroda over whom the Sultiin had appointed other Amirs, being
defeated by the army opposed to them joined hands with the
Amirs of hundreds of Daulat&bad When the Suitin went to
Daulatabid [sma‘il Fath prepared to give him battle, but being
defeated shut himself up in the fortiess of Dharauagar by which
is meant the citadel! of Daulatibad; many Muslims of
Daulatébid were slain in this rebellion, or were made prisoners,
sod Malik’ ‘Imadul Mulk Sartez was ordered to pursue® the
. fugitive Amirs of hundreds towards Bidar In the meantime
tidings arrived of the rebellion in Gujrit of Mahk Taghi, who,
having pat to death Malik Muzaffar the governor of that place,
had obteined possesmon* of a large number of horses and
much property, Therenpon the Sultan Jeaving in Dharanagar
Mahk Jaunhar and Khudawandzdda Qiwamn-d-Din and Shaikh
Burhano-d-Din Balarami® left to quell the rebelhon of Taghi ; §
the army which had fled from Danlatabad under the leader-
ship of Hasan Kangi, conmng ort of hiding attacked? ‘Imadn-l-
Mulk Sartez ‘TImédu-l-Mulk was slain, and his army fled to
Daulatibéd and sought shelter there, and Malik Jauhar with
Ehudawandzide Qinaému-d-Din and the other Amirs not being
able to withatand Hasan in Daulataibad evacuated those districts
and made for Dharinagur Hasan Kango pursued them and came
to Daulatébad, and havmg driven out Isma‘il Fata assumed the
tatle of ‘Alau-d-Din and usurped the government, and from that
time forward the rule of the distrieta of Daalatabad and the
sovereignty of that kingdom rematned m his famtly The Instory
called Futdhu-s-Sulatin® was wiitten in bis bonour, And Taghi

! uf; arg, & small fort built between two large forts (Borhan 1-Qép‘)
MS (A) apella this word Sy ok
8 The printed text reads ellos tule ethe ug (A) omits «ylis
Berni calls nm gible 525 po eSlvtoles oho Mahk ‘midu-)-Mulk
Sartes-1-Sultani
8 the proper reading here ia WAL yg (A}. The printed text has
toda
# Road Of yo yl usp, MS (A) & MS (A),
MS (A) omits fle 7MS {A) oma sSle
* MB (A) 9 OT yo, % Lean Snd no mention of tus work
 [ 316]
the rebel, after the arrival of the Sultan at Gujr&t, ventured a
second time to fight with him and waa again defeated, and giving
himerli up to brigandage roamed about from place to place,
the Suitia however continued to porsue him and followed him
wherever he went, And in this expedition the Sultan having
sent for Malik Firoz from Dihli attached him to his Court; and !
in this year Malik Gir the son of Mahk Qubal Khalifat!, to whom
the Sultan had delegated the control of all hia important affairs,
and on whore behalf he had written a letter expressing eubmis-
sion tothe Egyptian Khalifah, aud bnd sent it by the hand of Haji
Barqa‘i, died, and Ahmad Aiyaiz, who is also called Khwaje-i-
Jahan, and Malik Qabil Qiwimnu-l-Muik were carrying on the
government in Dibli, Towards the end of the reign of Muham-
mad, disaffection and rebellion, mischief and sedition became
increasedly evident day by day,® so that if he tarned hi atten.
tion to enring one evil, another was not wanting to supply its
place,’ and matters were past all remedy,* and the glory ® of the
kingdom, and prosperity® of the country was entuely subverted
Tyrunny supplanted equity, aud infidelity flourished in place of
Islam There were many reasons for this, winch by their co-
operation led to rain and dissension, and tha decline of the king-
dom. ‘These causes are given in detail in the original history7
the Firozshahi, and alao m the Mubdrakghahi. The results are here
given in brief airanged under seven heads. Firstly —lhe gieater
part of the people and inhabitauts of the towns and districts were

LMS (A) y scaayry 880) 6 .

8 MS (A) omits wldig. .
8 Thus 1 the reading of MS (A) SaBpred Cand 5) woke
4 The printed text hua cle MS (A) reada correctly che.
6 MS (A) G&D! 6 Omit swf Ms (A).
1 There are two histomes xncwn as 7éik}-y-Firoz Shahi one by Zsaiu-d-Din
Barni, (Biblioth. Indica 1802) and the other by Shame--Sira) ‘Afif
(Biblioth Indica 1991). (Elliott, IIT 269)
MS. (A) reads (as does the printed text) chet gulsdo but the better
reading sens to be that given, without reference to the authority, in the
footnute to the printed text ee het 3° This would distinguish the
Tarith-«-Firoz Shahi of Barni as the omg.nal history of thas name. The
Térikh-s-Mubirak Shih ag that. of Yahya ibn Ahmad (Ace Elhott, IV., pp 6
and seqq)
 [ 316 ]
ruined by the rapine of Tarma Shirin, and never again recovered
their prosperity. Secondly.—The tribute to be paid by the inha-
Ditants of the Do&b, which district comprises some of the chief
towns of Hindustin, was increased from ten per cent to twenty
per cent., besides which there was the numbering of the cattle,
and the house-census, and other taxes! overand above these, and ®
in this way the more needy portion of the people left their pro-
perty and cattle and attached themselycs® to the richer folk,
while the wealthier subjects plotted rebellion and sedition and took
to highway robbery, and pillaged the country in all directions¢
so that from all these causes tho revenue of the country began
to dwindle.’ Thirdly.—An universal famine, and (consequent)
dearness of grain, for 1t so happened that for seven whole years
not a single drop of rain fell from heaven, It should bo remem-
bered that this statement has been copied as it stands from the
Mubirakghthi, but 1 cannot say whether the author of that work
has been guilty of exaggeration or if in reality the facts were as
stated. Fourthly—the desertion of Dihli, and the population of
Deulatébad, because after Dihli was laid waste they brought
people from the towns and other places into that city and
populated it, and then again removed them thence to Daulatabid,
so that all their hereditary estates and family holdings, and
all tho property and effects? they possessed were wasted and
dissipated, so that they never saw anything more of them.
Fifthly,—The massacre of the eighty thousand cavalry ina body
in the hills of Himachal, and the consequent desolation of their
famihes, Sisthly.—The daily occurrence of rebellion and mutiny
in every place where people were in dread of their lives, some of
them fell in battle but the greater number were put to death with
their familics upon false charges, so that in every way that
wretched country was being ruined. Seventhly.—The blood thirsti-

1 The word lalySt is apparently used here in this unusual sense.

2MS (A) Garb oly. BMS. (A) didepay ye,
#3 dial (ge by quuysl ats. (A),
& die wl pe y wif wo oS way Jae” dla yy: MS. (A) inserts
stoa¥y and omits w4s5 whe
# The question cf exaggeration admita of no doubt. Barni a contemporary
author lends no countenance to such a statement.
1 MB, (A) reads Ley,
 [ 37 ]
ness of the Sultén, and his system of Government of his people,
which made Saiyyids, ‘Ulam&, Shaikbs, ragamuffins and sooun-
drels, artisans,! peasants,* and soldiers, all alike in his eyes,
Moreover thers was constantly io front of his royal pavilion and
his Civil Courts mound of dead bodies and a heap of corpses,
while the seweopers and executioners were wearied out with their
work of dragging (the wretched victims) and putting them to
death in crowds. So that® the people were never tired of rebel-
ling uor the king of punishing (the rebels).* At last the Sulgén
was at his wit’s end what to do, but for all this be did not keep
his foot out of the stirrup, nor did his sword rest from punishment,
bet all to no purpose, till the flood of sedition waxed violent, and
the nobles of the kingdom by degrees grew' feeble, at length
disease overcame him, and the Sultén was freed from his people
and the peuple from their Sultan.
Verse
Of all the people of the world, although most of them
Are gone astray, and few of them are in,the right path,
Do thou so live that when thou diest thou mayest escape
(punishment),
Not so that when thon dieat the people may escape (thy
tyranny).
They relate an extraordinary story of one of the irregular acts of
the Sultau which was that he kept such strict watch over all matters
involving pumshment, that he used to keep four Muftis * t¢ whom
he allotted quarters 1n the precincts of his own palace, and used
to see that they kept to their appointed places,’ so that when any-*
one who was arrested upon any charge, he might in the first place
argue with the Muftis about his due punishment, so far as he was
1 Whether we read dials or a ia” thia word is used in a very un-
usnal sense. Ite proper meaning ia « tax levied upon artisans, but hare it
must mean the { 23 ya as) artisans themselves.
® Thin again is not correctly used. It must be read pi but should
be plural.
BMS. (A) Auld¥ 51d dy. ¢ MB, (A) O45 Ug.
BMS. (A) wad (polled,
6 gi Mufti ‘The officer who assists the Qiri or judge by supplying
him with fatwas o1 docisions.
1 We shonld read here Sy Qbbjs 1G qyee Jjleo ya woo ele mB. (A),
 [ 318}
able, and had said, Be very careful that you do not fail in the
slightest degree by defect in speaking that which you consider
right, because if any one should be put to death wrongfully and
the oversight shonid have been on your side, the blood of that man
will be upon your head Then if after long dircussion they
convicted (the prisoner), even though 1¢ were mdmght® he would
pres orders for his execution,* and if ho himself found for convie-
tion * he would refer 1t to another meeting, avd would endeavour
to find a means of upsetting their arguments,’ aud would come
and make a speech, and when the Maftis were at a joss fora
further argument, he would put (the pmsoner) to death on the
instant or else release him on the rpot.
Thoy ray® that one day Sultan? Muhammad wearing hia slioes went
ou footinto the Court of Justice) of Qiizi Kamalu-d-Din Sadr-i-
Jahan and said, The Shaikhzada-i-Jami has called mea tyrant, send
for him that he may anbstantiate bis charge of tylanny against me,
or, 1f he fails, that you may pronounce? against him the sentence
of such punishment according to law as the cnse may require,
When the Shaikhzada was sammoned he confessed ‘to having nid
it) and the Sultiin enquired (what his grounds were). He replied,
every one whom you punish (with death) lawfully or anlawfully.
that 1m your prevognitve, but that you should hand over his wife
and childien to the executioners as you do, to do what they will
with them, im what religion and under what sacred law do you
find this ? The Sultan was mlent and rose np from the Court,!® and
ordered that the Shaikhzada should be hound , this order was carmed
ont and he was put into an iron cage; then he had lum carried in
that very way on the journey to Daulatahad on the back of an
elephant’ When he returned and arrived at Dahli, he brought him
before the samo Conrt,!t and bringing him out of the cage gave
oiders in obedience to which the poor wretch was ent in
two in
hia presence Fiom this it 1s clear that the Sultan Was & Taixture
of opposites, and for this reason is name has been handed
LBS. (A) giteo Gomme 2 MS (A) sgaye,
8 MS (A) omits oie wf MS (A) OBL (oe pth) oyd Shy
FMS (A) 9 Oxtyo,0 ME (A) omits Guha
8 MS (Alon. de®, TMB (A) bad ike
9MS (4) othe . WMG (A) omits sed
U MB (A) omits ad INS Aly
 f, 318 ]
down in tradition, aye and. even in some books also as “the
Bloody” not as “the Just.” There are many stories bearing upon
this which I have heard, but to write or speak of them would lead
me too far afield. Sq ‘Take example from it ye that are endowed
with sight.” } In short* after great havoc had been wrought in the
affairs of the state by the excesatve tyranny and oppression of the
Sultan, which he however 1egarded as the essence of justice, and '
great breaches had been which the wise and learned were
powerless to repair,® by 1eason of bis varions toila and his evil
designs, the disease of Phtinsis* found its way’to'lis constitution ;
notwithstanding this he set himself to follow up Taghi, and in the

1 Qurfan, LIX 2, 3M. (A) Rad eo 8 ale wf pot ¥ 18. (A).

4s sylew This name was given to avy kind of hectic fever, most
usually that arising from phthisical disease of the tung. The following defl-
nition 18 from the Bahru-l-Jawéhir
Leper Ailes YW sido arbi,0 Bensley ister) nhs
wt gh Fo gem
p00 Ebanlge wool dos! dys ya ogo Oaty worl wlighy
gui gull)
- Blast
9 I’
The fever called “ Diqq” is when the hoat which arises from the conatitution
seizes upon the chief essentini organs, especially the heart, and the moistore
of the body disappears Another opmron 1s that this 1 an extraneous fever
which attacks the body by nieaus of its generation im some of 1ta members,
The Burhan + Qate' ataten that 1t 1s called ¢5> becnuse it enincates the body,
Sadids's acconvt 19 aa follows. The fever GO goo 18 usually fatal,.....16
is exther simple or complicated with puirid fever. The signs uf tlis complica-
tion are persistence of the fever, with an exacerbation on the day of the
paroxysm of the putrid fever, shivering 1s also present The worst comphea-
trou af all ig (he says) when “ diy7” 18 complicated with one of the fevers
wlach require treatment by purges, because the treatment of “digg” 18 the
oppomte to this
The pulse in uncomplicated " dtgq"’ 18 hard, freqaent, and slender ...The
surface uf the body 18 not very hot at the first feel, but afte: a few moments
\t fecls scorching, hottest of all over the arteries, the heat increases especially
im the face and upper parts of the body.
Food alioukl be nounshing Some unskilfal physicians withhold food
and joll the patient speedhly Food should be moist and cooling If the
fever passes on to the degiee called dx gabal the pulse cre ies tu
hardness and tenuity, the cyes change and become covered with sordes tin
¢artiinges of all the bones are prominent, the temples eink in, the skin ef
the forehead tyghtens, the shin loses its lustre, and has a dusty appearince
the eyelids becomes heavy, all thie is the reanlt of rapid diveolntion cu! ite
Abundance of drynesa and disappearance of the nataral mutstuie 7 ueie
 [ 320J
of exterminating him set out for the kingdom of Thatha where '
mie had fled for sate and ® in that expedition Qarghan Niib
five thousand
of the king of Kburdsin sent Altin Bahadur with
cavalry to assist the Sultan. The Sultin ’s illness waa at that time
slightly less wgent® and when he arrived at Thatha he fasted on
the day of the ‘Ashira,* which was in the very middle of the hot
his
season, and after breaking his fast he ate some fish, wherenpon
jJIness returned, and on the twenty-first of Muharram in the year
752 H. (1351 AD.) he took Ins way to the next world,’ the
duration of his reign having been twenty-seven years.
deposit; the nose
alao appears in the urinary excretion, otlness and 4 staly
becomes sharp, the heir grows long, and hoe are uf frequent occurrence on the
body because of the excesuive amount of exhalation, The abdomen falls in
4ill 1b touches the backbone, the ekin of ihe chest 18 also retracted, and the
noila become long ( aby) wa! Og | ) then the diarrhoea reonra, the hair falls
out and death occurs
It will be observed that there 13 no mention here of any of the lung
symptoms of Philues, all that we have desoribed 18 8 continued fever of
remittent type runuig @ moderately long course as 18 vhewn by the symp-
toma desombed. No mention 1 made of any eraption, nor is diarrhea
apparently more than an mtercurrent sy:nptom appearing late in the disease.
This was probably one of the fevers so vommon 10 Indsa fur which for
want of better namo “typho-malanai” has been suggested.
Probably the complication of “digg” with “putrid fever” of which
Sadidi specks wea more comparable to the “ enteric fever” of modera stience,
Badidi speaks elaewhere of three degrees of severity of this fever. The firat
iy called “dsgq” the sooond more sovore 1s called sab#l and the most severe
of all 13 called “ hash/.”
T have only been able to epitomise Sadidi’s account which will be found at
pages 427-428 of tus work «(Al Mughns fi Sharh sl Miyas).

tle $09 MB.(A), 9 MS (A)9. 8 MB (A) Opt Bok came co9y Sait,
4 “The ‘Ashira,” isa voluntary fast day observed on the tenth of the
month of Mubatram. It is the only day of Muharram observed by the
Sun Muslims, being the day on which it 1s said God created Adam and Fve
heaven and hell, the tablet of deoree, the pen, lifeand death It is kept by the
Soonis aso fost” (Haghes, Dict, of Islam, 26)
§ On the banka of the Indus at fourteen kos from Thatha according to
Barni (Filott, TIL 266), but Badson’ states he had arrived at Thatha Barni
states that he was taken ill thirty ko» from Thutha where he had arrived on
the ‘aahuré, thence he was carnmed 1ll as he was “for the second and third
day antl he came to within fourteen kus of ‘hatha.’ There he remained
according to Bani gradually growing worse and died on the Zlat of
Mubarrum
 { 82)
When
the Empire of justice arose with ease, like the ean.
The land of Hindnstén came under his sway like that of 241.
Kburdsdn;
A fortress lik} that of the Haft Khwin ! he built of Haft
Jish® which in loftiness
Would need the Naar-i-Téir® to fly to its pinnacle inaccessible
as Harumén.*
So atrong that it registered a vow to last till the Resurrectiou-
day, bat by reason of the vicissitudes of time, it became
destroyed in many places like the web of « spider.
You will find nothing upon the top of ita walls but the voice
of the owl.
In its topmost garden you will see pothing by the ill-omened
raven.
It befits the duration and pride of Empire that its condition
should become in accordance with the words “ God most
High is far above all that the tyrants of men say of Him.” §
And among the celebrated poets of the time of Sultin Mubam-
mad is Badar Shighi® who wrote a Shahnima in his hononr, of
nome thousand verses? and for the very reagon that i¢ is a history
in poetry it is » valuable acquisition.
Scizin Fisoz Sgig isn Marie Razas
Who was the brother's son of Sultén GhiySgu-d-Din Tughlaq and
uncle's son of Sultan Muhammad ‘Adil, in accordance with the

1 wtph ld Haft Kwan. The capture of the Brasen fortress of Das .

was the final stage of the seven great labours of Isfandiyir known by the
name of the Haft-Khwan. See §hah Namah (Atkinson), pp. 407 io 426, also
Burhdn-i-Qatr' s. 0.
2 cpm whe Host Jith. These are soven metals which ere melted
together to form an alloy of special value; the seven are, iron, zinc (antimony,
Btengass) lead, gold, tin, copper, and silver. Burhdn-i-Qaji', According to
the @hidgu-i-lughat, it also contains quickslver and brasa.
8 stb yo Nasr-i-Toir, The constellation called also wile ‘Ugdb, The
Eagle. ,

4 whee Haruman, o fortress on the frontier of Egypt. Burhdn-t.Qeh',

6 Cf. Qurdn XXVII, 64. ® See page 206, note 6.
1 This looks as though we sbonld read ay! sjd somes aly nearly
twenty thousand verses. Both MSS. however read the same as the printed
text which is here followed though 1¢ is au ancommon coustraetion.
4
 [ 922]
sathority appointing him the heir-apparent of Sultan Mohammad
ascended the throne of sovereignty and state, by the consent of
the chiefs of the Shaikhe and the leading Amirs and Vasirs in
the aforesuid year, in the vicinity of Thatha, It is anid that the
Mukhdtimeada-i‘Abbasi of Baghdad, and Shaikh Nesira-d-Din
Chiragh--Dihli muy God sanctify their sacred resting places were !
the cause of the allegiance thus sworn to Sultan Firoz, and it is
currently reported that [Makhdim Shaikh Nagira-d-Din Chiragh-i-
. Diblt may God sanctsfy hes vesting place]* had secretly made Malik
Firoz King during the absence of Sultan Muhammad. Some of
the Muftis informed the Snlténu of this, and his orders were that
those two, master and disciple ® were to be taken in confinement
from Dihli and brought to the camp. This was carried out,’ and
Mahk Firoz in some way or other gained over the guards, and
mado his way, just as he was, to the neighbourhood of Hansi to
Shaikh Badru-d-Din who was one of the descendants of Shaikh
Jamalu-d-Din of Hansi® may God sanctify their resting-places.
That boly man oxclaimed “Great God! a man has been made
prisoner and taken off to be Sultén, and he wote not of it”!
When they arrived® at the camp of the Sultan in the vicinity
of Thatha and the tidings of the arrival of these two holy men
reached him? he gave orders that they were to be put to death
the instant of their arrival, and with that he lapsed into a state
of intoxication. A son of his had gone on a hunting expedition,
accordingly when the guards saw’ this state of affairs, they
liberated the holy Shaikh and the Sultdn ,® then Sultan Firoz by
the consont of the nobles ruacd the banner of sovereignty and
got the Sultn’s son out of the way by some crafty scheme, and

1 MS, (A) reads Ogg) ay for Wy) Many (Tort).

4 The words between square brackets are omitted from MS (A).
$ The reading hore is uncertain The printed text has ty Quy 9 ph
4 a
whilo MS (A) has |) dlyy ye The latter has the more genuine riug
though it 18 an uncommon expression
* MS. (A) Mdyyly The text reads Oygly
5 MB. (A) d92 Ledyen BUY wT Kopnile yah} Slom es
huw M5) 3 os
gS 28.
€ MS, (A) 31 FOL, MS CA) er
8 MB. (A) aif sons (A) Bey 99 556 99 tl pe
* MS. (A) 0 LS(68, By Suitin, Firos Shih must be here meant
 { $33}
after that! he had returned to Dibli he made the pargaua of
Chaurasi in the district of Hinei a present to the monastery end
reat house of Shaikh Badru-d-Din, whom I have mentioned.
This is what I have heard—God alone knows the real truth.
They also say that Sultin Muhammad ibn Tughlaq Shah took
the reverend Shaikh under his protection, till one day the Shaikh,
may God sanctify his resting-place, tied a knot upon one of the |
Sultan's robes and seid “ Nagiru-d-Din fastens and God opens”
aud that very day the Sultan died.
Verse.
The only kingdom which sorrows not for the affliction of ns
decline,
Hear my words freely spoken, is the kingdom of the darvesh 248
However this may be, the Sultan Firoz at the outset of his reigu
issued this order that the Mughuls who had obtained influence
over the soldiery should be brought apart from the camp, and
inasmuch as their mutinous conduct had passed all bounds, the
Sultin himself saw to their safe custody, and pumshing these
Mughuls effectually put a stop tothew interfering with the dis-
cipline of the amy.
Verse.
Far better than giving a Mughul a hint to plunder
Is it that you should rejoice him with a sight of Paradise
Then he brought his army in safety into security, and proceed
ing by way of Siwistén made for Dihli by continuous marches,
and Ahmad Aiyaz, styled Khwaya-i-Jahdn, who m the absence*
of the Sultan had urged tho claims of an obscure child® to the

1 MS, (A) A131 og.

8 MS. (A) Sade yd.
8 Shame-i-Siriy ‘Afif gives the “trne account of this transaction juat as
he heard it from Kishwer Khin, son of Kighla Khiu Bahram, one of the
servants at the Court ”
Hoe asserts the Khwija-i-Jahin who was on terms of great intimacy with
Firoz Shih received false tidings that Tatar Khan and the Amir-Hab Firoz
Shah were migeg and cither dead or prisoners “‘ After the days of mourn:
ing were completed, the Khwiya, beheving thie report to Le correct, placed a
son of Saltin Muhammad Shah upon the throne, and thus through adverso
fate committed a blunder.” Elliott, 111. 279-280
 [ 34J
throne, and had given him the title of GhiySmu-d-Din Mabmtd
ShSh, appointing himself Vokil, after considerable argument,
and much correspondence, by reason of his helplessness and
dejection, by the mediation of Ashraful-Malk and the other
nobles and grandees, came with bared head, casting his turban
on hig neck, to the neighbourhood of Hiust, and had an interview
with the Sultén, who washed ont the writing of his fault with
the water of forgiveness, and made: him over to the Kotwal of
Hansi, and as for the party who had been his companions in this
faction and opposition, he dispersed them all in different direc-
tions. At Sarsnti tidings arrived of the birth of Shahsdda Fath
Kban,* whose son eventually became Tughlag Shah, and the news
of the death® of Taghi Taghi also reached him there from
Gujrét, and on the second of Rajab in the aforesaid year, he
graced the throne of Dihli by his accession and madea fresh
distribution of appointments
And in the year 753 H. (1352 A D.) he went to the Sirmfir hills
for the purpose of relaxation and sport, and returned thence, end
in the month of Rajab of this year Shahzada Muhammad Khan,
who eventually obtamed the title of Nasiru-d-Din Mubammad
Shah, was born.
And in the year 754 H. (1353 A.D.) he returned
from Kalanor
whither he had gore on a hunting expedition, and
built a lofty
building on the banks of the river Sarsuti and [gave
it to Shaikh
Sadru-d-Din Multani, may God sanctify his resting place, the
Shaikhu-l-Islém] and Malik Qubal* Naib Vacir he
made Xhan.+-
Jahan,’ and at the close of this year he went to Lakhnanti with
the intention of putting down the rebellion of Haji
llyis who
had assumed the title of Shamsn-d-Din. He accordingly
took
refuge in the fort of Ikdala,® which is tke strongest of the forts

1 Of. Elliott, ITT. 285,

8 MB. (A) gp ald ss 47
wey SF Siraj ‘Afif tella us that he found-
ed a town here and called it Fat
hibid in honour of this event, Elhott, 11,
288.
BMS. (A) git UG,
& Bee note 6, page 2h4,
: mas (A) Con sent
ence Precedes the one
1 een Rewarding his for tesa, in square brackets.
» see J A 8.8, 1874, p
04, It was afiel wards call 244. See Elliott,
ed Azi
dpur by Firoz Shih,
(Ethott, 111 267).
 [ 925]
of Bangila, and after a desultory! defence fought for a very short
time, and threw his elephants and his material of war, with his
servants and retainers to the winds, and all of them fell into the
hands of the SultSin who, having made peace with him becanse of
the rainy seaton,® retraced his steps.
And in the year 755 H (1354 AD) having crossed by the ford ©
of Manikptr he arrived at Dibli end built Firvzdbad® on the
banks of the Jamo. Aud in the year 756 H. (1355 A.D) he

1 This eppears to be the meaning MS (A) omita atble and has ovf yo
ses also Thomas, Pathan Kiugs, p. 294 and note .
8 Jkty bughkal in M. Pavet de Courteilles Tarki Dictionary thia word is
given OW ay pushakal or Jig pwshidl Saigon des plaies. He gives three
instances of its use frum the Déberndmah
8 Firozabid. This must not be confoanded with the Firozibad whioh arone
from the change of name of Pandiah, ace Elhott, III, 296, and Pandiieh, Zmp,
Gas. Vol. XI,
This Firogibad (see J. A. 8 B, 1870), was situated five hos (ten miles) from
Dibli, and included according to Shams-1-Siriy ‘Atif, eighteen places, the
qasba (townships) of Indarpat and others a list of which will be found in
Elhott, LI. 308, At page 208 wall also be found an account of the founding of
the city of Hissar (Higér Firozeh) and of the constraction of two canale
leadiug to it one from the Sutlej and the other fromtheJomna The modern
tepresontation of the latter canal, which was called Rayiwn, 13 found in the
Western Jumna Canal passing through Karnal (see Hunter's Imp Gaz., Vol.
VII. 258 for an account of this canal) The canal leading from the Sutlej
was called Alagh Khini (Ulogh Khaini). In modern maps there ise trace of
this canal, bat it is called the Jureah canal, which is probably the word Rayiwa
converted and applied in error to ting canal Rennell’s map (Treff Vol. 111)
shows the supposed canal ef Firoz Shih, and 1t 18 evident from our author's
atatement that this canal was commenced not from the Hissir end but from
Dipalpiir, which Iay at the junction of the Bits and Sutlej on the banks of
the Bias, and passed south-enst near Fathabad, if not actually through it, to
jon the river Jahjar, which in Rennell’s map 1s called the Jidjcr, its nearest
point measured from Dipilpir bemg exactly 10C miles (forty-e:ght kroh) on
this map, whereas the town of Jhajhar Lat, 28°16’ N Long. 77° 42’ 16" E, 18
200 mies (Hunter's Imp. Gaz , Vol. VII, 195). (The river Jahjar flowed south-
ast through Fatehpir joiniug the Juuun near Etawah). For this reason it
appears likely that the canal was led not to Jhajhar but into the river Jujhar
as ubuve siated (See Bo: Finghta, Text I. 263).
Shame-i-Sirdj ‘Afif makes no mention of Dipilpir im connection with any
canal, and there is one difficnity in bis account as he saya that both the
canals, the Rajiwah and Ulagh Khini, were condacted through the vicinity of
 DEES

[ 3963
ec sR

went to Dipalpir and bringing a qanal from the river Satlaj’

it as far as the Jahjar which is forty-eight krok from there.
Srocloe 25, SR

In the year 757 AH. (1856 A.D.) he conducted a stream ‘

the river Jamna from the vicinity of Mandi (Mandili)
Fame tet

245, Sarar? and having led seven other canals into it took it to H
ae
rn

Karnal If thia was so the “supposed canal of Firoz Shéh” in Rew

map cannot be tho Ulogh Khinit His words are as follows :—
BaF ByUa ue Bayh vy SUS Shalt cose s294 writ Ll
Boyt Bad sam 54
Dahdna-s in hav do ja ansttsdl 1 karndl birtn dwarda miydn + haghtad
kroh dar ghahr + Higar Firiza burda.
It is not to be supposed that Firoz Shih wonld take his canal from Dip
to Karna] when lis objective was Hissar; we have also Badgoni's clear s
ment that a canal was brought from the Sutle) and Jed as far as the Ja
this canal would coincide with the line of that shewn in Rennell’s map
not with that of Shame-1-Sirij
ho canal mentioned im the next patagraph is evidently the one to w
Shams i-Siriy ‘Afif refers (Elhott, III 299-300), although it is not
evident what the exact course of this canal was 1 can find no trace of
places named Mandii (Mand:li) or Surir anywhere in the maps, while
mentioned herg by Badiom must be what ‘Afif calle Great Laris, as he a!
that 1t was in the neighbourhood of Great Laris that Sultan Firoz bull
city of Hisér Firoza. (Elliott, p 299). Rennell (memoir p. 72, quoting {
Dow I 327 has Beraisen, which is a mistaken reading of bi Rasa ix
original, that 19 to sey the two Rises, Great Larag and Little Lars,
It would seem that there were 1m all three canals to Hisar Firoza, one {
Dipilpir to Hissar and on to the Jajhar, this was bronght from the Su
Asecond from the Jumna es faros Karnal(Rajiwah), <A third from the 81
as far as Karnél (Ulugh Khaini) At Karnal according to ‘Afif’s account
two last yorned. The only way this can have been possible is by the cou
of tho Sutle) and Jumoa bemg very different from their present course
even from the beds of these rivers in 1782 when Rennell made his map.
By bringing the Sntle; further south-east near to the course of the Ghay
say neat to Thanesar, we should have @ point from which we can underst
that it would have been advantageous to bring water from both the 8t
and Jomna wé Karnal.
See Journal, Asiatic Soviety Bengal, 1883, p. 105 and 1840, p. 688,
See also Thomag’ Pat'.in Kings, 204 and notes,
1Ms (a) oli.
§ Loannot identify these places. Firighta (Bo, Text I. 262) asya Mand
and Surmir, MS (A) reads Mandili and Sardar,
 { 827}
and thence to Ris! where he built s fortress which he
called Higtr Firora, and dag* a spacious reservoir beneath thé
palace which waa in that fortress, and filled it with water from the
canal; be also led another stream from the canal of the’ Ghaghar
underneatls the fortress of Sarsuti, and from thence to Birni
Khera,’ and in the space between them he built @ fortress * and
named it Firozabad.+ At the end of this year on the occasion of
the ‘Ida-z-Zuh& a robe of honour arrived for the Sultan from the
Khslifah Al-Hakim bi amrillahi Abil Fat) Abi Bakr ibn Abil
Rabi‘ Suleiman ® from the Darul Kbilafat of Egypt, with a patent
conferring upon him the whole of Hindustén: and?’ in thie same
year messengers from Haji Ilyas the ruler of Lakhnauti, having
arrived bearing splendid presents and offerings, were distinguished
with countless favours and kindnesses, after which they returned,
and it was ordered that in return for these presents (handsome)
elephants *® should be sent The whole of Hindustan was now in
possession of Sultin Firoz with the exception of Lakhnauti which
was held by Haji Ilyas, who had come to terms with the
Sultan,!° and with the exception also of the Deccan, which, after
the death of Sultan Muhammad, had come into the possession of
Basan Kang.

1 Slee page 826, continuation of page 326, note 3. Briggs’ Firishte calls it
Raiseen. I. shonld be Risain, thp two Rises,+¢. Great Larisand Little Laris,
Elliott, 111 208.
MS, (A) 29 ,
$8 MS (A) the text reads ty .oy® Sarmti is shewn in Rennell’s
map (Tieff. I1I) as lying southeast of Karnil, Birni Khera, I cannot trace.
Firighta Bo. Text, I p. 268 reads tyif etl ba nahr-t-Sarkhatra, Qom-
pare Rennell’s memoir, pp 72-78.
¢ MS (A) tymUy
§ 99S 06 olf fyyd, At tho village of Giwin on tha beuks of the Jammé,
Elliott, IIT. 902.
4 According to the list of Egyptian Khalifahs given in Thomas’ Pathdu
Kenge of Dihli tho Khalifah in 757A H was Abul Fath Al-Mu‘tazidbillahi
Aba Bakr ibn ul-Mustakfi billihi. He was the sixth of the Egyptian
Kholifehs. Al-Mustakfi billihi Abul Rabi‘ Suleimin ibn ul-Hikim biamre
iNahi was the third of this line.
1 MS. (A) adds 9 8 M8. (A) omits tpi
OMB. (A) rend LSI Cpl} pale &F,
10 MB. (A) oS tas/Lae
 { 828
And in the year 759 H. (1358 A.D.) having gone to Samins, he
appointed Malik Qabil Sarburdadar' to proceed against § the
Mughuls who had arrived on the frontier of Dipilpir. The
Maghuls upon hearing particulars of the Sultdn’s army turned back
and went to their own country, and the Sulfén returned to Dihli ;8
and in this year the Sultan despatched some Arabian horses and
foreign fruits * with all kinds of choice presents by the hands of the
messengers of Sultin Shamsu-d-Diu of Lakhuanti who had arrived
at hia Court bearing many presents,’ and at Bihér they heard
that the Sultéu Shamsu-d-Din had died, and Sultén Sikandar hig
son bad ascended the throne in the room of his father, so they
sent the horsea in accordance with orders to the Court at Bihar
and conducted the messengers back to Karta.
* And in the year 760 H, the Sultan having formed the design
of attacking Lakhnauti with a vast army, left Kban-i-Jahan in
Dehli, and after deputing Tatar Khan, that is to gay Malik Tatar,
to proceed from Ghaznin to Multan, set ont and passed the rainy
season iu Zafardbad, and at this place, A‘zam Malik Shaikhzida-i-
Bustémi’? who had become intimate during his absence with Malik
Ahmad Aiyaz, and by the orders of the Sultdn had been banished,
brought from the Darul Khilafat of Egypt robe of honour for the
Sultén and received the title of A‘zam Khan. Saiyyid Russldar
was sent with the messengers of Lakhnauti® to the Sultan Sikan-
dar at Lakhnauti, and Sikandar despatched five fine elephants with
other costly presents and offerings to the Court, The Sultan when
the rains were over leaving Zafarabad shaped his course for
Lakhnanti, and while on the way set apart the requirements
of
kingship, and elephants and a store of rubies which at that time
were held in great estimation, for the Shabzada Fath Khan, they
247. also struck coms in his name. When they arrived at the confines

1 M&. (A) Siraj ‘Afif calls him Tordbénd.

Elliott, IIT 911.
FMB. (A) Udo poy, OMS. (A) dyed ong)ye
@ MS. (A) Spye
SMS. (A) side
§ The eventa preceding this are related
by ‘Afif, showing how friendship
was established between Sultin Firoz and
Snltin Sikandar Badioni’s account
gives no idea of the crroumatances,
(See Elliot, 111, 805-$12.)
1 MS. (A) om:ty af
"A footnote to the text states that in
follow the word «siyigh), two MBS. the words atl
*
 { 829]
of Pandiiah, Sultén Sikandar shut himself up in the castle of
Ikdala ' whither is father had been in the habit of going for refuge,
and after the Sultin had laid siege to that fortress Suitdn
Sikandar asked for quarter, and sent thirty-seven elephants with
other costly presents as his humble service,
And iu the year 761 H. (1359-60 A.D ) the Sultan proceeded by
continuons marches by way of Pandiiah* to Jaunpir where he
spent the rains, and at the close of this year he marched with a
hgltly equipped force® by way of Behar towards Jajnagar, and
seut his elephants and baggage to Karra, and by uniuterrupted
marches arrived at Satgarh * the Rai of which place ® withdrew, and
thence he came to Baranasi ® which was the abode of the Chief Rai,
and crossed the river Mahandiri,’ and the Ra: of Bardnasi having
taken to flight made with, all haste'for Tilang The Sultan pur-
sued him part of the way turned back to hunt,’ and arrived at
the country of Rai Parihin Dev*® who sent a present of thirty-
two © elephants and other costly offerings From thence the
Sultan coming to Padmawati and Param Taldo!! which was the
haunt of elephants of enormous size, engaged in hunting them and
killed two [and they took the other threo alive}!® and Malik
Ziau-l-Mulk 18 wrote a quatrain upon this

1 See ‘Afif's account of this (Ellott, IIT $08), Siri ‘Afif calls this place
“the islands of Ikdala ” see note 6, pige 324
2 ‘Aff says by way of “ Qannuy and Oudh"—Jaunpur was we are there
told ao called by Sultan Firoz Shih after Suljin Muhammad Shih, son of
Taghlaq Shih, whose name waa Jounin, so he called the place Jaunin-pin.
He stayed there six months, during which period the city was bmit on the
banks of tho Kowah (Gimti),
8 ‘Afif anys eaidS 3fF 50 vbw BLS eyo the Shih left lis heavy bag.
gage in Kayra Text p 163. (Calc. Edu. Bibl Ind ) see Elhott, I1[. $12, note 2.
4 ms. (A) SeKie
5 Named Adegar (‘Afif) or Rie Sidhan (iimshta).
S‘Afif esys Banirasi the ancient rendence of the independoht Riis of
Jaijnagar .
TMS (A) cpudiee.
8 ‘Afit tells us (Text, pp. 166-67) that the Snitin turned aside from the
pursuit to hunt some wild elephants (see Elligtt III. 812-313).
® The Raji pf Beerbhoom (Briggs’ Ferighta),
10 MB (A) reads & three.
1l MS. (A). 48 Not in MS, (A).
18 M8, (A) edielyd
42
 [ 380]
Verse.
The Shih who of right! assumed a lasting kingdom
Seized the enda of the earth hke the glorious Sun
To hunt elophants he came to Jajnagar,
Two he killed and thirty-three® he took alive,
And thence by way of Karra he returned with all possible
haste!
And in the year 762 H (1360-61 A.D.) victorions and trium-
phant he came to Dehli, and after a shoit time he gave orders for
an expedation to the river Salima, which is a river issuing from
a large mound of sand and falling into the river Sutlej which
they also call Satilaz® The Salima is also called the Sarsuti,®
and this river consists of two large streams which are always
flowing, and situated between these two streams there is a high
mound or dyke, and if this were dug through the water of the
Sarsuti would flow into this stream, and it flows through Sibrind
and Mansiirpir and Simana?
The Sultan gave ordors for fifty thousand men with spades to
be collected and to occupy themselves in digging through that
barrier. Out of it they obteined many bones of elephants and
human bemgs. Every bone belonging to the arm of a man
was three gaz* (in length). They were partly converted into

IMS. (A) pe?

§ There is a footnote in the text which gays that mong
MS this soute
sumber oceara and 16 ia probably correct,” but on the
other hand there is
‘Afif's statement that there were only exght elephants,
seven males and ono
female to begin with (Text, p. 167) However ‘Afif, Toxt 172, says he took
with him 73 elephants alive,
OMB. (A) ph coyes @ pl Resleie ob les,
6 Compare with this Firighta’s account, with which Badaom’s
identical is almost
§Firighta, Bomb Edn. Pp. 265,
" Pirghta says ¢ lus gee Hunter, Imp
Gaz, XI 261, for the Sarsuti or
Sareewati. See also T RA 8 Jan, 1893,
pp 49-76, The Salima seems to
answer in pomition to the Markanda which rung
nour Bhihdbad 8. of Ambala,
8 Gaz Seo Atu Akbars (Jarrett), 11
58 et seq Throughout Hindastin there
were threo kinds of gaz— long, midli
ng wad short, Each was divided into
24 equal parts each of which was called
fassi;
Presumably at 18 the short gaz which
is here moant but even this would
about 26 inches, and taking the he
author's meaning to be che bones
arm, au ulus meusuring 26 inches is hardly likely of the fore-
to have been human.
 { 381 ]
atone and had paitly remained bone, just as they were. That
stream however could not be diverted,! and in the meantime
he made Sihrind and for ten krohs beyond into one district, which
he put under the control of Zidul Mulk Shameu-d-Din Aba Rija,
and ordered them to build a fort there and called it Firtizpir which
is in fact Sihrind,® and the Sultan from thence, went to Nagarkot
whose Raja after a siege and some fighting came in and submitted
and met with royal treatment.* Tho Sultin gave to Naga: kot
the name of Muhammadabid after the deceased Sultan Mubam-
mad; and when they brought the Sultan ice on that mountain fort
he snid,* “when Sultan Muhammad, who is now dead and whom
I regarded as a god, arrived in this place they brought him
shai but mixed with ice, bub he had® no inclination for that bever-
age because I was not with lim.” Accordiagly they made an iced
sharbat with several elephant and camel loads of cano-sugar
which was carried with Sultan Firhz, and he ordered them to read
the whole of the Qur'an for the soul of Saltin Mahammad and
distribute the gharbat among the entire army Under these cir- 249,
cumstances they informed the Sultan? that from the time when
Sultan Sikandar Zil Qarnain arrived at this place the people of
that city have preserved au image of Noshaba ® and keep it ina
room, where they worship it. There are one thousand three
hundred books of the Brahinans of olden.time in that idol temple
which is commonly known as Jawalamukhi;* a flame of fire mses
from it towards heaven and is not to be extinguished, No, not
by thonsands of mashks'° of water. The Sultén having sum-

\ Ttake thisto be the meaning. The Porman 1s Of) 8S (opm wf,

§ MS. (A) inserts y.
8 Sea Imp Gaz (Sirhind) XII, 552, and Kengra VII 414,
# See Elhot 111 318-319.
b MS. (A) 8.
6 MS (A) wl}!
1 MS. (A) adda the word w'blee
8 Firishta’s words are Aide |) dy lg) wuyyen
9 Fivighta say Jalimukhi gt Yio
10 Sie shashk The goatakin bag for carrying water.
Briggs in hie tranalation adds the words “the wife of Alexander the
Great,” but upon what authority doea not appear. The wives of Alexander
were Roxana the danghter of Oxyartes, whom ho married in 327 BO, and
 [ 338 ] :
e

moned the Brahmans, ordered some of his translators td trans-

late some of those books! into Persian. Among those translators
‘Izen-d-Din Khalid Khani,* who was one of the poets and ménghis
of the time of Firiz wrote in verse a translation of a book on the
risings and settings of the seven planets, and their good and evil
import, and of auguries and omens. Its name is called up to the
present day® Dalail-i-Firdci, and the author of this Muntukhab read
it in Lahor in the year 1000 H. (1591-92 A D.) from beginning
to
end. Jt 18 moderately good, neither fiee from beauties nor defects;
and I saw some other books before that also which were translated
in the name of Snoltén Firfiz, some of them on tho Science of
“ Pingal” * that is to say on Music, and the kinds of Akhda$
which they call Patur bazi, and some on other subjects, I found
most of them to be profitiess, and their paucity of interest is for
the most pa:t due to the triviahty of their subject matter, and
the difficulty of explaining it, as is evident.
The Sultan leaving there procceded to Thatha, and the J am,° by
which title the ruler of Thatha is called, entrenched himself so that
the Sultan was induced by the vehomence of the ramy season, and
the amount of water which was out, as wellas by the dearness of

(2ndly) at Susa, 824 B.C., Barsine or Statera the eldest danghter of Darits
HI, while according to some accounta (Arman) be also took as his wife
Paryeatia the daughte: of Ochns, at Susa, BC. 325 Arran is the only
anthor who mentiona this last wife (Sunth,D G. 2 Biography ).
ac
It @yjldy) representa in reality either of the wives of
Alexandor 1t must ho
the first named whore name might have been written duly, Rughdna
and by
copyist errors perverted to ali,s Nighaba.
Firighta’s origmal however gives no countenance: to the statement in
Bnggs' translation,
1 MS (A) omts cg) but writes day
AMS (A) roads gs/lS Bealo (0 B.D.) calls him
Khani and mentions him aa the
‘Iezud-D in Khahd
author of the Daliil-s-Fi roz Shahi, proba
on the authority of this paseage, obs bly
BMS. A Youle,
* So called from Pingals or Pr i i
See Allnrini, India I 137 also Coldbrocke of prosody.
Beas oO onthe art
§ The Akhara is an entertaimment
held at night and consists of
and. dancing by females singing
See Ain-1-
. Akbari Jarrett .
Pitur exgnifies in tT
Hindi a Prostitute or annerneret )) TH 258, the word
6 ‘Afif tells us that Jam the brother ofof Raj .
his brothor’s son were 1m possctaion of
: , , Thathe.
Rai nar, and Binhban
= (asqay)
 { 893)
grain, to abandon the siege and make with all haste for Gujeit,!
which coantry he placed under the control of Zafer Khan ; then
having deposed Nizimu-] Mulk* and appointed him Naib Waszir
of Dihli, he retprited to Thatha; and on this occasion the Jim
asking for quarter® had an interview with the Sulgin, and with
all the Zamindara accompanied him to Dihli, and from there took
his leave after being kindly treated and confirmed on his former
footing as ruler of Thatha In the year 772 H. (1370 A.D.)
Kban-i-jahin the Vazir, died, and his son Jini Shah obtained
that title; and the book Chandéban® which is a Magnavi in
the Hindi language relating the loves of Lirak and Chanda, a
lover and his mistress, @ very graphic work, was put into verse in
his honour by Mauliné Da'id There is no need for me to praise
it because of its great fame in that country, and Makhdiim
Shaikh? Taqta-d-Din Wag Rabbani used to read some occasional
poems of his from the pulpit,’ and the people used to be strangely
inflaenced by hearing them, and ® when certain learned men of that
time asked the Shaikh © saying, what is the reason for this Hindi
Magnavi being selected? he answered, the whole of it is divine
troth and pleasing im subject, worthy of the ecstatic contempla-
tion of devout lovers, and conformable to the interpretation of
some of the Ayats of the Qur‘in, and the sweet singers of Hin-
distin Moreover by its public recttation human hearts are
taken captive.
In the year 773 H. (1871-72 A.D.) Zafar Khan died and the
control of that province was confirmed to his son.U

1 Encountermg great difficulties on the march, so much so that for some

months tho impression in Dihli was that the army had been lost (‘Afif, Text,
. 211).
? % Amir Husain son of the late Amir Miran (Elhott IJI. 326).
5 Famine appeared and his troopa were starved ont (Elliotts IIT. $84)
4 ‘AFif says the son of the Jim and Tamichi brother of Binhbava were
appointed to rule over Thatha.
5 See Liliott 111. 871.
OMS (A) reads qld Hadéyan without dots, and also reads {din
Handdé I have failed to obtain any informntion regarding this work.
17 MS (A) omite pS BMS. (Al_yioo
yen 92,
OMS (A) reads 9 Se coy Ate OMe wf global Why gayey,
10 MS (A) dd} Yoswnyy
1 According to Furshta, Zufar*Khin died 19 775 H. and was succeeded by
his elder son Daryé Khin.
 [ 934j
\ ‘Thon in the year 776 H. (1874-75 A D.) an event distressing to
the people (death) happened to Fath Khan; and in this year
Shamsn-d-Din Damaghéui having obtained the yellow girdle and
the Ohandol of silver, that is to say, the palanquin of honour, wags
appointed governor of Gujrat in place of Zafar Khan; and since
he had boasted when accepting the poston his departure, that he
would send to the Court every year a hundred splendid elephants,
two hundred Arab horses, and four hundred slaves, Mugaddam-
sidas! and Abyssinians, together with valuables and money, when
251. he found that he could not perform his promises he was com-
pelled to rebel.
And in the yeer 778 H (1376-77 AD) the Amirs of hundreds®
of Gujrat pat bim to death and sent his head to the Court; thins
that rebellion was quelled, and thereafter Gnyrat was put under
the control of Farbatu-l-Mulk, otherwise kuown as Malik
Mofarnmh Sultani.®
And in the year 779 H (1377-78 A.D.) he marched towards
Ttawa and Akchak 4and having sent the Rais of these districts with
their families to Dihli, built many fortresses on these frontiors; then
having left Firozpiir and Batlabi,® in charge of the son of Malik
Taja-d-Din, and having given Akchak to Mahk Afghan returned
to Dihli. In this year also Mahk Nizimna-d-Din the ruler of Oudh,
who was in attendance on the Sultan, died, and the governorship
of that proyinee devolved upon Malik Suifu-d-Din his eldest son.
Tn the yoar 781 H. (1379 AD ) having gone® to Saimina and
peasing through Shahabid and Ambala, he came to the country
at the foot of Sintiir hills,’ and receiving many presents from

1 soijcoke mugaddamzada haa the same meaning as 5) ale, Khinazad,

born 1n the house
§ Boggs’ “ Ameer Jadeeda” 19 1n the original text te Wipol Amirdn-s-
Sada as in Badion
8 We see from Firghta that it was now he acquired the tithe Farhntu-l-
Malk (Ho text, p 267).
# Firishta gives the reason of this expedition, which wags a rebellion of the
zemindars of Itawa Jnatend of heh Abkchak, ¥imehta reads ds Ahhat
Ho says wis y si 2%) Itina, Akhal, and Tilar,
6 ts Tile Biushta
8 MS. (A) aisy
. a
? Furighto save jp? wae BF Ald = Ty tha foot of the lills of Sahdran-
par,
 { 835J
the Rais aud Governors and Commissioners, arrived at the enpital
and summoning Maliku-gh-Sharq Marwin-i-Daulat, who held the
title of Nugrat Khan,! from the district of Karra and Mahoba,
appointed him to the Multén district, with a view: to close the
door to Mughal intrigues: he then confirmed Karra and* Mahobs
together with all their dependencies upon. the son of Maliku-gh-
Sharq 4 Suleiman the son of Malik Marwiu, whose adopted son was
Saiyyid Khizr Kan, the grandfather of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din Badaoni
who eventually succeeded to the kingdom of Dibii.
And in the year 782 H. (1380 A.D ) he raised the standard for an
expodition with the intention of taking vengeance on the Khikhar
Rai Chief of Kaitha:', who had invited and put to death by
treachery both Saiyyid Muhammad and Saiyyid ‘Alau-d-Din his
brother,* who were Governors of Badaon. The rebellious Khiikhar 7
fled towards the hills of Kuméon, accordingly after laying waste and
plundering the whole of his country, he left Malik Khitaéb the
Afghan 1n the country of Sambhal® to deal with the rebellion of
Khiikhar, and turned back after having made over Badaon to Malik
Qabil; Qabalpira which at present is a quarter of Badaon lying
outside the foit 18 called after his name; also he used to come every
year for tho purpose of sport and lay utterly waste the Kaithal®
country
And in the year 787H. he built a fortified town ina place
called Babili © which is seven krohe from Badéon and is better

1 MS (A). 3 yb,
8 M3 (A)
* Fuighta calla him whale we! gt whe Malik Shamsu-d-Din
Suleunin.
5 MS (A) resds. yess Poke 6S 945 asl Fivighta reads 95450 pre
ne poke, The chief of Kathar called Kbarki.
6 Wunswhta says Suyyid Mohammad governor of Badaou with his brothers
Sotyyid ‘Aluu-d-Din and Sayyid Mahinad.
1 gfy5 Kharki (Finghta)
B hinshta Ute MS (A) Ugaee, Firighta calls him wii} ago tle
Malik Da’id Afghin.
98. (A) yeu. Kesther, Firighta atates he bad given Mahk Di'id
ordera to ravago the country year by year
10 Possibly from the abundance there of the Acatia Arabica known ag
Babil or Kikar, However Finghta calls it yin: Basil,
 [ 336j
Iknown as Mawas,! and gave it the name’ of Firftepiir, and since
in later times no other building was ever erected by the Suitdn
it became commonly known as Akbirinpir.? Now-a-days although
pot a trace of that building remains, still from the old bricks and
the foundations snd general lie of that high ground it is evident
that once upon a time there wap a building on that sites The age
of the Sultén was now nearly ninety years, and how truly bad
those verses come to pass—
When thou reachest eighty or ninety years
Great ia the vexation thon reapest from the world;
And going farther when thou :eachest the hundredth stage
Death will then be to thee a form of life.
Kbin-i-Jahin § the Vazir who had obtained great influence in the
affairs of the state, and was in a position to overthrow those who
opposed his schemes of self-aggrandisement, at a hint from the
Sult&éu destroyed one party and put to death another, and making
accusations of conspiracy against Shahzida Mohammad Khan and
some of the other Maliks who were hand in glove with him, by this
means tained the Sultan agaist him, and gave him a fixed idea ® that
this confederacy had for their object to raise the Shahzada to the
throne; accordingly the Sultan set his heart upon the defeat and
extinction of those Amirs. ‘The Shahzada, however, after that he had
been in terror for some days and had omitted to pay his respects
to the Sultdn, one day in private’ came into the Sultén’s presence
and loyally told him the whole truth, and informed him also of
the treacherous demgns of Khan-i-Jahan, so that the tables were
turned. Obtaining carte blanche from the Sultén to defeat
and exterminate Khan-1-Jahadn, and having brought over to his

1 Or Mawisdi MB (A) cglatye

9B (A) Ht4SS wf Ab, .
8se Last oty
# MB (A) omits (rs)
® Briggs says Zaffur Khin Farsy —bnt this 1s not in the
text. This waa
Jinin Shih who has been mentioved, see next page, note 7.
8 MS (A) 35of wits bla,
1 Finshta tells us that he came i concealed in @
woman’s litte: under
the pretence that his own wife was visiting
the Sultan's harem.
8 MN (A) 9 O& whale dud
 L 887
side! the Firfiei Amira and the mass of the people, in the month
of Rajab 789 H. (1887 A.D.) he started with a strong force to
atiack Khan-i Jah&u, and havmg wounded him plundered his
house and family. ‘Khau-i-Jaldu fled* with a few followers
towards Miwat, nnd took refuge there with one Kaka a Zamindar ; §
and the Shahzida destmmyed certain of the Amirs who hud been
well-disposed ta Khin-i-Jahan, Subseqrently to this the Shah-
rida became Vazir with full uncontrolled powers, and the Sultin
having given him all the apparatas of royalty, elephants and
horses, servants and insignia, and conferring upou him the title of
Nagiru-d-Vin wa-nd Danyi Mubammad §bah, in the month of
Sha‘ban of the above mentiwned year raised him to the throne,
aud betook limeelf to devotion and worship of the Most High, so
that in the Friday Khuthah the names of both kings used to be
mentione];* Saltan Muhammad ordered npon a new scile the
appointments and saluries of the Amits, and confirmed the distri-
bution of districts, and haying given Malik Ya‘qab the title’ of
Sikandar Khan appomted him to attack Khaén-i-Jahan in Miwat;
Kaka Cnihaa w Zamindar of Miwat® bound Khao-1-Jahan and
sent him to Sikandar Khan who put hin to death,’ and having sent 254
his head ns a@ present to the Court of Mubam-nad Shah set ont®
for Gujrat.
And in the year 790 H (1383 A D.) Muhammad Shah arrived on
a hunting expeditwn at the Sirmir hills, and Malik Mufarith who
was in Gnjrat, m unison with the Amira of hund: eds put Sikandar
Khan to death, and the whole of his army being utterly despoiled

IMS (A) saHa,F jie,

® Having first pat to de wth Zafar Khin (Finghta)
8 Finghta calls him Kikie Chaabin,
4 See Thomas’ Pathan Kings, pp. 297 and 305.
6 The word bh must be inserted here though no copy has it
® MS (A) omits the words tulpye yoke} ‘
7 MS (A) Waly Jiky The fire Khin-i Jahin wae according to ‘Afif
originally a Hindi He was a native of ‘Telingana anda inan of high pow.
tion in favour with the La: of that conatry Hie name was Kati bot og
becoming a Muslim he was named Maqbil ‘Afif atates tha! he died in 7U7
A H and when be died wll Dibli went into moorning, Tia Khin-i-Juhain
was his son Jinan Khan.
MS, (4) Od Rhy,
 [ 338 ] .
came with the Sipaheal@r to Dibli; Muhammad Gbah, retarning
from the hill oountry, with the great carelessness which charac
terses youth took no thought for avenging Sikanlar Khan, but
apevt his time in enjoyment aud luxury, #9 that the affairs of
the kingdom fell into yrent disorder; and the Sultéu’a soldiery by
reason of their enmity and jealousy agtinst Samau-d-Din and
Kamalud Dia, who were the protégés of Muhammad Shah, set
themselves up in opposition to them, and assembled in a apacious
plaiu, and stoned and wounded Malik Zahira-d-Dion Lahori whom
the Shahzada had sent to admonish them He came in thot state
before Muhammad Shah and mformed him of what had happen-
ed, whereupon the Shahzada having collected forces set out to do
buttle with that party. The army of the Shahzada was victorions
at first, and bore back the army of the Sultin, 60 that they took
refuge with the Sultan Firiz. ‘The battle raged fiercely for two
dys and when the Sultan’s body servants found themselves in
straits, they bore the Sultan, who was httle more than a puppet,
to the field of battle and displayed him there, and when’ the
troops of Muhammad Shah and his elephant drivers set eyer upon
Sultau Firs they left fighting and came over to the Sultan.
Muhammad &héh with the small following which remained to
him, went towards the Sirmir hills, and the army of the Snitin,
which was neara handred thousand vavalry and infantry, fell upon
thecamp of Mahammad Shah, and entering hia private apartments
sacked them and swept them away. The Sultan at the instigation
of sorie interested persons, unwillingly deposed Muhammad Shah
fiom his position as hew apparent, and conferring upon Tughlag
Khan! the sonef Fath Khan, his grandson, the title of Tugblaq
Shih raised him to the position of heir-apparent, Taghlag Shah
behiaded Mir Haugan the son-in-law of the Sualtin, who wns a
special favourite of Muhammad Shah, and having exiled @halib
Khan the governor of Samana, sen! him to the country of Bihar.
On the sixteenth of Ramazén in the year 790 H. Sultan firdz
attained dehverance from the turtuies of existence, and hastened
to the world uf permanence, and was batied on the borders of the

1 So Finghta Briggn says hore, p 491, “placed his grandson Gheins-ond-

Deen... ponte throne” The text is wid rae WHALE aly ale plas,
Tughleq Shih the son of the Shihsida Fath Khir This was Ghiipu-d-Din
Toghiag Gheh 11,
 { %@)
Hoaug-i-Khas, over his tomb a lofty dome was erected which
is well-known, They devised two chronograms for the date of
his death Wafat-i-Pirés and Nagl i-Firks Shah, the second of these
is deficient by one anit.' The duration of his reign was thirty-
eight years and some months *
All good fortune is till death and no longer,
In the dust one man is no better than another.
‘When a drop is thrown into the river
It cannot aguin be recognized.
The nature of the Heavens is to overthrow,
It in of no vae to oppose the deoree of Fate,
‘Who knows with the blood of what hearts -
This atirred up dust has been mixed !
Every road, if the wise man is nut blinded,
Is the hide of the elk, and shagreen from the wild ass.*
Among the poets of the reign of Firds Shah and his boon-com-
panions, is Malik Abmad, the son of Amir Khuari, may Gud have
mercy upon him, and although there is no famous anthology of his,
still there are some imitations of the writings of the earlier poes
which are entered in the writings of some of the learned men, aud
ave well-known, Among them is an imitation of this poem of
Zahir * :
BSS WS wad) sayy A)
Bros con} uy S58 ws
Hail! thou whose cap of empire snatclied in its exaltation the
cap of empire of the heaven, by craftiness,
And it is said that in the first hemistich we should read
C als Gash J sh nd Epil ys)
Hail to thee! the blow of whose wrath, in thy supreme power
1 Jypd wily, Wosat-i-Firis, These words give the valae 790 while Nagl-+
Firds Shih wh Sued dh give 789.
® Fivights anys nearly forty yeurt, p. 271, Bo. text,
8 That is to aay, it is not reilly dust bat the remains of living animals.
4 Zabirc-d-Din Tahir ibn Mahammad, a oo-temporary of Janilu-d-Din
Ipfahdai and Axkin Khaqini Shirwini, was a native of Firytb,
He diod in ‘the yonr 598. H. and is buried at Snurkbib of Tabris which has
been culled “the Sepulchre of the Poets.” Hie poetry was held in great
estimation. (Majma'ul- Fupahd I, 830) aee also Beale 0. B, D., p 286.
MB, (A) reads GaSe for cose nee also footuote to text.
 [ 0}
and in place of sayy (anatched) in the last hemistich we shonld
reed #463 (thrown) J; ! and another ia this verse
38 gf 2S ay Tye Opewail
ccrualge py
tot Ae yet cgalyd Baie & J
This waa extremely easy, that he asked for red sulphur :*
If he had asked bread from the Kbwajn, what could I have
done ?
which was thas wntten,
caalge lam of 8F a9) Dye Upe cnt
This would have been very easy had he asked for the water
of Iife
Another 1s 1n this verse,
er LIS 'y evyd SE ally Sivof

If the aky calls the dust of your door musk, do not grieve,
For the jewel’s worth 1s not affected by the abuse of the pur.
claser.
The poet had written,
oe" cgrldee 33 Sie ails Ul S$
If Jupiter enlls the gravel st your door rules, do unt grieve.
A Aud some of hig poems also } have seen, but I remember none
of them, aud since Malik Ahmad was thereal son of Amir Kbhusit,
and .cmended them of his father, the King and his companions
and the learned men of the age were giently pleased with these
imitations and-thought them very valuable.

1 The portion between brackets ia not found in MS, (A).

The verse would then read as foliows
sie3 AS wy FoF AF ltd Gob 31d det oy
yoo as s Gigird-, Amar (Sulphur) The red Gigord 1s e.ud to be a
minetal of exceoding rarity which is only found in a miue in the Val ey of
the Ants, the mts of that region are the size of gonta It is aad that at
night a light 19 em tred from the me which may be agen for many leagues
bat when the mmers| 18 tvken ont of the mine it does unt possess this Inmi-
nous property, Itiwanimportent mgredient in Al-Iksir (Elixir of life) and
of spir ,
frst eas Quicksilver 10 onlled Abil-arwih (Father
(Father of spirits), they oall this
Abiil-ajeid (Father of bodies)
Tt bas various beneficial qualities (Burhan-s-qafi' )
 [ Sb J
Another poet was Manlina Mazhar Karra,) whose descendants
- are still living in the city of Lakhnanti and lave been highly
thenght of and reapeoted from generations hack. There is an
antholovy of his consisting of Afteen or sixteen thonsund vernes,
but inanmuch as he was more of a Mulla than « poet, his poetry
is not so highly esteemed by the learned, elihough were they to
search, they would bring to light many a good thing in the way
of rarity (of expression .
Auother (voet) is Qazi ‘Abid ® who wrote this poem—
My friends any, ‘Abid with this fine natnre of yours
How is it that. you have not written more poems and odea P
To whom shall I addsess poems and odes, since in our time
No suitable lover and no generous patron has arisen.
This is « translation of the following poem in Arabic—
They say, thoa hast given up writing poems, I reply, yes!
perfurce ;
The deor of claims and causes 18 cloged,
The Innd is empty—there is no benefactor from whom to
hope for favours, nor is there any beauty to love.
And the stiange thing is thst thongh no one will buy poetry
Beall in spite of this they appropriate and steal xt,
Soursin Togatag Sain rey Faro Kain tpn Sorrin Firtz
Ascended the throne of sovereignty and power by the consent of
the Airs in the yeor 790 A H (1386 A.D.) in accordance with 258,
the will of his grandfather, assuming the title of Ghiyagu-d-Din
Tughlaq Shah, and deapatched several famous Amirs to oppose
Mubkammad Shih towards the foot of the hills (of Sirma), Muhem-
mad Shab after fighting for a httle betook himself to Nagar Kot,
and the army of Tughlaq Shih on account of the difficnlty® of the
way tarned back (to Dibli: and Abu Bakr Khan son of Zafer Khan
and grandson of Fath Khan, who was his brother's son, being
pauic-stricken and terrified, went to his father,* and Mahk Rukua-

1 In the Majma'ul Fugthd heis called Maghar-i-Hindi Qagiof Agra (? Karra)

the panegyrist of Firds Shih, but no parti ulars are given. The Atash Kuda,
«Azur merely mentions hig name as Maybari
thie poot,
& Neither the Mayma' wl Fugahé nor Atagh Kada-i-Azur mention
8 MS. (A) 4.
@ MB, (A) 9 29) 29d gh
 [ 2 ]
d:Din Ohands Wasir, in concert with other Amirs, made friends
with Abu Bakr Kan, and killed Malik (Mubgrak) Kabir! in Firt.

nkbid at the door of the rest house of Tughlagq Gbdb, and having
when they
pursued Taghleq Shah and Kbin-i-Jahdu the Wasir®
fied, put them to death and hung up their beade® over thethegateyearof
the city; this event occurred in the month of Safar’ in
Tughlag Shah,
791 H. (1389 A.D.) ; the daration of the reigu of
wes five months and eighteen days.'
Verse.
(He laid low in the dust that rose of kingdom which the garden
of the king
}¢
Bad cherished in its breast with endless care.

Apu Baxg §gia ey Zarap Kgin [15x Fatg Kyin’]

wn Fints Spin.
After the martyrdom of Tughlaq Shah, by the ill-judged agree-
ment of the Amirs assumed the Government under the above
title, and at the commencement of his reign distributed appuint-
ments among the Amirs, and raised Rukuu-d-Din Chanda to the
digmty of Vazir, and eventually, when he heard that Ruknu-d-
Din in concert with ceitain of the Amirs, was plotting sedition,
989. and entertained ambitious designs upon the kingdom, got tid of him
together with his following, taking possession of his elephante and
‘treasure, obtained complete hold over Dihli and increased in power
daily In the meantime the Amirs of hundreds of Séména cut to
pieces Mahk Sultén Shah Kbushdil, the Amir of Sémana, who
had been sent against the Sultén Mabammad Shah to the country
at the foot of the hills, at the head of the reservoir of Simina and
sacked his house, and sending his head to the Shahzada, Mubame
mad Shih at Nagaikot innted him tocome; Mubammad §bah
accordingly left Nagarkot, and came to Samana by way of Julan-
duar by continuons marches, and having gathered together the

1 MG. (A) omta “Sy. Fu-chta calls tim Amiru-]-Umara,

8 Firighta telle us that this was Malik Firis ‘Alison of Malik Taju-d-Din,

© MS (A) Ges peo yd. Firights rays 2let of Safar,

§ MS. (A) writes J9) 1254.9 Op? Beoge’y,
# Not in MS, (A),
1 The words in square brackets are not in MS, (A),
 [ 348]
paraphernalis of reyal magnificence for the second time raised the
standard of royalty in the month of Rebi‘al Awwal in the year 791
H. (1889 A.D.), and in the following month of Rabi‘al Akbir of the
same year, set out to capture Dihii with a fo:ce of 50,000, and
alighted at the pulace of Johan Nama where he bestowed upon the
Airs suitable appointinente; among others! he conferred upon the
Governor of Maltan the title of Khir Khan; and Abi Bake |
Shah having raised an army for the assistance of Bubidur Nahir
Khan Zade of Miwat, on the (2nd) of Jumadin-] Awwal! of the
aforesaid year engaged in battle on the plains of Firtizibéd with
Muhammad Shah, and gained the day. Muahnmmad Shah, with two
thousand cavalry, crossed the river Jamna and entered the Doab,
and sent Hamayfin Khan his younger son to Samana, and having
obtained thence a grent following and the reqnirements of soy-
ereignty, and taking with bim certain Amira of Hindustan with
fifty thonsand cavalry, a second time marched his standaids towards
Dilli As it chanced he became engaged in battle with Ab&i Bakr
Shah and was again defented, and Abi Bakr Shah pursued him part
of the way, but considered it an excellent opportunity to return.
Mohammad Shah arrived at Chaptar,? which is a town on the
banks of the Ganges, and giving over his follawing to destruction
once more attempted to fight. Andin the month of Mubarram of
the year 792 H (1389-90 A.D ) Shaihzidn Hama iin Khan having
called together many Awirs from the frontier of Samana to
reinforce lim, laid waste the country round Dihli, engaged in
battle in the neghbow hood* of Panipath with ‘Imadao-l-Mulk who
had been sent by Abi Bakr (Shah)* with four thousund cavalry
to oppose him, and being defeated retreated towards Samana.
And in the month of Jamadiu-l Awwal of the aforessid year Aba
Bake Shih marched for Chaptar (Chita:) with a stiong force, with
the object of opposing Mukammad Shab, and had encamped at a
distance of twenty kroh frum Dibli, when Mubammad Shih with

1s, (A) ales’ 9,

3 The text and MB. (A) both read cfyi! diem gull.
'MS (A) yiee, The text reads ise Chitar. Firahta asys jal@
Jélesar, Bo ‘text p. 276.
4 MS, (A) usmls! yp. * MS. (4) omsts the word Sle,
 [ 944j
flank,
four thousand men,! passing unobserved round his right
reached Dibli by another ronte and entered the pal-ce of Hama-
yin, where the populnce buth great and small declared in fas our
of him, Abi Bakr Shah pursued him and arrived at Dihli, and
having put to death Mahk Bahaéu-dwDin Jangi whom Muhimmad
S ah had left to guard the gates, withont hesitation made for the
pales of Humasin, and Muhammad Shah, being taken off lig
gunid, was not able to oppose him gnd leaving by way of the door
of the Hang-1-Khdes fled again with all haste to Chaptar (Chitar)
Ins onvinal abode and asylum > Many of his noted Amirs and of
Ins body servants were put to death, and althongh Sultan Muham-
mad Shah was vo longer able to stand agamst Abu Bukr Shah,
atill# the suldiery and people were very ill-disposed towards Aba
61 Bakr Shah, and 2n the month of Ramazan in the aforesaid yeur,
Mubashir Chap and some of the slaves of Firtiz Shah’s pa: ty who
had been promoted to the ronk of Amir, and for one reason or
another bore a grudge against Abii Bakr Shah, opened a, secret cor-
respondenco® with Muhammad Shah, end invited him; ® Aba Bakr
Shah when he came to know of this was atterly dambfoanded,
and under pretext of aking assistance from Bahadur Natir set lis
face to gota Kotelal of Miwat and set ont leaving Mahk Shahin
and ‘Imada-l-Molk and Malik Babi and Safdar Khan im Dihli, then
Muhammad Shah in obedience to the invitation of the Amirs entered
Dihli for the third time and ascended the throne of rovalty in the
palace of Fiiazabad with great ceremony ; and Mubaghir Chap,

1 Fur shia enys with 4,000 chosen Cavalry.

9 4,5 bis ‘? Firshto cays,

TF ga By EAS G95) BEL Hay y

BMS (A) dp)st caghel sey Fo aS ayes ily gles qaile,
4 MS (A) adds here uly, 5 MS. (A) coho,
6 MS (A) Sa,0) leads),
1 AS3yS kotla, Hindi qa~eq koflé, a emall fortress, Bahadur Nubir was
ruler of Miwit, see Firtshta Biggs, 471 This word Kot'a sevma to have
been made use of by Firiz Shih to designate certam of his hunting pulaces.
Bee !homan, Pathan Kings, p 292, note 8, and references there given
By this Kouln h wever, Kotila of Miwit, wa may anderstand probably
Herdwir ora town in its vicmty, which appears in Rennell’s map G. n. a8
“Conpele” see Elhott, III 465. n, and 458,
 ( 344]
having received the title of Islam Kban, was promoted to the rank
of Vazir, ard after some time he left Firisibid aud went to the
palnce of Huméyiin, Juhin (Numé),! and gave orders for the slaves
of the Firazi party who had been a source of disturbance in the
days of tumult and riot to be put (o death without distinction, and
many of the free men also, who came from the eastern quarters of
Hindustén were taken for slaves by reason of the imperfection
of their pronunciation,® and were put to the swoid. Aba
Bakr Shah after this misfortune could not recover himself, and
remained at the Kotilke (of Miwit) just as he was till Mabammad
Sbhah® by coutiuaous maiches came against him, avd Bahadur
Nabir Miwati and Abi Bakr Shah who had taken refuge with
him, after fighting for a Jong time begged for quarter and had an
interview with Sultan Muhammad Shih. Bahadur Nabhir re-
ceived a robe of honour and other marks of favour, but they
imprisoned Abi Bakr Shah in the fort of Mirath. In that self-
same prison he escaped from the prison house of the world. This
event took placo in the year 793 H. (1390-91 4.D.)* the duration of
the reign of Abi Bakr Shah was a year and a half.

1 MS (A) omits Us,

§ This passage is not intelligible in itself, but Firishta’s account explains
it fully. He tells us that many of these slaves claimed to be natives of the
country aud not foreigners, whereupon Muhammad Shah imposed upon them
the pronunciation of vertain words, and those who fatled in their propungiation
of this ‘Shibboleth’ were treated os foreigners and pat to dedth. He writes,
ccoenl anal D495 cand 15
oct jf AS yo AF ayreyd 1S cose?
ytd pall
can} Pay? ayn y dyed Oikadighae BAIT count? HB ay A yhy ve y
Finshts Bo text p. 267, - diodwe dias dig, 19} WiEiyy
Muhammad Shih said “ whoever among you instead of Khari saya Khari, is
B nitive of the country,’ and since (as the King in fact desured) they were not
able to pronounce these woids, but followed the pronunciation of people
of the East and of Bengal they wore put to death.
The word Khari sigmfied byackwh as apphed to water. natives of Hastern
Bengui however use the word Khdré in place of Khari, usmg the word as if
it were an adjective agreeing with the masculine word pani, water,
8 gli Sem” AIS. (A) not in the text. .
4 There 1s on error in MS. (A) here which writes, yine® y eld Bing By
Bileare y 753 H. see ‘Thomas, Puthan Kinys, p. 308,
44
 [ 346]
Verse.
He reckoned certain days and then he came to nothing
The tine smiled to think that he too had passed away.
Verse.
This world is like s corpse upon which there are
thousands of vultures
(One continually tears another with its talons,
The other renda it constantly with its beak]!
At Inst, they all take to flight and
All that remains of them all is the corpse.
Suugixn Mugamman Spin wey Vizoz Sayin.
After the death of hia brother's son Abi Bakr, this monarch
ascended the throne of Dihli im the abovementioned year by the
consent of the grandees and nobles of the State,’ and assumed
absdlute power there being now no ove left to oppose him in the
kingdom. Aud in this same year Mufarrh Sultani governor of
Gujrat revolted, and Zafar Khin isbn Wajihu-l-Mulk was ordered
to proceed thither,
In the year 794 H. (1391-92 AD) the zamindare (land-holders)
of the Do&b® breaking out into rebellion attacked the town of
Bal&iém, and Islim Kbin being appointed to proceed against
Harsingrai* defeated him, while the Sultéa went aa far as Qanauj
and Itéwa, and after punishing the infidels of that distrigt and
laying waste Itiwa, returned to Chitié$ which was a favourite
resort of his, and there bmlt tho city of Muhammadabad.
In the year 795 H. (1392-93 A.D.) he appointed Malik Muqar-
rabu-l-Mulk to proceed againat the mutineers in the district of

4 Not in MS, (A)

f MS. (A) reads:—
Eg dg Fath jot) woy8 Ye ony ald dod un lb oon? wlhle
po yids spe yt cathe wy y dys whey GUY ySd0 due ys
9} filliinet 3
8 MS. (A) ormta pplye * Raji of Itiwa
5 Bee Thomas, Pathan Kings, 807 m 1
This place a
sosount, Ppears t7 be the same as Jalesar judging from Firishta's
For Jalosar see Hunter Imp Gaz, VII,
108
 { 97]
Ithwa, who by promises snd engagements! induced the rebels to
come in, and took them to Qanauj, where he put them to death and
returned to Muobammadibid. And in the month of Shawwil in
this year, the Sultid was attacked by illness; taking advantage
of this Bahadur Nahir made an inroad upon some of the towns
sround Dihli. The Sultén notwithstanding his weakness pro-
ceeded to Kotla; Bahadur gave battle once and then fled, and the
Sultan victorioas and triumphant returned to Muhammadabad, and
was engaged in superintending the building of the city when
his illuess returned.
In the year 796 H. (1393-94 A.D.) he appointed Shahsida
Huméyiin Khin to oppose Shaikha Khikhar who had rebelled and
gained possession of Luhore, but the Shahzdds was still in the city
when the Sultén* took his departure from the populous city of
exiatence to the deseited regions of annihilation, and was buried in
the mausoleum of his father on the banks of the Hang-i-Khdge : §
the duration of his reign was six years and s:ven months,
Magnavi.
What ia the world, but & wayside abode of trouble and evil P
A house of labour and toil, a mansion of pain and affliction ?
Here is no truth and no faithfulness; hero are no friends and
no friendship;
Hundteds of times have I seen this, and proved 1t by frequent
experience.*
Sutzin ‘Aviv-p-Din Surawpan Sgis ipn-1-Mogammap Spin 1BN-t-
Fieoz Sgig,
Who bore the name of Humiyin Khan, ascended the imperial
throne in virtue of his being heir apparent, on the nineteenth of

LMS. (A) wots yd y yi.

§ He died aooording to Firighta’s account on the 17th of Rebi‘a-l-Awwal,
and was buried beside his father on the banka of the Hauz-s-Hhdgp. Text, p.
278.
9 The Hauz-s- ads was a reservoir constructed by Firiig Shih, one of hie
msny publio works. It is said im the Zafarnima of Yasdi to be “so large
that an arrow cannot bo shot from one side to the other It is filled by rata
1n the rainy season and the people of Dihli obtain water from it all the year
round, The'tomb of Firde Shih is by 1ta side,” Bihott, IIT, 441-501.
See also Thomas Pathin Kyga, 810 note 1.
4 MS. (4) and footnote to ‘Text read yldve fayi! y foyo.
 [ 348]
Rabi‘n-]-Awwal in the year 795H (1393 AT) ) and after one
month and sixteen days he bid farewell to this Inved rest-house,
and removed his effects to the permanent mangion.!
So long as the world bas bepn, tlus has it been, and thus will
it ever be.
The issue of affairs will be at last the same for all.

[And daring the time that he was Shihzida, a learned man wrote
and composed in his honour an imitation of the Mag&mati Hariri
I have seen 2 Mag&mah from éhis work]?
Sutrin Magudo Suin ion-1-Mugammap Suing,
Who was his youngest son,’ ascended the throne * on the twentieth
of Jumadiu-I-Awwal® in the afuresaid year relying upon the
allegiance of the Amirs,° with the titleof Sultan Nagru-d-Din
Mahmfid, and having bestowed upon Muqarrabu-l-Mulk the title
of Muqarrab Khan, he made him his heir apparent,’ and confirmed
tothe Amirs their appointments ® distucts and titles ; and with a
view to restoring order in the iinportant affairs of State, which
had suffered im consequence of the dominance of the perverse
infidels, le bestowed the ttle of Sultdun-sh-Shirq? npon
Khwajv-1-Jahan, and transferred him from Qanauj to Bihar with
fall powets and uncontrolled authority, and despatched him thither,
He proceeded as far as Jajnagar and took possession of it,

! And was buried beade big father and grandfather on the edge of the
Hau7 i-Khigs He rexgned one month and fifteen duya (Firiaht1)
§ The portion m squire brackets 18 not found m MS (A)
8 Firghta alao says wld LryihayF the youngest of his sons. Briggs
tranalntes tha“ youth, the son of ”
$ MS (A) omits “bke b Text reads gg/¥! decles.
6 The text reads here wa ns Jf, Lat this is 1 ventnre to think wrong
MS (A) reads “*~ and taking this together with Finghta’s reuding, wo
should, I think read “ay p= J) “relying upon the allegiance ”
Finshta reads Myy7 wlo,s ay, D9 som BOF Corns coyls lyst» ws dliw
1 Firishta says became Vakiln-s-Saltunat and Amira-}-Uimari
8MS (A) whlhay why,
® So also Finghta Briggs however conrerta tins into “ Mullk-oos-Shark,”
p. 478,
40 Firighta saya Jaunpiir pip.
 [ 840]
acquiring «large number of elephants aud much valunble pro-
perty, and from that time the king of Lakhnauti began to send
elephants annually as presents to Dihli.
He also rebuilt! the greater number of the forta which the
infidels had destroyed, in the diytricts of Karra, Oudh, Sandila,
Mulita’ Bahraich and Tirhut, and despatched Sarang Khan to
the district of Dihalpir to quell the rising of Shaikhad Khikhar.
Aud in the month of Za Quidah of the same year Shakha Khak-
har fought a sharp engagement with Sarang Khan, ata place
called Samethala* which is twelve krohs from Lahore, but was
defeated and retired to tho hill country of Jamin ; Sérang Khan
thereupon left Lahore in charge of lus ‘brother ‘ Adil Kban,' and
retuned towards Dibalpir
And in the month of Sha‘ban of this year Sultin® Mahmid
leaving Muqarrab Khan as his Videroy m Dabli, and taking with 265.
lum Sa‘adut Khan, who was common'y known 7 as ‘Abdo-r-Raghid
Sultani, marched 1n the direction of Biina and Gwahir. In obedi-
ence to the order of the Sultén a spacious cluef mosque’ built of
stone was crected in the town of Basdwar, and 18 standing at the
present time, and when? the Sultan ariived near Gwahar, Malik
‘Alau-d-Din Dhaiwal, and Malloo Khan! the brother of Sirang
Khan, an] Mubfrak Khan son of Maltk Raji" conapiel against
Swadat Khan, but he, beoming aware of thew design, a:tested
Mahk ‘Alaéu-d-Din and Mubatak Khan and had them put to death.!®

LMS (A) g dgay! sane 8 M3. (A) Dulmin gees

8 MS (A) supplies ene Firishta says “advancing from Ajiidhin"
$ Finshta does not givo the nan of the place.
6 MS (A) roads Wd ole (puyd jot ly 9949.
§ MS (4) repeits the words
BS ty wld walawy MOF pd ys Ge ty wk Unie gen”
— giles ontyl oney
TMS, (A.) SaBto shat) 8 MS, (A) ome 9
9 MS. (A) omits we
10 MS. (A) omits wilh. Firnghia calls this man Malloo Khin,
It So also Firights
18 Finshta writes 0. Balioni apparently always uscs awlae in
the sense of capital punshment,
 [ 350]
Matloo Khan fled to Mugarrab Kbanin Dihli. The Sultan having
returned to the Capital, encamped at some distance from the sity,
and Mugarrab Kban fearing his displessure because he had given
asylum to Malloo Kban,' entrenched himself and prepared to
fight and remaied in his fortified position throe mouths, and
war arose between Mugarrab Khfn and Su‘ddat Khan *
And in the month of Muharram in the year 797 H. (Nov. 1394
A.D) Sultan Mahmid was induced by the deceitfulness of certain
friends of Muqarrab Khan to leave Sa‘adat Khia, to enter the fort
and come to terms with Muqarrub Khao, who thus obtained the
assistance he needed. The following day Mugqnurrab Khan and
Sa‘adat Kbén met on the field of battle,and Muqnrrab Khan being
defeated again entered the fort Su‘adut Khan went to Firiz-
abad,* and acting in concert with some of the Amirs summoned
Nugrat Khan son of Fath Khan and grandson of Sultan Fidz
Shah’ from Miwaét, and set him upon the throne in the month
of Rabi‘n-l-Awwal of the aforesaid year, with the title of Nagiru-d-
2C6. Din Nugrat Shah. Nugrat Shah was nothing more than a puppet,
for Sa‘adat Kbin essumed the whole of the authority in state
matters, and some slaves of the Firizi party and some elephant
drivers joined with Sultin Nougat Shah, and by some clever
artifice placed him upon an elephant, and without warning fell
upon Sa‘ddat Khan unawares in full force; Sa'idat Khan wna
paralysed and hefpleas, and ® of necessity took to flizlt and came

1 M&, (A) omits Od 2 MS. (A) Bd,

8 This account is unsatisfactory as it throws no light upon the real conrse
of events. Firishte writes as follows:—Muqirrab Khin carie ont to receivo
the Sultin and to pay his respects, bat becoming alarmed at the splendour and
arr.y of the royal court, beoanss of lus having given asylam to Malloo Khin,
fied to the city whee ho fortified a postion and began to fight. The
quorrel lasted for some three mouths, with freqaent engagoments between the
besiogers and the besieged, when recognizing that this was all due to Sa‘adat
Khin Birbak, Nagira-d-Din Mabmiid Shih at the instig ition of his intimates
entered the orty upon a favourable opportunity in the month of Moharrum
797 H, and came to terms with Maqarrab Khin, who on the following dey
atarted from Dihli to fight aguinst Sa‘adat Khin, but was defeated and forced
to return to the city" (Firishta, Do. text p 279) Of Brigga, p. 490.
* Being compelled by the onset of tho raina to decamp (Fimshta)
b The text reads 8% Jy pad whale « wid» wt wlk bye), The
above translation us to avoid the ambiguity which a literal rendering involves,
6 MS.(A) »
 { 351 ]
to Dihli, whore he sought the protection of Muayarrab Khan, and
was treacheroualy ' put to death by him: then the Amirs of Nugrat
Shah's faction auch as Muhammad Muogaffor Vasir and Shihab
Nahir and Malik Fazlu-llah Balkhi,? and the slaves of Firtz
Shél’s party one and all® renewed their declaration of allegiance
to Sultan Nugrat Shah and divided the appointments afresh.
Saltén Mahmud was known as King in Dihli, while in Firds-
abad Nugrat Shah enjoyec that title,’ and Mugarrab Khan placed
the citadel of old Dihli under the command of Behadur Nabir
Miwati, and bestowed upon Malloo Khau® the title of Iqbal
Khan,® and day by day battles were fought between these two
kings,’ who were hke, the two kings in the game of chess.®
Sultan Nugrat Shah retained possession of the country of the
Do&b, and Sanbhal, P&nipnth, Rohtak, and Jahjar, while a
few old ruined forts such as Dihli and Siri and the rest, remained
in the hands of Suljan Mahmid, and from that time forward this
proverb became a common expiession: The rule of the Lord of the
world (Khndawand-i-‘Alam) is from Dihlito Palam. And all over
Hiudustan there arose various parties each with its own Malik, U
Verse,

Say, either you rule in the city, or let me rule

For the affairs of the stute go to ruin between two rulers.

The affairs of the kingdom continued in this state for a space

of three years, at one time the Dihli party got the better of the
Firaizabad * party and at another time the positions were reversed.

1 MS.(A) omits yon.

9 ley Otte) (Enshta).
8 MS. (A) omits ftledy,
4 See Thomas’ Pathdn Kinge, 812, note 1, and 818, note I.
5 MS (A) omits wha.
§ Firighta states that these two joined neither king waiting to see how
affairs would turn out.
1 Por a space of three years (Firighta),
§ That 1s to say could netther win nor be removed from the encounter.
9 of Thomas Pathan Atngs, 818, notes 1-2,
30 Hakm-i Khudawand-i-‘Alam az Dihli ta Pilam.
1. gee Thomas’ Pathén Kings, p. 816 ». 1,
8 MS (A) Hipp?
 [ 382}
Verse.
267. Like the kite which ia six months female and six months male.'
And in the year 798 H. (1295 AD.) many buttles took place
between the Musnad-i-'Ali,? Khize Khan, the Amir of Multan, and
Sarang Khan the ruler of Dipilpir, and, eventually, owing to the
treachery of certain of the slaves of Mahk Marwan, who was the
tutor of Mahk Suleiman the father of Khigr Khan, and in con-
sequence of ther throwing 10 their lot with Sarang Kban the
governor of Dipalpiir,? Multan passed from the possession of Khigr
Khan to that of Saiang Khan, and his paity began to grow weaker
and wenker every day.
And m the year 799 H. (1396 AD.) Sarang Khan having
overcome* Ghalib Khan the governor of Samana, and Tatar Khan
the Wali of Pavipath, gained possession of the country ns far as
the outskirts of Dibli.t Sultan Nusrat Shah sent Malik Ilyas*® q
slave of the Firiz Shahi party with elephants and an army to
reinforce Tatar Khan He accordingly diove Sérang Khan out of
Samana and delivered it to Ghalb Khan?
And mn the moath of Muharram 800 H. (1397 A.D.) a severe
engagement took place between the two parties in the neighbour-
hood of the village of Kotla, Sarany Khin was defeated’ and
fled towards Multan, and Tatar Khan proceeded to tho frontier of
Tilaundi, and sending Kamalu-d-l)in Mabin in pursuit of Sdang
Khan, returned, And in the month of Rabi‘u-l-Awwal in the
year already mentioned,? Mirza Pir Muhammad, grandson '° of the

L The Biahdn-1 Qate'.

terial Bale SlSs959 Jaks otagS gainsy duilyne tole she GES yy) ale Ghcs91
It isu male for six months and a female for max montha, somo any one
year inale and one year foraale
The Hatydtu l-Havedn soya nothing about tas (art }8* and ike,) but
mentions statement that the —!Re ‘ugdb ergle o1 kite has no male,
but the femules are improynated by the fox. Scoalso 1 K (Slane)
an, 305.
§ See Thomas’ Pathin Kings, p 329," 1
8 MS. (A) omits tho words avlus po.
# MS (A) omitsgy 5 MS (A) omitsy.
6 MS (A) orl) also Firighta
1 In the beginumg of Muliniiam 800 H (Firishta)
OMS. (A) reads Wihe raw y aly)
9 MS (A) rends yySike diag 10 MS. (A) 40s Fuishta writes $a¥
 { 388|
great Amir Timir Girgan! King of Khuréein and Maward-an-
Nahr, had crossed the river Indus,* and was besieging the fortress
of Uchh.6 ‘AH Mulik, Sirang Kh4n’s lieutenant fought and held
the fort for a month, and when Malik Taja-d-Din Bakhtyar arrived
at the fort of Uchh with a thonsand cavalry given him by Sarang
Khb4n, Mirza, Pir Muhammad left Uchh, and taking Malik Tajn-d-
Din Bakhtyar and his thousaud sowars* unawares 1m their position
on the banks of the river Biéh, attacked them. The greater num-
ber of Malik Taju-d-Din’s force fell by the sword, while those who
escaped the sword were drowned in the floods of destruction ;' and
Mirza Pir Muhammad ® after gaining this victory pursued them
with all apeed,” and invested the fortress of Multan? Sairang Khan
held out againat him for six months engaging him frequently, but
at last begged for quarter, and had an interview with the Mirza,®
who took up his station in Multan pending the arrival of the
great Timar.

2. M8. (A) pt. asf. Gurgan3 The oxact meaning of this title hag been much
digcuesed; the most recent opinion 1s that of Dr. Erdmann, according to whom
“ Kurkin or Gurgin stands for ‘ son-in-law * or for a prince who is allied by
marriage with some “mighty monarch” In this way, ita Mongol sense, it is
used, he tells as by Rashida-d-Din. He also tells us that Kurkin or Gurgin
represenis the Chinese expresmon Fu-emd aud that the Amir Timi was called
Tvnar Pu-maé by the Chinese, because he married the daughter of Chun-ti,
the ninth and last Emperor of the Mongol dynasty Fu-md im fact means
“gon-in-law ” in Chinese, when applied to princes, and thus 1s @ translation
of the Mongol word.”
For fuller partioulnrs sey note, page 278 of the Tarikh-s-Rashidt by Elias
and Ross, from which the above 18 oxtracted. In M. Pavot de Conrteille's
Turki Dictionary we find “ wl ,,8 prince de la race de Timour qui épouse une
fille de la race de Dyenguiz-Khin. prince de race royale qut éponse ane fille
de xo. primee né de parents seus de Khaue qa: épouse le fille d'un Khakan .
purnom de Timour, savant, beau, poh.” see also Ains-Akbari (B)1 464. n.
& By a bridge of boats {Firishta). 8 dps} (Firphta.)
4 MS (A) omits the words slp 315 seis? § Firghta saya .
SERS GyF Gd ppd y rrgey HUE GF dy 59 poe wif iS agile,
Most of them were put to death as they fled, and some were drowned in the
nver.
$ MS (A) omits dow” yd. 1 MS. (A) omits eld
4 Finshta tella as that Malik Tiya-d-Din escaped with afew men and fled
to Multan
9 Being compelled by famine (Firishta).
 { 354]
And in the month of Shawwil in the aforesaid year Iqba] Khan,
who is bette* known as Malloo, swore many oaths of allegiance
to Sultan Nusrat Shah, whom he deported to the fortress of Jahin-
numé,' taking him away with elephants and an armed force ; and
Sultan Mahmfid and Magarrab Khan and Bahador Nahir shut
themselves up in old D:bli, On the third day from this Iqbal
Kban made a sudden attack in strong force upon Nusrat Shah
hoping to take him by surprise; Nugrat Shah fled from Jahén-
numa and came to Firfizabad,* and leaving there crossed the
Jamna and went to join Tatar Kban his Vazir at Panipath. The
whole? of the army and elephants of Nugrat Shah fell into the hands
of the astute Iqbal Khan, and for two whole months daily battles
were fought between Mugarrab Kbén and Iqbal Khan, until by the
intervention of certain Amirs peace was established between these
two leaders; but after a few days * Iqbal Khan proceeded agninst
Magatrab Khan, and without warmnmg suddenly surrounded
him and besieged him, and after giving him assurances of safety
raised him to the digmty of martyrdom, and getting Sultan
Mahmid into his power made a puppet of him and took the
management of the state into his own bands. Then in the month
269. of Zi Qa‘dah of the aforesaid® year Iqbal Khan wrested Pani-
path by force from the followers of Tatar Khan, and sezed all
tis baggage and his clephants and army Tatar Khan previously
| to this expedition of Iqbal Khan, had left Panipath with the
intention of attempting to reduce Dihli but found himself quite
unequal to the task, and throwmg his country? to the winds left
Dihli aud went to Guyrét with a large following to join his
father? Iqbal Khin coming to Dilili bestowed upon Malik Nagiru-1-
Mulh, a relation of Tatar Khan who had joined him, the title of
‘Adil Khan, and placed under hrs control the district of the Doab
And m the month of Safar of the year 801 H. (1398 A.D.) Amir

MS (A) reads 84) whe but Firwhte reads 4) wham as in the text.
§MS (A) 9 Of, 3 MS (A) glad, © MS. (A) Sy.
5 Firshta says “from motives of worldly wisdom broke hus faith.”
6 MS. (A) jySdw Jae,
1499) Aulaka or Ky aulaké A Tnrki word signifying “ province, ville.
pays, fief” according to M. Pavet de Courteille
® His futher Zafar Khan (Finshta),
 { 355 Jj
Timftir the Great attacked the town of Tulumba,! and taking
Multan, put to the sword® the whole of the prisoners of the army
of Sivang Kbin whom Mirsé Pir Muhammad had kept in con-
fisement; proceeding thence by continuous marches be also took
the fort of Bhat$ and having taken prisoner Rai Jaljin* Bhatt
put him to death together with the garrison and inhabitants
of
the fort.
Leaving there 5 and taking Samana, he put to death crowds of
fugitives from Dipalpir and Ajidhan and Sarsuti,s who were
helplessly fleeing in all directions in terror of their lives, and
taking large numbers of them prisoners he took them along with
him, and covering great distances he crossed the river Jamna, and
entered the Doab,’ and sweeping the greater part of the country

text “WU wy. (a) @uth Firiehta 4ipl. Talumbe (se Hunter
Imp Gas., XIII. 168) is shown in Rennell’s map at the junction of the Jhelam
and the Chenib, Lengana being at the junction of the Chindb and Ravi:
(Tiefft. ITT.).
Firishta says. “ Arrived ata place where the river of Jami and the
Chenab mect where there was a strong fortress called Talanbha.” Briggs
mays “to the conflux of the Chanab with the Ravy.”
From Talaomba Firighta tella us Timir marched to Shihnawis where they
took all the grain they reqaired and burned the remainder. From thevoe
he went to Ajidhan and Bhatnir. Ghihuawis is shewn in Rennell’s map
on the Enstern bank of the Ravi, Long 72°E. Lat 805.N. Ajiidhan is Pak
Pattan, and is about 80 miles S.-W. of Shihnawis Here is tho tomb of Shaikh
Faridu-d-Din Ganji Shikkar which was visited by Timir. From Ajidhan
to Bhatnir is about 90 miles. Firishta says from Khiliskol to Bhatnir ig
fifty Krok. Bee Eltiott HI. 415 et seqy, for the description of this cam-
paign translated from the Malfazat-+-Temari, Tiwi calla Khili kol, Khilig
Kotali, and says it ia ten kos from Ayudban ond fifty from Bhatair.
3 MS, (A) OaitydS,
8 MS. (A) yf Mt! Bhatpar This should be »} <4? Bhatuir, see sote
1 above. Firghta cays that Timie’s forve scoumplished the distance between
Ajidban (halts kol) and Bhatnir in ove day Thisis a long march but as
they were cavalry it is perhaps possible.
# The Bombay text of Firishia has gly Rao Khilji, see also Briggs
Firishta p. 488 footaute. Both MS8. agree with the text m giving Bai Jaljin
as the name of the governor of the fort. The Malfizat-:-Timéri calls him
Rao Dil Chain, see Elfiott IIT. 422-423,
& On the rd of Rabi‘n-l-Awwal.
6 5th of Rabi‘u-J-Awwal, ree Elliott [1] 426-428.
7 HB. (A) 867 39 OT99 wire Hy Bye,
 [ 386}
with the bitter whirlwind of rapine and pillage, camped on the
banks of the river Jamna opposite the town of Lani! nol far
from Dihli;* and at this camp he pnt to the sword abont fifty
thousand prisoners who had fallen® into the hands of his soldiery
before reaching the river Ganges; and some of the ecclesiastical
dignitaries of his army also, who had not the slightest acquaintance
with the sword, taking all these Hindusténi Muslims for Hindts,
in their desire for the reward of holy war* sent many of them
with their own hands into the next world
270. Then in the month of Jamaidwl-Awwal 801 H. the great
Timfr ciossed the Jamna and encamped at Firtizahid® and the
next day encamped above the Hanz-i-Khass. Iqbal Khan having
got rendy a force of men and elephants, came out against him
and cngaged his troops, but was defeated in the first engagement,
and in spite of all their efforts they were not able to withdraw even
a portion of the elephants into the city, so complete was the rout,
Aud in this defeat? many were killed, and when the glittering
soldiers of the army of tle mght had 1outed the troops of the day,
Tqbal Khan and Sultan Mabmid leaving their famihes and friends

1 Limi, seven miles N.N-W.of Dihli Tieff 1 186 Louni ville autre fois
peuplée e¢ mume d'un fort Timir arrived there on the 27th Rabi‘y-l.
Awwal. Lini was situated on a Doib between the Jamna and the Helin,
9 MB.(A) gay. 8 MS (A) dp) BoUSy),
* The reward of the (638 “Ghixi” or one who fights in the canse
of
Talim 1 thas defined “ God is sponsor for him who goes forth to fight
in the
road of God, for his satjsfaction and for that of his Prophet.” He shall af
he be not killed, return to bis home with plunder and rewards, And if he
die, his reward 18 Paradise (Mishhdt, XVII, 3).
The oka Jthad or holy waris a duty enjomed
im several passages in the
Qar‘én and the Tradiiong, and its rewards are
those of Paradise (Sea
Hoghes Dict of Islim, Art, Jshdd),
5 Firighta states that he dog a deep trench
aod fastened a number of
cows and buffaloes together with raw hide, stationi
ng sharpshooters hehmd
them, and when Iqbil Khin came ont against
him with his troops and 120
elephants defeated him with great slaughter and
advanced to the Haug-1-
Khigs, and see Bthott, II], 438, ef seqq
The date given hy Rodioui 1s apparently
wrong, aa the Malfigdt-s-Timari
saya that Timir crogsed the Jamua on the Sth Rabi‘u-l
-Akbir, See Elhott,
TIL 448 and nove 1,
® MS (A) omits wyd and writes ee.
"Not in MB.(A) which reads bo gil
,
 [ 387 ]
in the bonds of shame and disgrace, took flight.! Sultén Mahmtd
fled straight to Gujrat, and Iqbal Kb&n crossing the Jamua
escaped to the town of Baran. On the following day the Great
Timir gave quarter to the inhabitants of Dihli, receiving from
them much valuable property and many presents as the price of
quarter. In the meantime however, the people of the city killed
some of the aoldiers, accordingly on the fourth day he ordered
all the inhabitants to be made prisoners,’ and took them all off
towards Transoxiana; eventually Shaikh Ahmad Kathi’ whose tomb
is well known at Sar Khez* in Gujarat near to Ahmadabad, went
along with the army and had an snterview with the Great Timir,
and made apparent to him his condition naa a» Darvegh, and his
surpassing knowledge, moreover he argued with and confuted
over and over again® the learned doctora who were with the

1 On the 7th Rabi'n-l-Akhir.

S Firishta S949 plas Ua} yaly wryly Lo, See Elliott, LIT 447,
BMS (A) 93S.
Shavkh Abmad Khetta wos born at Dihli AH. 787 (A.D. 1398) of «
noble family of that city. His name was Nasira.d-Din. Hoe was a dine
ople of Biba Ishiiq Mughribi, and came to Gojarit im the rngn of Sulfin
Abmad Gujaréti(A D 1411-18) He was baried in Sarkhech near Ahma-
Gabad, (Ain+ Akbari [Sarrett}, 1 371)
Shaikh Ahmad Ehatta surnamed Ganjbakhsh was surnamed from Khattu
a village near Nigor, the residence of hia spiritual guide Baba Ishq Maghribi.
After his return from a pilgmmage to the holy places he came back to
Gujarat and settled first at Sarkhej and afterwarde at Almmadabid, in the
building of which he waa associated with Sultan Ahmad, A.H. 813-20,
He died at Surkhej 1n 849 A H., aged 111 yeara, anu bis mansoleum with
the bmldings attached are said to have been began by Muhammad Shih I, the
son of Ahmad Shih, and to have been completed by his son and successor
Qotbu-d-Dio Shih, See Bayley, History of Gujardt, pp. 90-91, notes.
4 The text reads 3M om} ofSpu vide Ain-Akberi (Bloohmann), Text,
Tl 220,
The text of Badioni reads eye MS (A) reads gir.
Ticffenthaler, I. 377 speake of it ag follows —‘ A trom mulles de Gusarate
se tronve Sarkés, village of est le mausolée constrat a grands fraie par Gaus
Ahmad Koi du Guzarate” agai at page 875 we find “ Gans Ahmad, dout le
magnifique tombean porté par des arcadcs vontécs, a rendu famenx le village
de Sarkés, distant de 3 miles do la ville.”
Sarkho) was three miles South-East from Asiwal in the vicinity of which
Alnadabiid was bailt by Sulfin Ahmad, 820 4.1L (1417 A.D,),
BMS (A) BaF agp csteie’
 [ 338 J
Transoxiiua force, and begged for the prisoners’ lives. The Great
Timfr concsived such a strong liking for him that he acceded}
to his request and liberated all the prisoners.
This sigual service of the Shaikh remained ever as s debt opon
the people of Hindustin ; and 2 full detail of this circumstance is
given at length in the Magimai of the Shaikh. A fow days after
this victory Khigry Kbin and Bahagur Nahir Miwiti,’ who had
taken alarm and fied to the hill country of Miwat, came in and
paid their respects to the Great Timar;* orders were issued to
make all of their party prisoners, with the exception of Kbig
Khan, who had apparently dono some former good service which
saved him. After this he raised the banner of return and seized
the country at the foot of the Siwalik hills,‘ and greatly shook that
hill conutry as it were with an earthquake, ere he reached Lahor.
For the date of this victory they assigned the two words lay
(Bakha, affluence, prosperity) and J (K}ar,5 » thorn); and
Shaikhé Khikhar® also, who had formerly served the Amir and
had taken Lahor by fraud from Sarang Khan, fell into his hands.
He accordingly imprisoned him together with hia wife and family,
and gave orders to sack Léhor and take the inhabitanta prisoners.
Then having made over Dipaélpar and Maltiu to Khizr Khan be

1 MB. (A) Boye? {pid

® On Friday the 24th of Rabi‘o-l-Akhir according to the Malfigit-i-Timiri,
which gives a different account of the treatment accorded to them.
8 Badioni omits to mention the capture of Mirat (20th Rabi‘o-l-Akhir) and
the victories on the Ganges (Jumadia-l-Awwal Ist to 15th).
# According to the account in the Malfézat-+-Timéri this was in response to
an embassy sent to Bahadur Nahir by Timir at Katila.
5 Both of these words give the date. ‘&) =200+ 60041801
J =000414200=801.
6 Timir captured seven forte in the Biwilik hills, fighting twenty battlos
in thirty-two days with invariablo success. The eighth fort belonged to
@haikhi Ebukbar and was taken about the L6th of Jamidiu-l-Awwal (Hilintt
III. 467). Malik Shaikhi Khikhar was brother of Nusrat Khikhar who waa
formerly governor of Lahor on behalf of Sakjin Mabmid of Dihh. To was
taken prisoner by Prince Pir Mabammad and Rustam and Amir Jahan Shih,
who had been sent by Timir with an army to Lahor for that purpose and to
levy a ravsom from the city of Lahor. The Maljizat-i-Timéri states that
“Timir proceedod straight to Jammi whence his route was by Jabbin,
Bambast, Bariyn to Attock whero be crossed the Indas. This was dnring
the days between tho 24th of Jumadiu-1-Akher and the 8rd of Rajab. Sec
Eltsote 111 474 477, eee aleo Zafar Nama of Yazdi, Elliott 11. 620-52,
 [889
saa to him'‘T have taken Dihli and have made a present of it
to you.’ Leaving Lahor he proceeded by uninterrupted marches
by way of Kabul to his capital Samarqand while Khigr Khan
went to his own territory (/dgir).
At this time soch a famine and pestilence fell upon Dibli that
the city was utterly ruined, and those of the inhabitants who
were left died, while for two whole months not a bjrd moved a
wing in Dihli. In this inferval Sultin Nuerat Shah, who after
hia defeat by Iqbil Khan had gone ito the Doab, seeing that he
had an open field, went first to Mirath and, thence to Firfizabad,
and forlified*the city of Dihli ‘Adil Khan and the other folk
who had escaped from the hands of the Mughuls, coming out of the
various holes and corners where they had been hiding, gathered
round him; when he had got together this company he nominated
Shih&b Khan to proceed to Baran against Iqbal Khan. Whilst
he was on the way, a body of Hindiis attacked Shihab Khan
suddenly by night, and raised him to the dignity of martyrdom.
Iqbal Khan with great energy and piomptitude obtained possession
of his elephants and army, so that from day today his power
increased, while the affairs of Nugrat Shah, became more and more
entangled. Iqbal Khan leaving Baran, started in the direction of
Dihli, and Nugrat Shah leaving Firiizabad made for Miwat where 272.
he died, and the four quarters of Hindustén came under the domi-
nion of Maliks of the various tribes 3
Then in the year 802 H. (4899 A.D ) Iqbal Khan marched against
Shams Khin Anhadi® the ruler of Baiana, and the hostile forces
met in the vicinty of Nih and Paial, fortune favoured Iqhal
Kbin and Shams Khan proceeded to Batina. Iqbal] Khan led
his army towards Kaithar and exacted contributions of money
and services from Rai Harsingh.* And in this same year Khwaja-
i-Jahiin was received into the mercy of God in Jaunpiir.

1 MB (A) reads here dye ws} 99 Saye) Myc,

8 Frrishta tells us the neamos of these various independent rulers, See
Briggs I 498,
8 According to Firishta thia was 10 808 H.
4 MS (A) @&te y> cooly Bin Harsing was Rin of Itiwa By Kaithar or
Katehar is meant Rohilkhand. See Thomas Pathdn Kings, p 825, note 2
 f 860 J
Quatrain. .
How long wilt thon say “ Who has drunk the oup of pleasnre P”
How long wilt thon say “ Who has gained the palm of fortune?”
What avail all these idle tales, for we must depart,
What profit in all these empty stories, since death must come.
And Malik Mubarak Qaranqal,! having assumed the title of
Mubérak Shah, took his place.
And in Jamaidu-l-Awwal * in the year 803 H. (1400 A.D.) Shams
Kban of Baiana and Mubarak Khan son of Bahadur Nalir had
an interview with Iqbal Khan, who taking them with him fought
a battle near Baitali on the banks of the Blackwater, which is
known a8 the Kalapani, with Rai Sir® the ruler of that district,
and overcame him, and pursued the infidels as far as the confines
of [tawa; and on his ariival at Qunanj, Sulténe-gh-Sharq Mubarak
Shah came up from Jaunpir and sat down over against him on
the other bank of the mver Ganges, but masmuch as neither of
them conld effect a crossmg, they each returned* to their own
278. country without doing anytling As he returned, Iqbal Khan
treacherously put to death Shams Khan and Mubaiak Khan.!
In this same year Turkbacha Sultaui, the son-in-law of Ghalib
Khan of Samia, collected a large army, and on the mnth of
Rajnb of this year fonght a battle with Khizr Khan near Ajidlan,
and being defeated went to the town of Bhihar, where Ghalib
Khau in concert with the other Aiirs put him to death.

1 His adopted son Mahk Wisi,

9 All MSS. write thie constantly LJyJ! de> instead of yd! golem
8 Firighta (Bo. text) snys. .
Def BlylBey sees ptben Esty Opary emo} LS
pg) JUS 8S gly Srod wy y
Whence he arrived it the township of Buatdli on the banks of the Gunges
Ri: Sanip . came out tv oppose him.
Briggs eays —“ When he reached the village of Puityaly on tho Ganges
the Ray of Ber-nag: opposei kim”
The Kilipani se the Kilt Naddi or Katini (eee Hunter Imp. Gazctt VII
927) tying hetween tho Jnmna and Ganges. Timir calls it the Knrasi ( Black
water), Wlhott, IF 42.
4 Tho toxt het. a4 wrong, fo was SU rend ousas yy MS. (A)
BMS (Al ons .ya Shins Khu but Bimh. os account melndes Mubarak
Khoo so that the seat ts probably cortevu
 [ S61
And in the year 804 H. (1401 A.D.) Sultan Muhammad ibn
Muhammad §b&h arrived at Dibli from Dhar, and although Iqbal
Khbén went out to receive him, and cansed him to alight at the
Jahan Numi! palage with all expressions of service and mani-
festations of respect, still, since Iqhal Khan was in possession of
all the paraphersalia of royalty, Sulfén Mahmiid became vary
jealous of him and took him with him towards Qananj. And in»
this year Maliku-gh-Sharq Mubarak Shah died, and his yonnger
brother Sultén Ibrahim sncceeded him, and came out to fight
with Saltén Mahmid and Iqbal “Kbin. Sultan Mahmid before
engaging in conflict left the army of Iqbal Khan under pretence
of a hunting expedition, and had an interview with Sultén
Ibrahim who treated him with scant ceremony; Sultin Mabmid
accordingly removed Shahzida Fath Khan of Herat, who was
holding Qananj on behalf of Mubarak Shih, and took that fortress
under his own control, The populace of Qananj, both people and
soldiery, joined Sultéa Mahmid, and Sultan Ibrahim returned
to Jaunpir, while Iqbal Khan retraced his steps towards Dihli, so
that Sultan Mahmid was left, in undisputed and contented
possession of Qananj.
And in the year 805 H (1402 A.D.) Iqbal Khan made an 274.
attack npon the country round the fortress of Gwiliar, which Rai
Harsingh* had taken by treachery from the Muslims daring the
invasion of Timir, and wresting it from the possession of Bairém
Dev the son of Harsingh,® took it into his own control.
‘And in, the year 806 H. (1403 A.D ) Tatar Khan the son of
Zafar Khan, forgetting his filial duty took his fathor prisoner by
treachery and sent him to Asawal, assuming to himself the title of
Suitin Nagiru-d-Din Mubammad Shah, and set ont at the head of
a large army with the intention of attempting to redace Dihli
While he was on the way his uncle Shams Khan administered
poison to him and removed him, then he released Zafar Kban and
the whole army joined him

1 MS (A) rerds Bly whe Jahénpandh, This wns the name given to the
eontral portion of the triple citadel of Dihli connecting old Dihli with Siri.
Tt was situated in the otidst of the inhabited city, aad had thirteen gates; of
the other two, Siri had seven gates, and old Dihli ten gates. See Eliott, T11
443 Tho palace was called Jahdu Numd as i the tert.
2 Firighta calla him @hiney? Narstugh
B Hoth MSS and text read Bian tt Haromgh
4S
 [ 362|
Verse.
A parricide 1s not fitted to be a king,
And even if he is fitted he will not Just for more than six
months.

And in the year 807 H. (1404 AD.) Iqhil Khan marched

towards Gwalidr and Itawa, the Rais of which districts all took
refuge within the fortress of Itiwa, and stood siege for four
months; at Inst they made overtnres for peace, sending four ele-
phants aud other presents of suitable nature. Iqb&l Khan leaving
there came to Qanauj, and fought with Sultan Mahmiid, but was
unable to effect his purpose owing to the atrength of the fortifica-
tions, so returned to Dihli without accomplishing his object.
And in the Muharram of the year 808H. (1405 A.D.) he
marched for Samana, and from thence came to Ripar,! and by
stratagem Isid hands upon Bahram Khan Turkbacha, who had
been an antagonist of Saérang Khan, and flayed his head Leaving
Ripar he proceeded towards Multan, intendmg to fight with
Kbizr Khan, and at Talaund: taking with him Rai Koméln-d-
Din Mubin and the other Zamindars, on the nineteenth of the
month of Jnamadiu-l-Awwal in the abovementioned year, ho
engaged in battle with Khizr Khan m the neighbourhood of
275. Ajidhan,’ on the banks of a tributary (of the Satlay) 5 and since

4 In the Umballa district, 48 miles North of Ambala city, Lat 20° 67’ N.
Long 76° 83’ E on the south bank of the Sutle}, (Hunter Imp Gaz, XII 82).
§ Ajidhan tho ancient name of Pakpattan. Lat, 30° 20’ 40” N. Long
73° 25' 00” BE Itis known as Pikpattan, or Forry of the Pue, from Sharkh
Faridu-d-Din Ganj Shakkar who 16 buried thoro. The saint was called Gan
Shakkaras he was reputed to have the miraculous power of turning into
sngar whatever he put into hia month, even enrth and stones, Pilgrims from
all parts of India, Afghamstén, ond Central Asia flock to this ehrme, and
daring the Muharram festival as many as 60,000 persons kave been present.
Daring the afternoon and night of the last day the crowds vie with one
another in attempting to gain access to @ narrow opening in a wall nent the
shrine known og the “ Gate of Paradise.” Whoever can force his way through
this opening during the prescmbed hours 1s assured of an entrance into
Paradize For thia reason the crush is excessive and mauy aro injured.
See Hunter Imp. Gas X 682-538, nleo Canningham (A. G 1) 214-219.
8 Inthe text and MSS. we read tit) gs D8 etd gal Ajadhan dar kinar
s-dthenda, which at firet sight seems difficult to understand, until the old maps
are consulted Wo see m Rennell’s map (A.D. 1782) that Ajidhan was
minated (G.g) upon an island sorroanded by the Satlaj te the north, and a
 / [ 368 J
ill-fortane attended Iqbal Khan,‘ ho was defeated in the very
first engagement, and his horse being wounded could not bear him
off the field, so that the soldiers of Khize Khan purened him, and
cutting off his head sent it to Fathpar, ono of the dependencies
of Multau. And in the month of Jumaido-l-Akhir of this year
Saltén Mabmiid came from Qanauj at the invitation of the Amirs
of Dibli, and once more eat upon the throne of Dihli, and conferred
appointments upon the Amirs, and sent the family of Mubirak
Khan to Kol. And in the month of Jomaidu-l-Awwal of the
year 809 H. (1406 A.D.) Saltén Mabmad marched with a force
towards Qananj, and Sultan Ibrahim came oat thence and crossed
the Ganges, but they both turned back without fighting.*®
Sultéa Ibrahim wont towards Jauupir, and Sultan Muhmid
towards Dihli, but seeing that the Amira of Saltin Mahmiid’s army
one after the other left for their own districts as they came to them
in the march, Sultan Ibrahim turned back and besieged Qananj;
Malik Mabmid Tarmati, who was holding Qanauj for Sultan
Mahméad, kept Sultan [brahim engaged in fighting for four mouths,
but when he saw that no reinforcements were arriving from any
quarter he waa forced to sue for pence, und surrendered Qan inj
to Sultiu Ibrahim Sultan Ibrahim passed the rainy season at
Qananj, and then having made over that district to Ikhtiyar Khan
the grandson of Malik Danlat Yar of Kaupila, started to redace
Dihii.

tribatary atream which left the main river to the enstward of Ajidhan, and
flowing south-weat joined it again some 35 miles lowsr down. This explains
Badioni’s statement. The town of Ajidhan in generally said to have stood
upon the bauk of the Satlaj itself. Cunningham (A G of India 214) says
‘Pho ancisut town of Ajidhan is situated on the high bank of the old Satlej
28 miles to the south-west of Depilpur and 10 miles from the present courss
of the river” (1871 A.D.) But from Badioni’s atatement it is clear that
Ajadhan stovd, not on the banks of the Satlay ateclf, but on a southern
loop or tribatary stream. It is the modern Pakprtian, sce note 2
| There is a play on the words Ji Iqbal, good fortuae uad y¥d} Idbér,
bad fortune.
8 Avcording to Ficiahta Jbrahim Shah waa induced to retarn to Jaunpir
by the intelligence that Muzaffar Shah of Gayrit had tuken prisoner Alp
Khin, commonly called Suljin Hoshang, and was now marvbiny on Jaunpiir.
3 Ms. (A). .
The toxt bas the words 89,5 e which seom to be supeifaous, They arc
not m MB. (A).
 { 36% J
And iu the year 810 H. (1407 A.D.) Nugrat Kbaén Karkandas,!
and Tatar Khan the eon of Sérang Khan, and Malik Marhaba the
alave of Iqbal Khan, turned against Sultge Mahmid and joined
Sultan Ib:ahim, and Asad Khan Lodi fortified himself in Sam-
bhal. The following day Sultan Ibrahim reduced the fortress
of Sambhal and gave it to Tatér Khan: then crossing the
Ganges he encamped on the banke of the Jamoé near the fort
of Kicha in the vicinity of Dihli, where he learned that Zafar
Khan had taken the district of Dhar* and was making his way
to Jaunptir;* accordingly leaving Malik Marbabé in Baran, he
reached Jaunpir by continaous marches; Sultan Mahmfd pursued
him and haviog killed Malik Marhaba mm battle, and taking
Sambhal* without a fight, left there Basad Kban after Ins usual
custom. Tatar Khan marched to Qananj and the Sultan came to
Dihli, Andin this year Kbize hin came with a large force
and drove Daulat Khan ont of Samana The Amirs of that
district all sought an interview with him, and the whole country
as far as to the outakirts of Dibli fell into his hands; ouly Rohtak
and the Do&b remained in the pogsession of Sultan Mabmid
And in the year 811 H. (1408 A D ) Sultiin Mahmid proceeding
to Hissar Firdz took it® from Qiwim Khan to whom Khizr Khan
had given it, and having taken possession of it, on arriving at the
village of Rata’ turned back towards Dihli Khizy Khan then

1 Or probably Gurgandis “ the wolf-slayer” MS (A) rouds &°5. (0) kinja,

which means 2 huge olephant.
# In Central India, Lat. 23° 86’ N, Long, 75° 4’ E. soo Hunter Imp
Gaz IV.
248.
3 In Central India, between Lat. 25° 23’ 45” and 26° 12° N. Long. 82°
10° and
83° 7° 45” BE.
Baltin Ibrahim built at Jaanpir the Atala Masjid,
osing for this purposo
the atones of & Hindi temple the votive offermg
of Jat Ohand which he
destroyed See Hunter Imp Gas VII 162,
* In Bobitkund Lat. 28° 85'5” N Long 78° 96° 45"
., 99 miles 8. W of
Moradabid and foar miles W. of the Sot River See Rennell’s map = Tueff.
IIE. where he places 1¢ 45 miles N. E. of Bareilly The Sambalaka of Ptolomy.
See MoCrindle’s Ancient India, p 133, See aleo Hunter XII 187,
® Tieff 1.133, about 25 miles S. W of Hinsi and 100 miles to the eastward
of Dahli.
* MS. (A) rends {ysh@% WH Finshta call the fortiess B3ay89 Firnza,
T Or &y Bann MS. (A)
 { 365 )
came by way of Rohtak with s large army from Fathibad to oppose
Sultin Mehmid,!' and laid siege to Dihli, but was not able ‘to
tosintain the sitge by reason of the severe fawire which prevailed
in Dibli, then having taken possession of the Do&b he retarned to
Fathpir.*
Aud in the year 812 H. (1409 A.D.) # Bairim Khia Turkbacha,*
who after the death of Bahrim Kbin Turkbacha had become
waster of Simfna, and had been defeated in a battle with Daulat
Khan, and again revolting against Khize Khan had had a second
interview with Daulat Khan, now offered his services to Khizr
Khiin, and received a confirmation of the grant of the districts
formerly held by him in fief. And in the year 813 H. (1410 A D.)
Bhbizr Khan besieged the fortress of Rohtak © for six months, and
after reducing it proceeded to Fathpir.§ In this year Suitin
Mahmid made an expedition to Kaithar and arrived at the capital
Dihli.
In the year 814 H (1411 A.D.) Khizr Khia came to Narniil?
and Miwat® and ravaged that country, and blockading Sultan

1 MS. (A) reads here 3007 wile Mime? Slay sowf ps aly lanl? y
aS Spolee®
|y gles
® For aome inecratable reason Briggs passes over the events of two yours
here ef, Firighta, Bo text, p 292, and Briggs, pp 503-604.
6 The text says 712H MS (A) gives 812 H.
Tho editor of the text gives a footnote to say that all three MSS, give
712 H.
4 MS, (A) inserts 4) before wlh ely and omits ty) after aloe,
Firishta says that Ikhtiyir Khin joined Khigr Khin seemg he was the
stronger.
§ Held according to Firishte by Malik Idris on behalf of Mabmid Shih.
6 By way of Samana (Firishta).
4 Whioh was held by Iqlim Khan end Bahadar Khan (Firishts)
§ Miwat For an account of this Province see Hunter Imp Gaz. Vol. IX.
pp. 418 and segq. from which the substance of this note is taken
The Meos, a tnbe which gave their name to this provinces were of
obscure origin claiming to be R&jpits, but probably a combination from
varions stocks and sources and nearly allied to the Minas The onginal
Meos probably became converts to Istam at the time of Mabmid of Ghaznin;
their customs are a mirtare of Hindd and Musalman observances,
The province of Miwat lay south of Dihli and m Mughul times formed
part of the Sibah of Agra. Its most famous towns were Narnaol, Ulvwur,
 { 366 ] ,
Mahmfid in the fortress of Siri, which is part of Dibli,’ end
Ikbtiyar Kbin in Firosébad, and fighting several fierce battles,
was prevented from maiutaining the siego* by reason of the
Gearness of grain, aud returned to Fathpir by way of Panipath.*
And in the year 815 H. (1412 A.D.) Sultan Mahmiid departed
from this world, and the kingdum passed from the family of
Firdz Shah. The duration of his reign, foll as it was of tarmoil
and vicissitudes, was twenty years § and two inonths, during which
Sultan Mabmiid had had only the name of suvereignty.
Verse.
Who is there in thia long-enduring world
Who can say “ Mine is the kingdom” save the Almighty ?
Verse.
A head which the fates exalt to a lofty position
They later on entangle its neck m a noose.

Tijira and Rowari Mahadar Nahir (who is freqnently mentioned iu. the
text) was tho founder of the Khanzada race, long the ralors of Sivwat.
The provinceof Miwat included part of the British districts of Muttra,
Gurgaon, a considerable portion of Uiwar, and some of Bhartpir.
See Tieffenthaler. Vol 11] Map. where the province is marked.
Lin the Malfecat-+--Tinert we read that limir plondered “all the three
cities of Dihh, by name dirt, Jahaopanah and ald Dihli,”
Bee Elliott, 111 p 447, also Thomas Pathdx Kings, p 313, note 3
B MS. (A) omits sly.
8 Panipath, A town of great antiquity, Lat. 29° 23" N. Long. 77° 1’ 10”
E. 53 miles N. of Dithi 1¢ was the scene of decisive battles on three occa-
Bions in historical times The fanions surgeons, father and son, Shaikh Hasan
ond Shaikh Bina were natives of Panipat, see Ain-i-Akbari (B) 1 543, note
to No 9+
Sec Hunter Imp. Gaz. XI. 44
# In the month of Zi Qa‘da (Finshta). Firishta does no. stute the year
though taken m connection with what has gone before he appears to mean
BILH. bat seen 2 Badaon however agreos, with the Tarikh-i-Mubdrak Shahi.
On this point seo Thomas, Pathan Kings, p. 317, note
& MS. (A) reads here,
dp} the 93.9 les Sojg) lt y f5)55 des wh the wae »
Firighta has almost the same words but says (lw uu) iwent, years as
in the text So also the Térikh-1-Mubarak Shahi.
Firishta’s statement is not very clear as to the year in which Mahmid
died, but as he goes on to say that after his death the Amira gave in their
 [ 367]
Save the blood of kings there is nought in this bowl,
Save ! the duat of lovers there is nought in this desert.
Of the poets of the reign of Sultén Mahmiid is Qusi Zahir
Diblavi* who has left a Diwan (anthology) fall of gagidahs in
eulogy (of Mahmiid) of which this is one.
Heir to the mighty monarchy, Sultan Mahmfiid,
Who succeeded his father and grandfather in the sovereignty
of the world; ‘
He removed Dabaran ® from the sky to serve as his signet,
While Taurus complained saying I have but this one eye
left.*
By the first strain of his bow string he has wakened the Lion,
And after that he has stretched him out in sleep with the
deep-piercing arrow.
The whole world boasts of full satiation at the board of thy
favour,
Save only the lute which complains that its belly is empty.§
Oh thon whose world-conquering sword flashes in the dark-
ness of infidelity like to the lightning flashing through the
darkness of night,
Although the heaven has made thine enemies intoxicated
like the eyes of the beloved idols for some time, still at last
it has overthrown them.

allegiance to Daulat Khiin Lodi, who strnck the coinage, &., in Muharram of
816H xt is tolerably clear thet he means Zu-l-Qa‘da 815 H. ag the date of
Mahmiid’s death, and not 814 H as Briggs would have it,
1 Musprint in the toxt MS. (A) reada j=
8 Qari Zahir Dihlavi I can find no mention of this poet.
5 wip} The Hyades ono of the two clastura of stara included within the
constellation Taurus the other beng the Ple:ades
Ancient astronomers were not agreed as tothe number of gters included
ja tha Hyadea Thales reckoned two only (a and ¢) the two eyes of the
Bull. (Smith, Dict. Greek and Rom. Antiq 150 a).
* The constellation Zaurus is here spoken of as having lost one of his two
eyes by which must be meant the two clasters of stars above mentioved,
and not # and « of Tauras a reckoned by Thales.
& The whe rubdb or lute, 18 8 stringed instrament like & guitar but having
the body shaped hke 1s hollowed gourd somewhat resembling the body of the
mandolin,
 [ 368] *

It is envy of thy generous hand which throws the ocean into

tumult, for if it be not so, the ocean is never eo distnrbed
by the winds of heaven.
The following is also by the same author:
Thou art a monarch before whom the heavens bow in adoration,
Thon art a King in whose reign time itself exults,
Qidlah! of the nation, and mainstay of kingdoms and reli-
gion, Mabmid
Whom the assemblies of Sultan have chosen as their Imaim.*
The Qazi of the heavens ® cdmes out on foot to receive him
279. When the Governor of his unerring judgment sends the
summons.
He keeps constant watch* lest sedition should make a night
assault,
Thy vigilance stands with a drawn sword in its hand while
the people sleep (in safety).
In order that thy enemy may not enjoy the sweet breezes
of the garden of thy favour
The heavens have afflicted him with fever and headache in
addition to catarrh.5
1 This line should read as in MS (A).
Syee® ud y Ups lad 51d das
A foot-note to the Oalentta text states that the reading there given is the
same in all three MSS. of Badioni and that probably the word aS
has dropped out after the word us This ig a quite anneceasery sup-
position The reading above given fulfils all requirements. MS (B) corras-
ponds save that for «J20 1 reade (Joy an evident copyrat’s error,
als Qublah. Theis the direction in which Mushms are bound to turn
during prayer: This is laid down 1m the Qur'an, Sara JI. “ We see thee often
turn thy face about in the heavens, but we will surely turn thee to a giblah
thon shali ike Turn then thy face towards the sacred Moxque, wherever
ye be turn your faces towards it” (y 189). From the Hijra, Mobammad at
first directed his followers to turn towards the temple at Jerusalem, but im
the second year of the Hire the Ka‘bah at Mekka was fixed ag the giblah.
See Hughew Dict of Islam, v Qublah.
8 pt Imém. In this pasenge the word 18 need in the sense of Khalifah.
® & re eA Qisi-r-Charkh Tho planet Jupiter,
4 MS. (A) reads ineorrectly cpl soaes,
§ This couplet is ineyitelly ridiculous to English ears: the meaning {s that
in order to deprive him of the pleasures of the perfomed breenes, he has
been afflicted with th. ancamia which reaults from a cold in the head.
 ' [ 360
The heavens have apportioned every arrow of thine to one
of the varions families,
It were not possible to allot the arrows! in any better way
than this. *
{

The following is also his : ;

My love has gone outside, do thou my life also go ontside,
For if thou art not outside with my love, thou wilt be outside
the pale of love.
Specially that now, in order to uproot the ‘infidels and rebels,
The royal standards have gone out clothed in good fortune.
Sbéh Mabmiid, he who when he sallied forth against the
infidels, «
Thon wonld’st say ‘Isa has come forth to slay Dajjal §
Thy reign hi+ cast sedition into the bondage of annihilation.
Taaid to the heavens, Beware! this is a prisoner* of the
Sultan, free him not!

1 pie Siham, calted also cies qiahk, Theao are the arrows used by the
ancient Arabs for gambling in the manner called put Al-matsar (for-
bidden in the Qur'i«, II 216, v 92,93) In this game a comel wae bonght
and slaughtered, and divided into twenty-eight portions which were drawn for
with
ten arrows called pu aslam The numbers after the names of the
arrowa indicate the value of the share drawn, 49 fuzz (1), (lps tan'wn (2),
wad) sagid (8), p55 nafs (4), ple ants (6), Upn® musdal (6), pglae
muallg (7)
Tho remaming three arrows were blanks and gained noshare. Their
names were ge safth, gi manih, dey waghd, The name of each
arrow was written upon it and they were all put imto a brg called by
mibdbah, and given into the charge of a trastworthy man hnown na ase t
al-mujil or (taal al mufiz whose duty was to shake the miows up and draw
out one for each im turn, Whoever drew a blank had to pny the coat of
the camel, while those who drew a winming arrow iecetved a preportionnte
share according to the value of the arrow. See Majma‘u-l-Bahkrain, Magaimah,
XIII p. 09
2 The conpleta are here given in the order in which they occur m both
MBS. (A) (B).
lao Dayd. See page 27804" A namo given m the Hadis to certain
rehgious mpostors who sholl appear in the woild,a term equivalent to our
use of the word Antiobrist, Muhammnd 19 related to have end there wonld
be about thirty.” Hughes’ Diet of Islém. 64. See also Albirital Chronology of
Ancient Nations, pp 196-106
#MB (A) gpou MB. (B) few.
47
 [ 870]
Thia is also his: .
The month of Dai! has arrived, and the air bas in conse-
quence become fo cold ®
That nothing save the icy breeze can move from its place.
The earth is cold and frost bound,® the air is even colder than
the earth,
In very truth the air is chill with the weariness of age.
In the garden the fire of the tulip and Gulnar have died
down,
From the cold the (graceful) trees of the garden have become
mere sticks.
The water is hard frozen from the cold, and says with petu-
lance,
I will break if anyone places his foot upon my head.
No single bud comes out fiom its resting place in the heart of
the tree, although it wears upon its cypress-like body a cap
and mantle.
The bird has ceased its song when it saw the havoc wrought
by autumn,
When a general pillage is going on, lamentation is futile,
Seek not for leaves and seed-bearing fruit in the garden, for
to-day
The leaves have becn scattered by the wind, the seeds
remain hidden beneath the earth
The morning breeze draws every breath like a deep drawn sigh,
Seeing that it has cast to the winds so beanteous a being as
the rose.
So far has the rose gone that should yon search the East and
the West,
You will not find it save in the assembly of the King of the
World
Shah Mahmid from the splendour of whose assemblies, there
is eternal spring in the month of Dai, and the world is like
Paradise.

1498 The tenth month of the Persian Shamsi year

when the San ie in
Capricorr , corresponding to the comme
ncement of winter.
4 MB. (A) onits oo.
PMB, (A) reads Sy} ef sn piace of wt? eal, Text and MS. (B).
 ( elj
He who when he draws up his array, and orders it for battle,
The lines of the enemies at the very sight of him pale with
terror,! ‘
His heart is the rising place of sacred knowledge,’ and he has
knowledge,
Because § he fathoms the secrets of Fate with a glance.
Oh thou who in the rules of Government art an example tu
vazira,
The vazirs have issued no order save on the authority of thy
judgment.
If it be not the intention of the wind to write a memorial
of thy virtnes *
Why does it scatter the leaves of tho rose in the garden, 381.
The sun in comparison with thy (brilliant) jadgment looks
like Suhé*
Although Subé cannot be seen in the bright light of the Sun.
Thou slayest thine enemies, and Time confesses thy excelleuce ;
Thou art the refuge of the people, and the evil doers take
shelter under thy wing.
The cupbearer of thy feast bears a cup of joy in his hand,
The herald of thy fame has the whole world beneath his feet.
The bauquet of Truth cannot be spread save in praise of thee
Although the whole feast terminates with the distribution of
sweetmeats.
Hail Khusri! even should I remain excluded from attendance
upon thee
I shall not: take one moment's rest from piaining and eulogis-
ing thee
My duty is thy service, since were F to refrain from that
I have no other oecupation save singing thy praises

1 An adequate translation of these lines seems impossible There isa

ghd -priae tuynie-t-lafgi or play upon words here which cannot be pre.
served in Enghsh The words IySe pf aad Safré, have two meaninge, lat,
draws up ats limes, and 2nd, grows pale, accu ding as iyo is taken as two
words or as one.
# MS, (A) and (B) write O19 gyixty.y Suet Gane ziegt Ja.
3MS (A) wnte yf. Text und M8 (B) &
* MS, (A) reads incorrectly wendy pole
§ Buh is the name of a dim ster in Ursa Majo. See Lanes v. ‘geet
 { 872J
Thou hast led thine army against thy enemies, and I follow
thee
Sending early and late the army of benediction to thy
assistance.
As long as the nights of the month of Dai are longer than
its days,
And until the season of Nauroz comes round unpreceded by
winter,
May the garden of thy enjoyment blossom like the season of
spring
May the life of thy enemies be shorter than the days of winter
This is another of his compositions.
The scent of the rose has arisen, haste my companion to the
rose-garden, =,
Seek for the old wine, and re-call that old love of thine.
282 The branch of the rose, like the date-palm of ‘Isa, refreshes
the soul in the garden
Because the breoze gently shakes it contiuually like Mariam.!
Although the tender branch inclines with the wind, fiom one
side to the other
Yet a stieam flows, Praise be to God, up to the Sirdt-i-mus-
taqim *
The branch is full of leaves, why does the nightingale com-
plain in its song ?
How 18 it possible that Moses should have patience when he
has [Khizr for compamon f §

7 80 she conceived him and sho retired with him snto a remote place
And the labou paing same npon her at the trunk of & palm-tree and she
said, ‘QO that | had died before this, and been forgotten out of mind!’ and he
culled te hor from beneath he, ‘Grieve not, for thy Lord has placed a stream
beneath thy feet, and shake towards thee the trunk of the palm-tres, it will
chop upon thee frosh dates fit to gather, soleat and drink and cheer thine eye.’ ”
Qur’én Palmer's translation See Qar'én Sura XIX vy. 20-28
® Sirdt-.-mustagem, The hair-like bridge over the midat of Hell over which
the righteous will pass hke hghtning.
Qur'an, J 5, Hughes aré Siri Tt is aleo interpreted to mean the religion
of Islim Qn‘an, HY. 44 See algo Lane, 8 v.
§ This refer, to the legend told by Mohammedan commentators on certain
verses of the Qur'an, that when Khigr had disappeared m searoh of tho wate:
of immoitnuty, Moses was inepired to search for him and was told that he
 [ 873]
Tho wind draws lines across the stream like the soribe aa
he drives his pen,
The eye of the naroissus points to tho sky like the eye of the
astronomer as he prepares his tnbles.
The parrots flaunt in green attire, the ringdove wears white
garments,
The crow is devoid of any sach honourable vestments, wear-
ing as it docs a black blanket,!
Yon would say * that the narcissus has produced a transcript
of these people (nam) who sleep below the dust. Look!
it has for each alif two mime ®
The sumbul and narcissus are copies of the locks and eyes
of the fair ones;
Of those two, one falls prostrate stricken with blackness,
the other comes intoxicated (with love),

would meot him by a rock where two aeaa met, and where he should lose a
fish whi he was directed to take with him = The companion spoken of is
suid to hive heen Joshua, and the servant who gnided them (v 64) was no
less than Khigr himself, and whon Moses asked if he should follow lim nid,
“Vorily thou canst never have paticnco with mo How canst thon be patient
in what thou comprehendost no knowledgo of ” Kluzr upon being aasured
hy Moses that he wonld be patient bade lnm to follow but not to ask about
anything he night see They embarked i a ship which Khizr acuttled, where-
upon Mosea natnrally asked the reason and was rebuked Further on they
meta boy whom Khizr killed and again roused Moses’ impatience; ngain
they found a wall wiich Khir prevented from falling without exacting any
reward for his services, and again Moses beowne impatient whereupon Khizr
said, “ Thig is the pirting between me and theo” and explained to Moses the
reagun for lus action in each case See Qur’in XVIII 64 and following verses.
1 The couplete are arranged in the order m which they come m the MSS.
§ The text reads opisf with @ foot note variant Peat MSS. (A) (B)
agrea with text.
8 ayer’ or oS! Naigis The poet’s narciasus Narcissus poeticus N O,
Amaryllidaceso ‘Tine natural order has a single style with thiee atigmas,
and six stamons of which the anthers burst inwarda ‘the poet here likens the
three divisions of the style to three aliye (1) and the stamens to eix sims
(¢) the authers forming the head of the letter, and the curve filament ite
downward stoke, Thus the single alif (1) and two mims (¢) form he saya
the word et umam the plural of if ummatun meaning the followers of
8 prophet, or a people of ove religion, hence generically a genciution of men
as in the saying et wwe 05 generations of men have passed atvay.
+ Jhine Sumbul, Nardostachys Jatamans: N.O, Valerwnacew See note 6,
 [ 874]
The rose-bud has blossomed by the blast of the breeze of
the garden,
In truth, he who hus a resigned heart rejoices even when
misfortune befalls him.
You would say that the black spot which has come in the
heart of the tulip from the cruelty of autumn
Is a Hindi who has fallen! into the flames of hell.
She stands there on one foot lifting upwards two eyes ®
Beseeching the merciful Lord * to grant the King eternal life
He in comparison with whose youthful fortune the heaven is
as an old man bowed with age, °
And for instructing his judgment, abstract Wisdom © is asan —
intelligent child.
When once the power of growth® bas obtained sufficient
intensity from his sharp sword, it splits the fruit-stone, as
his sword does the enemy, into two halves beneath the
earth.
The star of sovereignty,’ which bas left its orbit to seek thy
auspicious presence,
Wall find its proper orbit if it becomes stationary at thy
court.

page 146: see also Assatic Reseurches , Vol II, pp 405 et segq for a paper on this,
the Indian Spikenard, from which the following is taken“ the true nard or
Jatiminsi which, by the way, has other nameg in the Amarcdsh, the smoothest
of which are gaiild and lémasé both derived from words meaning hatr.”” ‘The
comparison of the narciasus to the eye 1s so familiar as to need no reference.
1 MSS. (A) (B) &idyyys
@ The scape of the tulip is here spoken of aa bearing two flowers.
8M (A) pileoy
4 T read here weal gh 4d pii-t-nigiinast for aunty ig (MSS and text)
pir-s-nekiist which has no intelligible meannmg Probably the author wrote
stam niginast
& Use ‘agl-t-kull The first or supreme intelligence,a name givon to the
Angel Gabriel. In the language of the Sifis the ‘agl-s.kuld (called aleo ‘aq!
s-awwal) appears to answer to the ‘ Logos” of the Alexandrian School. See
Kaghshdf-fi-lefslab-t-funiin, 1 p 1028
6 Bacli tor Aol ws3,
T aS gS 2%) Rupi'.s-kawkad, called alzo dna, Rya't, is the motion
of a
star im opposition to the movement im the normal direction which is known
by
the term dslAin! Tutsg@mat, See Koshshif, », » ay
 [ 875]
And in truth after Qisi Zahir no poet arose in Hinddstin whose
poetry repaid the trouble of reading. After the death of Sultan
Mahmiid the great Amirs of Hindist&n as for instance Mubiris
Khan and Malik Idris who was the ruler of Rohtak, quarrelled
with Khigr Khao and were disposed to make common cause with
Daulat Khan, Kbigr Khin accordingly stood fast in Fathptr and
made no expeditions to any conntry.
In Muharram of the year 616 H. (1414 A D.) Daulat Kbin
having gone towards Kaithar on a huntiig expedition and having
brought the Rais of that district into his toile, went to Baitali,
and Mahibat Khan the Wali of Badion came thither and joined
him, And in this year Sultan Ibrahim besieged Qadir Khin the son
of Mahmid Kbén in Kalpi, and Danlat Khan being very short
handed, ignored him, sud omitted to send teinforcements to
either of these places; and Khizr Khan in Zi-l-qa‘da of this year
came to the fortress of Firfizébad,! the Amirs of which district
came into him, and Malik Idris was besieged in Rohtak. Khizr
Khan marched by that route to Miwat and taking with him Jalal
Kbén Miwati the brother’s son of Bahadur Nahir, conveyed him
to Sanbal which place he pillaged, and in Zi Hijjah of that same
year he encamped before the gates of Dihli with the intention
of taking it; Daulat Khan held out for four months, but at
last was compelled by the want of agreement with Malik Lona
and the other supporters of Khizr [han to sue for peace, humbly
and earnestly. He had an interview with Khigr Khsu who threw
him into prison, and delivered him to Qiwim Khan who conveyed
him to the fortress of Firizaand slew him. This happened in the
year $16 H. (1414 A.D.) on the seventeenth of Rabi‘u-l-Awwal.8
Verse
Kveryone whom the world favours, she at lest ® spills his blood,
What can be che condition of that child, whose mother is
his enemy.
Masnap-1-‘Ant Kpzr Kin tpn Marieu-sg-Sgang* rex Manik
Scnemin,
In the year before mentioned after the conquest of Dilhi, having

1 MS. (A) reads Of B}gp3 slam a

8 Firishta adds, The duration of his reign was one year and three months.
3M8, (4) reads 436 for ($7
* MS (A) The text ronda Sy! Sle,
 -
{ 376 ]
raised the standards of monarchy, became firmly eatablished upon
the throne of sovereignty.
This Malik Suleiman had been exalted in his childhood by
Malik Nasirc-l-Mulk Marwan Firdz Shahi to the rank of a son,
and had been educated accordingly. In real truth he wns a
Saiyyidzide of high family, so that on one occasion Makbdim-i-
Jahaniyin Saiyyido-s-Sadat, the fountain of dignities, Shaikh
Jalalu-1-Haqq wau-s-Shara‘wau-d-din al-Bakhiri may God sanctify
his soul, came for some important purpose into the house of
Makk Marwiu Daulat, food was served, and Malik Suleiman
brought the ewer and bason to Makhdiim intending to pour water
over his august hands. Makhdiim addressing him by the title of
Mahk Mat wan Daulat, smd, This lad is a Saiyyid Zada, and it 18
derogatory to him to allot him such 2 menial service, From that
285. day forth, it was known that Malik Suleiman was an undoubted
Saiyyid, but besides this, the signs of Saiyyidship, and good
qualities and praiseworthy traits became manifestly visible in the
character of Masnad-i-‘Ali Sayyid Khige Khan.
Verse
The Saiyyid was a man in whom were manifested
The virtues of Muhammad, and thegrace of ‘Ali the accepted.
The following 1s an epitome of the career of Malik Marwan
Daulat, He was governor of Mnltin m the time of Firiz Shah,
and after the death of Malik Matwan Daulat, the Government of
that district devolved upon lus son Malik Shaikh, shortly after
whose death it was confirmed to Malik Suleiman. He also
bade farewell to this world in that reign, and the country of
Maltaén with its dependencies was conferred upon Saiyyid Khizr
Khan on behalf of Sultin Firiz Shah, up to the date when the
aforesaid Saiyyid was advanced to the Sultanate by the Amira.
He however would not assumo the title of King; but received the
title of Rayat-1-A‘ala!
On the date mentioned he alighted at the palace of Sultan
Mahmiid, and gamed over the hearts of great and small by public
largesse oud unbonnded favours, distributing titles, offices,
and
territories among his personal attendants; in the very first year
of his accession he conferred upon Malik Nakv® (Tubfa) the title
1 See Thomas, Pathan Kenge, p. 829, and
footnote
9M8, (A) the! Turse,
 { 377]
ot Naju-1-Mulk, aud appointed him with a considerable following
to the command of the enstern districts of Hindistan; he accord-
ingly crossed the river Ganges at the ford of Piiaha,! and entered
the country of Kaithar. Rai Har Singh and the rebels of that district
sought refuge in the forests of that country® and lay hid there.
Then he gave over Kaathar to rapine and plunder, whereapon
Mahadbat Khan Hakim of Baddon also came in and had an inter-
view with lim, and R&éi Har Singh being reduced to extremities
submitted to him, agreeing to the conditions imposed of the
payment of tmbute and of a yearly offering, Taju-]-Malk
and Mahabat Khan seized the banks of the river Rahab, and on
arriving at the ford of Savgdawiéri crosacd the Ganges, chnatised
the infidels of Kahwar (which is now known ,by the name of
Shamsfibad) Kanpila and Baitali, and passing by the towns of
Sakina* and Padham came to Rapari;> and Hasan Khan and
Malik Hamra his brother, who held the government of Ripari, and
Rai Sar the governor of Chandawar, together with the infidels
of Gwaliar all came aud jomed hands with him, agrecing to pay
tribute, and voluntarily assuming the yoke of obedience. From
thence Malik Taju-l-Muilk came to the townalup of Jalesar,®
which he wrested from the giasp of the midels of Chandawar,
and restored as of old to the coutrol of the Muslims who had
held it in days of yore, nnd gave fiesh currency to the Mubam-
madan rehgion. Then haying appointed Ins own ageuts and

Ls. (A) latpydS y.

2MS (A) cud hia
8 Shameabid. Town in Farukhabid district N-W P, eitnated on the
South bank of the Burs Ganga river, 18 miles North-West of Fatehgarh town
(Hunter, Gaz Ind , XI}, 375).
© Saking For thw we should perhaps read Sakita (MS. (A) lends conn-
tenance to this view).
Sakit hes in the direst route indicated between Kanpila and Ripari, 12
miles South-East of Etah town. It was here that Bahlol Lodi died on lis
return to Dibli from an expedition agamat Gwahiir (din-t-Akbari).
§ Rapari, Village and rnins 44 miles Sonth-West of Mainpiti town. Looal
tradition ascribes the foundation of the ancient city to Rio Zorawar Singh,
also known as Rapar Sen (Hunter, Gas Ind, XI, 511).
§ On the Do&b plain, 38 miles East of the Jumus, and of Muttra. (Houter,
Gaz, Jnd., VII, 103}
48
 { 378]

having seized the right bank of the Black water, ' inflicted condign
punishment upon the infidels of Etfwab, and then returned
towards the city.
And in the year R16H. (1415 A.D.) he gave to Saiyyid Khize
Khan the younger son® of Malik Mubarak, whose connteuance
betokened royal dignity, the termtory of Firizpir and Sihrind,
together with the whole of the districts which were in the
possession of Bairam Khan T'u:rkbacha, and subjected the sapreme
control and administration of that tract of conotry to his will
and pleasare, while Mahk Sadhi Nadir,’ having assumed the
control of the western portion of Hindiistan, was appointed to
this office with the rank of Ndvb-i-Shihedda (4.c., vicegerent of
the Prince).
And inthe aforesaid year the Prince here alladed to having,
in concert with Mahk* Sadhi Nadira and Zirak Khan the
Amir of Sém&na and other Amirs and Maliks,® set in order the
important affairs of that province, and put everything upon a
satisfactory footing, returned to Dibli his capital city.
And in the year 819 H. (1416 AD.) he appointed Malik Taju-l-
Malk® with a large army to carry the standards of Khizr Khan?
towards Baiéna ond Gwélar; Mabk Karimu-l-Mulk, the brother
of Shams Khan Aubadi came and had an interview with him,
287. ‘Having cleared those regions of the thorns of infidelity he returned ;
and in this selfsame year some of the Turkbachas of Bairam
Khan's paity seized by treachery Malik Sadha Nadira, who was
holding the district of Sihrmd as the Shahzda's deputy, raised
him to the dignity of martyrdom, and took possession of Sihrind.
Khizr Khan thereupon sent Zirak Khan to put down this rebellion,
and he accordingly went thence to the foot of the hills in pursmit
of those rebels, bat after encountermg many difficulties he
returned.

} The Kili Nadi or Kilindi, or Kitini, rises in the Mazaffarnagar district, and
draina the whole enstern portion of the Doth. The namo iw the text
the wf ab-s siydh means Black water, and is a translation of the Hindistini
kali naddi
8 MS, (A) reads wrongly 29% yay for dypte yes
8 MS. (A). The text reads 30 @ MS. (A).
bOmt 9 after Syle 6 MB. (A) reads wiMt 24 Tayu-d-Din.
TMB. (A) pile pid clot wily,
 [ 379 } we
In this year also Sultan Ahmad, who was the raler of Gajerat,
laid seige to Na&gor,' bat upon hearing of the march of Khigr
Khén abandoned the siege and withdrew. Kbizr Khan came
to Chhain,* and Alyaés Khan the governor of Chhiin gave in his
allegiance to liim. Thence he proceeded to Gwéliar, and althongh
he did not redace that fortress, still he levied tribute and offerings
from it, and thence oame to Baiana where Shame Khan Aubadi
gave in his submission. And in the year 820 H. (1417 A.D.)
Tighén the Ra'is with his band who had been the murderers of
Malik Sadhd revolted. Zirak Khan was ‘again appointed (to
chastise them), and scattered that gathering in all directions.
And in the year 821 H. (1418 A.D.) Khizr Khan went up
against Knithar, and Har Singh Dev, who has already been men-
tioned, laid waste the whole of Kaithar, and took to the forest of
Anwla, the circumference of which is twenty-four krohs, After
several engagements he was defeated, and eventually withdrew
to the hill country of Kumaon. Taju-l-Mulk crossed the river
Rahab and pursued him as far as the hills, and from there came
to Badaon, and taking with lim Mahabat Khin, the governor of
Baddou, crossed the Ganges by the crossing of Bajlana: then
having dismissed Mahaibat Khar, he himself went on to Itaiwa,
whence he returned to Dihli laden with spoil. In this same year,
also, Khizr Kbain® again led an army against Knithar, and
proceeding by way of Kol arrived at Baitali, where he crossed
the Ganges and came to Baddon. On tlus occasion Mahabat

\ Nagor In Brige’s translation of Firishta this appesre as Bagore (1. 509).

It ia Nagnar in Jodhpur State, Rajpatiné 48 miles North-West of Nasirabid
and 76 North-East of Jodhpiir city.
3 The text reads write Shaban but MB (A) reads unlyp Chhéin
In Brigg’s (I 509) we find this place called Jalwar, with a footnote: “T have
some doubt as to the true nome - it 19 differently written in my various MSS.”
In the lithographed edition of Firishta the name 18 written plainly enough
jy'> Jani (Bombay Edn I, 294), and it is said that without waiting for
Khisr Khin to advance, Ahmad withdrew in the direction of Malwa, and that
when Khir Khin arrived at Janir, Alyis Khiin who was governor of the new
caty called ‘Arie--Jnhin, which was one of the cities builé by ‘Alén-d-Din
Khulji, came to pay his homage. Fividontly, then, the city mentioned in our
text and thia “ ‘Aris-1-Jahin"’ are the same.
BMS (A) ronds here JV ¥jySd0 Siu 59 ao 9 Of clo» Jo. which ap-
pears to be a copyist’s error.
 [ 3380]
Khan Badéoni being afraid of him, shut himself up in the for-
tress, and vpposed Khizr Khan for a space of six months; he
was on the point of being defeated, when Qiwim Khan and
Ikbtiyaér Khan, and certain of the other Mahmad Shahi Amirs who
had seceded from Daulat Khan and had esponsed the canso
of Khizr Khan, meditated treason against Khizr Khan: but
Khizr Kbin becoming aware of this state of things! abandoned
(the siege of) Badion, and retnrned to Dihli. And in the year
822 H. (1419 AD) he put those traitor Amira to death on the
banks of the Ganges, in vengeance for the treachery of which they
had been guilty. In the same yenr also an obscure person on the
confines of Bajwara,* falsely gave himself out to be Saérang Khan
who had been killod some time before, and upon his assuming thie
name several adventurers flocked to him. Khizr Khan deputed
Sultan Shah Lodi* to proceed against him. They fought a fierce
battle in the neighbourhood of Sitmind, and Sarang Khan the
impostor fled and took to the mountains, Sultan Shah made
Ripar his head quarters, In this same year Khizr Khan seni
Téju-l-Malk to Itéwa Rai Sipur was holding out in that fort,
but sought for quarter, and consented to pry revenue to Tajn-l-
Malk.§ Thence he came to Chandwar, and having Inid it waste
and pillaged it, proceeded by way of Kaithar to Dihli, In this
same yeur Mahk Taéju-d-Din died, aud the duties of his Vazirship
weie entrusted to lus elder son Mahk Sikandar, Taghan Riis
again raised an insurrection m Sihrmd, and Mahk Khanu-d-)in
was appointed to oppose him, and returned after havmg satisfac-
tonly quolled his rebellion.

1 MS (A) reada add which 19 preferable to &@9 ag found m the

text.
2 Firishta, (I. 295) says Spr le Lig) near Michiwara, and mm the din-:-
Akbori wo find 16 stated that Machiwirah 1 sitnatod on the banks of
the
Sutley (Jarrett, [f 310). In Rennell’s Map (Ticff. III ) we find Machiwarah
fignred between Riipar and Lidhiina, It hes 23 miles sonth of Liidhifina, and
waverly anuent city mentioned in tho Mahabhirats, Bajywira is fm ther
north near Hoshurpiir. (See Nunter, Imp Gaz, UL. 439)
% Firshta adds, “ catlod Telaim Khon who was the governor
of Sarhini.*
¢ This appears to be the meaning of the text Firehta tella ws thut [stim
Khan pursued “Staang Khan” with his own forces and those of certain
other Mahke, but returned npon finding that be
had tndden himaelf,
BMS (A) gptoly die Bioahia calls hun Rar Sani.
 f 381j
And inthe year 824 H. (1421 AND) Khigr Khan proceeded to 289.
Miwat and took Kotla; thence he hastened to Gwiliar, from the
Rai of which place he levied considerable sums nnd returned to
Itawa. Rai Sipat had gone to hell, and! hia son had tendered his
submission, In this interval® a severe illness attacked Khizr
Khan which led to his return towards Dihli Maving arrived at
that city on the seventeenth of Jumédiu-]-Awwal in the above
yenr, he was received into the morcy of God aud passed away from
the world.
4

Verse.
Every evening is followed by the morning,
At last there comes an end to every labour.
The duration of bis reign was seven years and some monthe.s
Surzin Mupinar Spi 18N1 Karger Kunin rest Mauk Sutiuin,
In accordance with his rights as heir-presumptive ascended the
throne with the consent of the Amirs in the year 824 H. (1421 A.D.)¢
and became firmly settled in the administration of his kingdom,
In this year Jasrat Khikar® the son of Shaikha Khikar raised a
rebellion, the reason of which was that he had taken unawares
Sultan ‘Ali the king of Kashmir, who had, started with the
intention of conquering Tatta® and had defeated him im one of
the mountain passes,’ a vast amount of plunder falling into his
hands. Emboldened by this victory, he used the royal treasures
which he had obtained to farther an attempt to seize the kingdom
of Dihli, and having crossed the rivers Biah and Sutlej with a

MS. (A) 9. 8 MB. (A) UH Loo 9.

8 Firishta adds, “He was just and wise king, kind and trae to his word,
Ins subjects loved him wth o gratefal affection so that great and small,
master ond servant, eat and mourned for him in black raiment till the tmrd
day, when they laid aside thoir mournmg garments, aud raised his eon
Mubarak Shih to the throne ”
MS (A) reads correctly @j! for dsom! MS. (B) has the same reading
os the text.
6 MSS (A)and (B) omt oSaeF Firishta writes SS Khakar and
calla him the brother of Shakhs Khakw
$ ‘Thus the text and MS (B) MS (A) reds simply @U duals Bagacbas
Tutta, + e, for the town of Taita
TMS (A) G9 crnSh HF silS wyyd The text reads gh hS
 [ 382 ] ,
large army, and assaulted Talaungi which was 11 the possession of
Rai Kamalu-d-Din Mubin,! and Rai Firiz fled from before him,
Jasrat came to Ludhiina® and plundered and pillaged along the
banks of the river Sutlej as far as the boundarics of Rapar;
there he crossed the river and came to Jélandhar.* Zirak Khan
had taken refuge in the fort of dalaudhar. Jasrat descended the
bank of the river Sarsnti wherenpon the question of peace
arose; Jasrat by some treachery made Zirak Khan prisoner,
Sultan Mubarak Shah moved towards Sihrind, upor hearing
which Jasrat Shakha® released Zirak Khan who went to
Samana and offered his services to Mubaiak Shah who proceeded
to Ludhiana Jasrat having crossed the Ludhiana river drow up to
oppose him, being in possession of the whole of the boats The
army of Mubarak Shah was unable to cross the river, until
after the rising of Canopus® when the river became fordable,
The Sulfa thon crossed the river; Jasrat fled and having

1 We mast read cx) Jus espdugh Thia is shewn to be the right

reading by the colinteral passuge in Firishta which reads (I, p. 207),
IS ccyld ents Glad SOF cgtys OFgo eigli 3 “and laid waste Talaundi which
belonged to Ra: Kamil.”
The toxt andboth MSS. read @a(oS Kudihna, but it is evident that
we should read &baoJ Lndhiina, Woe find in Fiushta (loc. ert.).
Saof ail dp ihm 9. “Jasrat having come to Lidina,” Talaundi I
cannot identify, but there isa place on the North bank of the Sutle) im
Rennell’s map, called Talloom, this with the affixed gonitive feminine termina-
tion (Panjabi) di, would give Tulimdi or Tulindi, +e, the willie of Tuliim
Tulloom lea about 20 miles 8. §.-W. of Ludhiina (see Rennoll’s mnp, Tieff,
III), on the opposite bank of the river,
8 Ripar in Rennell’s map is placed North-East’ of Ludhiana about 50 miles
Gistant: bat on modern maps it is shown almost due Enst of Ladhina and
about 85 miles from it.
6 A place of considerable antiquity, the original capital of the Rajput
kingdom of Katoch. It ia described by Hwon Theang as having been a town
of ‘two miles in ciremt in the 7th contary A D.
it is mentioned by Ptolemy by the name of Kulsmdrine or Sulidrene, ace
Cunningham, A. G.1, pp. 185, ete , and Hunter, Guz Ind, VII 91,
6 MS. (A) omits cy probably conectly as we have scen frum Fuishta’s
acconnt.
4 Firiehta tells us they crossed on the Ith Shawnal (October, kth AD
1421).
 [ 388J
crossed the river Chhinab! came to Talhar® in the hill tracts.
The troops of Mubdrak Khan followed him and the greater part
of his infantry and cavalry were killed, and all his wealth and
treasure was plundered and lost. Réi Bhim ® the chief of Jammoo
offered his services to Mubarak §hah and guided his army.‘
Mubarak Shah returned thence to Lahor.
And in the year 825 H. (A.D. 1421) he remained encamped on _
the bank of the river Ravi for nearly a month, rebuilt the city of
Lahor which had been laid in ruins during the late invasion, and
completely repaired the citadel where it had been brenched and
levelled ;* then having left thore Malik Mahmfd Hasan who bore
the title of Maliku-sh-Sharg, returned to Dihli. Five months later
Jusrat Khikar again came agaiust Léhor witha large army and en-
camped at the abode of Shaikhn-}-Machaikb Shaikh Hasan Zinjani,*
may God sanctify him, aud every day fora month made repeated
efforta to take the city by assault, but eventually failing to attain
his object’ withdrew to Kalanor® and fought s battle with Rai
Bhim, and when both sides were in the midst of the fight they
agreed to'make peace.
Malik Sikander Tubfa who had been despatched from Dihli to
reinforce Malik *® Mahmiid Hasan crossed the Ravi by the ford of
Pihi!° and encamped at Lahor, and Jasrat feeling that he was
not able to cope with the conjoint forces !! crossed the Chhin&b

1 The Chendb
4 In the Kashmir hill tracts,
% Firishta tells us that Rai Bhim offered his services and gnided the army
to Bisnl, the strongest of Jnsrat’y strongholds, Jasrat fled from there, hia
men wore killed and he lost all his possessions,
4 MS. (A) reads pale «sly both here and some lines lower down.
5 MS. (A) reads sham eshiany 9 ghinbt,
6 Firishla says &<{ ys giles ine ee Sig.
TMS (A) SOdey) dp Spoler,
® Soventeen miles weat of Gurdaspar town. Lat, 32° 1’ N. Long. 78° 11°
30” B. Jt was here that Akbar in later trmes received the news of his
father’s death and ascended the throne (Hunter, Imp. Gaz., VII. 823).
9 MS. (A) omts Le and reads cts} pF jt in the next line.
0 Frrishte. vw? La’. Bee however note 1 next page.
4) Finghta cays that Mahmid Hasan was also joined by the forces of Malik
Rajab, Goveruur of Depalpix and of Jalém Ehin Lodi, Governor of Sibrind
 [ 364]
river and proceeded to the hills of Talwara,! aud the army of
Mabarak Shih having put down that rebellion returned to Dihli.
In the year 826 H. (1422 AD.) Mubarak Sh&h proceeded
to Kaithar, and Mahébat Khan of Badéon who had revolted
against Khigr Khéu came in and submitted himself, and was dis-
tinguished by special marks of favour Leaving there ® he crossed
the Ganges and uttacked the country of the Panwars§ in the neigh-
boat hvod of Khor vtberwise known as Shamsabéd,* and having
put the majonty of them to the stvord ravaged the country ; then
having left Malik Mabéiz and Yivak Khan and Kamal Khan
with a large force iu the fortress of Kanpilv to quell the insurrec-
tion of tho rebels he returned to Dibii.
And in this year Alp Khan Governor of Dhar ® came with the
object of chastising the Ri: of Gwar aud with the intention of

and that Jaarat withdrow, crossed the Chhinab and Rivi, and took refage in
tho hills.
4 This 1s the reading of the text ‘alwira is possibly the same es Tolhar
mentioned above Dr Stem, whom I have consulted, considera that Talwira
in the toxt refera to the village Talwara on the right bank of the Chinab juat
opposite to tho town of Biasi (74 62’ Long 33° 6’ Lat ) Thaw 18, he saya, a
common place for crosung the Chinab as tho ronte connecting Poni with
Biaei and Jammu w shown onthe survey map (Atlas of India, Sheet 29), as
passing Talwira Dr. Stem cunnot ascertain whether the hill range rising to
the north of Tulwara is demgnated by that name Pihi in the text 18 probably
identical with Poni The reading of MS. (A) 1s wad) 4,f 3° weut to
Kotla.
3 Virghia tells us that Mahibat Khin in obedience to the orders of the
Suljan crossed the Ganges and invaded the termtortes of the Bathur tribe.
8 The Rathors are aclan of th Rijputa, and the Pauwats form another
of ther clang regarding whom Abul-Fu7i siya “In ancient timos the royal
dynasty of Uindist@n came from thas tebe" Marwir ig mentioned by ihe
same author as the head-quurters of the Rathor tmbe (See din-+-AkLuri
(Jarrett), If. 270 and IIT, 118).
For a fall account of the Pauwira se Sherring iHinda Tribes and Castes),
Il p 99, see alao Elhot, (Races of N-W P of Indu).
# On the south bank of the Buri Gangs river, 18 miles North-West of
Fatehgarh
6 The text reads qgl3 Dihli with a foot-note vanant yl43 Dhir MS.
{A)rends yd Dhar Firshta says, Sulfin Hoshaug Wali of Malwa The
town of Ujjain ind Dhar have at one period or another supplied a capital fo
the legendary Himdu dyuasties of Malwa (See Hunter, lap Got IV 246,
Dhi)
 t 885 }
subduing that region; Mubérak Shah upon receiving intelligence
of this proceeded towards Gwilidr; when he arrived in the
neighbourhood of Baiéna, Shams Khan Aubadi ' the son of Auhad
Khao Anbadi, Governor of Baiina, who had put to death by
treacherous meens his uncle Mubarak Khan, become alarmed and
revolted, and after laying waste Baiana entrenched himself® iv
the fortress, but eventually submitted
Mubirak Shah left that place and marched towards Gwaliar, but
Alp Khan proceeding along the banks of the Chambal river?
would not permit the army of Mubarak Shah to cross; however
the soldiers of Mubarak Shah crossed by another ford, scatter-
ed the forces of Alp Khan, and returned triomphant This
engagement led to a peaceful settlement, and Alp Kbén sent im
many presents and returned towards Dhar, while Mubé:ak Shah
pioceeded to Dibli.
And in the year 827 H. (1428 A.D.) he again ordered an expe-
dition towards the hills of Koméon and Kaithar, on retarning
whence he laid waste Miwaét In this yegr a severe famine
occurred throughout the whole of Hindistin In the year 839 H.
he again proceeded towards Miwat and reduced the fortiesses of
Indor and Alwar.

1 M8 (A) The text omits the words Shama Khin Aubadi = Furishta calls
him Amir Khan 1bn-1-Da‘id Khin tbn-1-Shams Khan (see Bombay Edition,
p 299 last Inne), and save that he had entrenched himself on tho heights
$MS (A)reads @U&S .ywox*, ‘The toxt reads 104 .pom,
8 Firghta writes of thi. And Sultan Hoshang seized the fords of the
Chhanbul mver and opposed his progress, bnt Mnbirak Shih discovered
another ford and crossed rapidly; and certain of the Amiis of the advance
guaid of the Dihli forces pillaged the camp of the Sulfin of Malwa and took
many plisoners, but asmuch as these were Muslims Mubirak Shih set them
free
Sultén Hoshang sued for peace sending in suitable offerings, and withdrew
towards Dhar Mubarak Shah halted on the banks of the Chhanbal levying
taxes on the old soale from the landholders of that district, and eventually
ariived ot Dihliin the month of Rajab 827 H.
The Chambal or Chhanbal river 18 @ river of Central Indin and one of the
Pitncipal tributaries of the Jamna, it rises in Malwa; about eight or mne
miles south-west of Mhow it 18 joined by tho Kah-Sind, Parbati and Banas,
flowa past Diolpir into Etiwah and joma the Jauun 40 miles below Etiwah
me The Charmauwals of Sanskiit wiiters (Sce Hunter Lap, Que
1 831)
49
 [ 386}
And in the year 830 H he took Basina fron Mubammed Khan
Aubadi, and sent the family of Aubadi to the palace known as
Jahan Numé,! and assigned it ‘o t. -m os residence. He then
gave Baiana to Malik Muqbil Khan one of his retainers, and
Sikri to Malik Kbairu-d-Din Tubfa, while he himself led an army
against Gwalidr receiving the submission of the Raie of that
diatrict.
And in the year 831 H. (1427 A.D) ambassadors arrived in
Dihli fiom Qadir Khan, governor of Kalpi, bringing tidings that
Sharqi* was besieging him. Mubarak Shih marohed to oppose
Shargi; but in the meantime tidings arrived that Shargi had
attacked Bhingaon* and was encamped there, intending to pro-
ceed to Badaon.§ Mubarak Shah, who had crosned the river
Jamna at the ford of Nah Patal, and had attacked Jartauli,® on
urtival at the township of Atrauli® received intelligence that
Makhtage Khan? the brother of Sharqi had arrived on the borders
of Itawa with an army and many elephants; Mubarak Shah
detailed Mahku-sh Sharq Mahmid Hxsan with ten thousand
cavalry to oppose Mukhtags Khan. Mukhtags Khan joined hands
with Shargi who proceeded along the banks of the Black- Water,
otherwise known as the Kalini,? and arrived in the vicinity of the
townsinp of Burhinibad one of the dependencies of Itawa.
Mubarak Shah marching fiom Atrauli encamped at the town of

1 Thie palace waa in Dihli, Fimehta writes “Sent his family and rela
tions tc Dini”
§ Sultin Ibrahim Shih Sharui.
8 The text reads WS wy) Bhin ginwM8. (A) reads yyy Bhatanir.
In Finghte we find QL ty o/!fypy dad yes cls, The troops of Sharqi
attacked Bhigion Bhongion 1s 19 the Mampiri District, 9¢ mies east from
Mainpiri at the janction of the Agra and Grand Trank rouds, The town
was founded according to tradition, by Riji Bhim Sen who was cured of
leprosy by bathing in the hil or lake §=(Hanter, Imp Gaz II 408)
* Badéon hes N of Bhongion at a distance of about fifty miles.
6 Firehta writes, =U gy) (plye oth palo ¥
8) loi ym. Attacked
Jartauli, one of the famous cities of Mawis I fail to locate this place but it
must bave been the Doib, T can find no mention of it
6 Atrauli, 16 moles from Ahgarh town. (H
1 Firighta calle ! im Mukhhg Khan (Hanter, imp Gas. I. 160).
8 MS (A) Thetext reads Kili Pini Th =) = = a
Kilini, the Kara Si
of the Malfazat » Timuri (see uote 3 page 360), 18 18 the
 [ 387 J
Kota,' bat Sharq! declined battle and withdrew towards Rapri,
and thence, after crossing the Jamna, proceeded to Baidna and
encamped on the bank of the river of Kaithar. Mubfrak Shih
pursued him as far as Chandwir; 8 space of four krohe lay
between the two armies so that the outposts of the forees could see
each other. They remained thus confronting each other for
twenty days; at last Sharqi came ont in force, and from mid-day
till nightfall hard fighting went on between the two armies, and
the event was not decided on that day; on the following day
Sharqi turned back towards his own country,* and Mubarak
Shah, considering that both sides were Muslims, no longer pursued
him, but went towards Satgina,® and having conquered that
country followed the bank of the Chanbal river and came down
to Baiana. '
Muhammad Khan Auhadi, who on account of having had an
(unsatisfactory) interview with Shargi had taken fright, and
had entrenched himaelf in the fortress, came and sought pro-
tection in an interview with Mubarak Shah * Mubarak Shah
thereupon retraced his steps to Dihli.
And in the year 832H Malrkn-sh-Sharq Mahmiid Hasan, who
had been left m Barina by Mubirak Shah as Ins Viceroy, and had
put the affairs of that place in order, and had also chastised§
those infidels who had made common cause with Muhammad
Khar. and had raised disturbances, came to Court and received
substantial favours, and the fortress of Firoza was confirmed to
him. In that same year Malik Rajab Nadira, governor of Multan
died, and Malik Mahmid Hnsan received the title of ‘ Imadn-}-
Mulk (Pillar of the State) and proceeded to Multan.
And in the year 833H (1129 A.D.) Mubarak Shah went to
Gwéalidr by way of Baifna, and havingtaken the Rapri district
from the son of Hasan Khan gave it to Malik Hamza, and returned 294

1 Firishta writes yf isle Malikota,

§ Took the road to Jaunpir (Firishta).
8 Went to Gwihir by way of Halghit. (Firishta). MS. (A) &6in
Butgéna,
* Finghta says “Mohammad Khin Auhadi ... for the reason that he
despaired.of any help from Sultan Ghergi, asked for quarter and tendered his
submission” and was freely pardoned.
5 Boyes
Ba MS (A) SOA Text
 [ 388 j .
to the city (Dihli). On the way thither Saiyyid Salim, who had
served Khizr Khan for thirty years, and held the fief of Tabar-
hinda, died. The title of Saiyyid Khana was conferred upon one
of his sons, and that of Shuja‘a-l-Mulk upon the other.* And
Falid, a Turkbacha slave, one of the servanta of the aforesaid
Saiyyid Salim, raised a rebellion in, Tabarhinda and took posses.
sion of the enormous wealth which had been amassed by Saiyyid
Salim. Mubarak Shah imprisoned the sons of Saiyyid Salim,
and appomted Malik Yisuf Sarir and Rai Hansi Bhati® to
oppose him (Fildd). Falad Torkbacha made a night attack
upon them and scattered their forces, and much valuable booty
fell into ns hands. Mubarak Shah led an army against Tabar-
hinda, and the Turkbacha slave was besieged there, Mubarak
Shah summoned ‘Imadu-]-Mulk from Multan, and sent lim with
@ message to the Tuorkbacha slave, who, after suing for quarter,
came out from the fort and had an interview with ‘ Imidu-l-Mulk,
bat did not rely upon his assurances, and returned in alarm to
the fort and contmued to fight Mubarak Shah permitted
‘Imadu-!-Malk to proceed to Multén and himself returned to Dihli.
The slave (Falad) continued to engage in battle at intervals with
the troops of Mubiiak Shahi durmy the six months during which
he was absont. At Jast he sent considerable sums of money * by
way of presents to Shathh ‘Ali Mughal who was the ruler of
Kabul. Shaikh ‘Ali accordimgly came to his assistance from Kabul
with a vast army, which was reinforced by a Jarge number of
men from the borders of the Panjab He 1emoved the slave

Finahta writes
$43) we ad dye 5 le ie ae polae Sane dled} daa od f,
~ dy? Boe aly!
“Thoy relate that Saiyyida-s-Sadat Sayyid Salim was for a penod of thuty
years reckoned by Khigr Khan as one of his beat Amira”
SMS (A) SS Text Wd Firelita also adds that the whote of then
father’s privileges together with all the immense wenlth he iad amassed Wore
confirmed to these two sons, but that these favours were not
sufficient
torocure their fidelity to Mubiruk Shih Badiom’s account does not explain
tho incident related in the subsequent pnssago Finghta does, he says that
these two sons of Sayyid Silim sent Filid to Tabarhinda and merted hun
to
range a rebellion.
8 Firighta’s text reads Mahk Yisuf and Rai Hahili.
(?)
+ while (sletlee Ms (A) The text reads dey lgilre,
 [ 389}
‘ilad) together with all his family and relations from Tabar-
oda and taking them with himeelf returned, and having crossed
e river Bidh came to Lahor. Maliku-sh-Sharq Malik Sikander,
vernor of Lakor, who used to pay a yearly tribute to Shaikh
li, discharged hia obhgation and induced him to turn his
tentions elaewhere, Accordingly Shaikh ‘Ali passing by Lahor
thout sacking it' made towards Depalpir, and ‘Imadu-l-Mulk
me out from Multan to oppose him Shaikh ‘Ali taking the
nk of the river Ravi, proceeded to within a short distance of
lumba,* and turning aside from thence came to Khitpar.®
madu-l-Mulk) fought with Shaikh ‘Ali but was defeated, and
ahk Sulerman Shah Lodi, who was with the advance guard
the army of ‘Imédu-l-Mulk, fell in thie battle;* [and Shaikh
li came to Khusriabad and fora long time daily engagementa
are fought between him and ‘Imadu-l-Malk] &
And in the year 834 H. (1430 AD ) Mubarak Shah sent a vast
my to the assistance of ‘Imadu-]-Mulk, and appointed Fath
bin ibu-1-Sultin Muzgaffar Khan of Gujrat to the command of
at force Shaikh ‘Ali was not able to stand against them,® go
anged front, and retired under cover of night into an entrench-
ent which he had thiown up around his position , when they
rrounded his entrenchment he retreated towards Jhilam, and
‘ving crossed the river there lost the greater part of his men by
‘owning, some were killed and some taken prisoners.? Shaikh
li and Amir Muzaffar proceeded with a certain number of men
the town of Shiwar;® all their baggage and property having

1 This appears to be the meaning of the Persian.

8 Tolumba 14 on the left bank of the Ravi 52 miles NE of Maltan. The
ifort was sitnated a mle to the south of the present town. It has been
antified with a town of the Malh conquered by Alexander the Great dumng
a campaign th the Panjab, and also as the plice where he crossed the Ravi,
ee Hunter Imp Gaz, XILE 163, alao Cunmmgham Ane Geog of India, 224)
B Finghta says ays Khafibpir, The text reads somewhat obscurely
re I have supphed the words in brackets to restore the sense 1m English,
4 Which took place according to Finshta at Khyrébid three stages from
oltan,
6 The worde within brackews are vot in MS (A).
SMB. (A) Baysly Text dyf Somrityd,
TMS. (A) O0d% Toxt oslbS,
 .

[ 390]
been taken, the army of ‘Imadu-l-Mulk pursued them up to that
point. Amir Muzaffar remained entrenched within the fortress
while Shaikh ‘Ali set his face to go to Kabul. The victoriqus
army abandoned the siege and retu:ned to Dihli. Multin was
tiken away from ‘Imada-l-Mulk and given to Malik Khairu-d-Din
Bhan which led to great disturbances on the borders of Multan.
And in the year 835 H (1431A D ) Malik Sikander,! governor
of Lahor, set out to qnell the rebellion which Jasrat Khikbar had
stirred up at the foot of the hills dnsrat took him* unawares
and engaged him in battle, Sikander falling into the bands of
296 Jasrat Khikhar was taken prisoner near Jalandhar. Jasrat took
his prisoner to Lihor and besieged the city, and Saiyyid Najmu-d-
Din the regent of Sikander, and Maik Kbughkhabr ® the slave of
Sikander, fought several battles with lim In the meantime
Shaikh ‘Ali collected an army and again came on to the borders
of Maltin,* and assaulred Kbitpir,® taking pmsoners the
greater portion of the habitants of Jhilam and its vicinity, and
seed Tulumba, pillaging and despoiling all the inhabitants and
muking them puisoners, most of them he put to death, and took
the rest of them, great and small, to his own country,
In the meantime Falad Turkbacha, who has been mentioned
above, left Tabarhinda and invaded the teiritory of Rai Firozé
who engaged him in battle snd was slain, Fiilad sending Ins head
to Tabarhinda
In this year also the Sultan again led an army towards Liahor
and Multan, when he arrived mm the vicimty of Samana, Jasrat
withdrew from in front of Lahor towards the foot of the hills,
and Shaikh ‘Ali also retired to his own country. Lahor and
Jalandhar were taken from Shamsau-l-Mulk and given to Nusrat
Khan Gurgandaz, and Mubarak Shih gave orders for the family
and relatzona of Shamsu-)-Mulk to be removed? from Lahor to
Dabli, whither he himself :eturned.

IMSS The text reade wrongly Sly

§MS (A) omits ty 3!
SMS (A) reads yS*“y3 Khushanjar (?)
4 At the rmstigation of Jagrat Khikhar, necording to Finghta
b Bee note 8 page 889 MS (A) omits fy
#MS (A) reads 5 2ial3 insted of yp ©45 og in the text.
T Text dv) M3 (A) oy
 [ 391]
And in the year 836 H. (1433 A.D.) Mubdrak Shih once more
hastened to SAmana! to pat down the rebellion of Jasrat; when
he arrived at Pahipath he received intelligence of the death of
hie mother, who was called Makbdfima-i-Jahan (Mistiess of the
world), and turned back with a small retinue® to Dihli, and
having remained there ten days to perform his mourning for her,
agnin joined his army, and detailed Yisnf Surira-l-Mulk to
proceed to Tabarlinda to put down the insurrection of Filad.
Mubirak Shah after taking Lahor and Jalandhar from Nuerat
Khan gave them to Mahk Allahdid Kali Lodi When? he
arrived near Jalandhar, Jasrat, having crossed the river Biah, had
engaged Allahd&d Kali* at Bajwara,> and had defeated him. 297.
Malik Allahdad had fled to the hill-country.
In this year the Sultan brought an army into Miwat against
Jalal Khan, and from thence despatching a force to operate towards
Gwaliar and Itéwa, returned (to Dihli). In this same year
Shaikh ‘Ali coming down into the Panjab again caused disturb.
ances there. Muobérak Shah accordingly nominated ‘Imadu-l-
mulk to reinforce the Amirs of that district Shaikh ‘Ali invaded
the country from Shiwar to the banks of the Biah, and taking
great numbers prisoners and plundering, went to Lahor. Zirak
Kban and the other Amirs® who were in Lahor fo: trfied them-
selves there, and fonght repeated engagements with him, till, one
night, the inhabitants of Lihor were careless about their guards
and sentries, and Mahk Yasuf Suiiiro-l-Mulk and Mehk Isma‘il
ander cover of night succeeded in joining Zirak Khan , then sallying
from the fort,’ gave battle and were defeated. Shaikh ‘Ah
pursned them, some of the fugitives wee put to death, and some
were taken prisoners. The following day Shaikh ‘Ali took Lahor
and put to death great and emall, ® and taking many prisoners

1 MB. (A) Ailes Quiler?,

* Bye. Firishta saye (35 he returned alone.
3 Omit » MS. (A).
#MS.(A) omits ,J Kalé. 5 Bajwéra A ville 1} miles E, of
Hoshiarpur about 26 miles N. BE. of Jalandhar.
8ua.s(a) & cslyet ho
7 MS. (A) supplies the words jam 3
8 MLS. (A) reads ply.9 xt the textaul reading 1s probably incorrect,
road cley Lela.
 [ 302]
remained there. And after some days, he came to Debilphr,
which Mulik Yasuf Surftru-l-Mulk was intending to abandon.
Malik ‘Imadu-]-Mulk! on hearing of this despatched his brother
Malik Abmad from Tabarhinda to the fort of Debalpir with
orders to hold it. Shaikh ‘Ali becoming aware of this returned
from that direction: Sultan Mubarak Shah proceeded as far as
Samana in order to quell these disturbances." From Sémaua he
proceeded to Talaund: and thence to the ford of Pahi, where he
crossed the the Biah and came to Debalpfir. Thence he marched
along the banks ® of the Ravi, and Shaikh ‘Ali crossed the Jhilam
and fled, Mubarak Shah pursued him as far aa the fortress
of Shiwar and crossed the Ravi near Tulumba.® Amir Mugaffar
. Khan, brother's son to Shaikh ‘Ali, who was holding the fort with
Sheikh ‘Ali’s troops, fought against the king for a month, and at
last sued for quarter, and gave his daughter together with a large
amount of money and valuables tothe prince. A part of Shakh
‘Ali’s forces who were bemeyed in Lahor sought quarter from
Shamsu-]-Mulk and evacuated the foit As soon as Mubarak
Shah had completed the affar of Shiwar and the conquest of
Lahor, he proceeded with a small retinue to visit the holy shrines
of the Shaikhs at Multan, and returning almost immediately came
to Debalpir and remained there for some days Having regard
to Shaikh ‘Ali (as a source of danger), he gave the districts of
Lahor and Debalpiv to Maliku-sh-Shargq ‘Imadu-l-Mulk, and
tuking away the distiicts of Bauiéua from ‘Imédu-l-Mulk he gave
them to Shamsu-d-din. Marching thence in hght oider by forced
marches, he 1eached Dibli on the day of the ‘Id-i-Qurban® and

1 M8,(A) omits Le
8 MS.(4)omite dled and writes & lol. ly for d&lol. UG,
3 MS.(A) reads incorrectly —LS for Us,
4 The text and both MSS (A), (B) rend Ey y S386. The 9 wto he
omitted.
§ Bemeging the fort Shiwar (Finghta)
6 The festival of Sacrifice This is the festival held on the 10th day of
Zi-l-nyyah Tt 18 known also as the ‘ Idu L-azhd, eee Qui’an xx 38~-38,. It
commemorat:« the miention of Ibrahim to sacrifice ha son Ismail in obedi-
ence to the command of God It 18 the chief of the Mnbammnadan festivals
and is called ' fau-7 Labir, the great fostival, to diatinguish it from the * Idu-1-
Fitr which 16 known as ‘ /du-g-gaghir which whers w
the month of Shawwal
and celebrates the termination of the fast of 5 ,
Rumayan (See Hughes Dict
o) Islam).
 { 993]
conferred the office of vasir upon Sarwaru-l-Mulk and gave to
Malik Kaméla-l-Mulk,! who was-the Military Secretary (Naib-i-
Lashkar), charge of the civil administration in conjunction with
Sarweru-l-Mulk, °
There was a hypocritical bond of fellowship between ‘these two,*
inasmuch as Sarwaru-l-Mulk had @ grievous thorn rankling in his
breast on account of the deprivation of Debalpfir, and bore o
gradge ngainst Mubarak Shah: so that at such a juncture, seeing
that he had les« than ever to hope from him, he entered ona
course of secret treachery and deceit. Hoe entered into a con-
spiracy with the sons of Kangit Khatri and Kajwi Khatii and
Miran Sadr Naib-i--Arz, (who tor generations had been protégés of
the Mubarak Shahi family, and held several high offices) and also
with another party of Muslim vagabonds, to seek an opportunity
of destroying Mubarak Shah.?
And in the year 837 H. (1433 A.D) * Mubarak Shih built a
city on the banks of the river Jamna,° and gave it the name of
Mubéarakabad (City of Prosperity), though in reality it should
have been called Kharahibid (City of Rum), and was so zealous
in building it that he apared no pains in its superintendence. In 299.
the meanwinle news of the enpture of the fortress of Tabaihmda
reached the court, accompanied by the head of the slave Falad
Turkbacha.* Mubarak Shah could not contain himaelf for joy at
this intelligence, and proceeded by forced marches to Tabarhinda’
and returned thence speedily to Mubirakabad. In this year
tidings anived that hostilitics were going on between Sultana
Ibrahim Sharqi and Alp Khan, governor of Kalpi, who had re-
»

1 Firishta says ygddt fGS Kamalu-d-din.

8 M5. (A) omits wl.
3 Firishta names as the accomplices Sidiran, son of Kingi Khatri and
Badpal, grandson of Kanjii Khatri. with Miran Sadr Néab-1-‘ arz-1-Mamilik,
Qazi ‘ Abda-s-sadr Hijib-1-Khigs and others (Firishta. Bombay tezt, I, p. 308),
#MS. (A) Wipe.
§ Boggs in his translation of Firishta (Vol. I, p. 520) assigns 839 H. as the
date of the buildiag of this city, but = reference to the original shews that
the historian gives 837 H, aa the date.
*The text reads here pills s¥y3ly but = footnote gives a variant sYyFz0
ead this reading 1s confirmed by MS (A) and aleo by Firishta.
1 Finghta enys he returned direct to Mubirakabed.
50
 { 994]
evived the title of Hoghang.! Mubarak §h&h accordingly sent
commands in all directions for forces to be collected and held in
readiness to march towards Kilp!, and that they should assemble
at
the Court. Atthis juncture Mubarak Shih persisted in his invari-
able custom of visiting the site of the new city in season and out
of season. One day when he had ridden out there with a body of
attendants without ceremony, and was preparing to say the Friday
prayers,* the infidela under Miran Sadr, who had continually lain
in wait for him at the instigation ‘of Sarwaru-l-Malk, seeking an
opportunity (to slay him),’ with one accord entered the private
apartment of Mubarak Shah on some pretext or another, and Sidh
Pal,* the giandson of the scoundrel Kejwi Khatri, put that
Suspicious monarch to # martyr’s death. This event took place
in the year 837 H The days of hie reign were thirteen years
three months and sixteen days.
Verse.
Wonder not at the vicissitudes of time, for the heavens
Retain # recollection of thousands of such stories as this.
Set not your affections upon that which passeth away, for the
river Dajla &
Will continue to pass by Baghdad, while many Khelifahs
come and go.

gt Furishta throughout calls him Hoghang,

8 Gn the Oth Rajab 837 (Firushta Bombay text 1 8U3)
8 MS. (A) omits dy,
# The text is followed here aa it agrees closely with the account given by
Firighta. MS. (A) reads oiidls,,,,,
fle tou sdf99 tlio Ue 5a
& @led Dayla or Dagla, as it may also be pronuunced, is the Hiddekel of
the Bible (Gen. ii. 14; Dan x, 4) pan ht., the swt, The old Persian
form is Tigrd, “swift es an arrow,” whence is derived Tigris, the modern name
of this mver. According to Pliny (VI 27), the river in the upper part of its
course where 1t flowed gently wae called Digilto, and lower down, where it
is more rapid, on account of its velocity it is called Tigris, for the Medes call
an arrow by thisname. According to Gesenius, in modern Persian both the
river Tigris and an arrow have the common name 943 tir, which in the Zend
becomes Tedyer. See Gesonius Thee. aleo Smith Dict, G. R, Geog.
“The Tigris ie navigable for light steamera up to Baghdéd, but owing te
the rapidity of the current, the trafic ig all down stream carried on mainly
by @ primitive style of craft, which is broken up at Bagkdid and transported
by camels back to Mosul,”
 [ 395}
Scurgix Mugamman Spin 15y 1 Fanlo Kyiv,
The brother's son of Mubarak Shahibn i Khigr Kb’u, whom &00.
Mubirak Shih had adopted as his own son, ascended tho throne in
succession to Mabarak Sh&h in the year! 837 H. (1433 A.D.)
and Sarwaru-l-Mulk, whose head was filled with ° treacherous
designs, ostensibly owned bis allegiance. Muhammad §bib, in
spite of the foregoing circumstances, conferred upon bim the title
of Khan-i-Jahin and bestowed a khil'at upon him, he also ap-
pointed Miran Sadr Mu‘inu-l-mulk, and for a short time winked at
the doings of those infidels. Malikn-gh-Sharq Kamalu-}-mulk,
who was co-partner with Sarwarn-l-Mulk in the vazirship, elected
to reside outside the city, and gave in his allegiance to Muhammad
Shih, The second day after the accession Sarwarn-l-Mulk made
some pretext for arresting * certaim of the servants of Mubérak
Shah, and put them to death, and left nothing undone to secure the
overthrowal of the family of Mubarak Shah; moreover, he began
to divide the country among his own partisans, giving the terri-
tory of Baiana, and Amroha, and Narnol, and Kuhram, together
with certain districts in the Doib, to Sidh Pél and Sidbaran
Khatii who were the (actual) murderers of Mnbérak Shah.
Ranin the Black, a slave of Sidh Pal, arrived im Baiina with a
large following, and attempted to enter the fort; but in the mean-
time Yiisuf Khan Auhadi arrived from Hindwan,' and giving him
battle defeated him, and sent the greater portion of these in-
fidela to hell. Their women and children fell as prisoners into
the hands of the Muslims, and the head of Raniin the Black
was hung up over the gate of the fort. Inasmuch as Serwaru-l-
Mulk and his infidel horde began to commit violence, the
Amirs of Khozr Khan and Mubarak Shah, who were scattered
here and there about the country, in several places shewed
symptoms of revolt and set on foot many insurrections. Sarwarn-l-
Mulk had the self-same object, namely to damage the kingdom, 801.
Malik Allahdéd Kala Lodi, governor of Sambbal and Abar,*

1 9th Bajab 887,

SMS (A) y cals pabtas,
8 The text and both MSS read wydis Hindin. Frrishta reads Hindwan.
Hindaun lies about 20 milea 8 of Basiva, it 19 s:tuated in the Jeypore State,
4 Ahir, Ino Bulandshahr District, N.-W P., 20 miles N.B. of Bulandshebr,
 1 396 Jj
and Malik Chaman! governor® of Baddon, grandson of Kban-i-
Jahan, and Amir ‘Ali Gujrati, together with some other Amira,
to avenge the death of Mubarak Sbah,
raiseda large following
and started towards Dihli. Muliku-sh-Sharq, Kamalu-l-Mulk,
and Saiyyid Khan, son of Saiyyid Salim, who had received
the title of Khan-i-A‘cam from Mubarak Shah, were appointed
by the durbar to proceed against those Amirs, and Malik YOsuf,
the son of Sarwaru-]-Mulk, together with Sidbiran and Kanga
were ordered to accompany Kamalu-l-Mull The Dihli army
crossed by the ford of Kicha and came to Baran (Bulandshahr).
Malik Allahdad and the other noted Amins having arrived at
the township of Ahirdesired to cross the Ganges without
fighting and go where they could safely, But when they
saw clearly that Mahk Kamalu J-Mulk was heartily bent upon
taking vengeance upon Sarwaru-l-Mulk, they tovk courage and
did not leave thoir positions Surwaru-l-Mulk becoming aware
of this seat lis lieutenant Malik Huyhyar, under pretence of
reinforcing Kamélo-l-Mulk, as a spy ito ther aimy, Yusuf
Khan and Mahk Hushyar, and Sidhaian the intidel, entertaining
suspicions regardiug Kamélo-l-Mulk left the army and went to
Dahli: and the Amira of Sambhal aud Uadion joined Kamalu-l-
Mulk and came 1u great force to the ford of Kicha. Surwaru-]-
Mulk was eugaged in strengthening his fort. The following day
the loyal Amirs having crosued the Jamna encamped im the Bagh-
i-Jad® while the traitors and infidels salled out from the fort and
engaged them in battle, but saffered defeat in the very first onset
and ietieated to the fort, but before they could enter rt a large
number were put to death and most of the »emamder wero taken
prisoners
The day following this victory the Mubarak Shahi Amirs
302 encamped near the fort of Siu, and the greater part of the Amis
who were inside the fort, came ont and jomed them. Fuight-
ing went on between the two parties for three months,
At the latter pact of this yeu Ziiak Khan, Governor of Samana

aMs (A) waite, Ceeem wrhe Mulik Hamin, by Fuishta, and in Elhott's
tiaublution of the ‘huikh i Mubamnk Slabs (IV 82) le 1s called Malik Chaman
2 The word in the onginal 1s phic Wagtt, 1.8, bolder of 4 abs qué Fuushta
calls hin qyjfoy > Uakim-v- Buduon,
BMS. (A)
 [ 307J
died, and the country was confirmed to his son Muhammad Khan.
Muhammad §hah, although. outwardly he held friendly relations
with Sarwaru-l:Molk, still in his inmost heart was in unison
with his father’s Amirs. Sarwarn-l-Malk became aware of this,
and accordingly began to plot treachery aguinst him also, and was
only waiting his opportunity.
On the eighth of Muharram in the yoar 838 H. (1434 A.D)
Sarwaru-]-Mulk and the sons of the perfidious Miran Sadr sud-
denly broke into the tent of the king with thea intention of domg
him @ grievous injury, but at this moment Muhammad Shah
became aware of their design; and with all despatch sent messen-
geis to Kamilu-l-Mulk, while the attendants who were near the
person of Muhammad Shah were on their guard, and killed the
traitor Sarwaru-]-Mulk, and seizmg the sons of Miran Sadr exe-
cuted them in presence of the darbar. The traitorous infidels
blockaded themselves in their own houses Kamiiln-l-Mulk,
accompanied by all the Amirs, entered the fort by the Darwaza-i-
Baghdad (Baghdéd gate). The ruffian Sidh Pal set fire to his
house and property, and after performing the yauhar! which is e
well-known custom expressed by that word m the Hindi language,
went himself mto battle and became food for the flames of the
pitiless sword? and his impure soul went to hell.3 Sidharan
Kangii and the rest of the Khatri confederation, were one and all
taken prisoners, aud were impaled near the hegiru* (mausoleum)

Lo ptye Joule or Jéhar SPSL isa Hindi word derived from the words
at yews, and BE hara signifying taking one’s own Lyfe The enstom of
the Rajpits when reduced to the last extremity m warfare waa in olden
times to perform a mite of self-sacrifice known by this name us for
instance on the occasion of the megc and capture of Chitor by SulfSn ‘ Alo
d Din “Huge piles of tamber were raised up and seton fire. The wome,,
approached m funeral procession ond threw themselves into the flames
The men arrayed themsolves im eaffron-coloured garments and rushed ont of
the fortroas sword in hand, most of them were cut to pieces.” The evident
object of the rte was to protect the persons of the women from the mdig-
nities to which they would be snbuntted if they were to full alive into the
hands of the enemy. MSS omt &yoy
8The word aq Jauha, here used for “ Soul,” has the primary mean-
ing of “essence.” It 1a.@ Persian word and 18 ased here as a play upon the
Hinds word gauhar usod above (Note 1)
4 Syabn Hagva, Tho hieral meaning of this word is an enclosure, here
 { 398]
of Mubarak Shah, and Malik Hughyir and Mabarak Kotwal were
executed along with them. The following day Kamélu-l-Molk
and the other noted Amirs renewou their ‘ealty to Muhammad
Shah; Kamila-]-Malk obtained the vark of vazir and Malik
Chaman of Badion received the title of Ghasiu-l-Mulk, and was
reinstated in his former position as governor of Badéon, Amroha
being also added to his province; Malik Allahdad Lodi would
not accept any title, the title of Dary& Khan however he accepted
for his brother. Thus after settling the important affairs, Muham-
med Shah gave durability to his rale, and conducted his Govern-
ment in tranquillity.
And in the year 840 H. (1436 AD) he turned his attention
towards Multan, and halted for some days at Mubarakpiir to give
time for the Amirs of the various districts to jom him. When the
Muhammad Shahi's troops were oll assembled at Mubarakpir he
marched thence towards Multin, and after visiting the shrines of
the holy men at that place! came to Dihli. And in the aforesaid
year, marching towards Samana he despatched a force to proceed
against Shakhd Kuikhar.? Accordingly they laid waste his coun-
try and returned. In the year 641 H. (1437 A.D.) tidings
arrived that the tribe of Langihs had raised an insurrection
in Multan, and in the meantime Sultan Ibrahim Shargi obtained
possession of certain divisions of Dihli, and the Rai of Gwiliar
and the other Rais refused to pay the customary tribute. Muham-
mad Shah affected to be indifferent to this, and disturbances
sprung up in ali directions, and everyone was hankering after
something. The Khinzadas of Miwat, who are the ancestors of
Hasan Kban of Miwat, invited Sultan Mahintd Khilji from Malwa
to assume the impemal power of Dibli,
And in the year 844 H. (1440 A.D.) Saltan Mabmfd arrived
at Dibli, and Muhammad Shah drew up his forces and sent ont
his son Saiyyid ‘Aléu-d-Din to engage him in battle, giving the
804. command of the force to Mahk Buhlal Lodi. Sultan Mahmid also

18 means & tomb enclosed within walls or a palisade. Firishta writes “ were
put to death with great tortures" Qvdyey hil ol,3 cu) gfiay,
1 MB. (A) omits “eT,
SMB. (4). liet® poy,
SMB. (A) Maye) eatntyo
15 pd Log cally
 [ $0j
appointed his two sons Ghidgu-d-Din and Qadr Khan ! to oppose
them. A fierce battle resulting they at lest agreed to make peace,
and Sultén Mahmfid taking advantage of that, and alleging as an
exouse that he had seen in a dream that the kingdom of Multan
waa being ruined, marched in light order under cover of night
towards Malwa. Malik Behial purened him and seized « portionof
his bagguge and valuable equipment. Sultén Muhammad was so
pleasedat the energy displayed by Bubltl Lodi that he called him his
son,? and bestowed upon him the country of Lahor aud Detalptr.
And in the year 845 H. (1441 A.D.) he marched to Samana,
and having despatched Bubltl to chastise Jasrat Khikhar, retarn-
ed to Dili. Jasrat cpncluded a peace with Malik Bublal and held
out to him the pleasing prospect of becoming Sultan of Dihli,®
till at last Buhlal began to collect Afghans from all directions and
took forcible possession of a large number of parganas, then with-
out any ostensible reason he picked a quarrel with Muhummad
Shab and revolted against him, leading an army against Dihli,
He held Sultan Muhammad for a considerable time closely be-
sieged, but could not accomplish his purpose, and ieturned without
effecting anything. In the meantime Muhammad Shah wae
afflicted with a grievous disorder,* and the Amirs who were ata
distance of twenty fiohs from Dihli revolted against him, and
sending for bis son ‘ Aléu-d-Din who held a ydegir in Bad&un, and
had left there ona hunting expedition at the foot of the hills,
made him! heir-apparent. And in the year 847 H.® he passed
away, the duration of his reign was fourteen’ years and some
months, or thereabouts,

1 The text reads «wth whe Madan Khaw. MS. (A) reads wl wad
Qaden Khan, Firishta says wid yo3 Qadr Kain, So also Tabagat-i-Abberi.
“9 MS (A) gh yoy yy] Seo Elliott IV 85.
§ Firwhta says: (ncited him to aspire to the kingdom
of Dihii. M8. (A).
instead of > writes yay. .
#208 Line qune wony) Finshta says: 2psby gine jyy) yy becom
ing day by day weaker, bMS. (A) lyst.
¢ Firishta says that he died in 849 H. winch is probably correct, see n. 7,
1 As he came to the throne in 887 he had reigned only some ten years, not
fourteen as bere stated, Both MSS, (A) and {B) huwever read Boye.
The Tabagét-:-Akbari according to Elhott IV. 86, says ten yeers and some
months, Wath fregard to thu see Thomas, Pathén Kenge, p. 888 and note 1,
 [ 400}
Come and cast one look upon their dest, and take warning.
For the dust is the resting-place of trusted emperors.

Surin ‘Auiv-p-Din wx 1 Mogamman Spin ipy 1 Mupizax

Ssia! wy 1 Kirgr Kuin,

In accordance with the testamentary disposition of his father

pneceeded to the throne, and Malik Bohlal with the other Amirs
gave in their allegiance to him, and seeing that the indolence of
Sultan ‘ Aléu-d-Din was even greater than that of his father, a
still more violent ambitionto secure the throne began to work
upon the excited fancy of Buhlil,
In the year 850 H (1445 AD.) Sultan ‘ Aléu-d-Din made an
excursion towards Baidna; while on the road he heard a false
romour that the King of Jaunpir was on his way to attack Dibli,
and without attempting to ascertain its tiuth returned in hot
haste to Dihli. In the year 851 H. (1447 A.D.) he went to

whero it is said that Firishts “ makes 6 loss venial miatake in insisting upeal
a twelve yenis’ reign in spite of lig own expressed figares of from ‘839 to
819" A H Bnggs, pp 332-839.” This is not Fingbte’s error but 18 the fault of
his translate: Finighta says clearly that Mubammad succeeded tothe throne
on the very day on which Mubarak Shih was assasamated (Bo text, p 909)
that 1s, “on the 9th Rajab 837” (Bo text, p. 808), co that while bis date as re-
garda tho death of Muhammad Shah may be wrong, hus oulculation based
upon the dates he gives 1s correct Iam not aware of any direct evidence
that sulfin ‘ Aldu-d-Din ascended the throne in 847 H, The Tariph-1-Mubdrak
Shahi, af Elhott’s translation (Ethot, IV, p 96) 18 tolbe trusted, says, “ Upon the
death of Muliammad Shah the amirs and nobles assembled, and raised his gon to
the throne nuder the style of Sultén ‘ Alau-d-Din’ andina footnote on the
¢ame page referrmg to the conflict of testimony botween Badion: and Finghta
as to the date of Muliammad Shih’s death, he saya “Firshta seems correct
making it 849,” and with this opimon 1am imelined to agree. The mistake
appears to hove arisen from accepting the date given by Boggs in his transla-
tion of Finshta, instead of confirming it from Finshta himself, who gives 17th
Jamadi ] 824 as the date of Khir Khan's death and Mubarak Shih’s accession,
and states (Bo text 309) that Mubirak Shab reigned thirteen years three
months and sixteon days Thia would bring us to 887 H. not to&39 H. There-
fore, unless there is evidence to shew that ‘ Alan-d-Din came to the throne m
847 H. we are justified im accepting Finshta’s plain and coincident statement
that Muhammad Shih reigned twelve yours and some months, dying in 849 H.
1 MS (A) omits ws Slo aud wntes wih dy) Farid Khin. See
Thomas, Pathién Kings, $35, footnote.
 “[ #1 Jj
Bedéon and elected to take up his abode there, and after making
preparatious for remaining there! returned to his capitel Dihii.
And in the year 852 H. (1448 A.D.) having made his two
brothers-in-law. Shahau-t-Shakr (City Constable) and Mir-:-Kae
(Superintendent of Roads) he returned to Badion, A disturbance
aroso between those two brothers, and at jast both were'put to death
by the people of Dib, Husdin Khaén who was Umdatu-l-Mulk
(a Privy Councillor), and loyal to the Sultan, but from time to
time spoke the direct truth to the Sulgin in convection with the
administration of State affairs, had for this very reason, fallen out
of favour with the Sualtév, and had been deposed from his office.
Hamid Khan, Vasir-i-mamlukat, (vazir of the State) who had fled
to Dibli fearing punishment at the hands of the Sultan, and
dreading an attempt upon hie life,* joiced with Husain Khan in
inviting Metik Bulli] and.in raising him to the throne. He
accordingly touk advantage of the absence of the Sultan to pro-
ceed to Sirhind* and having assumed to hiwmself the title of
Sultan read the Khuthah, and coming a second time with * his whole
army seized upou Dihii. Leaving his viceroy there he proceeded
towards Dibélpir, where be set about raising an army, and wrote
a letter conched in hypocritical terms to Sultin ‘ Alau-d-Din say-
ing, ‘Iam yoor obedient servant, and am undertaking all this mar-
ching backwards and forwards solely out of loyalty to your person.”
The Sultén in reply, wrote as follows: “The deceased King,
Sultin Mubammad Shah, called you by the name of Son. There
is neither frait nor profit for me in sovereignty ; living in solitary
contentment at Badion I resign the empire of Dibli* to yon.
Sultén Buhlil leaving Dibd&lpir ascended the throne of Dihti®

UMS,(A) MAjot wal ¢ yb. ‘The text reads cyler ¢ yb leet 5a

AION} having laid the foundations
of a palace, but there seems no suthority
‘or such » statement,
§ Firishte gives a fall account of this, and says that the Saltin was insti-
gated
to this attempt by Quib Khin and Ria Pertab, the latter of whom had a
blood-fend against Hamid Khin (see Firishte, Bombay text I. p. 816).
8 MS. (A).
+ His Cs son Khw3ja Biyasid. At this time, according to Finshts, the
Khutbah used to be raad in the joint names of Suljan ‘ Aldu-d-Din and Sultan
Bublil, who npon first marching against Dihli had wntten to ‘ Aliu-d-Din
alleging a2 bis exonse that he won marching to oppose Hamid Khén,
«MB. (A) agit cries, 6 5. (A) oy) cayle.
51
 [ 402 ]
without fighting or opposition; and Sultin ‘ Alan-d-Din by the
orders of Sultin Buhlil was invested with the sovereignty of
Badion and the districts appertaining to it, towards the river
Ganges ou far as Khairabid and the foot of the hills, and used to
read the Khutbab in his own name 1m those districts, till at last
after some time, in the year 855 H. (1451 A.D.) he bade farewell
to this world.! The duration of his reign was seven years and
some months.
Verse.
This is the sum and total of the world’s conduct.
It has never proved faithful to any man.
Sozzin Bunnie [ron 1 Kird}® Loni,
Who in the reign of Sultan Muhammad Shah had obtained the
title of Khan-i-Khanan, in the year 855 H. (1451 A.D.) in concert
with Hamid Khan Vazir (who, after the oxeention of Hus&in Khan
at the hands of Sultan ‘ Alau-d-Din, had gained possession of the
family and relations of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din in Dihli, and bad
bronght the key of the fortress and had given ito Sultan Bublil)
ascended the throne of sovereignty, and by degrees contrived
to
secure the imprisonment of Hamid Khan,* and in
the same year
proceeded to Multan to set that province in order.
And in the your 856 H (1452 AD) Sultan Mahmid
Shargi
at the instigation of certain of the Amirs of the party
of Sultan
‘Aléu-d-Din, came with a large army and laid siege
to D:hli,

I According tot Fuight

ah a ‘Aléu-d-Din died in Badaion y
(1478 AD ) having reigned m Budion some
nthe year 683 B,
twen‘ y-eight years. 7 a
Badioni’s statement 16 wrong in this
particnlar In 835 H. according to
Riehta, ‘ Aliu-d-Din retired into obscuri
ty, leaving the angdom of Dihii to
mblil Lodi, and reywned m Bad“on for
twonty-eight
- ears, d
(Bo. text 316) Seen 4 page 403.
Se ens Sing 1m 883He
§ MS. (B) omts the words in brackets
SMS (A) writes dp) Ail ld Wlhs,
given
4 A brlong
enh account of the way 10 which
Hamid
Hamid Khin
Khi was taken prison
i er isi
P
$ Firght a . gives an accoun
cl t of the circn matances attend
Buhlil Lodi, tellmg us that the ing the birth
mother of Buhlil Lodi, when close
confinement of him, was killed by the falling upon ber
of her honse upon her; she
taken ont lifeloss, and to snve
the child the mother wag instan
to the Casmean operation and the child tly submitted
: re moved , :
it wae carefally tended and grew ap (Bo, test p. a shewed signs of life
 { 403]}
and after severe fighting gained possession of it,! and Fath
Kbéo Barawi* who was one of the most trusted Amira of
Saltén Mabmid was killed. Sultin Mebmiid
§ not being able to bear
up against this went to Jaunpir; and the following year came into
the same neighbourhood, proceeding from Jaunpir to Itéwa, and
concluded peace upon the following terms, namely, that so much
of the kingdom of Dihli as was under the sway of Mubarak
Shah should belong to Sultan Bullil, while that portion which
was ander the rnie of Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi should revert to
Suitén Mabmid ;* and having promised that after the rainy season
he would give Shamsabad to Sultén Bullal,® which was held
by Jin& Khan as the deputy of Sultan Mahmid, each of them
went to his own cuuntry.
Sultan Bulilil at the expiration of the appointed time marched
against Shamsabad, took possession of it, and gave it to Rai
Kiran, ruler of Bhinganw. Sultin Mahmid being displeased at
this, proceeded again® to the boiders of Shamsibid and fonght
with Sultén Bublil.? In the meantime Sultan Mahmiid quitted
this existence for the house of eternity, and Mabammad Shah, the
son of Sultan Mahmid, was nominated to the kingdom of Jaunpir
in the room of his father, and having arranged peace upon the
terms formerly agreed upon between Sultan Mahmid and Sultén®

1MS (A) has hore a different reading (note 7) wd. ‘The text seems
night agreeing with MS (3).
3 (sgy> Harawi, of Herat.
8 MS (A) reads here » Wlbbes 9! waeaes y sesesggy® wis e wot},
Sultin Mabmid was not able to bear the fall ofjFath Khin and his being killed,
Pad

MS. (A) Sem, Muhammad. Furishta says that another term of the
agreement was that Buhlil was to return the seven elephants taken 1n battle
from Fath Khin, and should receive Ghamsibid in place of Jinin Khin (Bo.
text p 322).
§ MS. (A) omits ly. Funshta tells us thet Jimin Khin refused to quit
ShameSbid when culled upon to do so by Buhlil Lodi, who conseyuently
marchod against him and drove ham out, giving Shamaabad into the charge of
Rit Kiran, and conquering all that country. (Bo. text p. $22).
8 MS (A) Smfyo.
7 In tha engagement Qutb Khin Lodi was Laken prisoner in consequence
of iis horsestumbling and throwiug him, and wag sent by Mabmad to Jaun-
pir where he was imprisoned
* Furshtea saya that Bibi Richi, the mother of Muhammad Shih §harqi
 [ 404 ]
the
Bubl6l proceeded to Jpunpir, and, inasmuch as Qntb Khan,
hands of
cousin of Sultan Buhit! had fallen a prisoner into the
g treaty,
Muhammad Shah,' Sultan Buhl&l, in defiance of the existin
agnin brought up hie army against Muhammad Shéh, who also
leaving Jannpir enme to Shnmsabad and took it from the Hindis
by force,’ and on the borders of Rapri confronted Sultén Bublil.
Mubammad Shah was defeated and rotreated towards Qananj.
Sultan Bublal pursued him. And in the aforesaid year Sultan
Husain Sharqi, :bn-i-Sultan Mahmiid rovolted against his brother
Muhammad Shah, and seized the throne of Jaunpir with the
assistanco of the Amirs, and detailed* a large army to proceed
against Muhammad Shah, whom they finally put to death on the
banks of the Ganges in the vicinity of Raj Gar. Sultén Husain
made peace with Sultin Buhlil, and sending for Qutb Khan
Lodi who was still in prison, from Jaunpiir, presented him with a
horse anda robe of honour and sent him to Sultin Bublal® and
returned from Qanavy to Jaunpir®,

intervened, auu arranged peace upon thease terme, that Malammad Shih should
retrin hia father's kingdom, while Bublal should be in undisturbed possession
of all that he already held. 1 See preceding page n 4.
& There isn rather important differonco heie ir the account given by Firiahta
(Bo tat p 328) who writes “When Sultin Buhlil armved near Dibli
Shomes Khatun, the meter of Qutb Khan Lom seut him a mearage, saying, * 8o
Jong a8 Qrtb Khin remains in the prison of Muhammad Shah Sharqi food and
alcep ia unlawful for thee O King” Accordingly Bulli bioke the trneo and
came to Dihli, whence he returned townrds Jnonpir On his arrival at
Shamsibiad ho took st out of tho hands of Ri: Kiran, ond geyo it to Jinan Khin
who had nuived before him, and Muhammad Shik Skarqi also had come out
te meet lim, conseqnently the two Kimys encamped near Sarsuti facing one
anothor at close quarters, and engaged each other early and late.” From this
wtappears that Shamaibad was takon by Buhlil from Rai Kiran, wherens
Badioui makes 16 seem ag thongh Muhammund's forces re-conquered it
Firighta s account 18 undoubtedly the correct ona ns rnbsoquent eventa show.
BMS (A) OS3 epdlad #NS ( AaS gyeb
§ Tho necount of the cironmatancos given by Finshta show that Husain
Khiin started with lag army unier pretence of opposing Bublil but changed
dneetion to Qania) When Buhtil howd of thts he had dospitched a few of
Ins Amusto cot Hasam Khan and himself took prisoner Jalal Khan, bro-
ther of Hugin Kasin who was algo coming out after tis bi other, aud kept
him aga hostage for Quh Khin, for whom he wis eventually exchanged
(Bo text, p 32d)
MS ‘ (A; IPE? ee ls
sheet go 3!
ve The text and My (B) are wiong here
 [ 405]
Soltin Bahlal also despatched Jalal Khan, the brother of Husain
Khan, whom he held in confinement as hostage for Qutb Khan, to
Sultin Hasnain after conferring honours upon him, And after soma
years! Sultan Husain coming to the borders of Chandwar, fonght a
battle with Sultan Buhlal, and having concluded a peace for three
years again retarned to his owncountry. Atthia juncture Ahmad
Khan Jilwini, the ruler of Baidna read the Khuthah in tho name?
of Husain Khan; and Sultan Husain, upon the expiration of the
peviod for which peace had been concluded, proceeded towards
Dihli with 10,000 cavalry and a thousand elephants. They met
near a place called Bhatwara, and Sultan Husain haviis agreed
to peace encamped at Itawa. Sultan Buhlil came toT hh The
fact of these two kings being thus within a seven days’ journey
is ndt without its ridicalous side.
Verse
f
Who hag ever seen a acabbard which cnn contain two swords !
Who has ever seen the thrones of two Jamshids in one prati !
Aud in this year Salta ‘ Aléo-d-Din, whose daughter [Malika- 309
1-Jahin]® was married to Sultén Hasain, passed away in Badaon,
ng has been alieady related,* and left lis kingdom to Sultan
Buhlal and Sultin Husain.
Verse
Even supposing that thon hast attained to that which thou
dosirest,
Even supposing that thou hast been all that thou shouldeat be,
Has not overything which has attained perfection, suffered
afterwaids from loss ?
Does not the azure heaven taken away again all that it has
bestowed
And Sultan Husain came fiom Itawa to Badaon to perform the

1 A peace had been arranged for a term of four years (Firishta).

§ Both MSS. (A) (B) omt ely.
§ The nuino 1s omitted in MS, (A),
# See note 1 page 402 ‘Aliin-d-Din really died in 888 H according to
Firight, In the farmer pluce our author says he died im 855 H. but here he
corrects the misluke.
 { 46 j
daties of mourning for him,! and having taken those districts
from the sons of Sultan ‘ Alaa-d-Din, took possession of them
bimeelf, and thence went * to Sambal, and having taken prisoner
Tatér Khan, § the Governor of that place, sent him to Saran,* and
with « largo army and the number of elephants alrendy mentioned,
arrived at Dihliin the month of Zi Hijjah, in the year 880 H §
and encamped on the banks of the Jamna near the ford of Kicha.s
Sultén Buhlal coming from Sihrind summoned? Husain Khan,
the son of Khan-i-Jahin from the vicinity§ of Mirath, and des.
patched him to oppose Sultin Husain,® while he himself held
Dibli against him. And on this occasion also, owing to tho exer-
tions of Qutb Khan, Sultén Husain agieed to peace, taking into
his own possession the whole of the country on the further side
of the Ganges ,!° then relinquishing this side of the river to Sultan
Buhlal he returned. Sultin Bohlut !'! seized his opportnity, and
when Sultan Husain marched, crossed the river Jamna and cap.
imred some baggage and uther property ! which Sultin Husain,
relying rpon the truce, had left ou the camping-ground : @
certain
proportion of the treasniy also which was laden on elephants
and
horses, fell into the hands of Sultan Buhlal, and as many as forty !8
310, noted Amirs of Sultan Husain’s force, were taken prisoners, amon
otliers for instance, Qézi Sama’u-d-Din outitled Qutlugh Kban the
Vazir, who was tho most learned of the doctors of his time.

EMS (A) ronda yl Ce 5a bu-ta'siyat 1% which agrees with the words

of Finghta (Bo text, p 325) and 1s far profiable to the roading
of the toxt
and MS (B) yfwy batayrib-t-#, 1.,0n lug account,
MS (1) os 56 Fuoshta calls hin wld SylLo Mubir
ak Khin
* Thus aleo buth MSS ‘A) and(B) The
text has « fuotuote Varigueé whlty
ba Sharan
6 There 1s a serious diserepancy
here in the dates Firmshia says in 883
HT (Bo text, p 825) and this must be correct
§ MS. (A) reads dul yf Guz +-Ganjina, but the text 13 right
Firishta
readsas’ hachha,
7 MBS (A) and (B) out soul
8 MSS (A) und (B) read Guile for
way (Next)
® Finshta say: Spo bras to take Mirak
.
10 MS (4) reads 23,8 That 18 to sny eastward of the
Gangos
NMS (\)ounte 9 MS (4) af lad) yg (B: 8 ty cg lads,
1S Puislite sayy thirty on furry"
 i 407J
Sultém Bahlal mado over Qutlugh Khan in chains to Qutb
Eban Lodi, and himeelf giving chase went as far as Shamsibaéd *
inthe Doab, which was held by Sultin Husain, and seizing it,
appointed commissioners® of his own ovor® that ¢ountry; this
occurrence took place in the year 884 H. (1479 A.D.)* the
chronogram for that year was Nawid-i-Kharabi (Tidings of
ruin). §
And Sultin Husain seeing that he was heing very closely pur-
sucd, determined to make a stand at Rapri, dnd once more peace
was agroed to between them upon the old conditions, namely, that
each should rest contented with the countries of which he was in
pornession, nnd should rotire. Upon tho conclusion of this peace
Sultan Husam remained at Rapri, and Saltén’ Bullil at a place
called Dhop&mad’; and after « time Sultan Husain again collecting
an army came up against Sultan Bahlil, aud @ fierce engagement
took place in the vicinity of Sonhar.6 Sultan MBusain again
suffered defeat, a grent denl of treasure and valuables beyond
computation falling into the hands of the Lodi party, and was a
means of increasing their iuflnonce and power. Sultan Buhlil
left Dhopamai’ for Dihli to mourn 7 for Khan-1-Jahan who had
died in Dshli, {and having conferred the tatlo of Khan-i-Jahin
upon his son, again returned to attack Sultin Husain, and reaching
Rapri fought a battle m which he gained a victory];? aud when
Sultan Husain took refago in flight a number of his family and

1 Finahta enumerates Khanpal (Knnpila?) Baitili Shamsibid, Sakit

Mihara and Jalesar, as the towuships gered on this oceasion by Buhiil
a wy as Shigqdwan Officers apponted tu collect revenue from provin-
ces
S wip MSS (A)(B). Thetext reads why.
# Firishte includes this among the events of 843 A, See note 17,
6 Our author here shews thet he is wrong, na the total of the letters given
amounts to 883 not 884 Thus gily> Oy! 50464104 4+ W004 20041424
10 = k83
6 This passage 15 differently woided in the text = In hoth MSS. (4) and (B)
tt rune thus —
MF Bla 980 Boye 99 ply wlheley esrilyt wine willlle gle ¥ omyy
OAT Soles ilbalee pur pt Baye) Crater LU upee wible ide any y wd,f

OUST ea Leslee stesyee ard Spun 99 9

1 Tho toxt reads incorrectly wey instead of Sy jaly NS (A).
§ MS. (A) ounts the portion im brackets
 { #8 J]
children were drowned inthe Jamns. Sultén Husain continued
his march towards Gwiliér, and was still on the way when the
rebel tribes of Hatkant,! who are a clan of the Bhadanuris, attacked
his camp; Rai Girat Singh, the Governor of Gwaliar came to the
assistance of the Sultau offermg his services, and having presented
. him with money and property, horses, camels, and elepbanta, with
tents for himself and his troops, sent an army to accompany
him, proceeding himself with the Suitén# as far as Kalpi; Sultan
Bohial pursued him, and the two Kings’ met in the neighbourhood
of Kalpi and » cousiderable time was spent in hostilities. In the
meantime Rai Tilak’ Chand, the Governor of the country of
Baksar,* came and offered his services to Sultén Husain,’ -nd
enabled him to cress the Ganges ata place which was fordnble.
Sultin Husain not being able to stand agaist him withdrew
to Thatta,’ and tho Raja of Thatta came to receive him, and
having presented him with several laks of tankahs in cash, and
other valuables,* together with several elephants, escorted him
to Jaunpar.
Sultén Buhlil made an attempt to conquer Jaunpiir, accordingly

1 MS (A) omits the word widyte leaving a hiatas, and writes Coie
Hatként which 18 correot, seo n. 2.
Hatkinth is said by Abil Faz! to be the chief town of Bhadawar a district
8.E of Agra, Its inhabitants are called Bhadauriahe, They were known as
dering robbers and thongh eo near the capital managed to maintain their
indeperience till Akbar had their chief trampled to death by on elephant,
when they submitted. din-:-Akbari (B) I. 488, Elhot, Races of N. W. P.,
vol, I, p. 25
4 We should probably read here Saulive Muchdi‘at for eulic Mutabs‘at
see Forishta.
5M. (A) reads wy.
4 Both MSS. Also Fumghta who calls him Rai Tilok Chand. Governor of
Ehatra (? Katebr) ,
§ Boksar is stanted on the left bank of the Ganges 34 miles 8. E. of Unao
town, and has an interest in connection with the massacre of 1857 at Cawnpore
(eee Hanter Imp. Gas., 1, 450) MS. (A) reads _y=Xs Yeksar.
© Finshta says 4<f fdes willy cocost!. Offered his services to Sultin
Bubiil , from our author's subsequent words it would appear that it was Sulfan
Bublal, and not Saltan Husain.
Cr MES, (A) and (B) read 4iy Bhatia mstead of 8S) Pofna. Furishta bas
@iy Thatta, and this seems to be the proper reading.
8 MB (A) pin,
 [ 409]
Saltén Husain leaving Jaunpair went by way of Banrwch towards
Qanauj, and engaged! Saltia Bublal for some time on the banks
of the Rahab, and‘met with the defeat which had become a second
natare to him. On this occasion his whole retinue ‘and regalia
fell into the hands of the Lodis, while his chief wife Mahka-i-
Jahiic, Bibi Khinza,* who was the daughter of Sultin ‘ Aliu-d-
Din, aud the giand daughter of Khizr Khan, was taken prisouer ;*
Sultin Buhlil treated that lady with the utmost respect and
regard, and when he again attempted to conqner Jannpir, Bibi
Ubiinsa by some artifice effected her escape and joined her husband.
Jaunpir fell into the hands* of Sultan Bublal. He gave it to
Mubarak Khan Lihdni, and himself proceeded to Badaon. Sultan
Hasain took the opportunity to march against Jaunpir in full
force : the Amirs of Sultin BalJil evacuated it, and went to Qutb
Khan Lodi who was in Mahjanli, ® and approached Sultan Husain
" with expressions of fealty, and by pretending to take his‘part kept
him at bay till reinforcements arrived from Snitéu Bublil Sultin
Buhliil sent his own son Mubarak Shah to the assistance of these 312.
Amirs, while he himself also set out® for Jaunpiir, following his
son; Sultan Husain not being able to stand against him went to
Bihir. In the meantime tidings of the death of Qutb Khan
reached Sultén Buhlil at the camp of Haldi,’ and having per-
formed the requirements of mourning for him, he proceeded to
Jaunpir, and after placing hie son Barbak Shah upon the throne
of the Shargi dynasty,’ returned, and came to the Kalpi country,
which he gave to A‘zam Humiyin, another nephew, who bad the

1 MS. (B) reads allie inuqabala, +.c , met him

QMS. (A) reads {) 9% Bhitrd MS (B) bye> Khutra. Finshta roads
Bp hance,
BMS (A) wal lis f. $ Both MSS, (A) and (18) omt yo
BMS (A) ronda qg/x¢F* Majhauli, Frrighta gly™” Mudyeuli A
village in the Gorakhpur District on the banks of the Gandak ‘lero ure
two villages forming one Mayhanli, which is Hindi, on the worth bank, and
dalimpar, which 1s Mahammadan, on the Soath See Hunter Jmp Gu: 1X, Y13.
© MSS. (A) and (B) read &* &1yy,
? Firishta says Whon Saltin Bublil arrived at the townalup of Haldi, ho
heard of the death of Qutb Khin.
8 Finghts says: “ expelled Sultin Husain Shargi, aghin conquered Jaun pir,
‘ud placed his own son Barbak Shah upon tho throno of the Shargi Kings.”
52
 a
name of Bayazid,! snd having arrived at Dholpiir * levied several
mans of gold as tribute from the Rai of that place ; then passing by
Bari went to Tlahpir,® one of the dependencies of the fortress of
Rantanbhir, and having laid waste that country came to Dihli
and remaimed there. Some time ofter this he hastened to Hissar
Firoza, where ho remained a few days and then returned to Dihli
Once more he went to Gwaliar, where Raja Man the Governor of
Gwaliar sent an offering of etghty laks of tankas of that period;
accordingly Buhlal confirmed lim at Gwaliér, and proceeded to
Itawa, and was making his way back to Dihli when he was taken
ill in the neighbourhood of a township of the dependencies of Sakit.*
And in the year 894 H. (1488 4.D) he died, the duration of
his reign was thirty-eight years, eight months and cight days. ®
Verse.
Whether it be Afi asiyaib or his son Za,
He will meet with chastisement at the hand of Fate.
To 4 cup whoso measure tho wine-bearet has appointed
313. It 1s imposmbic to add a single drop, however much you may
strive.

{MS (A) writes hs wed another gon Finghtn snya Sealy gy Spy
dg pil Salad unt wigsled pbs ‘his grandgon Khijya A‘zim Hnmiy iin son of
Khwaja Bayazid ’ (Bo. Text, p. 327) ‘lus is comect. Biynzid was tho eldest
son ¢f Sublil. ‘
% Both MSS. (A) and (B) omit o9%
8 The text and MS. (B) read Pailhanpir, MS. (A) roads ybgl ba
Uhanper Fiughta’s text however reads clonrly (p. 327) ya a egailegs?
bu yanih eldhpar Briggs (p 560) saya Rottunpoor!
#Toxt and MS (B) have i8—e Sakput MS (A) roads sake Sakib.
in Firghta we read (Bo text 327) that “ Bublal took Itawa from Sakit Singh
and rat out to retain to Drhli but fell iil on the way” Later on we rend thnt
“he died near Bhadiali one of the dependencies of Sakit” Sakit 1a in the
Etah District of the N -W. Provinces, and it 18 here according to Hunter
(Imp.
Gaz, XII. 146), that Bula] Lodi died = Abul Faz! states (Amma Akbani
text
I 532) that he died near the township of Saketh, but pluces
Bhadiwah in the
Sarkar of Buhar inthe Ayra Sabah, while he plicea Saketh m tho Sarkar
of
Quaonuy (sec Ain-t-Abbari (Jarrett) (Lf 309 3). Snkit was probuply th
head quarters of the Sakit Singh whow Firshta mentions
6 MB (A) reads Sy? after (lee,
§ Finghta says seven doy,
 [ 4ub.]
Whether it be a king or a khas-celler !
Fato brings to his hearing the sammons-of. death.
The date of his death
In eight hundred and ninety and four
The world conquering Khedive, Buhlil left the world ;
With his swoid he scized-provinces, but for all his bright
sword and burnished dagger, é
He was not able to repel death. 8

Surzin Sixanpar toni Sorzin Bua.ty,*

Who was known by the name of Nizim Khan, upon hearing the
tidings of Ins father’s decease, came mn haste® from Dihii to the
township of Jaldli, entered the camp® and despatched the
corpse of his father to Dilli, On Friday, the seventeenth of the
year above mentioned, he ascended tle throne in the palace of
Sultiu Firtz, which is sitnated on the banks of the Black water,
with the conenrrence of Khau-i-Jahan ibn i Kbhan-i-Jahan, and
Khin-i-Khinin Farmali,? and all the Amirs, and was addressed
by the title® of Sultén Sikandar. It is said that at the time of
Jeaving Dibli, he went to Shukh Samé‘u-d-Din Kanbi,° the
spiritual guido of Shaikh damali,! who was one of the greatest
among tho Ulami Shakhs of lis time, on pretence of taking an

1 uty ur Khas-furigh Khagie a fragrant grase (Andropogon mutea-

duu?) from which acroens are made and wetted with wator for the purpose of
coolmg rooms by the air which blows thiough them commonly huuvwn as
" Khas Khag tatties” in Incha
3 MS, (A) reada «Sy er This is omitted 1 the text
Prior to his death Sulgin Bahlul had made a partition of his dominions,
assigning Jaunpur to §hihzida Barbak §hah, and Karra Mamkpir to
Shihzidy ‘Alum Khan, Bahraich to his sister's son Shakh Mujommad Far-
mali, who was known ns Kili Bhir, and Lakhnan ond Kalpi to A'zam
Hunity in abni Khwaja Bayazid Khan (Firishta Bo text 327),
* These same verses nie found in Finghta
#MS (A) hus no further words MS (B) adds ¢sdy! Lodi Tho text adds
HS yt rows Kala.
6 Neither MS (A) wor (B) hns pied as in the tert.
$ MB (B) Omap cag
™ MS. (B) plas vblarls Khain-+-Khindnt Thhli, t omita osty! Fu mali,
* MS. (A) omits Wlbd 8 M8 (A) iS Kind. 10 MS (A)
 c42]..
omen,! for this reason that he feared lest the Shaikh might favour
the claims of the other brothers? so making his customary daily
walk a pretext, he enquired tho meaning of the expression As‘adak
Allah® from the Shaikh.
314. When he answered, It means may God Most High make you
fortunate. ie besought mm saying, Kindly let this expression
fall three several times from your auspicious lips; the Shaikh
did g0,* then ho arose and said I have gamed my request, then

1 J|R taf@ul Taking UW s71 or omen from the words of a book.

Sortilege, in the manner of the Sortes Virgidiana, or the oracle of Prooneste.
Among Mabammadans st 13 6 not infrequent custom, before embarking upon
any important andeitaking, to congult the Qar'in, or the works of Hafiz in
this way. The word UJ sai properly means a good omen, as opposed to
Spab fiyorat a bad omen, this distinction 1s however not strictly observed.
The prophet Muhammad directed his followers not to pat faith m a bad omen,
bat rathor to take a good one, on bemg asked the meamng of a good omen
he ead “a, good word which any of yon may hear’ auch as if a person in
search of anything be addressed thus, O Finder!” (Mithkatu-l-Mapabih
Mathew 1 381) see also Lane s. v Jl , also Lane's Modern Egyptians 250,
where a full acconnt of one of tho methods of sortulege by tho Zirgah iw
given.
2 MS. (B) reads ye 4p another brother. Firighta gives a detailed
aovonut of the circnmatances attending the ecceasion of Sikandar; he says
that most of the Lodi Amirs favoured A‘sam Humayin, and before Bubliil’s
death practically forced him to eammon Sikandar from Duihli, intending to
make a prisoner of him. This plot came to the eara of ‘Umr Khan Qhirwini
who waaa friend of Sikandar, and he consequently agreed with the mothor
of Sikandar, who was in the camp at the time, to warn Sikandar of lia danger.
Bikandar accordingly made excuses from day to day, and eventually delayed
comang 60 long that Bublil died The Amirs then helds consu'tation, most of
them favouring Birbak Shih the eldest surviving son, but some leaning to
A'sam Tumiyin Zebé, the mother of Sikandur, spoke from bebind a cur-
tain in favour of her son, but was rudely repulsed by one ‘lei Khan a cousin of
Buhlil, who ead, “ the son of @ gold worker's daughter 12 not fit to be king’
Therenpon Khin-i-Khanin Farmali rebuked him, and words ensued which led
toaquarrel, Khar-1-Khiudn took lis party of Amirs with him, and removed
Bablal’s corpse to Jalali, summoning Sikandar from Dibli where they placed
him on the throne in the palate of Sultin Firiz on the bauke of the Bish, as
Sultin Sikandar He then sending huis father’s body to Dihli, marched against
‘Isi Khin and defeated hom, but pardoned hun (Firishta Bo. text 838-339).
8 aly Soaset Asa'dak allah, 10., May God
prosper thee. MS, (A) reads
ppt Side Csiyt Lope
@MS (A) omits the words jane and reads OAL 9,
 [ 413 ]
he besonght the Shaikh to assist him, and set ont tc go to tho
army, aud after that his rule was firmly established,' he left
Dshli, and marched towards* Ripri and Itiwa to conquer the
country, nnd spent seven months there. Ho also dent Isma‘ll
Khan Libani*® with overtures of peace to King Barbak Shah
at* Jaunpiir, while he proceeded in person against® ‘Isa
Khan Governor of Patiali;® and? ‘Isi Khan confronted and
fought with him and was wounded, and after tendering his
submission succumbed to his wounds. Rai Ganesh,? the Raja
of Patiaéli who waa friendly to Batbak Shah, camo in and had an
iiterview with the Sultén who? confirmed him in tho Govern.
ment of Patiali!® Babak Shah coming from Jaunpir to Qananj,
the parties met and an engagement tovk place between them.!2
Mubarak Khan Luhéni,'* who was with the army of Barbak
Shéh, was taken prisoner in this battle, !® Barbak Shah fled to
Ladaon, Sultin Sikandar besieged'* that for tress, and Barbak Shah
being reduced to extromities sought an interview with the Sultan,
who reassured and encouraged him, and took him along with kim to
Jaunpir, restoring him to lis former position upon the throne of
the Sharqi kings, except that ho divided certain parganas of theso
torritories § among Ins own Amirs, detailing armies for each place
aud appointing trusted officers of his own following to assist Bar-

1 MS (B) wrongly *L)Bbel. 2 MS. (B) gale

8 The toxt. and MS. (B) read ggasi Nihini, MS (A) ogy) Nikhini
MS (A) siesd 8S, (APOE come OS (11) Ally
7™MS (A) ounte J
8 MS. (B) ready gf coly Rar Kishan MS (A) roads (pti coly Ra
Gani gh (?) The text reads ues csly Radi Ganee Fimahta roads wf ots
Rar Aulan
9 MS. (A) omits wibl. rending.. g! ey 09 wlS , sho,
10 MS. (B) gg@tly Panali-
MS (A) reads gpdyb whe: instoad of ty wy.
18 Text gsiltmy?
18 Firishta (Bo. text 331) saye that it was Kili Bhar (Shaikh Mahammad
Farmali, nephow of Sultin Bublil and coumn of Sikandar and Barbak) who
was taken prisoner, and in return for lis kind reception by Sikandar jomnod
hin ogainst Barbak Shih, who logt hoart and fled te Badaon,
16 MS. (A) dy Spolss®,
18 In Bihar (Firighta)
 [ 414]
bak Sbéh.! Then he took Kalpi from A‘sam Khan * Hnmayan the
son of Khwaja Bayazid. From thence he came to Jahtara, and
from that pluce to Gwaligr, sending Khwaja Muhammad Farmalt
. with a special robe of honour on an embassy to* Raja Miu,’ who
in turn sent his brother's son to pay his respects to the Sulgan and
to offer his submission. This nephew of his accordingly accom-
panied the Sultdn as faras Baidna. Sulfan Sharq * the Governor of
Baiana, the son of Sultan Ahmad Jilwani the First, came and vigit-
ed him, and was desirons of handing over the key of the fort? to
the agents of the Sultin; however he changed his mind, and on
arrival at Baiana strengthened the defences of the fort. The
Sultin proceeded to Agra where Haibat Khan Jilwiui, a subordi-
nate of Sultin Sharf* fortified himself in the fort of Agra.’
The Sultin left certain of his Amirs in Agra and !° proceeded to
Baiana !' and in the year 697 H. (1491 A.D.) Sultan Sharg !3
fell into straits and sued for quarter, surrendering the fortress
of Baiana to the SultGn; that province was then confemed
upon Khan-i-Khanan Farmali. In the same year the tribe of
Bachgotis ' in the Jaunpar territory had assembled to the number

1 Firighta snys, leaving trusted officers of bis own following in his servico,
thongh Badaoni's words would convey the idea that these officers were loft to
contro] Birbak Shah's actions, MS. (A) omits») before els and ly after
whdeiae and ys
# MS (A) omits Wl giving it to Mahmid Lodi (Firishta).
8 Briggs (p 568) says Bhurayee, but the original text of Firishta says Sylyp
Jehtara I fail to locate this
Ms (A) op § Governor of Gwihir (Firiahta).
Briggs has Man Singh Firightn reads Min merely
8 Forshta reads thas td pad wilble Sulfin Sharf. Badioni (text and both
MSS ) reads Jy” Sharq.
17 MS. (B) reads e imetead of &alj
8 The text reads th wih. Sulfanee-gh-Sharg. MSS. (A) (B) read
p> wlhles sultan Sharg .
9 MSS. (A) (B) o% (ppar?
10 MSS (A) (B) y sudo
Hh
(Funehte ‘ .
a1)” besieged Suken Sharq who after a while capitniated
8 ES Sharg (text and MBB.)
WA tatbe of Riypiits said to be dear
ended from the Mainpiri Chauliint
 [415
of a handred thousand cavalry and infantry,' and were raising
a disturbance. The Sultin proceeded thither and Birbak Shab
came in and offered his allegiance. Leaving there, he proceeded
to occupy himeelf with a hunting expedition to the borders of
Awadh (Ondh), and again returned to Jaunpiir, and srrived at
the fortress of Janbdr,* and engaged in battle with the Amirs
of Sultin Husain Sharqi who held it, and having defeated them,
without waiting to completely invest the fortress came to Patna ;°
and having come to Aril,* which ia near [lahabis (otherwise called
Prayag),5 {nid waste that district,6 and proceeding by way of
Karra and Mémkpir hastened to Dalman’,’ and from thence came?
to Sh imsabad, and remaining there six months went to Sambal
[whence he ayain returned to Shamsabad].°
And after the rainy season in the year 900 H. (1494 A. D.) $16.
he set ont with the object of chastising the rebels of Patna, aud
yreat slaughter tock placo and many prisoners were taken; from
thence he proceeded to duunpir.! In this expedition very many

notorions for their turbulence, orginally Mukammadans, see Elliot, Races of

N-W P,1.47
IMSS (A) (B) jlpw ys Boly
$ Text jie Junhér MS (A) reads gle. (?) MS (B) jie Chindr Firehto
joechanar.
3 Firishta says, came to Katanba (?) which is one of the dependencies of
Patna MS (A) reads wy
* A footnote variant 18 given in the text US;0 ba Arkal,
Frughta reada bt Aril (or Aryal), he says wd) yy! tyttlen
Arulig mentioned by Abil Far] (din-t-Akbari (B) 1. 425) “he held
Jhosi and Aral (Jalalabas) as jagir.”
6 The textiends Shy Paydk.MS (A) reads Shy Bayak, MS. (B) Sly
Baypdk Regarding the dervation of Pray
ag the ancient name of Ailahabad,
sec Cunningham (4 @ I. 391 )
6 ud) 83,5 Lyd MB, (B).
1 Dalman’ lay oppostte to Karra on the other side of the Ganges, see
Rennell’s Map , see also, Ain-1-Akbari, (J ) Il. 167 n 2. Finshta (Bo. text) reads
Dal pir, p. 332.
§ Oye MS (B).
9 Not in MSS. (A) and (B). The text has a footnote saying that these
words ocour in only one copy. They are however in exact accord with
Firghta’a statement, aud are probably copied from his work,
10 Ma, (A) of,
 [ 416j
horses were lost, hardly one in ten remaining alive ;' the semin-
dirs of Patna and others wrote and informed Sultén Husain Sharqi
of the loss of the horses, and of the scarcity of sapplies in Sult&a
Sikandar's army, and invited him (to advance). Sultan Husain col-
lected an army, and marched from Behr with a hundred elephsuta
against Sultan? Sikandar, who for his part crossed the Qanges bf
tlhe ford of Kantit® and came to Chenir* and from thence to
Banaras. Sultan Husain had arrived within seventeen krohs of
Bandras when Sultan Sikandar marched against him rapidly.§
In the midst of his march Salb’han the Raja of Patna, who was
a trusty seminddr, left Sultin Husain and joined Sultan Sikandar.
Sultén Husain drew up in line of battle, but suffered defeat
and retired towards Patna.* Sultan Sikandar left the camp, and
pursued him’ with a hundred thousand light cavalry ; while thus
engaged he learned that Sultan Husain had gone to Bibar. After
nine days Sulfdn Sikandar arrived, and joining his camp set out
for Bihar. Snultén Husain, leaving his deputy ° in Bihar, could
not remain there, but proceeded to Khul Ganw one of the depen-
dencies of Lakhnantl, and Brhar fell into the hands of Sikandar's
troops. © Thence the Sultin proceeded to Tirhut and conquered it.
And in the year 901 H (1495 A. D.) Khin-i-Jahin Lodi died,
and Ahmad Khan his eldest son !! was styled A‘zam Khan Huma-
yin. The Sultén returned from Tirhnt, and went to pay a visit
to the tomb of Qutbu-l-Mashaikbi-l-‘Izim,™ Shaikh Sharfu-d-
Din Mauniri,!3 may God sancttfy his resting-place, and came to

'MS (A) dvle, 4 MSS. (A) and (B).

3 The text and MS, (B) read etl y%0 mutaddar gaght, ie., became dis-
tarbed, but the proper reading is wal oN buguzr-t-Katit, M8. (A) or
wif yLy bagugr-s-Kantit (Firuhta). Kantat is on the 8 W bank of the
Ganges, in the Sarkar of Allahabad, see din-s-Akbari (Jarrett) II. 89; 188
* Text a> Janhar,
6 Both MSS, (A) and (B) omit ps3,
6 MS. (A) reads 4y Panna, Toxt reads 44) Patta MS, (B) reads end ,8,
1 M3, (B) Bly 909 Syei, 8 MS (B) omits 890f,
® Malik Kandhi (Finghta). 10 MS. (A) dof
WMS (A) reads OS qablir? gine abet lhe
4 yay don.
1§ MSS (A) \B) in Bibar (Firehta).
18 He was the son of Yahya-b-Iarill the head of the Chishtis, a disciple
of
Ganj-1-Ghukkur, His barial place ig in Bihtr, see Ain-i- Akbar?
(J.) HL, $70.
 [ 417]
Darveshpir. From thence he set out on an expedition against Sul- $1
fan ‘Aldu-d-Din king of Bangala, and iu the vicinity of Bihar, the
aon of Sultén ‘Algu-d-Din, whose name was Danial, in obedience
to his father’s orders came out to overthrow Sultan (Sikandar), and
prepared to oppose him, but they retraced their steps, each one
contenting himself with his own territories! and consenting to make
peace. In this year great scarcity and dearth occurred in the
camp of the Sulfin ; orders were promulgated * remitting the cus-
tomary tribute of grain in all provinces, in fact they were entirely
abolished. From thence he came to the township of Saran, and
Givided that district among hia own followers in perpetuity,’ and
came by way of Mabligarh* to Jaunpiir, and having spent six
months there proceeded to Panna.§ And in.the year 904 H,
(1498 A.D.) he invaded the territory of Panna,® as far as
Bandhigesh? which is » famous fortress plundering and taking
prisoners, but being unable to take the fortress on account of its
strength, went to Jaunpir where he remained. In the meanwhile
a quarrel had arisen among some of his Amirs during a game of
chaugdn,® and at lest it ended im an open fight,? and the Sultin

1 MS. (A) @LYs 9. SMS (A) oildf lo

BMS (B) 35) y sho B45 peel MS, (A) oyF yyho Baye pre
¢ Finghts reads 835 «elas Machhiigarh.
8 M8.(A) &Y Panna; text and MS.(B) ify Patna. Finshta text aigly
Pothaa, Briggs in his translation say Panna (p. 573), and this must be correcs
to jadge from what follows.
6 MS (A) reads ey wat) Wildyat.i-Panna .
7 MS, (A) reads 895 ytsle Madhigarh but Bindhigarh is the right reading,
Regarding the position of this fortress wo find Abul Fozl states (Ain-e-Akbari
(J.) II, 167) that Béndhé lies south of Allahabad. The translator appends @
footnote (9) in which he identifies it with Banda. Banda, however, lies to the
west and not to the south of Allahabad B&ndhiigarh was one of the two chief
fortress of the province of Bandhi (which corresponds nearly to the state of
Rewa) and lies south of Rewa (Rewé) distant about 60 miles, and S S,-E from
Panna, distant about 90 mules (Keith Johnson) In Rennoll’a Map (Tief TI ,}
iti very plainly marked, thongh the distances and bearings differ slightly
from the above, see Rennell’a Map N.p Nq. The other fortreas lay south of
Bandhigarh and was called Mandla Garh
8 Ware Chaugdn. Called in Arabic ola ‘3 Soulajen. The modern name of
this game is Polo. Fora full account of the game, seo din-t-Akbari (B.} 1.
207-298.
§ Firishta gives s detailed description of the events, and states that within
53
 { 48]
becoming suspicious ! of the Amirs, gave orders that some armed
and trusty guards* should attend him every night, which was
accordingly done. The majority of the disaffected and disappoint-
ed Airs urged Fath Khan the son of Sultdn Bublil to seize the
empire. He in his simplicity communicated® this secret to his
mother, and also to Shaikh Tahir, and a party who were among the
confidante of the Sultin, at the same time giving them * a memoran-
dum containing the names of those confederate Amirs, The party
above mentioned diverted him from that insane idea with friendly
admonition. To prove their own innocence of complicity in
18. that treasonable design, they took that memorandum to Sultan
Sikandar,’ who devised some specious pretext for scattering in
different directions all those Amirs® who had shewn partiality
for the Prince? Fath Khan.
And m the year 905 H, (1499 A.D) he proceeded to Sambal,
and resided there for four years employed in affairs of State,
and used to spend his time ® either in Juxumous living, or in bunt-
ing expeditions.
And in the year 906 H. (1500 A.D) Asghar the Governor of
Dihli began to comnnt malpractices. The Sultdn accordingly
sept orders from Sambal to Khawaes Khan the Governor of
Machhiwaia,® to seizo Asghar and send lim (nto his presence) ;
but Agghar anticipatiug this had gone humbly to Sambal where
he suffered mmprisonment, and Khawass Khan received the
Governorship of Dihti. In this year also © Khan-j-Kbauan Farmali
the Governor of Baiana died, and the Government of that place
was for some time entrusted to Ahmad and Suleiman the two
sous (P grandsons) of Khén-1-Khandn.!! After a time they

four days the fight was renewed, in consequence of which the Sultin began
ta beheve it was due to some preconcerced plan against lig own person.
IMSS (A) (B) tO% Ak
oy wits
e ya Both MSS. (A) (B) omit §.
B greats sole Mis, (A) (By, # 3 Yoga) MSS, (B).
§ MS. (B) omits ye and reads Boge. MS (A) agrees with the text.
§ MSS (A) (B) reads sty, 1 M8 (B) reads slSoly,
® Both MSS. omit 3! MBS (A) roids eh both MBS read
9
ue 3 Say,
MS. (A) reads %ly anle Firishta wiites ¥y' pale Machiwéra,
10 MB. (B) hee syssa 9,
it The text here reads olla
le,
this aume reading but Furishte roa
Wt
rw
wlhla
2 ake
J? both7 MSS. .
have
de WLLL pur Wlyeny wlopleey dow |.
 [ 419 ]
entered the Sultan’s service at Sambal, and the Government of
the fortress (of Baigna) was made over to Khawass Kban, while
Safdar Khan! was appointed to the charge of Agra, which was
one of the dependencies of Baiine, Khawass Khan with the assig-
tance of ‘Alam Khan® Governor of Miwit, and Khani Khanan
Lihani, proceeded to attempt the capture of Dholpir’ The.
Rai of that place came out to oppose them, and heavy fighting
ensued in which many Muslims attained martyrdom The Saltin
leaving Sambal came with all haste to Dholpir, and Rai Manik
Deo,* Raja of Dholpir, not being able to hold out, evacuated the
fortand went to Gwahir They plundered and pillaged® the
district around Dholpir. The Sultan having remained a month
m those parts left to reduce Gwahar, and leaving Adam Lodi
there crossed the river Chambal, and encamped for two months
on the banks of the river Mondaki.®
By reason of the? badness of the climate of that place sickness 319,
broke out among® the population and a peatilence arose. The
Raja of Gwaliar also came and made overtures of peace,® and
delivered up Sa'id Khan, and Babi Khan, and Rai Ganesh,!° who
had deserted from the army of the Sultén and had taken refuge
in that fort, andaleo sent his eldest son!! to do homage to the

i Briggs calls him Sudr Khin, but the original reads Safdar Khin
§ MS. (A) reads pile we Khin--'Alam,
3 Wative State in Rijputina, The town of Pholpiir, capital of the State
lies 84 miles south of Agra and 87 miles north-weat of Gwahir, see Hunter
Imp Gas , IV. 278
$ Firighta calls him 4d why liy Bindyek Deo.
5 MS (B) reads tpaty) for tes here and in several other places.
¢ Frrishta calls this river “the Asi otherwise known as Modnki,” and says
that in consequence of the badness of the water eickness broke ont among the
troops terminating ine pestilence Mendoki means, frog-haunted.
There is no river which I can definitely identify as this river, but the Ason
in Keith Johnson (India) E f. flowing west of Gwiliir, wpuld anawec to the
Asi in pomtion. Renuell’s Map gives no name to this river. »
7 MS, (A) omits gand also ey)
8 MS. (B) reads why,
9 MS. (B) Tends gles musallah (armed) for eu ba pula
© Bupply ly MS. (A).
1 Vikramajit (Finghta).
 ( 40].
Sultdin, who sent him back after bestowing upon him a horse and
of his
robe of honour, returning himself to Agra. At the time
Dholpi r! also to Binayi k Deo’
return be restored the fort of
and having spent® the rainy season in Agra, after the rising of
the
Canopus ¢ in the year 910 H. (1504 A D.), marched to reduce
fortress of Mandrayal,’ which he took without fighting from the
Raja of Mandrayal, who sued for peace ; he also destroyed all the
idol-temples and churches® of the place, and, as he returned,
rebuilt anew the fortress of Dholpir, then came to Agra and
gave his Amirs permission to proceed to their several jaegirs.”
[And in this year Mir Saiyyid Muhammad of Jaunpir,* may
God sanctify his holy resting place, who was one of the chief
of the great walis and had even laid claim to be the Mahdi,
in answer to the call of Him who has the true claim to us all
answered, Ilee am JI, winle returmng from Makkah the sacred
city towards Hindustan, at the town of Farah® where he was
buried. Qaz Husain Zaigar of Qandahir, God's mercy be on him,
whom, a8 well as the Mir himself I had the honour of visiting,
wrote the following chronogram:

1 MB. (B) omits wlhbe end reade 30 for 4

OMS (R) rends Sald yyalyas and gid of) by
8 MSS (A) (B) y ow 10S,
4 In tho month of Ramayan (Firighta).
& Mandrayal. Tus :a not marked in Rennol’s map, bat Tieffenthaler (I. 174)
metitions 1 under ‘no naine of Aundalayer or Mad'rael, and says that it hes
upon the ade of a round hill distant two miles from the western bank of the
Chambal, and twelve miles § 8, H of Carol (Keranh) see Keith Johnaton’s
Atlas, India E F, Mandler, see also fin-v-dkbari (J) IL. 190, Mandir,
4 =f up lS 5 {ple So aleo Finahta,
4 The pation. aquare brackets 1 not in other M8. (A) or M8 (B).
8 Mir Suryyid ‘lobaropmad was the son of Mir Sayyid Khan of Jaunpir, aad
wit the firat to wit definite forn ar India to the doctrine of the advent of
the Mahd: aioe ra have beer promsed by tho prophet Muhammad Ue
gauned ngs ims t- aftce n@ bad declared that he was the promised Mahdi,
among thou» pult.n Miamid I at whose request it was that he proceeded
on the port ue dah? .. fom which he was returning at the me of his
deuth, « * bos (Bi Yieg p V
The Sivan hee Mahdi hag: heady appeared, the Sunnis stall
Jook for tis appestunee. Hi ete -atam
9 Faahiw Du ustan ve telat (2 \ 1 Biog. p, ¥).
 { 421]
' He said, Go and enquire from the Sheikh.’
Shaikh Mubarak also invented s chronogram in the words ®
Maza Mahdi, The Mahdi has departed].
On the third of the month of Safar inthe year 911 H. (6th
July, 1505 A.D.) so violent an earthquake occurred over the whole |
of Hindtstin * that the hills began to tremble, while strong and
lofty buildings * fell to atoms, and the earth in places was cleft
aud rents appeared,’ while they assert that villages and trees
left their places, and men supposed that the day of resurrection
had arrived.’ We learn from the Wagi'at-i-Babart,? and other
histories, that thie earthquake was not confined to Hindiistin, bnt
that ou the same day in Persia also a similar earthquake occurred,
and the word Qazi,® was invented as a chronogram to record the
date of 16.
Bubs.
In nine hundred and eleven the city of Agra became the goal
of several successive earthquakes.

1 sada 9S gud
j ay! AF URS capes
be biran a0 Ghoskh bun wtifetr, The
value of the lettera of the word g- ia 800 + 10+ 600 #910,
9 soy Lae Mazé Mahdi ‘These words aa written in the text only total
900, but if we write more aconrately, (9>* we they will be 910
8 A footnote to the text states that this portion (here included in sqnare
brackets) only occurs in one MS. Firishta also has no reference to this
event
* Firishta only anys in Agra.
BMS (A) pple colyhlow
y anf ya 8}7) dy la 3,8 Big,
© CAS ays Gate MB. (A) reads Ge oly9 dushwariha Difficulties and
dangers.
TMS. (B) Oo ally mold
§ Regarding this work, see Flisott IV, 218. The commentaries of Biher,
ongnally written in Tirki were tranclated into Persian in Akbar’s reign, see
4in-v- Akbari (B) I, 108, and an Englwh translation waa made by Dr Leyden
and Mr Erskine. At page 170 of that translation is foand the account of the
earthquake referred to by our author. Biber says ‘there were thirty-three
shocks that game day, and for the space of a month the earth shook two or
threa times every day and night” The date 1s not given, but the account
follows closely upon that of the death of hs mother, which he states occurred
in the month of Mubarram, and we may from the account reckon abort 40
days afterwards ao that it must have been early in the month of Safar,
-- 9 p83 Qazi 1004148004 10—911.
|
 { 422]
And whereas her buildings were excessively lofty, that which
had been their highest points became the loweat.!
From the time of Adam to the present time no such earth-
quake has ever been known.
And iv the year 912 H. (1506 AT).), after the rising of
Canopus, he marched against the fortress of Untgarh,® and laid
siege to it, and many of his men joyfully embraced martyrdom, after
that he took the fort and gave the infidels as food to the sword ;
those who escaped the sword fed the flames of the fire of jahar
with their wives and children He then cast down the idol
temples, and built there a lofty mosque
In the year 913 H (1507 A D), after the rising of Canopus he pro-
ceeded with the object of redacing the fortress of Narwar5 Whilst
on route he fell in with the elephants and cavalry and infantry of
Jalal Khan Lodi,s whom he had sent on in advance to clear the
way,5 aud whom he had appointed to reduce Narwar. Becoming
suspicious of him, he set about ove: throwing him, and made some
pretext for dispersing his forces, and taking him ptisoner sent him
to the fortress of Sakka: ;° he thon took Narwar, the gartison hav-
ing capitulated And inthe year 914 H (1508A D.) he constructed
other forts round Naiwar to increase its strength, and bestowing

1 Firishta gives this ruba't with shght variation omitting wyyq chin in the
second line.
& Finshta reads > Lady! Uditnagar. MS. (A) s 490} Adtoantgar
MS, (B) ¥38 ey! Ontgarh, This fortrees lay just South of Mandler (p 420
n. &) and is shown in the map aa Deogarh, see Ain +-Ahbari (B) I, 380 1
Finghta states that the Sultin regarded Uditnagar as the key to Gwahar which
he wished to reduce (p 338)
8 Firghta Bo text, p 389, guys this was after tho rains of 913 H inthe year
914 I1., but from the detail he gives of the various operations it 18 donbtful
if he can be correct Narwar wag a dependency of Malwa (Firishta) Tt lay
about half way between Gwaliér and Dhas, see Tuff 1.175 for a desomption
and map of the fortresa: see alao Ain-1-Akbari (J ) 11, 190, on the might bank
of the river Sind, 44 miles sonth of Gwalar city, sce Hunter Imp, Gaz X 227
4 Who upon the death of his father Mabmid Khin had become governoi of
Kélpi.
6 Finghta says Jalal Khan was ordered to go on in advance and invest the
fort of Narwar.
6 Firighta says Hanwantgaorh.
 [ 428 ]
a hundred and twenty horses ' and fifteen clephants, with a roba of 32
honour aud s sum of money upon Priuce Jalal Khan, allowed him,
together with Na‘mat Kbatin,* wife® of Qutb Khau Lodi, who had
come* to have an interview with the Sultan, to proceed to Kalpi,
and gave that district as a sdegir to Prince Jalal‘Khan. And in
the year 915 H. (1509 A.D ) he marched from Lahayar,' and came
to Hatkanth,® established posts in different places aud proceeded to
his capital Agra. The date of this was (fixed by the following
words) Lahw alkukmu wa tlutht tarja'in.” Thatis to say, His ts
the deerce and to him do ye return
Muhammad Khan, the grandson of Sultén Nagirn-d-Din of
Malwa, fearing his grandfathor, came for safety to the Sultan, and
was allotted the jdegir of Chanderi, while Prince Jalal Khiu was
directed to § give him every assistance ag an ally; and in this year
orders were issued for the erection of palaces and rest-houses, and
for the laying out of gardens ° at intervals along the whole route
from Agra to Dholpir, so that when he came back from his hunt-
ing expeditions he might rest and refresh himself there. In this
year Muhammad Khan of Nagor, influenced by the fact that certain
of his relations! had sought and oblamed an interview with the
Sultan, evinced great respect for the Sultan, reading the Khbutbah
in Nagor in his name without raising any objection,!® so that in this
way a new terntory'® came'* into the possession of the Sultan.

IMS (A) gd uly. MS(B) grel Beal. MS (A) da MS. (B) oyS.
® The wafe of Qutb Khan Lodi, foator mother of Jatal Khan (Fuishta). ,
8 Text aud MS (A) € ye Koch. MS (B) a Koh, © M8, (B) Moy woof,
6 Gwihdr (Firishta) Lahar ia placed in Rennell’s map about 50 miles
8-E of Gwilir, eee Hunter inp Gu. VII. 400,
8 See p 408% 1, MS. (A) SVM Hankdyat. MS. (B) OKO Hetkén
Firiahta Culyshe Hulkhayat
1 Tho text bas &y MSS (A) (B) havo & 85 which is correct. The date
is 915
MS (A) omita G OMS (A) Bl colip 1 B18 (B) disheyd,
Ht Finehta explaing this. ho eay8 that certain relations of Mnbammad Khin,
namely, ‘Ali Khin and Aba Bakr who had conspired to kill lum, bad been over-
come by him, and took refuge m the court of Sulfin Sikandar and that
Muhammad Khin fearing the consequences adopted the means descaibed 1
order to conciliate the Sulsin.
13 Text Jom
y Sim igs ais, (A) dide gutin ys.
1 MB. (B) omits gids. 4% MISS (A) (B) of,
 [ 44 j
In this year also Sulciman, the eon of Kbhan-i-Khanin Farmatt,
was dismissed from the service of the Sultan, on the grounds that
he had been appointed! to perform a service at Untghar,® and
in the direction of Sipar, and had refused: the pargana of Indri
Karnal ® was given him as Madat-i-ma‘dgh (vent-free land), with
orders fo go and 1emain there.
In this year * Bahjat Khan of Malwa transferred Ohanderi
to Sultén Sikander on account of the weakuess © of Sultan
Mahmid of Malwa, and read the Khutbah in his namo in those
districts. Accordingly proclamations conveying tidings of this
victory were written to all parts of the Kingdom; and Muham-
mad Khan, the grandson of Sultan Nagiru-d-Din of Malwa,®
was taken prisoner, and Chanderi was (nommmally)7 placed under
his authority, but Amirs were appointed to supervise him ao that
they might be aware of all his movements, control his actions,
and administer ® Ins pdegir, then the Snitin proceeded on a hunt-
ing excursion towards Buiana, and paid his respects to the various
learned and holy men of those districts, who were at that time
famous foi their miracles and wonder-working, especially '
Sayyid N‘amato-lah and Shaikh ‘Abdollah Husaini, |! who was

EMS (A) dy! $8 Bdq0y9

§ Firishta says Yanwantgarh, Bo, text, p 341, and tells us that Saleimin
was summarily dismiseed with permission to remove all that he could by day-
break, and all of hia property that rema:ned was to be looted by the populace
(oias ple wy),
8 Firghta says (6329) Barer? MS.(B) roads JUS 4 ceyoil. For the
meaning of mwadad-1-me @sh called alav séydrghal, ave Ain-s-Akbari (Bl) p. 268
Sery¢0 Siyiirghal 18 a Turki word moaung gifts (of lend). (Pavet de
Courteille). .
# MB. (B) reads le dig. wd 5 MS. (A) omtg uhad,
Finghta reads Bahjat Khin, Governor of Chanderi, whose ancestors
for
generations had been the futhfal subjects of the Sultana of Malwa, on acconut
of the weakness of Sultin Mabmid of Malwa, and the decadence of his king-
dom, sought anintervew with Sultin Sikandar, and agreed to the KAufbah
being read in his name in Chanderi, see Briggs, p, 588, and Bo. text, p Sal.
6 MS (A) omits Gere. Ma. (B) writes Wid de” Mohammed Khin, os
also does Finshte ‘The text reada wl oyex” Mabmid Khin-
1 Wirighte reads Lyall 8 MS. (A) omits 9. MS (B) reads phyla po.
¥ Bea Lanes v lS. also Haghes, Dict, of Jelém art, Miracles, The fall
expreszion 15 Sota} ype Khawarigqu-l.'adat,
10 MSS. (A) (B) lopaas., 4 MSB, (A) (B).
 [ 425]
one of those famous for revelations and miracle-working,! with
whom he used to consort frequently. §haleida Daulat Khan,
Governor of the Yortreas of Rantanbhiir, in the service of Sultia
Mahmid of Malwa, availing himself of the intermediary aid of
‘All Khaiu of Nagor, who was in charge of the province of Siwt
Siyipar,? camo and had an interview with the Sultén,
aud agreed to give up to him the key of the fortress. It so
chanced that the ‘All Kban who has been apoker of above, once
more practised his hypocrisy, and came out from the fort to oppose
him. The Sultan pretended not to notice this, and treated Daulat
Khan as though he were bis own son, bestowing upon him «
special robe of hononr, with seve~al horses and elephants, and pro-
ceeded towards the fort of Thankar,’ and from thence proceeding
by way of the township of Bari,* he returned thence to Agra.
Here he was seized with au illness, and took the journey to the &
next world on Sunday the seventeenth® of Zal Q‘adah 923 B.
(Jan, 1518 A.D.). The words Janndtu-l-Fudaus nazala. (The gar-
dens of Paradise came down) turnish the date? of his death, the
duration of his reigu was tweuiy-eight years and five months,

Verse.
Sikandar, the emperor of the seven kingdoms continued not.
No one continues, seeing that Sikandar himself did not
continue.
Sultan Sikandar used to associnte frequently with poets and
was himeelf algo a mau of taste, and would occasionally compose

1 MSS (A){B) read dp) wholSy ALS Us} 3 AS ond this rending is pre-
erable ta that of the text
2 The text reads plow cgowe 848i Skbar with a footnote variant cess
isk 9 Siwio Sidpur, Firightu reada yo3 gt Siyipar. (? Sibi) see Ain-s-Akbari
(J) HI. 828 w 1.
§ Firghte writes xd Thankar.
@ In the Sarkir of Agra See Tieff I. 166.
5 MS, (A) reads Wya7 wip,
© Finahta says. Sunday, the seventh of Zil Qa‘dah, and adds that he died
from suffovation, owing to the smpaction of a morsel of food in the air passages,
not of quinsy as Brivgs trauslates it. See Bo text 843, and Briggul 685.
7 MS. (B) reads o% er und omits 0, The letters GaytH} whe make
up the total 923,
54
 [ 426 ]
yervea nfter the ancient Hindastani § models, unde: the pseadonym
of Gulrnkb, accordingly ho felt grest plossure in the companion
, ship of Shaikh Jumal*# Tho following verses are the prudact of
tho genius of the Sultén, and are written with the atmost regard
to povtren| form.
’ Ole §
That cypress whose robo is tho jasmine, whone body the rose,
Is a spirit incarnate whose garment the body prov ides.
What profits tho Khutani musk? all the kingdoms of Chin
Are conquered, and bound in the chains of her cluster ing curls.
In the eye of her eyelashes’ necdle the thread of my soul
I'll fasten aud swiftly repmr every rent im her robe.
Could Gulivkh essay to discover the charms of her teeth,
He would say they are water-whito pearls of the ovean of
speech *
One of the poets of the reign of Sultin Sikandar was the
Brahman [Dankar*] who, they say,® 1 spite of bemg an infidel,
need to give inxtrnction in books of science? The followmg matin,
(opening couplet) was spoken [and is a most auspicious mafia’ § |
by Inm im the metre of Mas‘id Beg,
Lad not thy glanco been the dagger, my heart had not bled
to-day ,
Had not thy look been the serpent? I never had lost my way
Also among the great and learned men of the time of Sultiin
Sikandar were Shaikh ‘Abdu-Nah Tulumbi! in Dahli, and
Shaikh ‘Azizo-Hah Talumbi ! an Sambhal, both of whom came

1 MG. (A) (B) i Reyara,

2 MS.(B) wt Jlem. Ms (A) Ln} Jlee text wd iio.
5 MSS. (A) (3) fy* Text ole!
# ‘Tho verses re hero given in the order in which they como in MSS (A)
and (B) Both MSS. read OS gq ¢ ylF and MS (A) reads SED or ole b
Text.
6 MS. (A) hy Dinkar? § MS (A) diy haa as
7 MSS.(A) (B) gle oalS ormt csoeey. 8 US, (A) ronda Syhee whe ».
9 ht Abtar, A noziots serpont which nu one sens without fleemg from it
see Lane a v. pM.
19 MS (B) omits ggittb, MMS (A) OOF Boge
 [ 427]
to Hindustan at the time of the ruin of Multan, and introduced
the systematic atudy of the intellectual sciences into that country.
Before their time, with the exception of the Sharh-i-Shamsiyah,
and the Sharh-i-Sabaif! there were no books ‘current in Hin-
dustén which treated of logic and metaphysics. I heard aleo
from my mastera,® that more than forty expert and profoundly
learned men have arisen from among tle disciples of Shaikh
‘Abdu-N&h, for example, Miyan Ladan, Jamal Kbin of Dihli,
Miyan Shaikh of Gwala:,? Miran Sniyyid Jalil of Badaon, and
others. They say alao that Sultan Sikandar, during the inatrac-
tion of the aforesnid Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah, used to come* and
seat himself quietly in a corner unseen by the rest, fearing lest
he should interrupt the Jeason of tho other students, and when
the lesson was ended they used to exchange the customary
salutation of Saldm ‘alaikam® and mix freely with each other.
And Shaikh ‘Atiszu-Mah of Tulumba, who was a man of great
probity and rectitude, had such an abundant genius and marvellous
power of recollection, that no matter how difficult or minute
the aubject matter of a book which a student of intelligence
might bo readmg, he would give lis lesson in it without previons-
ly reading it, and that time after time when they came up for
exanination, and propounded the most inscrutable problems, the
learned Shaikb would explain them on the instant while giving
his lesson.

1 The former of these two works wae moat probably the famous commen-+
tary by Qutbu-d-Din Mabmid bin Muhammad Riazi, on the Shnimsiyah,«
famong treatigo on Logio composed by Naymu-d-Dia ' Umer bin ‘Ali Qazwini,
who died A H, 693 (1293 A D ), see Haji Khitifuh Ne 7667, El-Suhaif
fi
el-kalim, folee de meluphysicu The Shih-1-Sahdyf must be tho commentary
mentioned by Haji Khilifah and by him ascribed te Samarqandi There was
another commentary by Biluaht! See H. K. 7718.
2MS. (A) Wo rere 455 lol Hy
8 MS (A) has « hiatus between the first and last letters of thie name,
@ Textand MS (B) of yw MS (A) df (s*. & MSS. (A) (B).
# * Recollection' doea not quite convey the full meaning of the word in the
orginal which is jraarine} Ietshz@r, this meane literally, making present, eam-
mouing. It seems to be used hee for the power of calling up at will any
ampresmon. It is not memory, or rather retentiveness, but implies the power
of recalling impressions by parely mental forces after the remfoval of the
stimulus, MSS (A) (B) read Akay quays cairn,
 [ 428}
pupils was! Miyan Hatim BSahbali, who 1 com.
One of his
monly said . have read the Commentary on the Miftap* more
®
than thirty times in the course of his lifo, and the Mrtawwal
more than forty times, from the first letter of the Béem’il lah to
the last of the word Tuammat*
Another is Shaikbu-l-Hadiyah Jaunpiri, the author of many
worthy compositions and excellent books, who wrote & commen-
tary extending over several volumes upon the Hedayah-i-Figh,’
while there is no need of mentioning his commentary on the
-
Kafiyah:® in addition to these he wrote notes upon the Zafsir-

1 MSB.(A)(B) S391. ;
® The text and MS, (B) agree in this reading. MB (A) reads clits rd
which may posmbly stand for giite wiey* Sharhams-miftéh, the two
commentaries on the Msftdh.
Miftdhu-l-‘ulim (clavia dootrinaram), see Haji Khalifab 12678, This book
was written by Siraja-d-Din Abi Ya‘qib Yusuf bin Abi Mohammad biv Ali as
Bikkéki who died 626 A.H. (1228 A.D )
The book was divided into three parts, of which the first treated of gramma-
tical inflestion, the second of syntax, and the third of arrangement and com-
position of sentences, (ww y ope ole) ‘Timaia.]-ma‘ini wal bayan.
(Regarding ‘Itmu-l-bayin, otc., #8 Garcin de Taasy Rhetorique des languer de
Vorvent Mustilmén, pp. 1-8.)
A commentary on all threes parte was written by Mauli Hasimu-d-Din al
Muwaggini, and this is probably the commentary alluded to m the text. Other
cotamentaries Were written on the third part, of which Haji Khalifeh mentions
three as worthy of apecial notice.
§ Mufawwal (commentanus longior). By this book is meant the commen-
tary written by Sa‘du-d-Din at-Taftazini (who died 702 A. H ) on the book
called Talkhipa-1-Muftih It was called by the name of Mufawwal or long
commentary because after its completion in A. H. 748 its author wrote a second
commentary, an abbreviation of the first, and gave it the name of Mushtagar
or shorter commentary (See H.K Il. p 404),
¢ All works wnitten by Mushms commence with lew Byem'sllah. In
the name of God The word 0) tammat, stands for wid 43 tammat-s
ividb, the book is fimshed, and forms the last word, answering to our word
‘Funie’ MBS. (A) and (B) write only re ‘
6 Hidéyah-y-Fogh, (see Haji Khalifa 14366.)
6 Kafiych. The famous grammar known by thia name ig Al-Kéfiyat fi-t-
nakw (liber aufficiens) whose author was Shaikh Jomala-d-Din abi ‘Umer
Upnin bin ‘Umar, commonly known as Ibnu-J-hajtb. (ob: 646 A. H). Fora
fall acoonnt of the work and ite various commentaries see H. K. 9707.
. ' £499y
Madarik' and other works, which are read up to the present
day* Sultéa Sikandar slso collected together learned men * from
all parts of the country to instruct him,’ placing on one side
Shaikh ‘Abd-u-llah, and Shaikh ‘Azizu-llah, and on the other
Sbaikbu-l-Nadiyah snd his son Shaikh’ Bhakéri te discuss
difficult points. Eventnally it became clearly evident that the
former pair of worthies were superior in oratory, while the two
latter were the better writers. The death of Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah
oocurred in the year 922 H ; the following chronogram was in-
vented to commemorate it: Uidika lakhum ud-darajatu-l-ula.®
And among the poets of the time of Sikundar, was the afore-
said Sbeikh Jamali Kanbawi of Dihli, to whom Sultan Sikandar
was in the habit of submitting verses which he had written, for
his opinion.
Speaking generally, he bad many excellent points, he was a
man who had travelled much, and had been honoured with the
fellowship of our master the saintly Jami,’ may God sanctify his
vesting place, and had gained many advantages from* him and
won his approbation,® and was moreover in the habit of submit-
ting © his poems to that revered master: The following verses are
by him;
Verse.
I wear a garment woven of the dust of thy street
And !! that too rent to the skirt with my tears.
Verse.
Love's speech is awift, whole centuries of words,
Friend speaks to friend swift as the eye can close.

} Tafety.s-Mada@ruk Explanation of the sources from which are sought the

"©
ordinances of the law. See Lane s, v. So.
8 MS. (A) omts wis) wet U. 3 MSB. (A) (B) write stele.
#8 (A) Ad Cpe 3% 5 Both MSS (A) (B) write jet4.
¢ Tho text reads wroucly here ey ole 9 od SN, Mas (A) (B)
are correct. The quotation may be found in the Qur’in (XX. 77). The value
of the letters is 922
1 MSS (A) (B) omt all, 8 MS (A) omits }.
9 MSS (A) (B) adsl yo.
10 MSS (A) (B) wojdle ys UMS (B) omits 5
li MS. (A) omita this eonplet.
 f 430j
The following ode alo, ' which he translated and set to music
in his uative Hindi, is marvellously inspiring, and is well known?
My heart's desire ia fixed on thy abode
Oh thon that art long absent from my sight;
By day and night the thought of thee alone
My constant partner is, ask then thy thonght
Should’st thou desire, to bring thee news of me.
He also wrote a Tagkirah (Book of Memoirs) to recount the
assemblies of some of the Shaikhs of Huindistan, called the
Styaru-l-'Arifin (Biograpines of the Sats) which is not entirely
frea from defects and discrepancies. It commences from the
. venerable Khwdjn® Mu'inu-l-Haqq wau-d-Din Ajmiri, and
finishes with his own spiritual guide Shaikh Samiu-d-Din*
Kanbawi of Dibli, in addition to which it contains other matter
both® prose and poetry. His diwdn 1s made up of eight or
nine thousand couplets.
Sotzin Ipnania Bin Surpan Sixanpaz Lovt,
Ascended the throne in Agra in the year 923 H with the
concurrence of the Amirs, and Shahzada Jalal Khan ibn-i-Sultan
Sikandar® [was appointed to the rule of Jaunpir and waa styled
by the title of Sultan, while Khan-i-Jahén Lihavi? governor
of Rapti came to Agra] and blamed the Amirs greatly for
associating (Jnlal Khan) in the government® of the kingdom;
and after that he had pointed out to them the foolishness® of
this procedure orders were issued to the Amira of the eastern
districts to seize Jalal Khan end bring him to the Court. He
however went from Jaunpir to Kalpi and collected a large
following, and after establishing the Khuthah and sikkah in his
own name, assumed the title of Sultdn Jalalu-d-Din. A‘zam
Haméayin Shirwani sided with him for a time, but eventually
came and had an andience of Sultan Ibrahim. Sultan Ibrahim

1 (A) omits py! 8 MS. (A) omits pam,

BMA. (A) copeol # MS (A) od pa.
§ From this port there is a very long omismon in MS (B).
§ The portion wnoluded 1n square brackets 1s repeated twice in MS. (A).
1 MS (A) gla) Wandni.
8 MBS (A) ends yeu 8 MS (A) e~
 { 4|
sent to the fortress of Hausi certain of his brothers who were
imprisoned, for instance Shahzada Isma‘il Kbin, sud Husain
Bhan, and othora,! and appointed for each of them food and
clothing aud two? servants from the private establishment. Then
he proceeded in person with the object of conquering’ the
Evstern districts, and camo to Bhitn Ganw, and having settled
the dixturbances in Mawéa* came to Qananj. There he nominat-
ed a large namber of Amirs to proceed against Jalal Khan, who
with thirty thousand cavalry sud a certain number of elephants
had gone off in the direction of Agra MalikAdam Kakar waa $27.
seu’ by the Sultén to defend Agra, and certain other Amire arrived
to support him. They succeeded in persuading Jalal Khan, by
making pleasing overtures and using uttractive arguments, to
surrender his paraphernalia of royalty and kingly splendonr to
the Sultan, in order that they might prefer his application for
pardon of his past offences and obtain for him the Kulpi district
asa jaeyir. Jnlal Khan instantly agreed, and made over his royal
canopy, his kettle-drums, etcetrra to Malik Adam with instructions
to convey them to the Sultin in the neighbourhood of Itdwa. ,

1 It will be remembered that Azam Humiyin wns tho eldest son of Sulfin
Sikandar Lodi, Ism ‘il nnd Husain wera respectively the fourth and fifth
sons, Jalal being the second son, and [brahim the third.
3 Toxt reads 3°99 MS. (A) more correctly reads 9.
8 MS. (A) pe,
4 The text rends hore: 33,5 Sly by Sprotgo wy wadn Mawaahara pak kirda
while MS. (A) reads ‘ely Mavded for 'guly® Mawdshd. Neither reading
18 intelligible.
Firshta reads here -

AS 00 agape ply ¥ IF LS 8S y ats] > glyiye sldize) alet>

prot Sle cyt pills angileey cralety fy gf aS Lie yyee yl sripny
blSb Si wf 5 gyf Ully ty omdle wf Ai, Utey) Upsin Slam
“ey Sboly ale ZF 9 HOhd end
Jui Chand, a Zomindér of Chartili, a dependency of the pargana of Kol
which was better known as Mawiis, had fonglit aguiost ‘Umr Khim the sun of
Sikandar Khan Sir and had slain him Accordingly Malik Qisan Hakim of
Senbhal proceeded against him and put that rebel todeath, und having quelled
that sndden rebellion came and joined the king at Qananj.
On the strength of Firiyhta's statement the above translation is given, and
I would sugyest that the text should read !y urls widmite wf,
 { 432 j
The Sult&n would not agree to his proposal of peace, and despatch.
eda large army to oppose Jalél Khan, who fled in consternation
and took refuge! with the Raja of Gwiliar, and the Amirs of
Sikandar’s purty, who bad heretofore been a source of weakness to
the administration of the empire, one end all owned allegiance to
the Sultin. The Saltén experienced’ a revulsion of feeling with
regard to Miyan Bhoh, who was the chief of the Amirs of Sikan-
dar, and had been his vazir and privy councillor, accordingly he
cast him into chains and sent him to Malik Adam; however, he
treated his son with kindness and advanced him to the high offices
formerly held by his father. Miyan Bhoh died in prison, and
A‘zam Humayiin Shirwani, the Governor of Karra, was sent with
thirty thousand cavalry aud three hundred elephants to attempt
the reduction of Gwalidr. Jalal Khan fled from Gwiliar and went
to Malwa to Sultan Mahmid of Malwa. After the arrival of the
Sultan's troops Rai Vikramajit the son of Rai Man Singh,* who,
after the decease ® of his father, held the government of Gwaliar,
was not able to cope with them, aud could not properly defend the
fortress. The fortress of Badalgarh, which lies below ® the fort.
ress of Gwalidr,’ a very lofty structure, was taken ftom Rai Man
Singh® and fell into the hands of the Muslims,® and a brazen
animal,! which was worshipped by the Hiudés also fell into their

2 MB. (A) omits op.

§ MS, (A) 8% joey Firishta calls him byt? Bhira.
3 The text reads O-0 Ae oh gad three hundred. MS. (A) reads Owe ¢y0
&i pad thirty hondred. Frights (Bo. text p. 849.) reads also Oefue si pad,
OMB, (A) eehiw ile,
BMS (a) wimdl ys Text reads wltS Fisishta says he died.
6 MS (B) continues here.
T This fortress of Badalgarh is to be diatingaished from another fort-of the
same hanie mentioned m subsequent page (text page 429) see Ain-t- Akbar, I.
(B) p 380% 1. Firighta saya it had been built by Man Singh and was a lofty
fottihed building (Be. text p. 350).
® MBS (A)(B) omit ash. 9 MS. (A) omita Us}.
10 The text reads wily are Siirate rii’m « brascn image: but both
MSS. (A) \B) read uty ggsie Sutire ri’in & brazen animal. So also
Firishta, who says that t6 waa uli:mately erected at the Baghdad gate of Duhli,
and goes on to say that “that oow remained ut that gateway till the reign of
Akbar” (p. 350)
 ' [488 J
hands, avctgras dont by them to Agra, whence it was sent by Sultifi
Ibrahim sdf, and was put up over thecity gate. This image 328.
was removed te.tavppir in the year 992 H., ten years before the
composition of this history,! where it was aeen by:the author of
this work. It was converted into gongs, and bells, and implements
of all kinds.
In those days Sultan Ibrahim becoming distrustful of the old
Amirs, imprisoned the greater number of them,* and expelled
(others) in different directions; aud xeasmach as Jalal Khan
could not get ou with Sultan Mahmfid of Maiwa, he fled from Malwa
and came to the country of Kara Kanka,’ where he fell into the
hands of a tribe of the Gonds,* who took him prisoner and sent
him as a present ® to the Sultén who ordered him to be taken to
Hinsi and imprisoned with his brothers. While on the way thi-
ther he drank of the draught of martyrdom.
The draught of sovereignty and glory is so sweet
That for its sake kings will shed the blood of their brethren;
Shed not the blood of the afflicted in heart for the sabe of
kingdom,
For they will pour the selfsame draught into the cup for
thee.®
After some time, im accordance with the orders of Sultén
Ibrahim, A‘zam Humaytin Shi: wani, together with his son Fatn
Kban, abandoned the siege of Gwahar Fort which he was within
an ace of taking, and came to Agra, where both wee made
prisoners. Islém Kbau the son of A‘zam {Khan}? Humiayin,
gathered together ® a following in Karra by means of his father’s

1 MS, (B) agreeing with the text. MB. (A) reads @o> wyl @ 95.
8 MS. (B) reads ¥dy!a5.
8 Text and both MSS (A) (8). Firishta (Bo. text 3851) reada
wuld dos @a|y, fled to the Raja of Kadba (?), It would seem we should
rend Garhe-Katanka which is the name of country bounded onthe North by
Panna, and on the south by the Dakhan, see Elliot VI 30.
* For an account of the Gonds, ses Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, 11.
184 et segg., see ulao Hunter Imp Gas, article Central Provinces,
6 MSS (A) (B) read 35) die’ Aid.be osteo.
6 Firishta also hos these same lines.
7 MB. (A). 8 MS (A) due,
55
 [ 434]
wealth, and, having brought over to his side the Amirs of that
district, fought a battle with Ahmad EKhin! the governor of
Karra, and defeated him Sultav Ibrahim accordingly despatched
Abmad Khan, the brother of A‘zam Humayia Lodi, in command
of a vast army,® to oppose the Amirs who had fled from his
camp and had joined Islam Khan. With him also he sent * other
- Khbans of eminence, such as Kban-i-Kbanén Farmoli, and others
of similar rank, Near the township of Bangarman, in the neigh-
bourhood of Qananj,’ Iqbal Khan, the chief cavalry commander
ander A‘zam Humayin, with five thousand cavalry and some
splendid elephants, broke out of ambuscade and attacked the
forces of the Sultan, and after throwing them all into confusion §
withdrew (into ambush), The Sultin by way of precaution
despatched® a further foice to their asmstance, but the enemy,
who had about forty thousand cavalry, well armed, and five
hundred elephants, shewed a firm front against them, until Nasir
Kban Luhauvi with other gencials arrived from the direction of
Bihar and engaged the enemy on both sides. A fierce conflict
ensued between the two a: mies, such a conflict as baffles descrip-
tion, and after a severe struggle? the rebels were defeated.
Tslém Khin was killed and Sa‘id Khan Lodi was taken prisoner,
thus the rebellion was quenched
Verse,
Do not inflict ingiatitude upon a benefactor and generous
fnend,
Like the cloud, which receives bounty from the ocean, and
rains a storm of ar:ows upon its breast.$
As far as you are able, make tho requatal of favours your habit
and custom,
Inke the iise1, which gives to tho clouds an ocean in return
for one diop of its ram
And withal that he lad gained so important a victory, yet
vag not the heart of the Sultan favourably disposed towards the

IMS (AY cmds eb

BMS (A) romds BF ByAit SB) p13 p00, 8 MS (A) Aidle opel
#MS fi) wrongly ngorts 9 before Jus)
b kimehtar va, otter king some and
wounding many.”
MS (A; 7 Boling’ T Ms, (4) (B) cpbyS y (Abs
# Thug coupiet 19 wleo giver oy } ghta,
 [45 J
Amira: and they also being aware of this, raised in all directions
the banners of antagonism. In the meanwhile, many of the
eminent Amirs of royal descent, as for example A‘zam Humayin
Shirwéni, and Miyiu Bhoh, the Vazir of Sultan Sikandar,
departed from this world in the confinement of the prigon-house.!
This is that samo journeying place, this interminable desert:
In which the army of Salm and Tir was lost; *
Thin is the selfsame stage, this world of ruin
Which witnessed the palace of Afrasiyali.*
Miyén Hasain* Farmali was assassinated in Chanderi, at the
instigation of the Sultan, by certain raffianly Shaikh Zadas of
that place, and Daryé Khin Lahaui, governor of Bihar, and Khin-
i-Jahin Lodi being alarmed,’ became disaffected. After a short
time Dary&é Khan died, and his son Bahadur Khan turned rebel
and occupied the place of bis father. The revolted Amirs made
common cause with him, 80 that he collected a force of nearly a
hundred thousand cavalry mm the vicinity of Bihar, and gained
possession of that country, assuming the title of Sultin Mubam-
mad,’ establishing the KAntbah aud skka in his own name. His
army penetrated as far as the conntry of Sambul, and brought it
within the area of their control? The KAnghah was read in his
name in Bihar and tho territories adjaceut, for some time. It
so happened that the son of Daulat Khan Lodi, whose name was
Kban-i-Kbanin® came from Lahor to Agra to visit the Sultan, but
being suspicious of his intentions fled from his cuurt, and went to
his father. Daulat Khan, seeing no hope of oblaining release
from the (wrath of the) Sultan, sent that same son of his" to
Kabul. He accordingly did homage to the supreme King, Zahira-

LMS. (A) reads 229 yo.

8 MS. (A) reads dey, 43. (B) Wrenn yo, For the atory of Salm and
Tir two of the sons of Faridin, see Shabnima (Atkinson) page 40 ef seyq.,
algo Shahniina (Tarner Macan) pp 58 to 83.
$ MS. (A) reada coat Boo OF,
* MS. (A), 5 MS. (B) whlya,
6 Mg. (A) omits »- Firishta adds as far us Sambal.
1 Fodtnote variant ayeae® Mahmid. Fimehta reada Muhammad.
05. (A) beds i ag (B) pte y bad, Text pad y bas,
9 Finshta says wlartsle Gist Khin. 10 M3 (B} ly dye gud
 [ 486} °
d-Din Babar, and induced him to advance against Hindfistéa.
Rvcntually Khéu-i-Kbanan laid a compleint! agninst his father
before the supreme King Babar, and poisoned his mid against
him, and led to discord between them, as will be related if the
Most High God so willit Khan-i-Khandn was living up to the
date of the rebellion of Sher Shah, but at last died in prison.
Sultan Muhammad departed to the world of permanence from Bihar,
and the Amirs on all sides rebelled agajnst Sultéu Ibrahim, and
great damage was inflicted upch the kingdom The pillars of the
* empire began to totter,* and the standard of the fortune of King
Babar floated high.
The following is a brief epitome of the matter: Daulat Khan
and Ghazi Khan his son, together with the other noble Amirs of
Sultan Ibrahim, sent ‘Alam Khan Lodi to Kabul, bearing despatches
to Zahiru-d-Din Babar Padishah, inviting him to attempt the con-
quest of Hindistén. Accoidingly Babar Paédish&h appointed a
number of his own Amirs to accompany ‘Alam Khan, with orders
to advance and conquer that country Having conquered Sialkot
aod Lahor with its dependencies, they represented the condition
of affairs (to Babar) und the followimg gtf‘ak was written to
commemorate the date of the conquest of Hindistan.
Verse.
Zahiru-d-Din Muhammad Shah Babar,
In fortane Sikandar, in force a Bahrim,
By his fortune conquered the country of Hind,
The date of this was Fath badaulat.5 (Victory by fortune).
Babar Padishah marching continuously, arrived at the banka
of the river Indus, and drew up the whole force, composed of
ten thousand [veteran] cavalry‘ in that camp after passing the
troops in review. In the interval, Daulat Khan and @hbasi
Kbén had turned back with thirty thousand veteran! cavalry
composed of Afghans and other tribes, and bad occupied the
town of Kalanur, and prepared to engage Babar’s Amirs at

1 MB. (B) writes <uSS after oy5

904 }! instead of before it ax in the text,
MS. (A) reads qlee for wus,
9 MBB. (A)(B) otis},
8 wdyy €" Feth ba deulat These letters give the date 080 H.
# MBB. (A) (B) omit col oye. 6 MB. (B) omits yi.
 [487 J
Lahor, while Amir Kbusri, who had strengthened the fortress
of Sidlkof, evacuated it as soon as Ghazi Khan arrived, aud
took refuge in flight to the camp. Some days afterwards
Baber arrived at Sialkot where he encamped [and aftar laying
waste the township of Sialkot founded Dholpur.]' ‘Alam Kbéa
proceeded to Dihli by order of Babar, and encountering Sultan
Tbréhim, made* a night attack apon the army of the Saltéa;
and Jalal Khao with certain other Amirs arrived in the course
of that night and joined ‘Alam Khan. Sultan Ibrahim did 882
not stir from his tent till dawn, The followers® of ‘Alam
Khan, fancyiug they had secured an easy victory, were scattered
in all directions, only a small number remained‘ with ‘Alam
Kbén. Sultdéu Ibrahim, urging an elephant forward, attacked
the enemy’s centre, who could not withstand® his attack, The
faithless ‘Alam Khan passing through * the Doab came to Sihrind,
and thence fled for refuge to the fortress of Gungina,’ one of
the dependencies of Malot,’ at the foot of the hills. Dilawar
Khan Liahini separated from him, and joined the service of
Baber Padishah, and became one of his faithfol adherents. ‘Alam
Khan also after some time came and had an interview with
Babar, who, in accordance with his former custom, gave him an
honourable reception, and as he was halting at the time of the
interview he distinguished him with a robe of honour and other
marks of favour; and when he pitched camp in the ueighbourhood
of Kalanir, Muhammad Sultan Mirza and other Amirs*® came
from Léhor and joined him. Thence he proceeded to the fortress of
Malot in which Ghézi Khan [and Daulat Khan were, and besieged °
it, and Ghazi Khan and Khin-i-Khanin] determined upon flight

1 Not in either M8. (A) or (B) a footnote to the text states that this
passage occurs in one MS. only.
2 MSS. (A)(B) gysf.
8 The text reads nghtly whys. pis. MS, A reads wid, ple.
4S. (A) didile, 6 MB. (B) ea col
6 MS.(H) omits aisoS,
1 The text and woth MSS, read Gungitna. See Erakine’s Babar, p. $00.
“The fort of Kinkiteh.”
8 In Pind Dadan Khin talait Shilam, District Panjab, see Hunter Imp. Gas.,
IX. 268, 9 MSS. (A) (B) Lot _ySu0.
10 Not in text. of MSS. (A) (B) which read MS (.1)
aged tyeler® Bid, dings wye wad0 y
 { 438]
and left the fort. Daulét Khan hastened to tender his submission,
and his faulta were! pardoned as on former occasions; and on
the day of public audience when they brought him into the pre-
sence with two swords tied round his neck, ordera were given that
he was uot to be brought in in that (humiliating) manner. On
the contrary, Babar sent him a respectful sammons, and bidding
him be seated ® gave him e place near himself.*
That is (true) generosity to shew kindness to the wrongdoer,
For the generous cannot but shew kindness to a friend.
However, he distributed his effects among the soldiery,* and
the fortress of Malot, which apparently means Malot itself, fell into
the hands of Babar Padishah. Some few days after this occurrence
Daulat Khao, who had been imprisoned by Babar, died in prison§
and Babar proceeded to the Siwahk hills in parsit of Ghazi
Khan, and encamped ® at the foot of the Diin,? which is « very
high hill, Ghazi Khan was not to be found. Babar accordingly
returned stage by stage to the frontiers of Sihrind, and pitched his
cam on the banks of the Gheghar ,* thence he came to the borders
of ° Sémana and Sanam, and gave orders to Amir Kittah Beg to '0
proveed to within a short distance of the camp of Sultén Ibrahim,
who, after the defeat of ‘Alam Khan, had stood fast! near Dihli,

MS. (B) goos.on 8012 y1,5 Sal ety LLELA5 wld cold y dlnye gyolar®
1 M8. (A) reads gt wlalif’,
8 MB. (A) OSS Cole. MS. (B) 9 S929 qpienthl,
% Compare the account of this given by Babar himself, ose Elliot IV. 246,
Firishte’s account (Bo. tert p 378) tales with that given by our author.
@ In MB. (A) the word wel precedes 2-5: in the text it follows it.
§ Firishta does not mention tho death of Danlat Eban, and tella us that
Babar took possession of Ghezi Khan’s library of valuable books, of which he
kept zome for himself and gave the rest away.
6 Ma. (A) d9e5 Upp,
1 The text reads 195 49S «yeld witha footnote variant wydi, MBB(A)
(B) read wip) 95 eyAAd, soo Tixak-s- Babari, Elliot LV. 267. * Marohing thence
and passing the small inils of Abkand by Milwat we reached Din. In the
language of Hindustan they call 4 Julga (or dale) Din,”
8 MS, (A) 4S. $ MSS. (A) (B) d9ce? omit 9.
© MS. (A) omits 4S. 0 MSS. (A) (B) o9? wKoke,
 { 439j
and bring intelligence of the position and strength of his army;
and at this camp Baban the Afghin who had been in revolt came
and had an interview (with Babar). From this camp aluo Shali-
zada Muhammed Humiyin Mirsé, together with Khwija Kalan
Beg and other notable Amirs, were despatohed against Hamid Khan
the Khags-t-Kduil (Chief of Cavalry) of Sultan Ibrahim, who was
advancing at the head of a force from Higeér Firoza to give them
battle. They proceeded by forced marches, and a severe ougage-
ment took place. Hamid Khin was defeated, many of his men
being either killed or taken prisoners.! The sarkdr of Hisgir Firoza
with a revenue of two crores,® was given as a 1eward to the Shah-
sada, and Babar Paédishaéh encamped on the bank of the Jamna, two
marches from Shahabad, and detailed Khwaja Mubammad Sultin
Mirza, and Sultan Juuvaid Mirzd® Birlas to oppose Da’id Khan
and a body of Amirs of the army of Sultan Ibrahim, who had
crossed the Jamna with five or six thousand cavalry, Accordingly
they also crossed the Jamua and gave the Afghins a second drub-
bing, killing them and taking them prisoners, while the remnant of
the sword took refuge in the camp of Sultan Ibrahim.
Marching thence, having drawn up his right and left wings and
centre,* King Babar reviewed them in person. Hight hundred
gun-carriages * had been prepared in one day. Usta*® ‘Ali Quli
the Artillerist, acting upon my oiders, had followed the custom of
the Turkish artillery, and bound together the gun-cariiages with
chains aud raw-hide thongs, twisting them into the form of a whip-
lash.’ And in the interval between each pair of guu-carnages
six or seven shelter parapets® were placed, so that on the day of

1 MS (B) Upwl.
8 MS, (A) 99599, see however din-i-Akbari II '(J.) 293, 3 MBS. (A) (B).
‘ yy J? davdnghar, right wing ji ge. jawdaghir, left wing, called also
Joht J jowangil. sé gel or dy gai, means the centre of an army. (Ses
Pavet de Courtelle Dict Turk-orvental), sec also Brekine's Babar, p 227,
+ Text writes #31). MS, (A) writes thu word 4){j).
® Ustad Ali Quli (Erakine’s Bibur, p $02). .
1 qg3*%s! P, de G. does not give this word (?) gS of the end of
whip, s. e, the lash. See Erskine’s Babar, p 304
8 The text reads Sth 2 $539) tabra-s-purkhak, MBS (A) omits the words
Sle.ys purkhdk, while MS, (B) writes SiO Ey purbidkes-tuféng, All
these readings appear to be incorrevt, For ¥yJ2) tibra, we should read Sy?
 [ 440j
the battle the riflemen might beable to fire iu aafety from the shelter
of the guns and parapets. He had determined ! to march, and en.
camp with the city of Paéuipath in the rear of his army, and to use
the line of gun-caviiages as & frout line of defence for his troops,s
while the cavalry and infantry should come into action from behind
the gun-carnages with § arrow and masketry fire, while the remain-
der of the cavalry should advance on both sides, and keep up a
constant attack,’ and im case of necessity, should retire to the cover
afforded by the gun-carringes * Accordingly on Thursday tbe last
day of Jumaidu-l-Akhu ® 932H, he encamped in the vicinity of the
city of Pauipath, ate distance of six krohs from the camp of Sultan
Ibrabim, whose force was composed of a hundred thousand cavalry
and a thousand elephants, while thearmy of Babar Padighah 7 com-
prised fifteen thousand cavalry and infantry on a rough estimate.
The troops under Babar used to make daily sallies from unexpected
quarters, and attuck the Afghan army, bringing in several heads:
inspite of which Sultén [brahim and his men did not dare to make
a single attempt at any counter attack during all this time.” At
last one mght Mahdi Khwaja, Muhammad Sultia Mirza and cer-
tain other Amirs, with five or six! thousand mon made a night
attack !! upon Sultéu [brahim’s army. and after killing a large

tira, with the meaning paltsades or ubattts, see Pavet de Courteille Diet. Turk.
orental 6, v % Iy93 pidces de bos eb defer qu'on rele ensemble avec des
chatues et des crochets, et deriierc leaquelles s’abritent lea soldats. See aleo
Erskine’a Babar, p. 804» 2. See also Pers: Lat Leacon
8 v |) 93, also Elhott
TV. 261 2.4. Thia seems to be undoubtedly the correct reading, the word
By! y) tibra having been written by our author in mistake for 8393, the words
wSld. J having been subsequently added Sackg fall of gunpowder would
form a not very comfortable shelter for riflemen.
1MB.(B) sy3 9 MS, (A) Hoe cgay 8 MB, (B) KARI
y pad &,
4 The text reads Vole 2 Wilde) with a footnote to day that this 1s the
reading of all three MS&9., but that probably the verbal noun of action should
have been written. MS (A) gives this verbal noun 4@ide. So that clearly
this MS. was not one of the three from which the text wag edited.
6 MS. (B) omits 4ily® and writes spied yb,
6 April 12, 1526 1MS (B) slésb, 8 ME (B) lined),
9MS (A) writes yal for @ly. MS, (B) writes-wrongly n¥t)) gol pale
for10 le
MBS. (A) (B) GAS ely.
| 1 MS. (A) wid,
 [ 44
number of them returned in safety. In spite of the consternation
into which this threw them, the enemy were not pnt upon their
gaard,' and on Friday the eighth of the honoured month Rajah?
in the aforesaid year, Sultén Ibrahim with a large army, strong ae
the brasen rampart of Sikandar,’ clad in iron armour came out
to the fight.
Babar Padighah also, having arrayed his army with all the
pomp and circumstance of war, and shewinga firm unbroken front,
gave orders detailing from the left wing Amir Qaré Qlrchi and
Amir Shaikh ‘Ali, with certain other Amira, and from the right
wing, Wali Qizil and Baba Qaghqah, with the whole force of Mu-
ghiils, to form two parties and attack the enemy in the rear, while
the Amira of the right and left wings in a body, and from the
picked troops,* Amir Muhammad Gokultash, and Amir Yinas ‘Ali,
and Amir Shah Manstr Birlis, with other famous Amira, should
lead the front attack: and since the Afghans [were specially ob-
servant of the right wing, Amir ‘Abdo-1-‘aziz, who was with the
reserve, was ordered by king Babar to reinforce the right wing],®
and when he got within bowshut of the enemy,® the bodies of the
enemies took to themselves wings, and the bird of the soul of many
of them took flight from the cage of the body, while the wings of
others? were clipped by the shears of the two-edged sword.
Verse.
So vast was the river of blood which flowed on that battle
field
That the feet of the warriors could not stand against its flood ,
The breeze which blew from that battle ficld at morning time
Brought to the nostiils the odour of the heart's blood.
The slain lay in heaps,® while those who escaped death by the
sword became the portion for kites and ravens, A period of two
IMS (A) writes osft,3
Oo MS, (B) agrees with the text.
& apoyo!) Al-murazjab, So called because in the Time of Ignorance it
waa hold im special honour, inasmuch as war or fightang during this month was
held to bo unlawful, ace Lane 4.v. “*2y.
$ MS. (A) omits phat,
¢ MB (B) gpl 5 Omitted from MB (B).
6 The,text is wrong here: wo should rend y @ia% yo dar sherba-t-f on
the authority of MSS. (A) (B)
7 MS (B) supplies cgS% after JY » 3
* Wo should read dum Aifay SESS ¥ ».
a6
 [42
) °
gerns' has elapsed since this event up to the time of the oom-
position of this Muntakhab, but up to the present, the noise of
conflict and shonta of combatants proceeding from that field of
battle reach the ears of travellers at night.
In the year 997 H. (1588 A.D ) the writer of these pages*®
was proceeding one day at early morning’ from the city of
836. Labor towards Fathpir, and had to cross that plain, when these
terrifying noises reached his ears, and the people who were with
him imagined that some enemy was upon them. I also witnessed
with my own eyes what I had heard related. Submitting this
divine mystery to the Almighty we went on our way.
Sultan Ibrahim together with a party of attendants was taken
in an unknown desert and pnt to the sword, his head* was brought
into the presence of Babar Padishah, and * about five or six thou-
sand who formed Sultan Ibrahim’s retinue were put to death in
the one spot,
Verse.
It is plainly evident * to thee that this dark world is a snare
of calamity,
Thon knowest? now that the world is full of guile, and des-
perately deceitful.
That man from fear of whom no one would enter the water
He himself is drowned in the ocean, an ocean without bounds?
Biber Padishth after gaining this* signal victory departed
thence, and reached Dihli !° on the same day and encamped there.
He then caused the Khugbah to be read in his name,!! despatching
Shahsida Mohammad Humayiin Mirza’ and all the Amirs to
Agra, with orders to make forced marches, and to seize the
treasure § belonging to Ibrahim, which was of untold value, and
divide it among the soldiery.!*

1 The ws qorn ig an uncertain peri

of time,
od here it probably means a
space of forty years.
3 MSS. (A) (B) !y Glyt. 3 M8. (A) (gy= 55,
# MBS. (A) (B) ly cape. 6 MSS. (A) (B) supply 9.
© MS. (B) reads Ae Sy 7 MB. (B) reads cgiyko.
® Bead here lips for yy U. A footnote to the text states that Uguli
ie tho readinof
g all three MSS.
OMS (4) i tle ot. 10S. (B) «p> 21. 1 M8, (B) omits
pli.
18 MS. (A) (B) 54 and omit aS. 18 MSS. (A) (B) disyei,
 { “3
Verse.
He who sacrifices his life upon the field of battle
Sacrifige thy gold to him by way of generosity.
However brave-hearted a man may be
He cannot be eager to fight when he is without food,!
This event took place in the year 932 H. (1525 AD.), and the
Hindis invented this date Shahid shudan-i-Ibrahim® (the martyr-
dom of Ibrahim) to commemorate it. From that time the empire
once more passed from the Afghan Lodi family, and rested on
the descendants of Amir Timir Sabibqran. The duration of the
reign of Sultén Ibrahim was nine years.
Zsuiegu-p-Din MonamMap Basak Pipisnin Gpizi, 33
After this asconded® the throne* of sovereignty, and by his
justice and liberality adorned the world with fresh lustre and
glory, and sent rewards to Samarqgand, ‘Iraq, Khorasan and
Kashghar. He also despatched offerings ® to the sacred cities
of Makkah and Medinah, and to the holy places of pilgrimage,
and sent off gold beyond price to all the inhabitants of Badakh-
shan and Kabul, to each its separate store, from the vast treasuries
of Hindistan. He converted the world into a rose garden. The
Amirs of Hindistain, notwithstanding his conciliatory behaviour
and efforts to improve® their fortunes, did not yield obedience
to him, but behaved like unruly savages,’ and took to fortifying
themselves in their fortresses aud estates,’ wlile Qasim Sanbali
in Sambal, and Nizim Khan in Baiine, and Hasan Khin Miwati
in Alwar, and Tatar Khan Sarang Kban* io Gwiliar, took refuge ,
in their respective fortresses. Itawa was held by Qutb Khan,
and Kalpi by ‘Alam Khan, while Qananj and all the eastern
districts were in the possession of the Afghans, who, in the reign
of Sultan Ibrahim also, had refused to own his sway,'° and !!
having raised the son of Bihér Kbin to the throne, gave '§ him
the title of Sultan Muhammad; his empire extended as far as

1 MG, (B) ronde Sy gt, = 982.

8 pottlytl dS dus
8 MSS. (A) (B) o9. 4 MS. (B) _yty~. 5 MS. (A) 395.
© MBS. (A) reads 43,3. 7 MBS (A) o9? (B) Hs! after UAayie,
8 MS, (A) omite e& > 9 MS (A) hd Sisko
W MS.(A) dy. Lt MBS (A) (B) enpply 2
19 MS, (A) diols
 [ 44]
Bibadr, and Nasir Khao Lahavi and Ma‘raf Farmali and other
powerfal Amirs gavo in their allegiance to him, while s slave of
Sultan Ibrahim named Marghib, having fortified the township of
Mahiwan, which is situated at a distance of twenty krohs from
Agra, on the far side of the river Jamns, refased to own him as
king.
Accordingly troops were detailed by Babar Padishih to conquer
these countries, and Firoz Khin, and Sarang Kbén,!' and Shaikh
Bayazid, the brother of Mustafa Farmali, with other Afghans
coming and tendering their submission, were given jaegirs#
Shaikh Khiran who was one of the Hindustani Amirs, and algo
one of ther most accomphshed men,’ being unrivalled in the art
of music, came with his whole following and had an interview
(with Babar) in the Doab.
The territory of Sambal was conferred as a jdegir upon Shah-
zéda Muhammad Humayin Mirza. The Amira seized Qasim
Sanbali and sent him to Babar, while another body of men hed
been sent against Baiana, and had besieged Nizam Khan, keeping
him closely invested In ths year also Rand Sanka having wrested
the fortress of Khandar,* which 1s in the vicinity of Rantanbhir,
from Hasan son of Makhan, was in possession of it; and Shahedda
Muhammad Humiyfin Mirzi,5 with a party of Amirs who had
been appointed* to capture and hold Dholpir, were ordered to
proceed against a body of Afghans of the Lihani faction who
were close on fifty thoneand, and had advanced beyond Qananj.
Both Saiyy:id Mahdi Khwaja, and Mohammad Sultan Mirza, who
had been ordered to capture Itawa,? joined the retinue of the
Shahzada? who bronght into subjection tho whole of the
eastern districts as far ag Jaunpir, In the meanwhile Rana
Sanka and Hasan Khin Miwati raised to the throne one of the
sons of Sultan Sikandar Lodi, named Sultan Muhammad, with
the title of Padshah, and started on an expedition against the
territories of Babar with a large following and vast® army.

1 MBS. (A) (B) ggild. 2 MBS. (A) (B) Wapfile,

3 MS8.(A) (B) apply gyrate, “MBS (A) (B) JOS,
® MSB (A) (B) ly 6 M88 (A) (B) gyno,
1 MB, (B) writen S3let for 30). 8 MS. (A) writes SS Shah.
MS. (A) ly
 [ 45]
Marching by way of Basiwar! they arrived in the noighbour-
hood of Fathpir, otherwise known as Sikri* Nizdm Khan, the
Governor of Baiéna made representations to the Court of Babar
and gained a certain degree of influence. Rafi‘u-d-Din Safwi, who
was one of the most powerfal Saiyyids of Balkh,* and the chief* of
the traditionists, and who, having come to Hindist&n in the reign
of Scltau Sikandar Lodi, had been given the title of Hagrat-i-Mu-
gaddas (His Holiness), came and had andience of the Sultan and
tendered his service. Tartar Khan Sarang Khani also, after that
Rand Sinké seized the fortress of Khandhéar, and the infidels had
got the upper hand, first of all sent s representation to King
(Babar) saying, I intend to surrender the fortress of Gwaliar;
but when Khwaja Rahim * Did and Shaikh Khiran and a further
party also arrived, he wasashamed (of this weakness), This party
then, by the guidance of Shakh Muhammad Ghang, who was un-
rivalled in his time, and was the chief authority on the science of
da‘watu-l-asma,° entered the fort by some skilful stratagem and
took it from Tatir Khan whether he would or no, and sent him
into the presence of Babar Padishéh. In just this same way aleo
Mohammad Zaitin the Afghan gave up the fort of Dholpiar to?
the Amirs of Babar, and coming in had an interview with the
King, In the meanwhile, Rang Sanka ® had arrived on the coufines
of Baiéna and waa doing damage to the country, and hod, after
ahalt of a few days, reached Fathpir; Babar Padishah, with a
small body of the soldiery which he had with him, left the capital
of Agra with the object of engaging him in battle. He also wrote®
a despatch to summon Shahzida Muhammed Humiyiin Mirza,
ordering him to leave Jaunpir in charge of certain eminent
Airs, and to come himself with all speed to take part in that war;
the victorious Prince, having taken the country of Haraud ° and

1MS.(A) sds. 4 Ses Hunter, Imp. Gas. IV. 488.

8 MBS. (A) (B) e Ab. #MS.(A) pbb) 5 M5. (B) pe
© Lst.+ calling upon the names (of God). This is» term used to express a
system of incantation which is held to be lawful by orthodox Mubammadans,
For& full account of it, see Hughes (Dict. of lslim) artiole Dawah, p 72,
MB. (B) reads [y®5 =‘ The text has & misprint cgisieay for egizeity,
7 MS.(A) & 8 Mas (A) (B) by as. 9 MS, (B) dikdys oo,
10 Footnote vanant to the text reads My> Harid.
 [46].
Bihér from Nasir Khan! Luhdnt, and having appointed Kbwiija
Amir, Shah Basan and Amir Junaid Birlis to the government of
Jaunpin, proceeded by way of Kalpi, and by adopting measures
partly peaceful and partly warlike, brought over ‘Alam Kbin the
governor of that place? and made him one of his adherents. He
lost no time in attaching himself to the king's service, and was
granted many royal favours.
At this same time, that pattern for the great* and noble,
Khwaja Kbawiod Nagahbandi arrived from Kabul, and the Amirs
sitting in council determined by a majority, that, secing that the
army of Rana Sinki is currently reported to exceed in multitade
the ante and locusts, it appears advisable to strengthen the fortress
of Agra, and that, leaving it in charge of a garrison, the sovereign
of Islam should proceed in his own excellent person towards the
. Panjab, and wait for the development of unscen events. The king
did not agree to the decision of this council, but girded up his
loins to carry into effect his intention of a ythfd, and setting his
heart upon martyrdom, marched in the direction of the field of
Fatbpir and made this project the aim and object of his ambition.‘
Verse.
Since the soul mast of necessity at Iast leave the body,
his ia best, that, when the time comes, it should at least
depart with honour.
The eud of the world is this, and nothing more
Thet after a man's death, his name should remair.
The Amirs also, placing their hands upon the sacred word,
(the Qur’én), swore an oath to renew their compact and carry
out their intention of making war upon the infidels, for the
exultution of the sablime creed,’ and the promulgation of the

1 A footnote variant whi’ai Nusrat Khiin. So also MS, (B).

8 MS (B) reads {jM? oSla Hekim.1-Bakhars,
8 The text reads elie¥) #05 so alo MSS. (A) (B), A footnote to the text
enya that this reading is found in all three copes, but that pet is corroct,
@ MS. (A) Soe Hy nee
§ The &IS Kalmah. “ Thore no God but God and Muhammad is the
Apostle of God,” sve Qur'an xivii 21 and alvin 20 See also Hughes (Dict. of
Islam) art. Kalunah.
 ( 47 J
glorious law, deeming the field of battleto be « joyfai assembly,
and doing fall justice ' to the claims of manliness in such a way
as the eye of time hed never before witnessed, and after many
strenuous efforta the standards
of Islam floated bravely on high,
while the baeners of infidelity
were laid low. In the thick of the
fight an arrow found its way to the forehead
of Hasan Khan
Miwéti, who was an infidel who used the Kalimal; they cast him
into a well and took to flight, while he fell into the well of Hell.
although a certain Miwati,® a sogt® in form and appearance, in
the year 060 H., after the death of Salim Shah Afghin Sar,
raiseda rebellion in Miwat, and called himself* Hasan Khan,
and mentioned certain of the seoret signs to the Miwatis, still, «
certain number acknowledged him. The composer of this
Muntakhab (selection) also, iu the year 965 H. (1557 A.D.) saw
him 5 in Agra, bat no signs of nobility or authority were visible
in his featurea, © and the late Kbin-i-Khénin Bairam Khan used
to say, that Hasan Khan Miwati? was a man who commanded a
large following,® and was of kingly appearance, and bad a
poctical temperament. His poems are well known; but this
mannikix * resembled an uncouth rustic, his appearance was ex-
tremely repulsive.!! God forbid that this wretch, should be that
Hasan Khan.
After some time certain of the Khansaidas of Miwat moved
by indignation and jealousy put him to death. A short time
after this'® victory, that gallant king was attacked by a severe
illness, and after that he had reached the age of fifty years, he
departed from this transitory world to the cternal realms in the
year 937 H. (1530 A.D.).
THE DATE OF THE DEATH oF Sudn BAnar.
This took place in the year nine hundred and thirty-seven.
The words Shashei-Bhawedl '* also form the date of his decease,

1 MS (B) roads digta My. 9 MS. (f) omits piss.

BMS. (A) reads Soy. MB (B) <fihe. Tost and MS (A) Od Lee,
5 MS. (B) dhsys s0yo, * Both M&S. (A) (B) omit gi.
1 Both MBS. (A) (BY read apex for ySa0.
8 MS (A) reads age synle, 9 MSG, (4}(1) Saye.
10 Ag. (B) adi ye. U Lit, tike that of a changeling,
12 18S. (3) (B) omit cyl B figd AS
= 0197 1H).
 [ #8J
while the date of his birth may be found from this couplet.
Sinee this revered monarch was born in the sixth of Mabar-
ram,
The year of hia birth! also is Shask-i-Muharram.
The duration of his reign in Mawaré-annahr, Badakbshain, Kabui,
and Kaehghar, as well as in Hindustan, was® thirty-eight years.
He had succeeded to the kingdom at the age of twelve, and
Khwaja Kalan Bég wrote this couplet in his funeral ode:
Alas! that time and the changefal heaven should exist with-
out thee.
Alas! and Alas! that time should remain and thon shonld’st
be gone.
Among the learned men of his time is Shaikh Zain Khani,
who translated in most elegant* style, the Wagi‘at-i-Babari,! which
the deceased monarch wrote, and the following verses are by
him:
Verses
Thou hast rested with thy guardians and hast fled from me
What have I done? or what hast thou heard or seen from
me P
There was no necessity for injustice to enable thee to seize
my heart.
I would have yielded it had’st thon but desired it of me.
Verses.®
So straitened did my heart become for longing for those lips
of thine
Too narrow was the way by which my soul should quit its
earthly shrine.

1 The text reads correctly y! Ye 48 but both MSS (A) (B) read pe
ey) tarikh.s-faut, the date of his death.
The letters of the words ¢y** LAS give the date 888 H. This wonld
make him fifty years of nga in 988 H. Tha couplet has a variant reading
which 1s given in the footnote to the text
& M8. (A) omits a9? 8 MS, (A) reads Comity® upto,
© Wagtdt-<-Rabori. This, called also Tisak-s-Babari isthe work of which
Erskine’s tranelation is so well-known. I can find no other reference to the
translation from the original Tirki here referred to by our anthor. Sec
Mlliot V. 218 ct segq,, also Erskine’s Babar (Introduction).
Footuote vuriaut ee "us (A) reads a d-
 >

[ “49}
My.verses are both rational and traditional, and my desire is,
that Maulana Hasan, who comprises in himself all rational! and
traditional aciencé, may hear them.
Another is Maulana Bagi'i who wrote a Masnavi in the metre
of the Makhzan-i-Asrar® At the moment I do not remember@
single poem of his,
Another® is Mauléné Shibabu-d-Din the Enigmatist, whose
general learning was overshadowed by Ina special skill in the
composition of enigmas, and* at the time when Darmash Khan
was appointed® by Shah Isma‘il Safawi Hosaini to the Goveinor-
ship of Khorasan, that prince of traditionsts, Mir Jamilu-d-Iin,
the traditionist, one day while the preaching was gomg on, in
dispelling the apparent contiadiction between the sacied word
Verily your Lord is God, uho created the heavens and the eq th am suv
days,’ and that true Hadis (iradition) that He created the ua eld in
seven days,) explained if in two ways, Maulana Slababu-l-
Din® refuted 1t, by adducing one after another several excellent
arguments, and wrote a treatise on that subject, to which the
learned divinea of that time sabscribed ' their signatures. The
writer of these pages also on the same occasion wrote a few lines
of prose tnd poetry, from which the following rubd‘i 1 selected , !!
Quahain
This wmtmg which has appeared like Luwful magic,
Ita poetry and prose are purer than tLe purest water

1 MSS. (A) (B) read Uslao,

8 MS, (A) aupphes slywl. See Atn-1-Akbusi (B)I, p 595 1 2, also Beale,
p &7
§ MSS. (4) (B) sheng See Beale, p. 243. Shihabu-d-Din died in the
reign of Humayin 942 A. H. See next page.
# MB. (A) & giles}
yo.
8 MS, (A) we (feyd Darmesh Khin, § MBS (A) (By) 2% ugar
1 Qur'in VII. 52X 3.
8 See Mighkat xxiv. I, 3, “ God created the enth on Saturday, ind the Inlle
on it on Sunday, and the treea on Monday, and anpleasant thinus on Vuesday,
aud he created the hght on Wednesday, and scattered the beasis ef the eath
on Thursday, and created Adam after afternoon prayer ou Midas, the last of
the creation ”
9 MS. (H) writes Shthib only 10 MSS (A) (B) wre Mf BaF ead
N The text reads ceo} pas So wit MS (A) omits the woud 8 and
MS. (B) reads 99 possibly for
57
 [ 40 } .
It is a gleam from the brightness of “the brilliant Star,!
In describing whose diguity the tongue of meditation is strack
dumb.
The following enigma on the name Kashif is also by him
Quatratn.
With a view to deceive the heart of this broken-hearted one,
That idol with mouth like the rosebud is every moment *
diaplay ing coquetry.
Upon the icaf of the rose she wrote that curling ringlet
And then displayed her moon-bright face from one corner *
The death of the Maulavi took place at the time of the return
of the Emperor Muhammad Humayiin, whose abode 18 10 Patadise,
from his expedition to Cujrat in the year 942 H., and Mii Khond &
Amir the lnstouan invented the chronogram Shihdba-s sdgvb.
And one of the wouderfal © inventions of that Emperor, whose
shelter 1a the pardon of God, 18 the Khatt-1-Babari (the Babari
script), in which writiog he indited a copy of the Qur'an, aud sent
1t to the sacred city of Makha- Ins anthology of Persian and
Tarki poetry 1s well-known. He has also composed a book on tho
Hanitite Theology called Mubaryyen,’ and Shaikh Zaimu-d-Din
wrote @ commentary upou 16 which he entitled Mubin, His trea-
tises ® on Prosody are also sn common use.

\ Shihfibu-d-Din was calied Shihabu-s-siqib (the brilliant star) , these words

also give the cate of Jus deuth, see post,
3 MS (A) reads 3! for yA, 8 MS (A) reads yo for}
* The following 13 the explanation of ths Mu‘amma which 18 Guntained in
the two last hnes of the Rubd: i} yout ry oS Js inte That is
to say . Bhe took the word uf and removed from it the ddera or curved por-
tion of the J lam, thus leaving & , to this she added “} yo wt dn Sar-s
zulf, that 18 to fay the last letter of the word “M3, the letter «J, thus
having & . To thiashe added & o rukh-t-mah, the first letter of the
word 8, which isin Arabic ye” This will give the whole word “As.
6 MBS (A), ace Beale, p 180 OMSS (A at Sede.
1 The texc .eads ulde col) gin, pv ane Blom see
& MS (A), see Elhot and Dowson IV, 288, e¢ seqq.
9 MS. (B) reads Jy for Uyleey, see Elliot and Dowson IV, 219.
 451J
Verse.
The heaven, whose sole skill 1s oppression,
Has this onewbject, to wiing each moment the heart's blood;
It gives not to the tulip the crown of royalty without laying
low under the foot of oppression the head of crowned
monarch.
Naglav-p-Din [Wav-p-Dons4]! Monamman Homiviw
Pansnan-1-Gnazi.
Marching by foveed marches from Sanbal‘in the year 937 H.
(1530 A.D ), with the concurrence of Amir Khalifa who was the
agent and prime minister® of the Government, ascended the
thione. The following chronogram was iuvented to record the
date. ,
Verse.
Muhammad Humiyin Shah of anspicious fortune
Who is the best of kings by virtue of his merit
The year in which he ascended the kingly throne
Was distinguished by the words “Khairu-l-Mulik.” ®
Moreover, inasmuch as at the time of his accession he
made present of trays filled with gold, another chronogram was
invented in the words Kishti-i-Zar (Tray of gold). After dis-
posing of all matters of importance he Jed an army against the
fortress of Kalinjar,* and,§ after quelling the insurrection of
Sultan ‘Alam ibn-i-Sultén Sikandar Lodi, who had raised a revolt
in Jaunpir, returned to Agra and made a great feast, at which
entertainment twelve thousand people were distinguished by the
bestowal of robes of honour.
Verse.
A king will have the upper hand of his enemies
When his army ia happy and contented ;
But if he withholds their just reward from his soldiery,
They in turn will withhold ther hands from the sword.
In those days,s5 Muhammad Zaman Mirza ibn-1-Badi‘u-2-Zamén
Mirzi? ibn-i-Sultan Husain Mirzi, who had hostile intentions
(MS, (A).
I The text reada (Fie 559 UuSy. 368. (A) reads cetbalen 9235.
8 Syleliph Anairu-i-Mulsk. Best of Kings. The letters of the worda
Syloh pac give the date 087 H., as do also the letters of the words 9) agi
kighti-s.zar in the next line.
MB. (B) writes y=* 6 Kalichar and d9? 24S
5 MS8.(A)(B) supply 9 MS.(A) eo TMS (RB) Nyse,
 [ 42} °
waa captured, Sending him tothe fortress of Baiadus, orders were
given fo: his eyes to be put out The pupil of his eye remained
uniujared however, and shortly after, he escaped from prison and fled
for refuge to Saltau Bahadur of Gopat, tis said that at the time
when Muhammad Zamin Mirza joined Saltan Bahador, the latter
was engaged in hesieging Chitor, and the weather was exceedingly
hot. Muhammad Zaman Mirza was seized with a pain at the heart,!
for the cue of which the physicians declared gulgand (confection of
roses)$ to be indispenanble Muhammad Zamin Mirzé begged
Sultan Bahadur to send him a piece of this gulgand. He accord-
345 ingly summoned Ins shy batda ( preparer of beverages), and enquir-
ed how mach grlgaud there had been brought with the camp; he
rephed that there mast be more than twenty cart loads The whole
of this ho sent to the camp of Muhammad Zaman Mirza,’ and
apologetically explained that this amount had been estimated as the
probable requirements of the army, if it were not sufficient he
begged to be excused It eventually transpired that the juice
of the gulyand used to be extracted for bis use, and that for this
reason there were® so many carts accompanying him. Muham-
mad Sultan Mirza, with lus two sons Ulugh Mirza and Shab Mirza,
pioceedgd to Qanany and laid the foundations of revolt, and when
the king, now deceased, wrote and despatched to Sultén Bahadur
letters surumonmng Mubammad Zaman Mirzé, Sultan Bahadur
sent back a discourteons reply ,® he accordingly determined upon
the conquest of Gupat Bahadur, having collected an army to
reduce the fortress of Clitor and oppose Rauéi Sanka, engaged
him in battle, and besieged him Tatir Khin Lodi being despatch-
ed by him, came and gained possession of the fortress of Barina,
extending lus depredations as far as Agia; and after a fierce

U MSS (A) (B) gg/o ys

2 olf Gulyand Confection of rose-petals and honey, said to be @ power
ful cardine stimulant and tone, see Makhsanu-l-udwiyah av. dy.
a
8 MSS. (A) (B).

# MESS. (A) (B) yed0 § MBS. (A) reads dy! for csSy? in the text
6 For the text of tlis reply and nn account of the cironmstance, wader
which it was writicn, sec Buyley’s Ihetory of Gujerat, pp. 377 to 380.
 { 453]
mflict ! with Mirza Handal, in which he attacked with three
housand$ men, waa put tothe sword with all his following.
Vhile Sultin Buhgdor was bemeging Chitor for the second time,
fubammad Haméayfin Padshah® moved agninst him from Agra;
ndio this same year Mirza Kann dn, proceeding by forced marches
‘om Fahor to Qandahar, defeated Sim Mira, the’ brother of
hih*® Tahmasp, wha was lesteging Khwaja Kalan Bay, and&
he fullowing hemistich gives the date
Zula Palshitth Kamriu Sam rit§
(King Kamran defeated Sim)
Maulana Bekasi? algo writes the following
Verse,
At that time when the crown aud the golden goblet stands in
sight,
When amid the joy and feasting is seen the form of the
flagon aud the chasing of the cup,
T enquired from wisdom, why hast thon cast down in onr
midst the gold-scattering crown, Like a ermison tulip ?
She answered, the heaven, by way of asxiening a date to this
encounter, has cast down the golden crown,’ in consequence
of the defeat of the army of Sam.
Muhammad Homayiin Padghah, considering that it would be dia-
saccful to go up against Sultén Bahadur and engage his attention

1 MS. (A) Bdge).

4 The text reads O@se Si Sad 8000. MB8.(B) reada Outi Shagh Sud
100.
SMS, (A) writes yy Mirzi # MS (A) omits Be 6 MS. (A) 9 Oo
$y ples wpyalf Realy $95 These letters form the date 942 IT.
a
7 Foutnote variant ke Shakebi,
8 thas Thine wkd j Db @ $85}, Tho letters of this lime form the
late 942 in the following way
The literal meaning of the line may be taken thus-
Has case away the crown of gold (‘Taj-a-Zar) from the defout of the ary
at Sim (Shikant-i-Sipih-1-Sim) By Jd-1 Zar is meant the letter }, tne
fret letter of the word 3} the value of which 17; this being cast out fit
the value of Shthust-«-Srpah t-Sdm gives $40 ~7 = 942,
 [ 454 ]
while he was engaged in the siege of Chitor,' halted at Sérang.
pir. Saltin Bahidur meanwhile forcibly reduced the fort of
Chitor, after which he engaged in war with Paédshih (Humiyin)
fora space of two months in the neighbourhood of Mandsar, a
dependency of Malwa, but owing to the fact that no supplies of
grain could reach the camp of Mahidur, man and beast died from
starvation, and® Buhddar with five of his most trusty Amirs left
the royal tent by the rear door and fled towards Mandsir. The
following verse commemorates the date of this event :—
Humiyin Shah-i-Ghazi, who has thonsands of slaves in his
palace hke Jamshid,
When he came victorious towards Gujrat, returned in triumph
the glory of the sons of Timir.
Since Bahadur fell humbled and abject,
The date thereof was “ The disgrace of Bahadur.”
Mahammad Hamayiin Padshah pursued him, and the Mughil
soldiers came upon Bahadur one night while he was asleep,’ and
were near taking him prisoner, but he made his escape with five
or six horsemen towards Gupat Sultan ‘Alam Lodi, however, fell
into their hands and they cut off lis feet ~The army of Humayain
Padshah puisued Bahadur by rapt marches and Inid waste
Ahmadabad. Bahddar leaviug Ahmadébid went to Kanbhay at,®
347. and from there to the port of Dip,’ and at that time the fortress

\ See Bayley, History of Guarut,p 382 = 38 MSS (A) (B) supply9 here.
8 MS (A) rends 9640, so also foutnote valiant vo Lext,
# yolp db Zull-i-Bahelur ‘These Iettera form the date 942 1H We may
also read Z:ll-s-Behidur, m winch case we tranelate “the subrmuasion ot
Bahador”’ ,
§ MS (RB) reads aul aua,$ wlich the text gives inn footnote variant
This appears from the context to be the true reading,
6 Cambay. The name Khawhatis suid to be derived from Ahambha o
Stambhatuoth, the pool of Mahideva under the form of tho pillar ged — See
Hanter Imp. Gaz, Til 271 See also Ticffenthaler 1 370 et seqq
1 Tieff | 395, writes Diu, appelée Dip dana ta langne du paye, est une
petite ile situéde dans (pris de) la presqu’ ile de Sureth ot se trouve uni
valle et un chatenn tids fort, appartenant aux Portaoyais avec on petit terntoire
La ville est aéparde du chitean par un canal taillé dang la yoorre, Un pont
de bois joint “'un 2 l'autre, Elle a un port commode, duquel sort chaque annee
Un vaissean charge de marchundises pour Mosambique. Diu est & 60 milles
portagaie de Surate vers l'Ouest”
See also Tia-s-stkbure 1 348, and IT. 265 also Bayley, Hist of Gujrat, 319 0
 ( 455 }
of Janp&nir' was also taken after a battle by the Padshah, and
treasure beyond computation fell into his hands.
The year in which this happened may be learned from the
following verse:—
Wisdom sought for the date of the victory of Shah Humayfin
and discovered this,
“Tt was the ninth of the month of Safar.” 4
Then Bahadur, in concert with the Zamindars of the country §
of Sorath, collected a force and proceeded towards Abmndabad.
Mirza ‘Askari who, after the return of Hamayin Padshah towards
the Kast,* remained at Ahmadabad with the intention of having
the Klutbah read in his own name, in which proyect he had the
support of Amir Hindi Bag, however, he could not carry out his
plan, and after slight opposition left for Jéupanir, the governor of
which place, Tardi Bég, having entreoched himself, sont letters to
the court conveying the tidings of the revolt of Mirza ‘Askari, But
at the time when Humayiin had left Mandir on his way to Agra
Mirai ‘Askari met him on the road and gave in his submission,
and Babadur took Janpanir from Tardi Bég without the necessity
of fighting’ [And in tlis year Shaikh® Jamali Kanbawi of
Dihli left this transitory world for the kingdom of eternity, A
chionogram has been inverted to commemorate this in the words
Khusrit-1-Hind bida (he was the Khnsri of Hindustan)]? In
ths year also Shih Tahmasp came up against Qandahir from
‘lraq to take vengeance on Sim Mirza,’ and? Khwaja Kalan
Beg leaving the aty empty, and leaving the Diwankhans (Hall

{ Or Chimpanir. See Bayley’s History of Quyrat, pp 390 et seqy

3 d9) po ee & Nuh-1-Shahr-t-Safar bid, These words give the date 942 H.
8 M.(A) omits Cy¥y * A footnote variant reads JJ wley) Lurhanpiir,
5 The portion in sqnare brackets is omtted in MS. (A) in this place
6 MS (R)
7 Bopp SM gree, Tho letters of thesa words give the date 942 H.
There ise footnote to the text calling attention to an alleged diacrepancy in
the datea of the chronograms, and asserting that yoy Js represents 932 and
not94° This is a mistake.
4 MS (A) here inserts the date 4 (942) m figures,
9MS.(A) here ingerta the paragranh relatme to the death of Shaikh
Jamih, supra n 6.
 { 456]
of audienen) locked up just as it was, adorned with ita splendid
carpets, its magnificent furnilure, and all the appurtenances of
the audience chamber, came out to invite Shah Tahmasp to alight
at that pleasantly prepared! resting place, which he did, and®
348 gave Khwaja Kalan Bay great praise for his conduct, saying, that
is a good servant whom Kamran Mirzi possesses. Shéh Tahmisp
left Qandahar in charge of Badagh Khan, one of his own Amirs,
and returned to ‘Taq. Mi:vd Kamran ut this same juncture, pro-
ceeded by forced marches fiom Lahm, and ariving at Qaudahir
took possession of it = Muhammad Zandn Mirza, whom Bahadur
had despatched after his defeat to inflict injury upon Hindustan,
touk advantage of the nbsence® of Mirzé Kamran to invest
Liahor; but, when he heard tidings of the return of Huma) iin Pad-
shah to Gujrat, retraced lis steps At the expiry of one year
from the accession * of Hnmaviin Padshih in Agra, Shir Khan
Afghin Sir, in the absenco of Humay iin, collected a large force,
and took possession ® of the countiy of Gour, Bihar, and Jannpair,
and also the fortress of Chindér, Humayin Padshah encamped6
before the fort of Chingy, with the intention of opposing Shir Khan,
on the fourteenth of the month of Safar in the year 943 H., and
besieged Jalal Khan, son of Shir Khan, who eventually obtained
the title of Islam Shah In a short time by the exertions of Rimi
Khin the Artillerist, (on whose namo Sultin Bahadur had written
and despatched the following enigma :—
[Harf lashad namo du sag bar zaban,
Mikh dar gdnash nih o xdmash bikhuan]?
It were a pity to take the name of that dog on one’s lips
Place a stake (mikh) 1n lus life (jin) and read Ins name).

1 MS8.(A) (B) 33 yb. § MS (4) supplies y 8 MB (A) omits who}

# MSS. (A) (B) read styplial. bMS, (A) O8 Gyaie
SMS (A) Addy phase,
This Uae jictammd or enigma requires explanation: The Enghsah
veision 18 natmally meaningless
The words in the oryginal, we us Reuikhin, contain ag will be seen the
word e rarkh in tween the sy ables Re, aa, These form the word why Rar an,
one meaning of whachoig dye, for which the ay noise i in Persant i wha Jin, Bo
the writer siys Place the word wd wn bin hfe (eatyy saven,) and you buve
hig name wl en ite oikh dn, ey Rumi khan
 {487 3
he reduced! that fortress, but Jalal Ebina escaped by means of a
boat, and joined Shir Khan who was engaged in conflict® with
Nagib Shah Govgrnor of Bangéla. Humayin® Padehab arrived,
after that the Governor of Bangala had been wounded in battle with
Shir Khan. Nagib Shah* submitted himself to Humiyim, and
acted as his escort. Having entrusted the Government of Jaunpiir
to Mir Hindi Bég, with the rank of Amiru-l Umard, and a golden
throue, he proceeded by way of Garhi,* a narrow pass separating the
countries of Bihar snd Bangala, which Qutb Khan the son of Shir
Khan and Khawage Khan, the well-known servant of Shir Ebdn,
had fortified, and came into Bangals. Shir Khan not being able
to withstand him, left by way of Chahir Khaud to the fortress
of Roht&a, and fell upon the rear of Humayin’s srmy, and gained
possession of the fortress of Rohtas by crafty means, in the foliow-
ing manner. He alleged as a pretext that he had a Jarge number
of families® with him, and having placed two thonsand armed
Afghaus in closed litters? sent them towarda the fort. The Raja
of Rohtds being fired with avancious designs upon the wealth and
families of the Afghins threw open the gates of the fort. Then
the Afghan soldiers who were concealed in the littera leapt out,
and entering the fort,’ put them all to the sword.®

1 MSB.(A) (B) Sa9%9 re

8 MSB.(A) (B) read 4y4r*, mubdrabo. The text reaca wrongly Spole*
muhagara,
3 Dele ly MSS (A) (B).
# The Perman text is rather obacure, this acema to be the meaning
§ MSS. (A) (B) ggy, see Klhot and Dowson IV. 367 n. 2.
© The text reads leo 1) d9h cele, with two footnote variants ag?
and gs? = The meaning is not cleat, bat from the Térikh-t-Shr Shélu thre
appears to be what ia meant. See Elliott and Dowson IV. 357.
A still better reading however suggeste iteolf namely gies ast vil,
instead of #7 ttn ys We should then translate ‘And inasmuch a; he
had very many famualies with him obtamed possersion of the fort m the follow.
ing manner.”
1 The iin Mihafa 18, ag ste name wmphis, 2 litter ap closed ta that the
curtain eorroand on al! sides the sitter upon it See Lanes r iho,
8 MS. (A) reade BT yy BMT yo.
9 Hegarding tho truth, etc (Sec Mx, Copy)
8
 [ 458 J ,
The climate of Bangala proved ao extremely suitable to Huméyiin,
that he changed the name of Gaur to Jannatébid (The realm of
Paradise), and baring halted there for (two or)! three months
returned. In the meanwhile Shir Khan's affair was assuming large
proportions, and his following was increasing. He wrote a letter to
Homéayii, saying, ‘all these Afghius are the servants and retainers
of His Majesty the King, and beg to be granted jdegirs,* if the king
will thik about a jaegi for them, then it will be well, but if not,
hunger will drive them to open revolt. Up to the present time I
have kept them in check, but now they no longer obey me, and
the proverb is well-known. The hunyry man will throw himself
upon the sword. For the rest whatever the king says is law.’
Huméyin, when he grasped the contents of the letter, saw clearly
what its object was, and seeing that the opportunity had passed by,*
and considering the bareness of equipment and inefficiency* of his
army, which had recently been doubled, many horses and camels
having died, while the remainder were so jaded and emaciated that
they were of no use whatever, he set about devising some remedial
measures Mirza Hindal, who had accompanied the king as far as
Mongir, was despatched to Agra to put down the rebellion® of
Muhammad Sultan Mirz3, Ulugh Mirza, and Shih Mirza, who had
fled and had done great mischief in the Dibli country, and were now
returning. Mubammad Zaman Mirza, after that Sultén Bahadur
was drowned in the ses owing to the treachery of the Firangie,*
could not accomplish anything, and again sought refuge with
Humayiin.

! MSS (A) (B) omit 30. # MS (A) omits 4,

B Ey ggilyd $08 Ba'd a kiardbi -Bapra, After the ruin of Bagra.
A proverbial expression eqnivalent to the Enghah ‘ shntting the stable door
after the horee 1s etulen" For the story from which the proverb arises see
Sharh-s-Nahgu-l-Buldgha by ‘Abdo-l-Hamid bin Abi-I-Hadid al Mu'tasily.
When Aliitbn Muhammad Sabebu-z Zany bemeged Bagra in the year 255 H.
Ahmad Abul-Abbig, son of Al-Muwaffaq b-Illnh came up and opposed him, but
not until Bagra was rumed. Hence the proverb. Sce Arabum Proverbia.
Freytag II, p 129, No. 774,
«MS (A) reads plies gplolee «51 MS. (B) ggogttyy gilele«yy
e
& MS (A) omitadad y
§ .his happened at Din on the 3rd Ramagin A H. 943. See Bayley, History
of Guard, pp 306, 397.
 [ 459]
And in the year 945 H Mirzi Hindél, at the instigation of cer-
tain tarbojent innovators,! put to death Shaikh Bahlal, the elder
brother of Shaikh Mubammad QGhaug of Gwaliar, who was one of
the chief exponents of the art of invocation and incantation,® and
who enjoyed the fall confidence and friendship of Humaéytin. The
yeer in which this event oocarred was commemorated by the chro-
nogram Fagad mata Shahidan.5 Verily he died a martyr’s death.
Mirs& Hindal in this year read the Khutbah in hie own name in
Agra. Huméyin despatched five thousand picked men to rein-
force Jahangir Bég the Mughiil, and making over the rule of that
country to him, with permission to read the Khatbah should occa-
sion arise, set out for Agra, and, all unprepared as he was, reached
Jausi,* which isa village on the bankof the Ganges, The Amirs
of Jaunpir and Chinar came in and offered to tender their services.
Shir Khin seized the head of the road, and being aware of the
distress of the army, placed between it and his own army 8 canal,!
which jomed the Ganges, and, owing to the rains, was quite full of
water, and for three months encamped’ over agniust the King. It
is buid that during this period when they were confronting each

1 MS (A) reads Waike Moftiy an

§ MS, (A) reads yt" y lenet sog69 du'wat t-dAsmd awa she, “the mvocation
(of the attributes of God) aud mugw' = Datwch igpeid in tho Jawahtru l-
Khamsa to be nsed for several pur poses, ct cblishment of froodshipor enmity,
for the mdution of sickness and death, ov for the core of dense, for the ac-
complishment of desis temporal or spiritual, and to secure wetory im battle, °

By lanael Aamd is meant the names or attributes of the Deity, they are of
two categories, the Asmdu I julaliyeh or “ terrible attributor” and the Agmdau-l-
jamaliyeh, “amiable attributes” For a full acconnt, see Hnghes, Dut of
Isldon articles Da'wau and Maaic,

B fday® cle O83 Fuqad mata shuhidan These words givo the date 945 H
M8. (B) appends the date in figures

# Footnote variant 4uya Jausah

& The text reads ly ramahe, which has nu meamng A foutnote vanant
05 given 4) zahabe, which means water cozmg from the groond. Thos 1s
the reading of MS. (B) MS (A) reads y's rahw’e We should read opty
rahdbe, in the sunae of a caval or aqueduct See Elliott und Dowson LV. 370n.
 { 40 j
other, Humayin one day sent Mulla Muhammad ‘Aziz,' who was
an old friend of Shix Kban, as an ambassador’ Shir Khan was
at that moment with bis sleeves® rolled up, and with a spade in
61 his hand, in spite of the heat, was busy preparing the fort and
entrenchments.
When Mulla Mubammad came near he washed his hands, and
having ordered a shdmsdna * to be pitched, sat on the ground un-
ceremoniously, aud after hearing the King’s message said, “ Take
this one message from me to the King and say . ‘ You yourself desire
war, but your army does not, I on the other hand, do not desire
war,’ but my army does: for the 1cst the decision is the King’s.’ ”
Then he sent Shaikh Kbalil,* one of tho descendants of the
venerable Shaikh Farid Ganj-i-Shakkar, may God saneltfy his soul,
who was the spuitual guide of Shir Khan, to Humay iin, and made
overtures of peace to him, representing that he was walling to give
np to Humayiin’s representatives the whole country with the
exception of Bangéla, and would have the KAufbah and sikka estab-
hshed in Humdayfin’s name =This agreement was ratified between
them by an oath on the Divine Word, and Humayin’s nund was at
peace with regard to Shir Khan
A bridge was ordered to be thrown across: but Shir Kbin was
plotting treachery and deceit
Verse
Make the camel Jeap from the room of the deceit of the world,
because out of craft,
In that 100m where they speak of peace the camel 2s clad in
armour.
T flee from the camel of the heavens and the room of the earth,
Because there are maddened camels sarroundmg that 100m
The following morping he surjrised and attacked the army of
Humayaa, without giving them time to draw up in Ine After a
short skirmish Humayfin’s army was defeated, and the Afghans

1 MS. (A) reade Prt oom Mabammad Yarghacl. MS. (B) reads
Jip®
33 9% Mohammad par ‘Aziz
9 Read osS yt for or ost NBS. (A) (B).
B Ont ly MSS (A) (B).
b ddlacle She udua, a kind of marquee consstng of a flat awning support-
ed by four poles and having no eide curtaing .
$ MSS (4) (B) omt Sim — See Ethot and Dowson IV, 371 and note .
 { 461]
arriving first! at the head of the bridge broke it down, while their
artillerists and archers seated in boate kept the army under a per-
fect hail of fie, drowning* them in the ocean of destruction.
Muhammad Zaman Mirza was overwhelmed by the tempest of death,
and HumAaydin urged his horse into the water and was in dread
of drowning, in fact waa on the point of drowning, when a water
carrier® came to hia aid and rescued him from that whirlpool of
destraction. Then he turned towards Agra. Shir Khan wrote*
this verse npon that event :—
Thou givest sovereignty to Farid the son of Hasan,®
Thon givest the army of Humiayin to the fishes
Although the master (Ustad) has [this second verse]—*
One tlou exaltest and givest him sovereignty.
Another thou castest down from his throne to the fishes?
This event occurred in the year 946 H, and to commemorate it
the following chronogram was written:
Salaimat bawad Padskhth hase!
And Shir Khin after the victory turned back, and came to
Bangala, and after fighting several engagements® put to death
Jahingir Quli Bég with ull his following. In that conntry he
1ead the KAughahk in his own name, and assumed the title of Shir
Shah,’ and in the following year proceeded with a vast army

1 play pichtar (Toxt} MSS (A)(B) rend_pifay dishtas, in great numbers.

8 MSS (A) (I) dale
8 Named Nuim according to Firishta, who says that.as a reward Hamiyin
permitted him to cecupg the turono for halfa day. Bnggs II 67. °
$ MS. (A) (B) aS wal
6 Shir Shah was originally callcd Farid Khan, and hia father’s uame was
Hasan Khan
6 MS. (A) omits these words. The test has a footnote saymg that the
above is the readng of two MSS, but thut the correct reading 18
aps shoal Sars crit gl p pte Fest
No authority extets for such a reading
The verses in question aro by Firdanai.
1 Here the reading cf MS (A) 1s followed which reads
ged cgales sald 3 yy 350
8 MS (B) adds the date in tymer (946)
§ MSS.(A) (B) omit JS See Elhot and Dowson, IV, pp. 376-378
19 ‘Abbas Khin tells us he had assumed the title of Hazrat s-'Ali
 [ 42]
intending to capture Agra. Kamran Mirsd, prior to the affair of
Jausé, after hearing of the victory of Shir Khan and the rebellion
of Mirsi Hindal against Humiyin, retarned from Qandahar to
Lahor, and leaving there came to Agra, which he reached in the
year 946 H. Mirzé Hinda] himself, before the arrival of Mirsé
Kamran, in the absence of Humiayin, laid siege to Dibli, in which
Mir Fekbr ‘Ali and Mirsé Yadgar Nasir had fortified themselves;
but not meeting with any success joined hands with Mirzd Kamrén.
Mir Fakbr ‘Ali also came in and had an interview with him,
but Mirzé Yadgar Nair would uot leave the fort. Eventually
Mirz&é Hindal separating from Mi:zi Kamran proceeded to Alwar.
When Humiyin heard these tidings, he became still more despon-
dent,! till that eventful defeat took place -* after the defeat at Jausi®
he proceeded by forced marches, accompanied by a few horsemen,
and arrived unawares at the tent of Mirzd Kamran in Agra. The
Mirza also knew nothing of his coming, both brothers upon recog-
nising each other burst into teats* Afterwards Hindal Mirza and
Mubammad Sultan Mirza and his sons, who had for a time shewn
hostility, came in and offered tlie: submission for certain consider-
ations: Their faulta were pardoned and they sat in consultation.
Mirsé Kamran ostensibly had this intention, that, inasmach as the
army of the Panjab had gathered fresh force, Humayin should
grant him leave to proceed agamat Shir Khan and endeavour to
take vengeance on him, winle the King should remain in ease and
tranquillity at the Capital When Humayan declined to accede to
this proposal, the Mirzi pnt forwaid a claim to proceed to ® the
Panjab, and uiged an intinity of reasons, giving colour to the
suggestion that a refusal would cause him isupportable annoyauce
Accordingly Humayin acceded ® to all his requests, saving only
his return, and Khwaja Kalin dy waa exerting his efforts to
procure the return of Mirai Kimian to the Panjab : so that this
argument was carried on for six months and nothing was settled ?
In the meantime Miizd Kimrin was taken ill with @ complication

1 MSS (A) (B) pita, 2 MS (By tah Cole,

5 Toxt leyq Chansi. * MS (A) dayS
bus (A) &
* MSS. (A) (B) dge) cylat
1 Omit the words yi glo NSS (A) (B)
 { 463j
of severe diseases,! and when the diagnosis was arrived at that the
source of the disease was a poison, which had been poured into his
life's cup by the hand of circumstance, he was led by the whisperings
of interested advisers* to enteitain suspicion against Humayin,
and imagived that perhaps it was he who had administered4
poison to him. Ill as he was he returned to Lahor, and in breach¢
of his former agreement that he would leave the whole of his
army at Agia in the service of the king, took the whole of it 5 with
him, with the exception of two thousand men whom he left under
the command of Sikandar. Mirs&é Haidar the Mughal and
Dughlét® Kashmiri also remained at Agra, and were kindly
treated. §hir Khan waxed bold at the success of these hypocrisies,
and towards the close of the year? aforesaid reached the bank of
the Ganges, and despatching a* force under his son Qutb Khan,
sent him across [the Ganges] * against Kalpi and Itawa. Qasim
Busain Sultén Usbeg, mm concert with Yadgir Nagir Mirza ani
Iskandar Sultén, after a fight in the vicinity of Kalpi, put to death
the son of Shir Khan with a large number” of his following,
sending their heads to Agra.
Humiyin started to oppose Shir Khan with a large force com-
posed of some hundred thousand cavalry, and crossing the river of
Qananj encamped im face of his enemy for the space of one month.
The army of Shir Khan did not comprise in all more than
five thousand !! cavalry. It was under such circumstances that
Mubammad Sultan Mirz® and his son fled a second time from
the king, and the reinforcements of Mirzé Kamran also took flight
to Lahor, and the Mughuls of the King’s army were scattered in

1 sabale «9 ty Amréz-t-mutazéddah Lit.-: Diseases of opposite tenden-

cies, é. ¢., those diseseos, the treatment of one of which tends to aggravate the
other.
2 whyghasd cole aid) ess, (A) (B).
8 MS. (B) +i} solo. 4 Mg. (B) c-SSee! for os Met!,
5 Read here dy? igh Slyeb
ly Bod MBS (A) (B) instoad of gl |y olly,
Text,
© Read wiley y MB. (A).
1 MS (Bj reads wrongly leat ye 3° for flee at je.
8 MSS, (A) (B) diddle sch, 9 MSB. (A) (B) omit SiS.
10 MSB. (A) (B) siiS Bom.
UL MS (B) says yl3@ Bae? panjah hasér, fifty thousend
 [ 464}
all directions The rains now came on, and inasmuch as the camp
of Humiyiin'’s army was on low lying ground, he desired to march
from there and encamp on the nigh ground. Atthis very time!
Shir Khan drew up Ina troops, and came out to give battle. This
engagement took place on the day of the ‘Ashira, the 10th of
Muharram 947 H., and achronogiam was found for it in the words
Kharibii-mulk-i-Dili? The grenter namber of the Mughul
soldiers refused to fight® and took to their heels, while s small
» hody of them whoengaged in fight, strove manfully in battle,‘
but things had gone beyond control, and 1t was of no avail. The
king rode off with the intention of going to the high ground.
Thia action of his in itself afforded an excuse to his men to flee,
and a serious defeat ensued. Moreover the king while crossing the
rivor Ganges became separated frum his horse, and by the help of
Shamsu-d-Din Muhammad of Ghazni (who eventually became
the foster-father of the prince’s most excellent majesty, aud was
honoured in Hindiistdn with the title of A‘zam Khan),® escaped
from the water and returned to Agra; but seeing that® the
enemy’s army was coming up in pursuit, he could not remain
there,7 so made his way to the Panjab with all speed.
At the commencement of Ruabi‘u-l-awwal of this year all the
Sultana and Amira of the Chaghatai tribe! assembled for
conference m Lahor. Hypocisy was still the order of the
day, and Muhammad Sultan and Ina sons fled from Lahor to
Multéo, while Mirzi Hindal and Mirzié Yadgar Nagir thought
it advisable to proceed to Bhakkar and Tatta. Mirzé Kamran

1 MSS. (A) (B) gpd epbot33

§ gla uso sitys Those letters give the date 947 H.
8 Jang na kurda. MS (A) omits way) tartid
MS (B) rends Did (AS y Hd
oF yly Khoyo
& Shamau-d-Din Mohammad Atke Khin, son of Mir Yar Mnyammad of
Ghazni Sve Ain 1-Akbari (Blochmann) I, p 321 {No 15)
The word Atha, Atiké, or Atéke 1 a Toki word, sigtufying preceptear
institateur, pare de lat (Pavet de Courterlles}
The wife of Shamen-d-Din was appointed anakah or wot-nurse to Prmce
Akbar at Amarkot
$MS (A) omita We. 7 MSS (A) (B) read SSF ikeityds yyF ley
4 Fer a full acooant of the Line of Chaghntar, see Ney aud Ehas ‘arikd-+-
Ragkids, pp 28 et segqg MS. (B) writes Bikg.,
 [5 J
prayed that this conference might speedily be dissolved so
that he might goto Kabul. After long consultation Hamayin
sent Mirzié Haidar with a large party who had accepted service
in Kasghmit, to that district. It was agreed! ‘that Khwaja
Kalan Bag should follow Mirzé Haidar, and that Numaydn
himaelf also should procced thithe: after the conquest of Kashmir,
When Mirzi Gaidar ariived at Naushahia? which isa well-
known place, he entered that country with the concurrence of
certain Kaxhmiris and conquered 1 and dn the 22nd of Rayab
of this same year he gamed possession of that country. Khwaja
Kalan Bag had gone to Sialkot. When tidings reached the king
that Shir Khan had crossed the river at Saltanpir and had arrived
within thirty krohs of Liahor, Huméy iin, on the first of the month
of Rajab in the aforesaid year, crossed the mver of Lahor, and
Mirzi Kamran, after breaking his solemn vows, agreed for certain
reasons to accompany Humayfin as far us the neighbourhood of
Babira, and Khwaja Kalan Bég made forced matches from
Sislkot, and jouned Huma@yiin’s camp Mirza Kamnan together
with Mirza ‘Askari, separating> from the king, proeceded in com-
pany with Khwaja Kalan Bég towards Kabul, while Humayain
proceeded towands Sind) = Mirza Hindal, and Mirad Yadgar
Nasir also, after accompanying him for a few stages, left lim,
and after a few days returned, by the connsel of * Amir
Abil Baga. On the banks of the Indus such great scarcity
prevailed im the camp of Huméyiin, that one si ® of the
smaller nillet® could sometimes not be bought even for an
ashiafe.? The greater part of the army penshed owing to tis
scarcity, while others died from want of water, till at last
Humayiin with a small number passed on to the districts of
Jaalniz,? aud the country of Mirwar, where strange® incidenta

IMSS (A) (B) ONAL

y do, 3 Nowshera.
8 MSS (A) (B) supplying
3.
4 MS. (1) renda eye”? as, in company with. 6 About two pounds.
6 S)le> de Ghalla-i-jyand3 Thos ia the Uindustani, or rather, tho Panyabi
name in Persiunit iscalled wh5t azan
1 Tho proper average price of this gram being aiy ddim per man of fiity
airs, the abavo represonts un cnbancoment of prico icplesunted by the ratie
1 6,000
8 Ms (A) 9 Omit yf 9 MSS (1) (2,
59
 [ #6} °
ocenrred. After andergoing great hardships and distress, which
it is the invariable custom of the Heavens to inflict, he betook
himself to ‘Iraq and having obtained reinforcements, §b&h
Tabmisp gained possession of Qandahar and Kabul, and collect.
ing a great army re-conquered Hindistén, This exploit will be
described in its proper place if the Most High God will it eo.
Suir Kprin wen1 Hasan Str
Whose name was Farid and his trtle Shir Khan, ascended the
throne of empire under the above title, which he assumed. The
357 chronogram Kharabi-i-Mulk-i-Dilli | was invented! to record that
year.
Inasmuch as he, by favourable circumstances and his own
cleverness and bravery, rose from the rank of Bag * to royal dignity,
it is essential to give a brief account of his career. The father
of Hasan Sir, Ibrahim by name,‘ in the time of Sultén Buhlial,
came to Hindfistén from’ Roh, by which is meant Afghanistan,
entered the service of Sultin Buhlil, and was stationed in the
viemity of Hissir Firiza and Narnal After his death (his son)
Hasan becamea servant of Jamal Khan, one of the Amirs of
Sultan Sikandar, and was granted the jaegir of the pargana of
Sahsarim and Khawispir, dependencies of the fortress of Eastern
Rohtas,6 He had five hundred cavalry under his command. In
consequence of the unkindness of his father, and the jealous
enmity of hia brothers,? of whom there were seven, he left his

1 These letters give the date 947 H. (1640 A.D.) MS. (B) adds the date in
figures
8 MSS. (A)(B) with Oily for O% as mm the text
§ The text rends gS Jf MS (B) KO 1 MS (A) 653.
The first seems the only mtelligible reading in the seuse in which it 15
translated
¢ Omit @ MSs. (A) (B)
' The text and both MSS read $3) Radah it shonld be jy Roh, See
Firighta Bo. text, p. 412, also Elhott and Dowson IV, 308,
© Rohéds Shurgi, Rohtisgarh in the Shahabid district of Bengal. The
other Robtas 1s 1n the Panjab. Ses Hunter Imp. Gas., XII, 78
‘The text reads elt Wiydty? darddardn-s-a'yéni. Uterine brothers
MB (A) reads cgilee! Akiydfi brothers by the same mother, but a different
father. From the context it is clear that Baddom means all the suns of
Hasan Khan by his four wives. (Steingnas), see Eand DV, 310
 [ 467]
home and giving up the service of Jamil Khan spent some time in
Jaunpir in the acquisition of science, and in perfecting himeelf !
in knowledge, until he had read the Kajiyah * with its commentary
and other epitomes, besides acquiring by heart the Qulsstan, Bas-
tn, Sikandarnéma and other works. He used to go the round of
monasteries and colleges, associating with the learned doctors and
Shaikhs of that country, and busied himself with the improvement
of his character. After some time he was reconciled to his father,
and was entrusted by him with the management of his sdegirs. This
he carried ont with equity and impartiality, using clever devices ®
for the punishment of rebels, and kept them in check* Later
on cixoumstances again led to an estrangement between Farid and
his father, and goingto Agra with his own brother,’ he elected to
enter the service of Daulat Khan,® one of the chief commanders 7
of Sultén Ibrahim, and laid a complaint against his father and
brothers® before the Sultén® The Sultan however, was displeased
at this and said, This is a disgracefal and inhuman state of
things that a father should be displeased with his son and that the
son should complain against him.!° Upon the death of Hasan,
Daulat Khan made a representation to the Sultan, and obtained
his desire in secaring those parganas for Shir Khin. There he
remained for some time,'! and eventually was led by the enmity
of his brothers to enter the service of Bih&r Khan, the son of
Darya Khan Lubani,'§ who had read the Khuthah and issued the
stkka mm na own name in Bihar, and had assumed the title of

1 There is a little variation in the reading here. M8, (B) reads

Usiadd ued y plo Uyax”, MS, (A) aleo reads Uslas fazdtl, oxcellencies
§ Al-Refiyah fil nahkw A celebrated work on Arabic grammar by Shaikh
Jamilu-d Din, (Ibnu-l-Hiyib); for an account of this work and ite commen-
tary, se H. K. No. 9707.
8 Ms (A) User aASthd, # MS. (A) dye hyd.
6 Nigim Khin was the brother of Farid Khin by the same mother.
© Deulat Khin the son of Badhi, was» commander of 12,000 horse and it
great favour with Salfin Ibrahim (E. D IV, 821)
7 MB. (A) omte s¥. 8 MS. (A) omita x40.
9 MSB. (A) (B) supply y
10 Read here OSG gaigiflyoy Ay MS (B}
UL (MBB) (AB) 5 app yet
9 «plays MGB, (A) (B).
 [ 468]
Sultan Muhammad. This was at the tame when Sultén Ibréhini
had taken the field at Panipath, and Babar Padghah had conquered
Hindistén and planted! the banner of sovereignty. Here he
was well reccived, and as one day, when on a hunting expedition, he
killed a tager in the presence of Sultan Muhammad, tie title of Shir
Kbin was bestowed upon him by the Sultén, who also appointed
him to be tutor? to his son Jalal Kbin. After some time
Muhammad Khan Sar, governor of the country of Chaund, made an
attempt to turn Sultan Muhammad against Shir Khan, with the
object of advancing the interest of Ins brothers, and having suc-
ceeded in getting an order from Sultin Muhammad that the
brothers were to have a share in the management of the parganas,
sent Suleiman, son of Hasan Sir who has been mentioned, accom-
panied by one of his servants named Shadi to Khawagpir, and
Bhaks the servant of Shir Khin who was known asthe father of
Khawds Khan engaged im battle with Suleiman and was killed.
The remainder fled, and came to Shir Khan at Sahsaram. Shir
Khan had no longer tho power to cope with Muhammad Khan,
nor the mclimation to serve Sultan Muhammad, he accordingly
abandoned his position and jdegi), and having no other resource
betook Jumeeclf to Sultan Junsid Birlés, who was holding the
Governmeut of Karra and Mamkpdir on behalf of Babar Padshah.
359. He remamed in his service, and after presenting many valuable
offerings, obtamed a fully eyurpped army as reinforcement from
Sultan Junaid, and fought with Mubammad Khan, wrested from
him the parganas of Chaund and other parganas, and took posses-
sion of them. Muhammad Khan fled, and took refuge in the fortress
of Rohtés Shir Khan, having wreaked his vengeance on his
brothers, made apologetic ovei tures to Muhammad Khan, address-
ing him by the title of uncle; having thus earned his gratitude he
handed over® the purqanas he held as jdegi) to him on the same
footing as formerly, and leaving Nizim hus fall brother in charge

UMS (A) rendy Oba for Osidtyd,

s eb Ataligh, th word 18 ‘Tirkl In rts Aralncized it becomes gull,
but the other 18 che correct orthography &WUt
- Ata izah | terall i fios th
relationsiip of an atd or father 7 & ey GOS
_ According to M Pavet de Courteille it sgmifies
“Patermté. nom d'ane
dignité dans lo Turkoatin at le Khariaur, ohet de tribu qui éléve une personne.
8 MB. (A) writes 6958. a8 (B) omits ahaial,
 [ 469]
of the jaegir, went again to Sultén Junaid, whom he found just
starting to pay his respects to Babar Padshéh. Taking Shir
Khan with him, Junaid enrolled him among the servants and well-
wishors of the king’s court. He accompanied Babar on the ex-
pedition to Chanderi. In accordance with Mughal habits and
custome, and owing to the carelessness of the king 1h his manage-
meut of the affairs of State, and the venality of the revenue-
officers, and the atter disorder into which the affairs of the people
had fallen, matters came to such a pass that if any person! had
an object in view, he could quickly bring 1 to pass 3 Oue day Babar
on the occasion of a banquet, observed him behave in a way which
deserved the royal censure,’ and demanded the punishment of
Shir Khan. Those who were present at the banquet related the
particulars of his independence and arrogant assumption, not
omitting to mention some of his double-dealings. Shir Khan
accordingly became apprehensive of danger, and fied from the
kmg’s camp to his parganas, whence he wrote « letter couched
in apologetic terms and sent it to Sultan Junaid, advancing
as a pretext to cover Ins retan,* that since Muhammad
Khan was led by feelings of hostility against him to induce
Sultan Mohammad to send® an army ayvainst Shir Khan's
purganas because of ns being 10 service with tho Mughiils, and as
he could not easily and gnuickly® obtain leave of abseuce from
Babar, he had accordingly taken this liberty aud had at all hazards
determined to rejoim those who wished well to the Sultén,
Thence he proceeded to Sultan Muhammad, where he was honoured
by increased confidence and by suitable rewards, and was once
mote installed as custodinn of Ins younger son Jalal Khin, whose
whole affairs he took under Ins own management After the
death of Sultén Muhammad, he obtained absolute control of the
whole country of Bibar and its dependencies.
He entered into a compact of frendsmp with Makhdim
‘Alam, the governor of Hippir, one of the Amirs of the Wali

1 MS (A) eupphe® uw,

3 MSS.(A) (B) supply 9 295 after Oily) Pad
8 MG (A) reads “4pA® for Coy toxt
MS (A) bas “Mle! with no dots
5 Omit rT ad before oul Mss (A) (B)
6 MB. (A) esddy’. ‘The text 1s correct:
 [ 470]
of Bangla, who despatched an Amir named Qutb Khan to under-
take the overthrow of Makbdim ‘Alam. Shir Khan marched to
the sid of Makhdam ‘Alam, and! after a fierce battle put Qath
Bhan to death, takmg as spoil elephants and treasure and many
followers Jalal Khan aud ns tribe, who are Libanis,® in spite
of Shir Khan, made over Bihar to the ruler of Bangila and
elected to serve under him, and leaving Shir Khan to his fate,
took care to secure their own safety.
The Bangélis in the first mmstance sent Ibrahim Khin, the son
of the Quth Khan above mentioned, against Shir Khan to wreak
vengeance upon him. Shir Khan used daily to fight with them
from within the fort, but since the Bangalis received large rein-
forcements, and no way of retreat remained open to him, he
yielded to necessity and fought a battle with them in the open §
in which he gained the day Ibrahim Khan also seeing what bad
occutred went and joined his father, and Shir Khan seized the
whole of the camp of the Bangalis* with their elephants and
artillery, acquiring thereby great reaown, so that he established a
lasting and undivided control over the country of Bibér and
raised himself to the dignity of a Sultin. He next wrested the
fortress of Chinar together with its vast treasures from the sons
of [Jamal Khan Sa:ang-Khani *]® Taj Khan, one of the Amirs of
361. Sultén Ibrahim Lodi, who some years before had regained possess-
ion of 1t, and took m mariage his wealthy and beautiful wife who
had vast stores of treasure. This fact also enhanced his grandeur
and dignity, so that the desire for sovereignty daily gained more
ascendency over his mind, till at last certain powerful Amirs of
the Afghin Lodi faction summoned from Chitor Sultén Mahmid,
son of Sultén Sikandar Lodi, who, after raismg Hasan Kban
Miwati and Rand Sank& to royal power, had induced him to
fight with Babar Padghah, and subsequently to his defeat? had
remained in the fortress of Chitor, and seated lim upon the
throne in Patna® He accordingly came with a vast army and
invaded the country of Bihar, and wresting it from Shir Khan
took possession of it. Shir Khan was perforce compelled to

EMB.(A) suppleny. # MSS (A) (B) wlulays

8 MS (B) reads (ase Sim, but the textual rescing Wane Liem in correct:
4 M8 (A) Hey 5 MS. (B) cgilaryle 6 Not im M3 (A)-
1 MB, (A) emKSjf avy, 8 MS, (A) omate Atty eyl)y yo,
 - { 471]
submit, and entered his service, and taking leave came to
Sehssrim, Sultan Mahm&d passing by Sahsaram, after writing
and making over to Shir Khan an agreement relating to Bihér,!
thereby raising his hopes, despatched him to attempt the
conquest of Jaunpfir and to engage im war with the Amirs of
Hamiyan Padshéh. He thus brought the whole of that province
as far as Lakhnau into his own*® power. The Amira of Humaytn
Pédshéh could not stand against (Shir Khau), and proceeding to
Kélinjar® gave in their allegiance to him. Humiyin marched
to oppose Sultan Mahmfid, and Baban and Bayazid,* who were
with him.6 When the two armies met Shir Khan, who had stood
aloof from Sulfan Mahmud for some days, again joined his forve,
and sent a message to Mir Hindi Bég Qiichin, Commander-in-chief
of the Mughil army, saying that on the day of the battle he would
make a flank movement and stand on one side You and the
Afghans, said he, well know how utterly I abhor and detest the
command of Sultan Mahmfd and Baban ° and Bayazid.

Verse.
If I committed a fault, I have at all events made my road
clear.
Eventually he did as he had arranged, and Sultan Mahmiid
and Baban? being defeated retired to the country of Patna, and
made no farther attempts to fight, till in the year 949 H. (1542
A.D.) in the country of Orissa’ he encamped on the frontiers
of the desert of non-existence, and having gone to the appointed
goal remained at rest. Humdayiin Padyhah [after this victory]*
sent Mir Hindi Bég as his agent to Shir Khan with a demand to
him to yield up the fort of Chindr He, however, made some lame
excuse, 80 the king ordered several noted Amirs to precede him

1 This agreement was to the effect that should Shir Khin render effectual
assistance to Sultin Mahammad Lodi in recovermg Jaunpiir, the country of
Bihir should be restored to him as a reward for his services. (Firishta).
2 MSS. (A) (B) omit ds. 8 ug. (B) el,
4 MSS (A) (B) read ©} Uy wy. Firishta says Baban and Bayazid,
6 MSS. (A) (B) rend MLSS Amyie aiayy 5 tot AF, ‘The text is incorrect.
6 MS. (A) sur¥.
1 MS, (A). 8 The text reads wrongly @eoyt.
9 Not in MSS. (A) (B) which wnite alao Ky 2518 pre
 [ 472]
and Iay siege to that fortress, himself also! preparing to follow
them Inthe meanwhile Shir Khin wrote a petition in which he
pointed out his own sincerity aud the favour shewn him by Baban,
and recounted the deserving nature of his former services, more
specially his opposition to Baban and Bayazid. This petition he
sent by the hand of QutlL Khan, his eldest son, tocether with a
large force, io Humaytin Padshah, He sentalso with Qutb Khan,
‘Isé Khan Hajj&b, who was hia cakil with the powers of a vaziv, and
he fleeing from Gujrat joined his father in Bangala When Humay-
in Padshah altered his course towards Gojat, Shir Khan himself
had msen to great diguity and power, so that he engaged im open
battle with Humfyin on two occasions, and gained the day, as has
already been mentioned. Shir Shah im the early part of the year
of his accession laid waste the ancient city of Qannauj, and mov-
ing it from its ongmul site re-established 1t on the banks of the
river Ganges, 1t is now known as Shirgarh In the same manner
he destroyed the fortress of Shamsabad and removed it to another
363. place, calling it by the name of Rusilpir. Now, however, at the
date of writing, 1t hes been repopulated imite old position. And
when he arrived at old Dilli, which was founded by Sultan ‘Alan-
d-Din, he destroyed that also, and established between the fortress
of Dinpanah, which Muhammad Humayiin Padshaéh constructed,
and*® Firozabad, an extensive ety, and built round® that fort
a rampart of stone and mortar, having an extent of three krohs.
On his armval at Sultaupir by continuous marches, the bro-
thers of Humayiin Padshah and the Chaghata: Amirs quarrelled,
and each took his own way as has been described, and Shir Shah
himselt,* not giving them time to reassemble, came up in pursuit
Tn this yea: he saved a public proclamation that from the country
of Bangala os far as western Rohtas, which 3s a four months’
journey, and also from Agra to Mandi,® at every kroh a sardi
(rest-house) and @ mosque, and a well built of burned bricks was
to be established anda Mnuagzin® ond anImim? A Masulman

I MS. (A) reads oo dy. 3 MS (A) supphes »

8 MS (A) reade here ly dal who 4 MS.(A) supphes o9>
$ MBS (A) (3) geo,
$ The officer whose duty 1 18 to call the Azin or call to prayer before each
of the stated times of prayer. See Hughes’ Diet. of Islém, Ayiu.
7 The pricst who lends the prayers.
 [ 473j
abd a Hiodd were also appointed to superintend the supply
of water for each. A. refreshment house was sleo kept stocked
for the use of gtrangers and poor wayfarers, On both sides of
the road also,‘large and lofty treea were planted jn avennes, so
that all travellers might go along in the shade of them. Traces of
these still remain in most places up to the present time, though
fifty-two years have passed since then. In his reign justice was
so widespread that if, for example, an old man holding a golden
tray in his hand had lain down to sleep whenever he felt inclined,
no thief or ruffian wonld have dared to take it away from him.
Thanks be to God that the writer of this Muntakhab was born
in the reign of so just a king; to use the words of the Prophet,
may the peace and blessing of God be upon him,! I was born in the
reign of the just king, on the seventeenth of Rabi‘u-g-gini*® in
the year 947 H. (1540 A.D.) but, in spite of this, would that the 564.
name of that honr and that day had been erased from the chroni-
cles of years and months, so that I had not been obliged to leave
the private chamber of non-existence, where I dwelt with the
inhabitants of the world of dreams and fancies, and to place my
foot into this world of imaginary existence, and to suffer § so many
scars of various misfortunes, all of which are branded with the
stamp, He loses thes world and the next, the context is well-koown.
Verse
My body bears a robe, surpassing splendid
My hopes for this world and the next are ended.
Ruba'i.
I came yesterday, and have accomplished nothing,
To-day my efforts have availed me nothing,
To-morrow i depart, having learned no single secret;
Better had been non-existence than this vain superfluity
And when one looks into the matter carefully one becomes
aware that seeing that the Lord, the repository of the seal of the
prophetic office, upon him and his family may the peace and bless-
ing of God rest, says * Would that the Lord of Muhammad had not

1 M98. (A) (B).

& 2lat August, 1540
§ MBB, (A) (B) read On8S oyla) for dytS giaylai,
# MBS. (A) (B) omit .g* writing simple oule,s,
60
 [ 474]
created Mubammad,” it 1s not in the power of a weak-minded
mortal (like myself) to draw a single breath in this valley (of
desolation), and one fears lest such an attempt should lead to
audacity in the way of religion, and lest its frurt should be ever.
lasting destraction. I entreat pardon from (fod of all that is an
abomination to Him.
What power has the clay that it should say to the potter
Why dost thou make me and why dost thoa break me.!
After that Shir Shah reached the lll-country of Balnat. He
built there the fortress of Rohtds as a protection for the army of
Hindastén agninst the Mughil forces Thon be appointed Khawigs
Khadn to ondertako the pursuit, and returned. While on the
march he heard that a commander named Khizr Khan Sarak had
become infatuated with rebellious notions and was behaving as
though he were a Sultan. Shir Shah* accordingly bent his course
thither, and Khize Khan hastening to encounter him was taken
prisoner Shir Shah tock possession of that country and conferred
it by way of jdegir upon several of his Amirs, and appointed to
the superintendence of thb fort of Rohtas,> Qazi Fazilat the Qazi
of the army, who was popularly known by the more appropriate
title of Qazi Fazihat.*
In the year 948 H, he came to Agra, and in the year 949 H,
proceeded to Gwalidr with the intention of conquenng Malwa
Abiil Qisim Beg, one of the Amirs of Humayiin Pidshih who had
entrenched himself in that fortress, came in and had an interview

1Cf lanmh xlvy 9, Romana iz 22. So aleo Omar Khayyam

oie ye bias pall yl F

pep pre Sikpee 93 quady aby wnry
dying bo dul AS ccd y Saiyo
poe ye Fudds oye ye yt gh
Thou formedst me of clay What help have I!
Thou didst this girment weave What help have I!
Whate’er for good or ill from me proceeds
Ia thy prescription, Tone! What help have I!
a Ms. (A).
8 Omit SyS MS. (A)
4wkend Fazilat means excollence wart? Fugthat means ignominy.
6 MBS. (A) (B) oof 5,80. $Omt 4al3 sigs (A) (B).
 [ 475]
with him, giving up the keya of the fort, Malla Khan the gover
nor of Malwa, who! was one of the slaves of the Khilji Sultans,
and held absolute and unlimited power in that province, offered
his services to Shir Shib, and was honoured by splendid rewards.
Shir Shah also had tents pitched for him close to his own tent,
and prepared a hundied and one horses and other’ apparatus of
pomp and dignity in his honour. In the meantime a suspicion
arose in Mallii Khan's mind, and one night he tore his tent and
escaped alone after the accustomed manner: of slaves, and fled.
Shir Khan wrote the following :—
Verse,

You see how the chicken-hearted slave Malla has treated me

It is a saying of Muetafa “There can be no good in a slave ”
Shir Khin then nominated Haji Khan Sultani to the auhjuga-
tion of the province of Malwa, and Saziwal Khan* to-adminis-
ter the affairs of the district of Sawada,’ Matlii Khau fought
with Haji Khan and Sazawal Khan, and suffered a defeat from
which he never recovered.
Every weakling who fights with one stronger than he,
Gets such a fall that he can never agai rise.
And Kbin-i-Khanén Sarwani,* who was the® permanent Gov-
ernor of the fort of Ranthanbir, yielded up that fortress to Shir 366
Shah and came with his family to the township of Basiwar. It is
said that, some one introduced some poison into bis cup. His tomb
13 1m the suburbs of that township, in a pleasant apbt, and is well-
known at this time: ,
Quatrain
Denth, thou hast desolated hundreds of homes,
Tn the kingdom of existence thou makest life thy spoil
No jewel beyond price has come into the world,
But thou has borne it away and hidden it beneath the dust.
In this year Shir Shah® led an army against the fortress of
Rai Sen and besieged st, because Piranmal the son of Silbadi, one
of the Chiefs of Rai Sen, had attacked the city of Chanderi, which

1 Supply @F MBB. (A) (B). 3 MS. (A) supplies {).

8 MSS. (A) (B) 4 MS. (A) gilay.
& Omit &F bofore Sle MSs, (A) (B) 6 MBS (A).
 [ 476]
is one‘of the chief cities of Hindiatdu, and had put ita inhabitants
te death, and was keeping two thousand! women, Hindis and
Maslims, in his own Jarim. The following couplet was found to
record the date of this siege -
Qiyam-i-bargth bashad. mubarak.
May the stability of the court be fortunate *
After prolongiug the siege for some time Shir Shh entered into
a compact, and succeeded in dislodging Piranmal® by the inter-
vention of Shahzada ‘Adil Kbin and Qutb Khan Naib,* and
assigned him a place in his own camp, bestowing upon him a
hundred horses, with a robe of honour and a sum of gold; and
eventually by the advice of Mir Saiyyid Reafitu-d-Din Safawi of
1j,5 which was given the title of Mugaddasa (Sacred) by Sikandar
Lodi, broke his word, and caused Paranmal together with his
family and children to be trampled to death by elephants. Nota
single man of those turbulent and rebellious Hindtis, who were
367. near ten thousand souls, escaped in that battle. Their women and
men either® became food for the edge (jauhar) of the sword or
fed the flames of the fire called jaAar, a well-known word in the
Hindi language. This chronicle, trom that day forward, remained
as a record upon the pages of Time, may God be mercsful to its author.
This event occurred in the year 950 H., and7 after some time he
girded up his loms for a holy war to uproot the pestilent mfidels of
the country of Marwar, and led a vast ® army against Rai Maldeo ®

1 MS, (A) omits 95,

a Sly oS HU ol The letters give the date 049 1. MS (B) gives

thie date in figures
3 MS (A) reads Uss349 Deorimal and omite (qe*t}}
$ M88 (A) (B) omit gly
* Died at Agra in 954 or 957, seo Ain-t-Akbari (B). 1, 528. :
Tho text reads erroneously vat Tich3'-e. MS (A) reada yF' Inji, and
MS (B) readswt! chi. We shoald read Fl 1ji, in the sense given 10
tha translation. 1) 18 stated by Yaqiit to be a city mch in gardens and other
advantages. The Persians he ssys pronounce it AIM (Mu‘jamuel Buldan,
I, p 415).
¢ mss (A) (8) v, 1 M88 (A)(B) »
5 Lit excseding iy ite nambera the anta and loousts
* MS (B) omite cgly.
 c 477|
the leader of the Rais of Hindfistin who held sway over the
country of Nagor and Janupiir, and was a powerful opponent of
the Muslims; and inasmuch as one of the maxims of Shir Shab,
from which he hever departed,! was to throw up ag entrenched
position round his army, no matter how few the enemy might
be, as soon as Mialdeo arrived in the vicinity of Ajmir with
fifty thonsand picked cavalry trained and experienced in war,
mtent upon slaymg or being slain, and confronted Shir Shih,
he, findmg it impossible to make trenches and ramparts because
of the randy soil, held a conference with his experienced
and veteran Amirs No one of them however could devise a
way to effect that object. Suddenly Mahmid Khan, the son of
‘Adil Khan, who was grandson to Shir Shah, notwithstanding his
youth said, “ Let Shah ‘Alan: order the bavydras (grain sellers) of
the nrmy to fill sacks with sand aud arrange them round® the
amy.” This idea* lighly cominended itself to Shir Shah, and
he immediately placed his turban upon the Iad’s head, and
bestowed upon him in perpetuity the treaty territories
In the end Heaven did not favour his demgne, and Islam Shih §
after renching kimgly power, made this unfortunate boy the very
first of his family, heirs to the kingdom, te have his name blotted
out from the page of existence, im accordance with the saying
Al mulku ‘ugim® (The kingdom has no heir), and that treatment
which he meted out to them, vindictive Time measured again to
his posterity.
Verse

If thou hast done evil remain not secure from calamily,

For the nature of things brings about requital.
In short Shir Shah, who? would not give the head of one of 368.
ng soldiers for 2 kingdom, and to whom the Afghans were® far
dearer than can be expressed, was by no means willing to mvolve

UMS, (A) omite wile

8 MB (A) reads wh Jole yoy 8 (8) wld Jaleo uy

3 MS (A) reads for of) oy
¢ MB. (A) reads gl sly wrt onntting suns
§ MSS. (A) (B) rend ¥L% ples, 6 aio Slo},
1MS (A) omits Wye. § MSS. (A) (B) reud dy!
 | 478).
his army in calamity with the ignorant, boar natured, currish
Hindiis. Accordingly he devised an artifice, and wrote fictitious
letters purporting to emanate from the generals of Mildeo’s army,
to himeelf, couched in enigmatical language,’ the substance of
them being that there would be no need for the king in person
to superintend the fighting, when the armies were drawn up
for battle, because they themselves would take Maldeo alive and
deliver him up, upon the condition that such and such places
should be given them as a reward. Having done this he so
arranged that those letters fell into Maldeo’s hands, with the
result that Maldeo became utterly suspicions of all his generals,
and, in the dead of night* fied alone withont looking behind him ;
and, notwithstanding that his generals denied their complicity
with oath upon oath, saying that they never could have been
guilty of such dastardly conduct,’ and that this was all the
handiwork of Shir Shah in his desire to raise dissensions* between
them, it was of uo use, and had no effect upon Maldeo’s mind.
Kanhaiya,? who was his minister and agent, abused Maldeo in
violent terms, and taking four thousand resolute men devoted
to death, or even more than this number, came down upon the
army of Shir Shah, with the intention of surprising them by
night, bot missed his way, and after marching the whole night,
when morning broke became aware that he had left the camp
far in rear.’ After striving to the utmost of their powers, when
they had abandoned all hope of life, at the very moment when
the army of Shir Shah came in sight, as a result of their own
atupidity, by the good luck of Shir Shah or by the superior good
fortune of Islim, the infidels in a body dismounted from their
horses, and renewing their vows of singleness of purpose and

1 ybahue with n footnote variant found mn MS (B) jlaXase

4 MS (B) omits catty), 8 Ut y& cst} MSS (A)(B).
# lee MBS (A) (B), 5 MS (A) omita » WAS wily,
4 lst to cast the stone of discord in our midst. MSN. (A) (B) read
be wha MS (A) roads Alan uy!s for Blom cy!y (Text)
7 This name is given on the authoity of Finshta (io. text, p 427) Onr
text and both MSS (A) {B) rend L$ Goya which does not appear to be
Poapibly correct Brigg’s 1, p, 122, calla tym Koonbha Kanhniy’ is « proper
name among Hindie, and 1s one of the names of Krishna.
® Firiahta merely saya they missed their way and reached the enemy's
camp in daylight (Bo, text, Loc ett)
 '[ 479}
muinel eesistance, binding! their sashes together and joining 369.
hand to hand, attacked the army of the Afghans with their short
spears, which they call Barchha? and with their swords. Shir
Shih had given orders saying that if any man ventured to fight
with the sword with this swinish horde, his blood would be on
his own head. He accordingly ordered the elephant troops to
advance and® trample them down. In rear of the elephants, the
artillery and archers gave them a taste of the bowstring, and °
admitting them to the banquet of death, gave them the hospitality
of the land of extinction, The bright surface of the world’s
page was polished, and freed from the dark lines of the land of
infidels, and not one of the infidels got off with his life, nor was
a single Muslim lost in that encounter.« A poet of Basdwar,
whose takhallus is Faizi,’ wrote this verse on that subject.
Suddenly check to the king happened to Maldeo
It would have been checkmate had not the piece
Kanya® protected him as ‘Ira.’
It is said-that after this victory Shir Shah on several occasions
used to say, “I have sold the empire of the whole of Hindistan ®
for a handful of millet.” Returning thence and making over
the fortress of Rantanbhiir to his son ‘Adil Khan, he gave him
leave for a few days to visit the fort, and put the garrison in
order, when he was to follow his father. The writer has heard
from a trustworthy source, that one day while on that expedition
Mir Saiyyid Rafi‘u-d-Din, the renowned and unique traditionist
now pardoned and absolved, who has been already mentioned, said
to Shir Shah, ‘‘All my ancestors were® authors of authorita-.
tive compositions and used to give instructions in the two sacred

1 The text reads OUSy Abs’ yo &byS bat wo should rend MY bafta,
8 Barchhé, A Hindi word meaning a smal! spear.
8 MBS. (A) (B) read oF Slot
* MS. (B) writes needlessly O40 ald (pS ely
5 See Ain-i-Akbari (B) J 490, for a full acconnt of the poet Faizi.
6 J read here is for L$, seen 7, page 478
7 Gy) for coy MSS (A) (B) dey! ‘1g 1 that piece at chess which is
interposed between the king and a Rook to protect the king from check by
the Rook, weJ RS A xp &, (Bland, on the Persian game of chess)
8 MS (A) auppties ty OMS (A)9 OH Bay
 { 480}.
etties.! Ialone of all my family have become so helpless and
powerless that in search of the gold and fame of Hindistin I
am blindly wandering. I beseech your Majesty to grant me
permission to depart, 80 thatat the end of my days I. may be
able to relight the lamp of those venerable ancestors of mine,
Seeing that I was not worthy to succeed those mighty
intellects who have gone before me,
My hands have spoiled many books, my ignorance has wasted
many parchments.*
Shir Shih answercd, I should have no objections to make on
this score, were it not that I have kept you with me for o special
object, which is this that T intend in a short time by the help of
God, He is blessed and exalted? to clear the heart-delighting
plain of Hindiistan of the thorns of infidelity, and shortly to re-
duce the few forts which remain, with very little difficulty, and
passing slong the seashore to fight with' those Quzilbishes who
oppose the progress of the company of pilgrims’ to the holy
temple (of Makkah) and have given rise to bigoted interfercnce
with the established religion and the orthodox followers of
Muhammad, may the peace and blessing of God be upon him,® and to
send you thence with a mission bearing letters to the Sualtdn
of Rim, im order that, having knitted the bonds of religious
brotherhood between us, you may bear to him a request on my
behalf to be entrusted with the service of one of the two sacred
temples, may (God increase thew dignity, Then I coming up from
one direction [and the Khwandgdr’ from the other], may clear
ont the Qizilbash from between us, because? as soon as the Sultan
of Rim attacks him, he will move with all rapidity in this diree-
tion, and when the Sultan of Rim withdraws his forces, he will

t Makkseh and Madinah. 3 silts Dufitir

8 MSS. (A) (By read cgl2d 5 S)U5 Gs! caps.
# MSS (A) (B) &
°6 MS. (B) renis jpeg gs>. Regarding the Haj) or pilgrimage to
Makkah, see Hughes Dict. of Islam, art. Hn}
6 A footnots variant dll helt oak ays oe! ws evidently the
interpolation of some devont copyist.
7 MS, (B) omits the words in square buckets
* MS, (A) &
 ‘[ 481 J
agnin return to the place he came from, whereas if we surround
him from both directions with this army and the large following
we have in Hiudfstan, together with that powerful force and its
artillery,! his resisting power will be nil;* and on carefully con-
sidering over this matter I can think of no person more fitted 371.
to carry ® this message than yourself, and simply in view of the
attainment of this object* I cannot entertamu the idea of your
leave
It must not be forgotten that it is by no means improbable
that this same good intention may be the cause of the salva-
tion of that faithfol king from the fire (of hell) although
he fell into the fire.» im the Day of Reckoning, for the
Almighty, may He +e glorsfied and ezalted, 18 Satisfied with little
and very bountiful, and the story of ‘Amr ibnu Lass® (who
for all hia vast army and equipment, which gave him the pre-
emmence over all kings of ‘Iraq, in the four quarters of the
globe, was always regretful because he had not been present at
the slaughter of [mim Husain, may God Most High be pleased with
jam, so that he might have smitten and destroyed the 7 followers
of Yazid,$ and of his having a vision in which he was walking m
the gardens of Poradise] 14 well known, snj, every man acts after
hes on manner, that 19 after hia own desire,

Verse.

My brother thou art all desire, naught else .

All the rest of thee 1s but bone and fibre
Tf @ rose 18 thy desire, thou art a rose garden,
If a furnace 1a thy desire, thon art its fuel '®

1 coy usif Ms. (A)

3 We should probably read here ayo®* for aplne,
8 MS (A) reeds 9! for cs oI. $ MS (A) reads (92,6
5 See next page for the account of Shir Shah's accident at che mege of
Kilnyar
6 See [bn Khalliqan (De Slane) IV. pp. 301 et seqq.
1 MSS. (A) (B) omit Oy
8 Yazid, the son of Mu‘awiyah, the second Khoalifah of the house of
Ummaiyah He is celebrated 1 Muslim history as the opponent of Husam
who was killed at Karbala AH. 61, see Hughes, Dict. of Isidm
® See Qur'an XVII, 86.
10M. (A) :ende %e@ for Soy. MS (B) reads Gaon,
61
 [ 482]
And in the year 952 H. (1545 AD.) Sbir Shah invested the
fortress of Kalinjar, which is one of the strongeat and moat
famous of the forts of Hindistain, and with great energy and
skill in a short time prepared galleries, and used to make daily
attacks upon the bastions ,! and by the time that the galleries
had advanced near tothe walls of the fort, and the mines were
ready, attacking on all four sides he made the condition of the
garrison very precarious. Shir Shah from the position where he
was standing, gave orders to hurl grenades filled with gunpowder
372. into the fort. This they did, and by chance one of those grenades
struck the wall of the fort, and recoiling with great force ex-
ploded. Its fragments fell among the other grenades, which
exploded, burning Shir Shah severely from head to foot, And
inasmuch as he was badly scorched,? and Shaikh Khalil the son
of his spiritual guide, and the learned Maulané Nagimu-d-Din&
also were fellow-sufferers with Shir Shah ip this explosion,‘ Shir
Shih as he ran using his handa to cover his nakedness,®
took refuge in a tent which they had pitched for him in (front of)
a bastions where he lay unconscious. Whenever he recovered
consciousness a little? he shouted to his men encouraging them8
to seize the fort, and if any one came to see him he signed to him
to go and fight, so that in his absence the Amirs® in command
in the trenches worked harder than if he had been present, and

1 The text reads here Yee witho footnote variant yey9e, MS, (B)
reads e4ayyo MS. (A) however has a totally different reading [ay for
which I can eee no meaning, but we ehoald probably read Uae
“bastions " which would be consonant with both the text and MSS (A) and
(B). This suppomtion 1a the more probable as some hines farther on we have
MS (B) reading Usyo, MS. (A) Ue.ye, and the text Ue.s90 Bee note 6,
4dol, Yulma The meaning of the word 1s given in Fagla-llah Khin’s
Turkish Persian Dictionary as Chize ky miye én kanda baghad, thet which
has lost ita har
3 MS (A) reads pbb Ly,<
$M (B) reads GAyr* 9 8} 90 enyd.
8 Both MSS (A) (B) rend Ai (a3 y (yy cued yoy. This is a com
mon expression to denote utter wretchedness and poverty,
© The text ronda Uayye os (A) Ue ye. MS, (B) Uys, coe ante n. 1.
1 MB. (A) Off 0, § MSS. (A) (B) read here el ly pay Ba) oy.
9 MB. (A) Ogaye cotyet
 [ 48
behaved with the utmost gallantry, and coming to close quarters
with the garrison, brought matters toa fight with knifeand dagger
aud did fall justice to the demands of endeavour and manliness.
The writer heard « story from a most trustworthy source, that
on that eventfal day of assault, in which the deeds of every
individual assailant were conspicuous, and the standards and faces
could be easily distinguished one from another,! 1 saw, aaid he,
a soldier armed cap-a-pie, who had not previously bean seen nor
was ever after seen, clothed from head to foot in black, wearing
a plume*® of the same colour upon his head,’ and urging and
encouraging our men in the battle. Then he entered one of the
galleries and made his way into the fort. I searched for him
everywhere after the battle, but in vain, I coald find no trace of
him.* The men in the other trenches also gave the same account,
saying, we saw several horsemen wearing these clothes who, kept
advancing in front of us till they entered the fort and vanished .
Verse
If thou hadst not been on the aide of religious law, Heaven
itself would have girt its loins,
If thon hadst® been on the side of the faith, the Gemini
would have ungirt their sword.
A report became current that, in that battle, certain men from
the invisible world had come to the aid of the Muslims. And
Shir Shab soffering aud distressed as he was, from time to time
enquired for tidings of victory The air was tertibly hot, and
although they sprinkled him coustantly with sandal and rose-
water, it was utterly useless® to relieve the scorching heat whose
intensity increased hour by hour

1 The text reads dp! Hie yoo LS 31 apo y wlelley Ms (A) ronda for
(By pao - Wipe MS. (B) reads wyge = The reading of the text 1s udopted.
§ Fasla-llab Khan gives a word hh Ydle# in the weaning of pe alam, «
standard or ensign.
§ MSS. (A) (B) agree with the footnote variant fy whey oh. onutting the
words ales 3 rile found in the text.
$ MB. (A) exible phim
§ Inthe first line M88. (A) (B) read & for 5) (Text) In the second
line MS. (A) reads # for 3 (Text). .
6 The text reads =i{8) Us! Ol} 9 sl) Ma, (B) reads wf for Um
but the correot reading appears to be “a1 Ue} MB (A).
 [ 484]
Verse

A breast which 1s consumed by the fire of separation

Sandal ! can afford it no relief.
At the very moment of hearing the good tidings of victory he
yielded up hie life* to the Lord, the Giver of life, the Receiver
of hfe The followmg stanza was written to record the date of
ns death —
Shir Shah, he in dread of whom
The hon and the goat drank at the same source
Left the world , the wise sage pronounced
The date of Ins death 2: atash murd® (he died from the
effects of fire)
His corpse was taken to Sahsarém where was the burial-place
of ins fathers, and there buried. The period of his military
command was fifteen years, and of his Sultanate five years,
It is said that on one occasion when he was looking in 4
mirror, he exclaimed, “ Alas! that I obtained my kingdom at the
time of evening prayer.’

1 Jokes Santalum album, Useful in headache, Sontheimer II, 138, There

are three kinda accordmg to the Makkzanu-l-adwiyah, The white sandal
called in Hindi Chandan, the yellow gaudal called im Hindi Malggir, the red
sandal called m Hindi Rakat Chandan. This Intter 1s the wond of Pterocarpua
ect talsnus (Hed sunders) Its generally called Debi Chandan, it is used,
not for headache, but after being offered at the shrine of Kali ss used to
mark the forehead of the worshipper. The others both Chandan and
Malayegir (go called because it comes from Malayalam or Malabar) are used
a8 a powder mixed into a paste with water to apply to the forehead asa cure
for headache. They are also used in pizd or worship by tho Hindis, who have
& Baying
Chandan, dhiip, dip, malaydgir
Prem sahit Thdkur nahalwéan,
With (gifta of) Chandan, frankincense, lamps, and malayagir
I wil lovingly bathe the Thakur (Lord).
2 Omit yin’ MS (A).
8 aye (Sf } These letters give the date 952 H. This date is given in
figores in bot] MSS (A) (B). \
4 That 1 to say #0 Inte in life Firishta says- Whenever he looked in the
glass and saw his white beard, he need to say, “It was near evening before
1 attamed to empire ”
MSS (A) (B) writes ¢ cstlbol af aya
 { 485 ]
Verses,
My heart! like Khigr! take and drink the water of life,
Like Sikandar come and conquer land and sea.
If thon entertainest any longing for the cup-bearer and wine,
Take the cup of Kaugar* from the hand of the Hari and
drink,
The fame of thy greatness and glory and majesty
Has reached the Koh-i-g@f, go thither and hear its tale. 874.
If thou art sitting, for instance, on the throne of Solomon,
One day like the ant creep into the receas of a cave aud hide
there ;
Two or three days like the spider, spin in the deserted corner
of the world the strands of desire and take thy place there.
Every beautiful-faced one,* whose beauty is unapproachabk
With that one, to thy heart’s content,’ take thy delight.
This world is a dream im the opinion of the wise,
Do thou at last see this dream and take 1t
Thy life, O Qaduri, is as a fairy-tale of enchantment,
Thou hast heard the tale, take the spell of enchantment
‘When the hand of Death tears * the sleeve of thy existence
Raise thy hand, and seize the skirt of the true Friend (God)
Istem Spis rpn1 Sate Suin Sir,’
Who is Islem Khan. on the fifteenth of the month Rabi‘n-I-
Awwal in the year 952 H. (1545 A.D.), acting upon the sum-
mons of the Amirs® of Bhatta came by foiced marches from the
neighbourhood of Patna,’ and by the co-operation of ‘Isa Khan
Hajjab and the other men of influence and power,! succeeded 1! to
the imperial throne in room of his father, with the title of Islem

1 Al-Khizr See Hughes, Dict. of Islém, p. 272

® Qar‘dn oviii 1-3 See Hughes, op ct, p 262.
8 The women of Paradiea Quran ly, 56-78,
6 MS. (A) reads gy! dp _y for sy 9 »4
b co Falys footnote variant JS Yools MS (B)
© 90 (Text) MS.(A) MS, (B) reads Oto
7 MB. {4) omits pone
8 A footnote varunt yey b dig coiye] US (B)
9 MB. (A) ig Bhatte. 10 odsy Ua Jay
1 MBB. (A) (By read <A8S for comty (Text).
 { 486]
Sbab, and the son of Mulla Ahmad Junaid,! who is well known,!
- found this verse of the sacred word: “And already we have
written in the Psalms, after the admonition that ‘the earth
shall my righteous servants inherit,’”* to give the date of his
accession. He wrote o despatch to his elder brother ‘Adil Khan
and sent it tohim in Ranthanbir, of which the following is
the substance. “ Although the succession was really your mght,
still as you were at so great a distance there was danger,
nay & certainty of the occurrence of disturbances here before
you could arrive. Accordingly with a view to keep down in-
surrections, I will take charge of the army for & few days as
your deputy, and after you arnve I shall have no alternative but
to submit to and obey you” Leaving Kalinyar he made for* Agra
and in the vicinity of the townsnp of Kira Khatampir,’ Khawies
Khan arrived from Sihrind which was his jdegir, and yielded a
forced allegiance, because he was more inclined to favour the
accession of ‘Adil Khan as compared with Islom Shah; a spleudid
banquet wae beld and he was anew placed on the throne, After-
wards when fresh despatches from Islem Shah reached ‘Adil
Khan, he referred the question of bis coming to the following four
persons upon whose advice and opinion as to its expediency he
made his action dependent Qutb Khan Nib, ‘Jed Khan Niyazi,
Khawass Khan, and Jalal Khan Jilwaui,7 all of whom were great
Atnirs, men of eminence belonging to hia family. Islem Shah sent
this Lody of men to him bearing an agreement by which he under-
took to allow ‘Adil Khan to depart to his sdegir after the first inter-
view, and to deliver to ins control any place in Hindistin which he
might select. ‘Adil Khan acting upon the advice of these Amirs
proceeded from the neighbourhood of Ranothanbir to Fathpar,

1 MSS (A) (B) Om Jund 9MS (B) omits yopdeo

3 Supply ly) MS (A) See Qur'an xxi, 105
# Psalm xxxvu, 29‘ The righteous shall inherit the land aud dwell therein
for ever.’
The date is given bv the words pol O83 (9 4¢,, that which follows
PO, The valae of pS! veg 951, that which follows 18 952 H.
8 MBS (A) (B) ot B57 pile,
© Kora (Corah) Town in Fathpur district, N -W. P, on the old Mughal Road
from Agra to Allahabad See Tioff, Vol I, p 235 and map, Vol Lf] See
also Hunter, Iinp. Guz. vin, p. 205 7 MSS, (A) (B) gle Sula.
 [487]
otherwise called Sikri, and Jslem Shah! left Agra and came to
Shikarpar,* where the royal palace is at present, to receive him;
and when they met they first fulfilled the daties of condalence, and 87
evinced great cordiality, and after a short time set out together for
Agra. Islem §bah had plotted treachery against ‘Adil Khan, and
head consequently made a stipulation that not more than twa or
three persons should be left im the fort wth ‘Adil Khan. This
however was not carried out, and a large body of followers accom-
panied him; accordingly Islem Shah was constrained, in order to
avoid suspicion, to treat ‘Adil Khan with extraordinary ® fawning
and flattery, saying “I have taken care of these unruly * Afghans
nO far by artful means,’ now I make them over to you.”
Verse,
Subject the intoxicated and riotous one to the warning glance
of the cnp-bearer ®
Having placed him upon the throne he himself assumed an
attitnde of submission and obedience, and from motives of worldly
wisdom was most punctilious in the observance of courtesy 7
Although ‘Adil Khan was in the flower of lus youth, and of great
bodily strength (many well-known tales of his stienyth are told),
nevertheless, since he was fond of ease, and was well aware of the
craft and subtlety ot Isiem Shah and hia® ways of dealing, would
not agree to that procedure, rose to his feet, and seating Islem
Shab on the throne again with all honour and ceremony,® swore
allegiance to him, and offered him congratulations npon ins acces-
sion, with the customary offerings !° and oblations [slem Shah,
i accordance with the compact which had heen made,"! sent ‘Isa
Khan and Khawagg Khan to accompany ‘Adil Khan, and having
confirmed Baténa to him as a jdeqgir, permitted him to proceed
thither Two months later he appomted Ghazi Mahalli, who was
one of his confidential atteudants, to go and arrest ‘Adil Khan.

1 Onnt ty MS (B)
QMS (A) Jag Sve Sankapir 8 MS (A) reads ont ay
$ MS (A) yw og! bMS (A) poatiy®
yu le
6 From Hafig See ode commenemng Jax} lb) pinau. Hifir, Newa
Kishore Presa, p 308
7 tole MS (A) reads cwojle, = 9 «MS, (BR) anpphes gt
® Rend abel eulyes MSS (4)(B) 19 MS (4) 8% Bly Uy af,
UMS (B) omits cy!
 [ 488]
‘Adil Khan, however, heard of this, and fled from Baiéna taking
refuge with Khawase Khan io Miwaét. Ehbawieg Khan then
summoned Ghazi Maballi, and bound him with that same golden
chain which he had bronght for ‘Adil Khan. and having gained
377. over to lis side all! the Amirs, set ont for Agra with a large
army. Qutb Khan and ‘Ixa Khan also, who were two of the chief
nobles of the State? with whose concurrence the compact® had
been made, were annoyed at this breach of faith on the part of
Islem Shih,* and with great management summoned ‘Adil Khan
at » time agreed npon, namely at day break after the Shab i-barat,*
su that they might own allegiance to him. It so chanced that
‘Adil Khan and Khawags Khan, having arrived at Sikri on the
Shab-i-barat,® speut that might as vigil in the service of Shaikh
Salim Chishti, in voluntary prayeis? and benedictions, so that
their departme for Agra was delayed long past the time agreed
upon, and it was breakfast time® when they reached the outskirts
of Agra Islem Shih who was ala:med,® spoke very courteously
to Qutb Khan and the rest of the Amirs, and permitted them to
goand present themselves betore ‘Adil Khan His object was
to get rid ot Ing opponents. and that very instant to start alone !!

1 MSB, (A) (B) read Ly) Sele

8 MSS (A) (B) out » lyst 8 MB (A) yy bye
4 MSS (A) (B) read taey . pe AU ingtead of ¢! shisiy
6 The fiftrenth day of Shabin A day of great rejoiomg among Muham-
madaus = Mulammiad ordered ime followers to keep vigil during thas mght, to
repeat a hundred priyers and keep the next day asa fast day See Hughen,
Dict of Islam
Briggs ir ins translation of Firghta saya, “os it was the night of the
Koorban festivil” and in @ footnote says.‘ this fast 1s kept m commemoration
of the sacrifice of Isanc by Abraham" The translator howevea is ut fault
here, as the orginal says dp) 3] wae Os> 9 (Bo Text, p 431) and nar
much at et was the Shab-v-barat
6 MS (A) an error oh
7 Asso} 9 diy Nawapl wa ad‘iych Nowéfil are voluntary prayers which
may be omitted without si, as distingwshed from Farz which are prayers
enjomed by (od, and from Sunnah, prayers founded on the practice of the
Pruphet
See Hughes set of Isla art Prayer
8 thle chochtgan, 1s GLAS Syke MBS (A) (B)
9 MS (A) omzs yf ano also \y after wiillar®,
10 Insert lw after aly vigg (4) (B) matead of as us the test
 { 489]
for the fo: tress of Chundr, seize the treasure which was there, and
after collecting the necessary equipment for an army to return
and again engags in war. ‘Isa Khan Hajjab warned him of the
folly and absurdity of this project, and prevented him from send-
ing his Amirs to his enemy and from starting for Chunar. Even-
tually Islem Shih, accompanied by a party of his own bodyguard,
and two or three thousand old and trusty retainers, left Agra with
all haste and came out in force to fight, firat recalling those Amirst
whom he had sent, saying “I am by no means confident that ‘Adil
Khan will not deal treacherously with you; you had better return
quickly and rejoin me, because the question between ® him and me
can only be settled by the sword ”

Verse. ‘

In this case messengers aud despatches can avail nothing,

The two-edged sword will make this matter clear*
The Amirs, however, who were friendly to ‘Adil Khan, on seeing
Tstom Shah take the field, refused® to return to his side and 376.
entered the ranks of the more powerful army; a severe battle
ensued before Agra, and ‘Adil Khan was defeated® and fied
alone toward Bhatta.? Khawiies Khan and ‘lea Khan Niyazi, who
had a strong regatd and unbounded loyalty for each other, took
the road to Miwat and the townslup of Firézpiu, engaged the
force which had been sent in pursuit of them, and overcame it;
but eventually, not having power to resist the army of Islem Shah,
proceeded to the hills to the north of Hindistan, which ® are
called (the) Kuméon (hills), and took refuge with the Rajas of
that district. Qutb Khan Naib, having been appointed to attack
them, kept continually ravaging the country at the foot of the
hills, In the meantime Islem Shab proceeded to Chuuhar, and
sent the treasure which was there to Gwaliar, and on his return,
when he reached the townslup of Kiirah Khiatampar, while en-
gaged in playing changdn with Jalal Kban Jilwani,’ who was one
of the married Amirs of the Afghans, and had been an adherent

LMS (A) gst. y dhe

8 Onnt MS (B), MS. (B) omite eb
4 ‘Pies order of the homustiches 1a given in MS (A)
bMS (A) touleYU, @ MSS (A) (B) 4953} ceKS,
1 M38 (A) (B) omit 9 %. SMS (A) omits ly wT
9 BSH (A) (3) phe 10 MS (Al Baye
62
 , seuJ
of ‘Adil Khan, and a great object of suspicion to Islem Shah, by
some treacherous devies persuaded him to come to his camp, and
cast him into chains together with his brother Kbudadid, making
them over to an Afghan who had » blood feud with them, and
having put them to death under the cloke of vengeance, proceeded
to Agra, [and from thence to Gwiliér which he had made his
capital],! and setting himself to slay and eradicate a paity who
were favourable to ‘Adil Khan, girded up his loins in enmity
aguinst them, and swept tiem one by one from the board of the
world hke so many pieces in the game of draughts or chess,
Qutb Khan also took fright, and fled fiom the foot of the Kamion
hills to Lahore, taking refage with Haibat Kbau, to whom Shir
Sbib had given the title of A‘zam Humayfin. Haibat Kbiu
in obedience to a summons fiom’ Islem Shah, sent Qutb Khan
in chains to him Islem Shih sent him together with Shahbaz
Khan Lihani’ who was brother-in-law to Shir Shah, and
Barmazid Kor who was the J/wjal® of that sect, andthe Hajyay °
of his age, and thirteen or tourteen other Amira? and Amirs’ sons,
to the fortress of Gwalar, where most of them quitted the body
in imprisonment.®
[Among them was Mahmiid Khan, son of ‘Adil Khan, who m
lus seventh year had counselled Shir Shah to throw ap a rampart
of saud, in consequence of wlich Shir Shah bad made lnm his
herr-apparent, as has been related Another was Kaw4l Khan
QGhakkar who will be mentioned shortly] ®
And in th.s year Salim Shah summoned A‘z1m Humayin from

1 Not in M88 (A) (B). 8 uhh wrnsed 3 MS (B)

@ Finghta eays phe ws D4 4 198 dy 50 yt 9 Spi 1d prrlen pity yf gah as
who was sister's husband to Salim Shah, with Burmazid Kor and some others
Bo Text, 432
Brigys translates thia, “the king’s brother in-law, who waa deprived of his
Bight,” mistaking Bay mazid Kor (Briyys LU, 182)
B les Dayal «The Masthu-d doj,a? or lyng Christ, the last of the
wmpostors whose appearance was pedu ted by Muhammad
6 Bee ante,p 120 1 1 MSS (A) (B) omit gb,
8 The text .eads faa) 6643!9? by gunpowder. MSS. {A) (B) omit these
words.
8 Thus portion enclosed m square brackets 18 not m MSS. (A) (B) a foot-
note to the text states that 1t 18 fonnd in one MS
 [ 491]
Lihor, but he advanced some excuse! for not coming in person,
and sent Sa‘id Khan his brother, who was renowned for courage
and sound judgaient.* Islem Shah received him with the utmost
show of favour, and made mych of him, advancirig him to the
highest place of intimacy, but inwardly cherished the intention
of putting an end to him; at last one day, having summoned him
to & private interview within the palace, he shewed him the heads
of the Amirs who had been immured alive in the walls, for inatance
Zain Khan Niyizi* and the others, saying : Do you recognize these
persons, who they are? He mentioned the names of some
whom he recognized Previously to this he had thrown? the
abovementioned Amirs, men of ability, into a chamber in Gwéaliir,
and setting fire to 16 with gunpowder had burned them all except
Kawal Khan Ghakkar, who remained under the protection of the
Ail-cherisher safe 1n a corner of the room.’ [It is said that the
followmg was the reason of his escaping; the mater of Kawal
Khan, who had been anited by marriage to Islem Shah, became
aware of the conference and sent word to her brother, saying: This
very night they intend to blow up the prisoners with gunpowder.
Sho also sent from inside (the palace) four quilts stuffed with
cotton, and several skins of water Kawal Khiin poured quant-
ties of water upon the quilts, aud under pretence of taking a bath
betook himself into a corner, apart from his friends, and rolling
himself up m the quilts had gone to sleep when they set fire to the
room, and all were buined to ashes, but he alone remained alive
bencath the quilt. In the morning Islem Shih came to inspect
that ptison house, and seeing Kawal Khan alive said It is right
for me to release you seeing that fire had no power over you].®
Then Islom Shah having made him? take an oath that he would
never again oppose him, released him, and appointed him to assist
the Governor of the Panjab to conquer the country of the Ghak-
kars [where he arnved with all honour] ® Inshort Sa‘id Khan, who
had been a witness of this sudden death, gave orders in obedience

1 Ma (A) yoo # culie MS (B) reads wlid

8 MS (A) omits ey. * MS (A) omits wf.
6 MSS (A) (B) read amply ail La,f yo.
$ This portion enclosed in square brackets is not in MSS, (A) (B)a foct-
note to the text etatea that 1:t 1a found in one MS.
1 M83. (A) (B) omit gh. 9 Not in MSS, (4) (B)
 [ 492}
to which post horses were tied.up along the road to Lahor, so that
he travelled the distance between Agra and Lahor within three
nights Day by day the scale turned more and more in favour of the
Niyézi faction, and A'gam Humayin read the Khutbah in his own
name in Liahor. Islem Shah returned from that same camp and
came to Agra, and summoning a vast army from all sides marched
for the Panjab Saziwal Khan came from Malwa to join this
movement, and was received very graciously, and after bringing
forward certain important matters took leave, while Islom Shah,
after halting for a few days in Dihli and ordering his army, set out
831. for Lahor.! A‘gam Humayin and Khawas9 Khan, and ‘Isa Kban 8
Niydszi as well, (who had come down from the In] country to join
him), came from the Panjab with armies strong as the hills to
receive Islem Shah. In the early part of the® winter time a
fierce battle was fought in front of * the township of Ambala, and
on the evening preceding the day on which the battle was to be
fought, A‘zam Khan had asked Khawées Khan: After the victory
who will be selected as the successor to the throne P He answered -
It may be that 1t will be ‘Adil Khan who 18 the eldest son of Shir
Shah § and 18 really fit torale It appears that the Niyazi faction
said,® The kingdom 1s not by inheritance, but He who conquers, takes
the booty? It1s a foregone conclusion, what sense is there m this
that we should strike with the sword and the kingdom should
come to others
Khawass Khan, who was henti and soul attached to the cause
of Shir Shab, was displeased at this claim of theirs, consequently
when the battle began to rage, he refused to fight,® and standing
aloof left the battle field together with ‘Isi Khan Niyazi. The
Niyazi faction fought right imanfally, without yielding a foot of
giound, and were near carrying away tho centre of Islam Shah's

1 MS (A) readsgy
3 MSS (A) (B) omt wie um” a footnote to the text states that the
words are in one MS
8 MSS (A) (B) read culy GUme} o's 43 In the winter time
$ yall
yo MS (A) $ MS. (A) supplies dl,
6 wl aiat whi q tothe pls W* man ghaluba salabe

§ The text reads 39,5 le fin but this 18 manifestly wrong, aud the
reading should be 44S b Sia asin MS, (A) (B)
9 MS (4) ounts old
 {408 J
army, bat in the end! pluck told? and their efforts were of no
avail.
‘ Verse.
Thy wound which utters presage of thy death
When it feels thy salt closes 1ts lips,
And Sa‘id Khan, the elder brother of A'zam Humiyin, attended
by a body of men fully armed and equipped, disguised in such &
way that no one would know bim, came m. under the pretext of
offering cougratulations, ‘with the mtention of putting an end
to Islem Shah, and with that object asked repeatedly, where is the
Padshéh that I may offer hrm my congratulations on his victory
An elephant driver of one of those elephants which had snr-
rounded Islem Shah recognised the voice of Sa‘id Khan, and
strack a blow at him with his spear, but be? made his way in
safety through the crowd of elephants, great as it was,’ and
foiled in his purpose made Ins escape, the Niyizi faction fled
and came to Dhankot,’ whichis near Roh,’ and the remainder
wore plundered by the Kawars, while some were drowned in the
nullahs of Ambala. Islem Shah pursued as far as Weatern
Rohtae, and despatched Khwaja Wais? Sirwani with a large
army to oppose the Niyazis, and returned towards Agra. Leaving
Agra he went® to Gwahar, and made 1t his capital’ When
Khawaes Kban and ‘Ist Khan Niyazi, who had made common
canse, left the battle field, ‘Isa Khan went to the hill country,
{while Khawdea Khan with five or s1x haondred cavalry !! fied to
Lahow}], [and (Islam Khan)!® Islem Shah appomted Shams Khan

1 MS (B) rends y=1 for (guulé

9 dS dpb yf Ses, The word ‘piack’ seems the best equivalent for the
Persian && nimak which means literally salt, and secondarily spu ut, courage,
It may also mean however that Islem Shai’s men were ‘true to thei: Salt’
3 The text reade 9 here which quite Josos the sense Read 9! BMS. (B)
# Omt wis Sala mgs. (A) (B). 5 MS (A) 98489 Dhankob
8 MS (A) By Radah. TMS. (A) gpryl Arcass,
BMS (A) 4iy MS.(B) 29) 9 aden conte? (ly wh MGS (A) (B).
19 We should follow the text here MS. (A) omits the words (lo) wa
de® and goes on diaaf yo UF wyeld 4s. omitting the passage an equare
brackets which follows.
UMS (B) op’. 18 WA law} MS, (A)
 [ 44].
Liih&ni as Governor of Lahor; and at a time when Shame Khia
had come out for some undertaking ' to a distance of thirty brohs
from Lahor, Khawigs Kban,* with threo ® or four hundred cavalry,
each individual man of whom could have withstood an army,
advanced with the idea of taking Lihor, and encamped* in the
grove of Kamran Mirsa. The inhabitants of Lahor shutting them-
selves up in the fort held the city till the arrival of Shams Khén,
and Khawiss Khan, having cut down the lofty trees ® of Safidér and
Chinar® of that grove, had set about making Safi 7 and ladders,
when® his cavalry brought news that Ra: Husain Jilwani and
other Amira of Salim Shah’s party with an aimy of thirty thoa-
aand cavalry had arrived in the nehbourhood of Lahor. Kbn-
wise Khan, after a conference with ‘Isa Kban, abandoned the mege,
and went out some five or six krohs to meet (his enemy), end with
five hundred veteran cavalry well tried in war huled himself
against that wall of steel. Rai Husain said tohis men, leave the
way open so? that this black calamity may pass through our midst
Accordingly ! he made a breach in the line of Salim Shah's
army, and attacked them again from the rear and threw them
into confusion At this junctare he received a wound in the knee
which bore bim from his horse to the ground, but his opponents
had not sufficient enterprise to come up to him and take him
prisoner, aud ke was opeuly borne off the field upon a charpoy |

LMS. (A) psoe ppt

BMS (A) sop goyt, 8 MS (A) Out, = - 6 MS, (A) OidOf O95,
bMS. (A) gsiddye
6 The Safedar )!0s8~ 18 the white Poplar or Abele. The Chindr hag been
already mentioned.
1™MS (A) jeble. This word 14 not given m any of the dictionaries The
only word I can conjecture 1t may posatbly be meant for 1s the Turki sie
Sété, which menns the roof of a house (P de C.) in which case it would have
a meaning of a shelter under which to approach the walls, like the Roman
Vsnea, which consisted of a roof restimg upon poste eight feet in height, made
sufficiently hght to admit of ata bemg carned by the soldiers The roof was
formed of planks and wicker work,
8 MS. (A) whlgw OS. 9 MS (A) reads die ty af,
10 MBS, (A) reads 9 dg yt whye 3
i T have retained tlus word in its English dress as being one so familiar to
all who know Indi The oh Mer chahdr pai is simply an oblong wooden
frame on four lega (as its name implies) fitted with a bottom of string, matting
 [ 405}
Réi Hnsuin forbade his men to give purssit, and Khawies Khan
went off in safety towards Nugarkot]! whence he proceeded tu the
foot of the Kuméon hills. The final issue of his affairs will bo
related shortly ® in ite own place if God, He is exalted, eo will it.
The Niydsi faction set their hearts upon the government of
Keahmir, but by the cruft of the Kashmiris were euticed into bye-
waye, and eventually reached their rest iu the corner of destruc-
tion, aa will be mentioned, if God, He te exalted, av will it.
And in the year 954 H. (1547 A.D.) an Afghéa named Ugmin,
whose hand Saziwal Khan had cat off for vome reason, one day
lad an ambosh in Agia, and at the entrance to a road aimed a
blow at Sazdwal Kban and wounded him. Sasiwal Khu went
to the camp, and represented that this attack -had been made at
the instance of Salim §hah, he then took his way to Malwa.
Islem Shah porsued him as far as Banswila, but seving thet
Saziwal Khan was hidden among the Zamindars of Sarir,*
Salim Shah left ‘Ies Khan Sar with twenty thousand cavalry in
Ujjain, and reached the capital. In the early part of his reign
Islem Shah detailed five thousand oavalry for the chief sarkdrs of
Hindistin. Among them Mubéris Kban, the son of Nigim Khin*
Sar, who was the cousin and wife's brother of Islem Shah, and
eventually received the title of Mubammad ‘ Adili, was appointed
as @ commander of twenty thousand to the vicinity of Ajawan
in the Sarkar of Sanbal, in order that Khawags Khan and the
other’ Amirs might not be able to raise disturbances in that
province, and he appointed as his deputy Pabandh Kbazak.! He
had also given orders at the beginning of his reign, that between
every two resthouses built by Shir Shab, which were at intervals
of one krok, another rest-house of the sume pattern should be built,
with a temple, and a dwelling-place, and a conduit for water, and
that a buttery and kitchen containing food both cooked and uncooked,
for the use of travellers,® both Hindi and Musulwan, should be

or a broad tape called nswér, in common use as a bedstead, and everywhere

known as achdrpoy. See Yule and Burnell, Glossary, s v
1 The portion incladed in double square brackets 1s coutted from MS. (B)
BMS. (A) cb Dalyd SayF yySd0. 8 Footnote varvant ogy Sarid.
+ M&, (Al writes 39 we pi
& MBS, (A) (B) read <5} dhasak asm footnote variant. The text reads
Sy Khabrak. .
© MSS, (4) (8) supply sila,
 | 496 |]
always open. Among other commands of his was this, that the
madad-i-ma‘agh ! and aimah grants of the whole of the protected*
provinces of Hindistin which Shir Shah had grven, and the
rent-houses which ho had furmshed, and the pleasure-gurdens he had
laid out,? should remain just as they were, and shonld not be
altered in the slightest degree. Auother order was, that all the
Piitars* should be taken by force from those Amirs who kept
Akhéras (these are well known in Hindistin). He also seized ®
the elephants in the same manner, and did not leave in the posses-
sion of any one any buta wretched female elephant fit ouly for
cariymg baggage, and gave ® orders that the red tent was con-
fined solely to his own use Another oider was this, that he
brought the whole country under his own personal control,7 and in
accordance with the regulations and cnatom of the daght system?
which Shir Shah had imstituted, the soldiery were paid m_ eash.
A further atep was to seud written orders to all the Saikars
containing comprehensive mstractions on all important points
of religion, and all political and civil questions," entering into
the minutest essential detuil,!> and dealing witb all regulations
385 which naught be of service to the soldiery and civil population, to
the merchants and other various classes, and which the authoii-
ties were bouud to follow in their jurisdiction
All these points were written in these documents whether agree-
able to the reliyions law or not,!! so that there was no necessity to
refer any such matters ' to the Qazi or Mufti, nor was it proper
to do so.!8

1 See Ain-1-Akbari (Blochmann) I, 268, 272, regarding the tenures of land

called respectively madad-1 ma‘azh and a:muh.
2 M85 (A) (8) omit Mle
5 MSS (A) (B) Ody) Bhalae, * Dancing girls, ace ante, p 250 (Text) n. 4.
6 MSS (A) (B) ome 29,8 6 MS (A) oS.
Tribe gd dold yg (A)
§ See Ain--Akbari (Blochmann) 1, 242 Under the ddghi system every
Amir began as a commander of twenty, and whon he broaght Ing full conrple-
ment of twenty horses to ba branded (els dagh signifies o brand), he was to
be promoted to the next Ingher grade, and so on
9 MS (A) omits the words 9 wdclao, MS (B) onnts whee
40 gars yrobad y ri) Neeqts 0 qifme -t-z00 07 Naqe means the emall groove
on the date stone, qitns 18 the thin pellicle which covers the dutestone.
MMS. (A) © Sipe Hyd MS (A) Sip 1B MG (A) O95 gyinsls.
 [ 497}
Also the Amirs of five thousand, ten thousand, and twenty
thousand, used every Friday to pitch a lofty tent supported by eight
poles,' and bring the shoes of Salim Shah together with a quiver
which he had given to the sardare* in front of the throne; and first
of all the commander of the troops, and after him the Mungi/, that
is to aay, the Chief Commissioner (Amin) followed by the others in
due precedence, with bowed heads and every expression of respect
would take their seats 1n their appointed places. Then a Secretary
would come and read aloud that order, chapter and verse, which
occupied eighty sheets of paper more or less. Any question
which presented any difficulty was referred by them in conclave
to the various provisions and rulings of that document, by which
it was finally decided, and if it should so happen that any Amir
acted in contravention of that order, the Secretary used to write
& report of that action and despatch it to the Court, and the
disobedient Amir would forthwith be visited with punishment
together with his family and relations. This procedure remained
in foree to the end of the reign of Islem Shah. The writer of
this Muniakhab, in the year 955 H (1548 A D.), when he was of
tender age, went to the country of Bajwara, one of the dependen-
cies of Baifina, with the army of Farid Taran, Commander of five
thousand, in the company of his maternal grandfather, on him be
the merey of God, and witnessed these custome and rules of practice.
And in the year 954 H. or in 955 H, God knows which, Khwaja
Wais Sirwini, who had been commissioned to proceed against
A‘sam Humayin® [fought a battle with the Niyazis in the

1 This is a conjecture, I have failed to find the word AS yan Surgha in any
dictionary. Tt sounds like a Turki word There isa word in the Turki
language ReSgue Siighma or SoSqe0 Sigma (Faglu-lth Khan) meaning pilser
colonne (P de C) and it 1s qmte possible that im copying the word) has been
written for 9 and the ¢ omtted by oversight. We sboald then have Sie
asin the text and MSS, The meaning is reasonable eight-poled shimiinas
being very commonly usted.
$ MS. (A) has a different reading to the tert here. It reads
29 Solo yloymy 8S paemeictS5) upon a tray which he had given to the
Sardar, instead of dp! Bid wits yw 8 AS zh
3 MS (B) omte the words from 9344 to wytle, the copyist having mis-
taken his place after the first occurrence of the name A‘yam Humiyin,
a3
 [ 498]
Vicinity of Dhankot,!' and was defeated. A‘zam Humayin] having
taken a strong force pursued him as far as Sihrind, Islem Shah
sent = large army against the rebels, and at last they fought
another battle in the same country, and on this occasion also the
. Niyazis suffered defent, and some of their women were captured
and sent to Gwahiar Islem Shah dishonoured them, and made
over to the harlots in his camp the banners and tents and all the
tokens of dignity of the Niydzis who had fallen into his hands, and
naming one Sa'id Khan, and anothe: A‘zam* Humiyan, and a
third Shahbaz Khan, in this way he distributed titles, More-
over he gave them drums which they used to play at their doors
at the time of the nanbat,® and the prostitutes used to give them-
selves airs* and used to say Sag-1-fulakam* This class used to
come every Thursday evening, im accordance with the custom
of the harlots of Hindist&n, to pay their respects to Islem Shah,
and the heralds and chamberlains used to call out with a lond
voice, O King cast a gracions glance hither, fora certain Khan
Niyazi, and Bahman Khan are here to invoke blessings on thee.
This used to annoy the Afghans who were all of one tribe and of
one mind, so that an intense disgust for him had sprung up in
their hearts. Some assert that his conferring the titles of the
Niyaézie and giving the ensigns and drums was on the first
occasion ® God knows the truth. And A‘zam Humiayiin, who on
the second occasion was defeated, was not able to gird himself
again to war, and the Niyazi party being scattered asunder grew
daily weaker, and at first took refuge with the Ghakkars in the
neighbourhood of Rohtas, making the hill country adjommg the
Kaghmir territory their asylum. Islem Shah, in order to remove
the cause of the mchief, marched with a large army, and reach-
ing the Panjab took up a strong position m the northern hill
range, and by way of guarding his head-quarter post built five
. forts. viz, Mankot and Rashidkot and the others. Fora space of

t MS. (A) 9829 Dhankob 8 M88. (A) (B) omit wid.

8 coly Naubat. Mumc which is played daily by theband appointed for
the purpose at stated hours. Ses Ain-i-Akhari (B) I. 51.
# Ye Usb Footnote vanent, also MSS. (A) (B) Text reads de Usb
Tabl-t-ala (nawakhtan). To beat the dram of self-conoeit.
5 poe has Sag-t-Falakam, “Iam the dog of the sky,” « parodied expres-
sion taken from the astronomical Shir-s-faiak, the constellation Leo,
6 On the oocamon of their firat dafeat
 [ 499]
two years he kept the Afghans! employed in carrying stone and
lime, and had such g hatred of the whole tribe that he heaped ®
the dust of infanry and oppression on their heads. At this time
he did not give them even the smallest coin® by way of recom-
pense. A party of them, however, who had obtained exemption
from this Jabour,* he detailed to oppose the Ghakkars, and they
engaged in continnons warfare with them
The Ghakkars in appearance hike the tribe of ‘Ad,' daily fought
with the Afghans, and by night entered their camp hke thieves,
and used to carry off whomsoever they might find, woman or man,
freed man or slave, and keep them in bonds with the utmost
ngour, and sell them. The Afghins® dragged them in the dirt,
and gave them the nickname of Rnswai (disgraced), but no one
had the power to represent this state of things to Islem Shah tall at
last one day Shih Muhammad Farmali,’ who was one of tne
most noted Amirs for wit and good-humour im Hindiistan, and
was also @ specially favoured and forward boon companion said,
“My Lord the King! Last mght I saw im a dream three bags
descend from heaven, m one of which was dust, in another gold,
and in the third® paper. The dust fell upon the head of a
soldier, the gold went to the house of the Hindi da/tari,® and the
paper remained in the royal treasury” Islem Shah was pleased
with this speech, and promised that after ns return to Gwalhdar he
would make his accountants draw up an account of the soldiers’
pay, and pay them in gold, As xt happoned that order was never
carried out, for in those same days death seized him by the collar.
Verne.
Attend to my wants to-day for that draught is of no avail
Which is given to Sohrab after his death,
In the end, the affairs of the Niydzis came to this, that when 388

1 M98 (A) (B) omit dt} sz. 4 MB. (A) dist,

8 MS. (A) dosJka. 3 us wht Fok falso jital na dad The tert reads
for
ynpls fulds. The jitalis an imagmary diviion of the dém, used only
Its fictitious value is only the thousandt h part
pnrposes of calculation
farupee Ain-s-AXbari (B) I. 31. ;
a RoadU a8 ajeob Ms.(A) MBS. (B) 8,5 306 The text 18 wrong.
b See Sale’s Koran, p 4. 6 MSS (A) (B) Huss gsi ba.
TMS A. ght 8 MS (A) os. rh109) 9A ecnbe, clerk
 [ 500]
their strength! was broken, and they came into Kaghmir, the
Kashmiris, who are? born traitors and deceivers, first of all invited
the Niyazis from Réjiri after inflaming them with spurious
ambition for kingdom,and in the end their guides leading them
astray ® brought the tribes of Kashmir to oppose them, and at a
hiut from Islem Shah held the head of the pass againat them.
The women even of the Niyazis in defence of their honour girded
on quivers, (among them were the mother and wife of A‘zam
Humayan), and fighting with the Kaghmiris were attacked by a
hail of stones which literally covered them, and not a soul escaped.
Tt is said that in the reign of Shir Shah o body of the Afghans of
the tribe of Sanbal invited the Niyazis to Dhankot under treaty,
and put two thousand of them to death in obedience to the orders
of Shir Shah, putting their wives and children to the sword. Five
years later the same thing happened to them,* and in this house
of retribution they received the reward of their deeds, hand for
hand. And® in these narrow passes they pat all three brothers
to the sword, sending their heads as an offering to Salim Shah.
They also sent for him a girl from there, A part of this story has
been elegantly told in the Térikh-i-Kashmir,’ the composition of
which 15 ancnent thovgh its arrangement is modern; and at the time
when Islem Shah, had sent troops against the Ghakkars and the
Janoha party who were strongly entrenched on the banks of the
niver Behat, he himself was occupied in building the fortress of
Mangarh ,* and Kamran Mirza, after fighting many battles with ®
| Muhammad Humayiin Padghah, fled from Kabul and took refuge
with Salim Shah, in the hopes that he would give him reiuforce-
ments which would enable him to capture Kabul, in the (vain)
expectation that the water which had flowed away world retarn !
to its source. When Islem Shah heard this tidings, he selected
from his army the notorious Humin!! Baggél, who im those

I Footnote variant ype, 9 MS (A) di] BOF, 3 MBB. (A) (B) wh ory
# Omu, 2 MSS (A) (B)
b dy9 wits dal 99 OST whee, Haman ath dar Kéea-ighdn bad, Lit
The same broth was in then cup
6 MS, (a1 supplies9 1 Tarrkh-1-Kaghmir, seep 8,2 3.
8 Text 395 Jho Milgarh. MSS (A) (K) S38wle Mangarh.
9 & ms (A). 10 MS. (A) omts 3.
Footnote variant Wye¥s Harmin The toxt reads css Harmite.
 { SL
“Asys, in virtue of his capacity for extorting taxes, had been pro-
moted from being overseer of the market toa post of confidence, and
gent him with another body of Afghans to the neighbourhood of
Rohtis to meet Mirzé, and although Isiem Shah in his own mind
thought this a reason for increased confidence in Mirzé, being led
to this by the want of confidence! he had in the Afghans as °
a tribe, and the entire trast he reposed in Humfin, still Mirzd
himself made light of this, and* recognising that there were
dregs in the very first draught of the cup was unwillg to come
in person.
Verse.
Now indeed thon repentest but thy repentance profiteth thee
nothing.
Nevertheless, in spite of this Mirzé still believed that poss bly
Inlem Sh&h wonld overlook everything, and would treat him with
honour and respect when the time of meeting arrived. However, on
the day of publicaudience, he himself entered with ar: ogant assur-
ance, and sitting on the seat of a Fara‘in or a Shaddad,) gave
orders to Sarmast Khan * the Afghan, a Da’iid Za’i,> who held the
office of Barbak,® in accordance with which he directed Mirza to
perform the customary salutations like the servants of the ordi-
nary public. He accordingly performed the Kornish,’ and those
diabolical men® out of sheer inhumanity seized Mirza roughly
by the nape of the neck, and shouted alond several times saying,
Your Majesty'® Be pleased to cast a glance hither, for Kamran
the Mugqaddam.zéda of Kabul invokes blessings. Islem Shah
after ignoring him for some considerable time, cast a haughty
glance in the direction of Mirz&,!° and uttered a hypocritical 390
“Welcome.” He then ordered 3 tent and canopy to be erected

1 Footnote variant and MS,(A) ggOseie} ..

$ MB. (A) co2y9 od Ost Una’ 3s.
§ Shaddad the son of ‘Ad, see ante, p 261 n. 6.
4MS (A) omits wit 5 MS (A) omits 493} 9$f>.
6 $4 Barbak. The chief attendant of the darbar or pubho gpdience.
T CSeyeF Kornssh, A mode of salutation m which the palm of the right
hand 1s placed on the forehead, and the head bowed. It signifies that the
satuter has placed his head (which 1s the seat of the senses and the mind)
mto the hand of humility See Ain-i-Akbari(B) I 168
8 MS. (A) pays gd. 9 MB, (A) WIBoly, 10 ME, (A) (B) y2F [jpneegailen.
 we
for Mirz& near to his own tent, and bestowed upon him a horse
and e@ robe of honour, and a slave girl and a eunuch eo that they
might spy into his affairs. He used also to summon the Mirza
from time to tyme, and hold converse with him regarding poetry,
but their intercourse was always disagreeable, and the Mirza was
worried by those 1cessant ceremonial visits and shew of polite.
ness, till he grew sick of hia hfe, and was watching @ favourable
opportunity to make his escape. Moreover the Afghans used to
make jibes! at him m the Hindi tongue, and when he appeared in
darbar used to say* Moro mi dyad? (Here comes the peacock)
The Mirza enquired from one of the attendants, in the presence
of Islem Shab, “ What do they mean by Moro?” He answered,
“It wthe name they give * to 8 man of great dignity.” The
Miraé replied,’ “At that rato Salim Shah 1s a first rate Moro
and Shir Shah was a still finer.” Salim Shah consequently gave
orders that no one was ever to use that word again,® nor to
indulge in pleasantries at the Mirza’s expense, At last one day
Islem Shah calied upon tho Mirza for a verse of poetry, when
the Mirza recited this matla‘ off band -
Gardish-t-gardin-t-gardain gardandnra gard kard
Bar sar-1-sihib-tamizin nagisan ri mard kard.!
The revolutions of the circling heaven have brought low the
mighty,
And have made worthless men to lord it over men of intel-
hgence.
Islem Shah fully caught the meaning of this verse, and rave
secret orders to ius attendants to keep the Mirzé under open
arrest The Mirza, however, by the help of the samindars?
made an arrangement with one of the hill Rajas, and persuaded
him, by holding out inducements of various kinds, to station post-

IMS (A) (B) Jie 8 ts, (a) a

8 ANT Muro ws the Prikrit form of the modern Hindi WC Mor, a peacock
MS, (B) reads 82 67°3 39, Moro, that ia to say, a bird.
MS, (A) roads ¢ 7° &82
9 49°, wo also footnote variant to toxt.
# MS. (A) onntsduyfac, 5 MS (B) omits wall,
€ MS (B) rends diz gh for ais,f
1 Bead wi}te) enable for wird Uat Msg (A){B), 8 MS. (B) gpiainss
 /[ 503 J
horses along the bauks of the river Chindb. One night he
emerged from his tent with a woman's chddar! drawn over his
head, The guards imagined that it was one of the women of his
harim and offered no interference,
The Mirs& croased the river with his horse and saddle and
snoceeded in reaching the Raja. From there he preceeded alone ~
clothed in o burga‘* and taking a jilaudar® with him, was escorted
by some of the Rajas’ subjects till he arrived in the vicinity of
the village of Ghari Kha,® on the bank of the river Behat, and
rested there one night. Inasmuch as that village is near
Sultanpar the residence of Sultén Adam Ghakkar, at a distance
of three krohs from the fortress of Roht&s, some one went to
Sultan Adam avd informed him that a Mughtl woman was
encamped at such and such a place, attended only by one jilauddr
and that her intention was to proceed on the following morning.
Sultan Adam sent messengers to make enquiries, and then
proceeded® in person, and had an interview with the Mirz’, who
by persistent entreaty prevailed upon him to give a promise that
he would send him in safety toa place of refuge Sultan Adam
accordingly wrote a letter to Muhammad Homiayim Padghah, who
had recently arrived in that neighbourhood, begging him to spare
the Mirza’s life.
The Padghah wrote an order in accordance with this request
of his, and sent it to him; bnt eventually, two years later, he
again seized the Mirza, and® after blinding him with a lancet

1 ysl chader, A garment worn by women over the head and body.
8 ay Burqa'. Here the author probably means the garment covering the
head and body completely, and having only a small latticed opening for the
mouth, and similar openings for the eyes, worn by Afghin women when ont
of doors. See Lane, Modern Egyptians, for a description of tho burga‘ proper,
which is a kind of vel.
3 jldglm Juloudér, An attondant whose duty it is to run beside the horse.
Abul-Faz] says some of them will run from & to 100 kroh (100 to 200
miles!) adnay. See Ain-i-Akbari (B) I 138.
4 Text eee. With a footnote saying that this is the reading of all
three M88, However MS (A) reads g¥oy correctly.
5 MS. (A) MS. (B) reads 9% 4575 Ghori Ji. 6 MSS. (A) (B) 9 O«f.
7 Bead with MS. (A) ty for {ys (Text). * MSS, (A) (B) Uma,
9 MS, (A) supplies y
 [ 504]
(sighter) sent him to the holy mty of Makkah. The word nightar
records the date of this occurrence! These incidents have
only been briefly alluded to here, becanse they are related?
fully in the Akbar Nama and the (Tarikh-i-)Nigdmi.8 Among
the events which took place during the reign of Islem Shih
was the affair of Shab Mahammad of Dihli, of which the follow-
ing is a brief account. Shah Muhammad, in the reign of Sher
Shah, hed come from the country of ‘Iraéq* to Hindiigtan, and
had given himself out’ to be a Saiyyid. There was some hesi-
tation among the people as to this claim; however, he used to
live in accordance with the castoms® of the Shaikhs and holy
men, and was acquainted with the science of invocation of the
mighty names,’ and was not without an admixture of deceit§
Verse.
What is expected of Shaikhs 13 the performance of miracles
and prayer-stations.
Whereas what we really see m them are ecatatic® and in-
coherent ravings
In spite of all, Shir Shah gave him credit for being a
wali, and Islem Shah ! also had reposed great confidence in him
from the time he was a prince, and used to go and do reverence
to him, and aa is the custom of kings, used to take omens! con-
cerning (his accession to) the kingdom, and from the excessively
high opinion he had of him used to hft (the Saiyyid’s) shoes.
The story goes that one day they had brought a basket '# of melons
ss a present to Shah Muhammad and just then'S Islem Shah
arrived. The Saiyyid pointed to Islem Shah and said, I present

1 _yi&ss ‘The letters of this word nightar give the date 960 H.
# See Elliot and Dowson V. 147 and 285, 3 MBB. (A) (B) read yyl=.
4 MBS, (A) (B). b ed Sue wo should read athae,
# The text reads wrongly (89 3! bar dosh MSS, (A)(B) read qifgy! ba
rartsh,
1 See ante, p. 445 n. 6. 8 opt) (oda ¥ cylle.
9MS (A) rade he sophivct, supericislities,
10 MS,(A) supphes 3 MS. (B) reads sls pas 9,
1 Yy'8 tof’ul MB, (B) reads lil,
1 MB. (B) reads Sie saryyid for Ode sabad,
1 MBS.(A)(B) WH} elo yo,
 [ 505}
you with this basket confident in its being as a royal umbrella to
you,) rige, and place it on your head and be gone. Islem Sha&h
without hesitation lifted the basket accepted it as a lncky omen
and took his departure.
How good it is to take a lucky omen, ‘
Not to strike one’s cheek (in grief) but to give mate with the
rook.8 4

But eventually thia matter became a source of annoyance to

him § as is generally the case At all events, when Islem Shah
succeeded to the kingdom, during bis reign two Saryyids of good
Inrth, men of ascetic habit, clean-living, dignified, and agree.
able, one of whom was named Amir Abi* Talib who was the
inferior, and the other named Mir Shamsn-d-Din who was his
supenor and brother’s son to him, arrived from the country of
‘Iraq at the camp of Islem Shah in the Panjab, and came to Dihli,
where they took up their abode in one of the quarters of the city,
and were resorted to by all classes Amir Abi Talib was so
marvellously skilled in the abstruse science of medicine, that the
majority of the sick who came under his treatment obtained
cures, and used to bring him presents and offerings in return, to
say nothing of perquisites® A report was spread that he was
in possession of the ring of ‘Ali,6 may God be satisfied with him,
ove of the properties of which was that no one who was sus-
pected (of being of bastard o-igin) could stand m presence of
that ring, and retain the power of seeing it God knows the
truth. Relymg upon his former intimacy with Shah Muhammad,
he desired to give his daughter in marriage to the nephew of Mir
Abi Talib, but he was by no means inclimed to agree to this

1 MS, (4) supplies99 atter «galeol.

3 Ohs nik bawad fal-i-farrukh sadan
Na bar ruth sadan, balky shah rukh sadan
There isa play here on the words rub} and farrudd, illustrating the
- .
figure known as Sy (p=. Tho word rug} moans the cheek, end also the
castle or * rook” at chess.
8 MS! (A) pate {31 after gpinel « MSS. (A) (B).
5 wlasid Ma (B) romds cold.
6 MSS. (A) (B) ‘supply ws The ring of Solomon which was given to
‘All by Muhammad, was possesped of megical properties
64
 | 306J
folk to entertain increased suspicion against
aed both smallwa grat talked openly about him. Shah
Mubammad summoned these two holy men into his own Private
dwelling for safe custody, and took great pains to entertain
them, One night, not long afterwards, an armed band entered
his! house by the upper story and martyred both father and son
who were engaged in their night’s devotions. They then left the
honee, and in the morning the governor of the city came and
enquired of Shah Muhammad how this had occurred. He absao-
lately demed any knowledge of the circnmstances, and stated
that he had no idea who the murderers were; then he prepared a
report of the affair onder the Great Seal, and sent it together
with a despatch to Islem Shah at his camp. Islem Shah there.
upon sent to Duhli Makbdima-]-Mulk Mullé ‘Abdu-llah of
Sultinpir,? who was Sharkhu-l-Islim and Sadru-s-sudiir, to mvesti-
gate this matter, and also despatched circular letters summoning
the Chef ‘Ulama of the time, for example Miyaén Hatim Sanbali,
Miyén Jamal Khan Mufti, and others. This conflict lasted two
monthe after this time, and after great argument and enquiry it
was with tolerable certainty conjectured® that the murderers
were agents of Shih Muhammad.* This reault was reported to
394 Islem Shah, but before any reply could be received Shah Muham-
mad, who had sunk from eo high dignity to the depths of disgrace,
could not endure the anxiety, underwent venerection and took
sour milk m addition, and endured voluntarily humiliating
penance Report also says even more than this, but, every one
knew perfectly well that all these austernties and self-inflictions,
were the outcome of hypocrisy and deceit, and not inspired by
rehgious motives.
Thou hast forsaken the world for the auke of the world.
Quatrain
Tlus long time thou hast made thy tongue like a sword,
So that thou givest the attributes of a hon to one who 18 but
a log
Thon turnest upside down the stoiehouse of false
hood
lu order to satisfy thy own hungry belly

1 MS. (A) omits 9f . 2 See Ain-1-Akbari ( Blockmann) I, Biogr

aphy VII
* MB (B) reads Om aye *MS (B) sls oom
 { 507 |
This event took place in ths year 956 H. Another important
incident was the affair of Shaikh ‘Alai Mahdi of Baiina,! which
closely resembles the affair of Sidi Manla,® which took place
during the reign of Sultan Jalalu-d-Din Firds , in fact the
proverb, One shoeés like tts fellow,’ is exactly applicable here.
The following is a brief exposition of this affsir: The facher
of the aforesaid Shaikh ‘Alai was called Hasan, and was one of
the great Shaikhs of the country of Bangila, and on his arrival
from Bangila on the occasion of his pilgrimage to the holy city
of Makka with his younger brother Shaikh Nagru-llah, who waa
one of the most eminent of the ‘Ulama, came from there to
Hindistan and took up his abode in the province of Baiana. The
words Ja@‘a narru-llih: wal fath,* were found to give the date of
that event. The elder brother gave his attention to irshdd® and
Aidayat, and the younger® to fatwé? and instruction in religious
knowledge.’
Shaikh ‘Alai, who was the most orthodox of the sons of the
Shaikh, the tablet of whose forehead was from early boyhood
distinguished by the marks of nobility and upnghtness, and the
evidences of a youth to be spent m the worship of God and in
following the ordimances of the prophet of God, muy the peace and
blessing of God rest upon him, in the service of his venerable
father devoted himself to the acquirement of exoteric and esoteric
sciences, and to the improvement of his character, disposition, and
behaviour, and in a short time® having read all the routine works
by the aid of his natural quickness of apprehension and clear
intellect, engaged in tuition and instruction

1 See Ain-i-Akbari (Bloohmann) J, Biography V, seqq.

& See Beale (Oriental Biog Dict), p. 240
8 atl Sau} sha They also aay HOWL FAR} ghe, 4c, one feather of the
arrow is hke another See Freytag Prov, Arub I 345. As wesay “As lke
as two peas.”
.
{
woe? .°
‘ gis AU)
pti slam. ‘The letters give the date 935 H. The words mean,
The victory of God and conquest has come to pass.
5 aley Irghad, Orthodory. “SylO® Hiddyat, Guidavce, direction.
¢ Mss. (A) (B) both omit dy but the text seems probably correct:
1 Teg fatw%. Religions or judicial! rulings.
© MS. (A) omits the words yd pel6. ® MSS (A) (RB) Snayd,
 [ 508]
Verse.
Continual learning is requisite with application and exertion,
Always by day argument and by night repetition.
Piety, asceticism, worship and reverence,
Without these, all acquisitions are wondrous vain.
After the death of his revered father, having abandoned the
ordinary conversation and giving up all connection with the
delustve phantoms of the world, he set himself to follow consis-
tently the paths of obedience and austerity, firmly occupying the
prayer carpet of the Shaikhs, and used to engage in the direction
and mstruction! of seekers of the mght way. Nevertheless he
still retained a residue of evidences of worldly desires, and in
accordance with the saying, “The last thing to leave the head of
the just is the love of glory,”* seeking as he did to claim
superiority over his fellow-men, be was unwilling that any other
Shaikh in that erty should share his digmty, thie he carried ao
fur that ou the day of the festivals, from his excessive jealousy ®
and envy, he ceased one of the leaders of the contemplative4
and ascetic § Shaikhs of the Sufi party to descend from his litter,
thus inflicting a grievous blow to his dignity He need to arrogate
to himself alone the dignity of Shaikhdom. His other brothers,
Who im respect of years and experience were his superiors, used
also to yield submission to him and pride themselves upon 1t.6
In the meanwhile Miyén ‘Abdu-lab, a Niyézi’ Afghan, who was
at first one of the most noted hentenants of Shaikh Salim Chighti
of Fathpir, and who eventually with his permission proceeded
on
& pilgrimage to the sacred city of Makka, and performed
various
kind offices and favours for him, taking part with Mir Ssiyyid
Mohammad of Jaunpir,? may God sanctify his holy
resting-place,
who had claimed to be the promised Mahdi, and
adopting the
manners of a Mahdi, on his return from the Hijéz took
up his
1 MSS, (A) (B) write old)! y upd,
4 “That last infirmity of noble minds,’
4 Badioni here naes 4hus gitbiat in @
sense opposed to ite classical mean-
ing which 18 emulation unmixed with envy,
“MB (A) reads puyive for Semayhe in the
text,
* MBB. (A) (B) read LAs tor BhSie
in the tort,
$ MBS (A) (B) read digyKse, 1 . .
# Seo Kin-1-Akbari (B)I, iy, Bee Kina-akbari (B)I, v. Cd
 [ 508}
abode ia Bignah, and making his dwelling in the corner of s
grove fer from the haanta of men on the borders of « tank, used
to cast water‘upon his head; and when the times of prayer came 4

round, used to gather together certain of the labourers, hewers of $96.

wood and drawers of water who had to pass by that way, and compel
them to form an assembly for prayer,! with such « degree of
enthusiasm, that if he met any man disinclined for the meeting
he would give him a few coins* and encourage him, thus not
allowing the reward of the assembly ® to escape him.
When Shaikh ‘Alai saw his conduct he was greatly pleased,*
and said to his own followers, This is religion and true faith
which Miyén ‘Abdu-llah Niyézi hea, whereas the path in which
we are held is nought but idolatry and infidelity.$
So long as a hair's breadth of existence remains to thee ®
The danger of idol-worship still remains for thee -
Thou sayest I have broken my idols and my Zunndr, I am free,
This idol however, thy slavery to self-conceit, remains to thee.
Abandoning the customs of his forefathers, and giving up his
celainis as a Shaikh anda leader of religion, trampling ander foot
his self-esteem and conceit, he devoted himself to the care of the
poor of his own neighbourhood, and with the utmost self-mortifi-
cation and bumility gave himself up to the service of those whom
he had formerly? vexed, aud abandoning his madad-t-madeh®
and his alme-house and monastery,’ entering the valley of self-
renunciation and abnegation, bestowed." all his worldly possessions .

1 MBS. (A) (B) omit Soi. 3 MS. (A) OM ooys.

8 Concerning this it ie said: “The prayers which are said in multitudes
mcreass the rewards of those said alone by twenty-seven degrees.” Seo
Mughkdtu-l-Magabid (Mathew) xxiv. 1.
MS, (B) S285 cfye slew,
§ ey ule 8 3 here ace Se. Jus but pa; asti o zunndrddri niet. The
term Zunnir (Gk. evden (Golus) or fevdper (Freytag)] 1 applied to the belt
or girdle worn by the Christian or Magian. it also apphes te the Brahouuical
thre wd and thus the wenrer of any of these 1s to Muslims an infidel.

6M (A) reads Saul (SU giant 399 ese ye OL G1 MB. (A) tie
8 Landa given for benevolent purposes, see Ain-i-Akbar, (B) 1, 270,
“MBS (A) (B) omn zhid 1 MSS. (4) (BY read OyF yUat
y si
 { 510}
even to his books upon the poor, and smd to hia wife,! “The pains
of the search after God have gotten hold of me, if thou canst
endare poverty and hanger come with me in God’s name, but if
not take* thy portion of these goods; and take the reius of choice
into thine own hauda, and go thy way.”
Follow my fortunes, or else depart far from me
She of her own accord was highly pleased with this deter-
mnation of his >
There are some women who perform perhaps even better than
men the duties of religion
Just as m boldness the lioness surpasses the lion.
Then appronching Miyan ‘Abdu-llah, with all respectful sub-
miasion to him, he took instruction in the ceremonial observance of
Zikr* in the manner which obtains among that sect.
The mierpretations of the Qur'an, and the delicate pomts and
minutie and true meanings of that sacred book were eamly
revesled to him, and a large number of the friends and com-
panions who were m accord with him, and believed io him, some
of them anmazrted and some with frmuilies, chose compamonship
with him even at the mek of thei: lives, and following the path
of his guidance with the foot of reliance m God, three hundied
householders, abandomng all other source of gain and trattic,
agriculture and skilled labour, spent their time with him. And
whenever anything was given by Providence they used to davide
it justly, apportioning to each individual an equal share. If
nothing came.’ comforting themselves with the sacred word,
“Men whom neither merchandise vor selling divert from the
remembrance of God,”® even had they died of hunger, they would
not have uttered a sound, and 1f any person abandoning his vow
made aveording to their mutual compact engaged in any lucrative
occupation, of a surety he would expend s tithe of it m the
IMs (A) reads 4la, = 8 MS. (A) (B) slop) Tho tort roads wrong
ly asTy!. 3 This Ine is omitted from M&. (B).
+ po. &kr = The religious ceremony practised by the various religions
orders of Fagira. See Hughes, Dect. of Islém, art. Zskr.
ww

§ I read here ¥y MSS (A) (B).

1
¢ Quin anv. 37, ah x woolyer Ire Ved eto
O13 He pared Fey,
 { sll]
service of Almighty God. Twice daily after the morning prayer
and another prayer, great and small wonld gather in that
assembly, aud listen to an exposition of the Qur'an. Shaikh ‘Alat
had such a marvellous power of attraction that when he was
expounding the Qur‘én almost every one who heard him, of his
own accord withheld his band from all worldly occupation, and
elected to join that agsembly,' abandoning his family and relations
and children, endarmg the hardships of poverty, hunger and
religious warfare never troubled himself again about his work or
gains; and if he had not that degree of fortitude, bis penitence
and repentance of his sins and iniquities would certamly have
availed nothing, while many a one thought it his duty to empty
his cooking vessels at nightfall of all the necessities of hfe even
to salt and flour and water, and let them remain upside down, and
they kept nothing in the way of means of emstence by them, from
their extrome faith in the providence of Almighty God, and the
saying “Each new day brings a new provision” was the basis of
their practice.
‘ A-short account of this sect is given inthe Najdtu-r-rashid®
which should be consalted §
In spite of this they were in the habit of keeping arma and
mmplements of war always with them* as a protection against
their enemies, so that anyone who was unacquainted with the
tinth of the matter would be apt to think they were wealthy,
The sgnorant think them to he auch because of ther modesty.’ And
whenever they saw any imelgious or forbidden action either m
the city or the market, they went and called the offenders to
account by main force,® and admitted no investigation by the
governor, and on most occasions they got the best of it, they
aided every magistrate of the city who acted in conformity with
their religious tenets and principles? in carrying out his

1 MSS. (A) (B) insert ty after <gar*

8 dad, whe’ Nujitu-r-raghid. AMS, of this work w in the Labrary of
the Amatic Society of Bengal, No. B. 204 Ita author ws Badioni.
§ MS. (A) reada ots. 4 MBS (A) reads sl.
B+ wege F ou I we
b Qurin ii, 274, Sibel qe sly alert penet,
$US, (A) reuds 45,5 for Ais
TMB, (A) reads Oey og” y1 O14} 53.
 { 512 4
‘measures, while no one who was opposed to their views could
{stand against them. Matters came to such a pass that fathers
left their sons, brother left brother, and wife left husband]! and
entered the charmed circle of the Mahdi, voluntarily aubmitting
to poverty and extinction. Miyén ‘Abdu-llah when he saw that
Shaikh ‘Ala’i had lost his influence with rich and poor alike, and
that his day was over, was much vexed, and speaking with gentle.
ness and moderation, said by way of advice, The time cannot
away with affairs of this kind, and troth nowadays has become
more bitter than colocynth. It were wiser for you to quit this
vale (of imquity) and either retire into obscurity or determine
upon @ journey to the Hijaz,
Verse.
Alas! for him who escapes not from public turmoil,
Alas! for him who sets his heart upon the men of this world
The band of the faqir holds no other coin but that of leisure,
Alss! for him if he abandons that also.
Shaikh ‘Ala’i® retaining that selfsame habit and
conduet$
which he always had, accompamed by
six or seven hundred
families, set out for Gujrat in the hope that in the compa
nionship
of the chiefs* and leaders of this sect he might learn the customs
of the mmates of cloisters® At the time of his arrival at the
township of Basiwar from Baiana, my late father took me, the
writer of these pages, to do homage to him. In consequence of
my tender years, his form remamed fixed in my memory
as a
dream or a vision. On his arrival at Khawispir which is near
Jodhpir, Khawis Khan who hed been appoi
nted to that district,
at first came ont to receive him and Joined the circle of his
adherents: but in consequence of his devotion to musical
enter.
tainments and pastimes,® whereas now every Thursday
night
Sifis used to assemble in his house, and Shaikh ‘Ala’i
forb.de
music and other prohibited’ pastimes, and enjoined" that which

IMS (A) yAy® Jw}. The words in brackets are onntted in MS (B),
SMS (A) omit uit § MS. (B) omits calle 5,
4 M8 (A) reads wrongly Wael
§ Insert in the text |) after 9d MSS, (A) (B)
* MBS (A) (B) ag? duke pile
y glo 1 uss. (4) (p) gtile y galee
© MS (B) reads wrongly yy! for p<]
 , B13]
was lawfal and opposed that which was forbidden by law, accord-
ingly their association was not agreeable, besides which opposition
and disagreement arcse with regard to the upholding of the rights
of the soldiery: The saying—
Versly speaking the truth will not leave me a mngle friend!
ia a well known proverb. Shaikh ‘Ala'i in consequence of cer-
tain opposition which arose, turned back in the middle of the
journey and returned to Baiana, and at the time wheu Islem Shah
had taken firm possession of the throne of power in Agra, and
the rumonrs regarding Shaikh ‘Ala’i reached his ears, he sent for
Mir Saiyyid Rafi‘u-d-Din the traditionist, and Miyan * Abul-fath
of Thanesar and other learned doctors of Agra, and sammoned
Shaikh ‘Ala'i from Basina, at the inatigation of Makhdimu-l-
mulk Manlana ‘Abdu-llah of Sulganpir. He accordingly, accom-
panied by a party of select* companions, all of whom wore mail
and were fully armed, came to the Court, and paying no heed to
the customary observances of kingly assemblics,* greeted the
whole assemblage in the manner appointed by tlie laws of Islém.®
Islem Shah acknowledged his salutation with indignation, as the
appearance of the Shaikh greatly displeased’ bim and his
courtiers.
Makhdamu-I-Mulk had fully persuaded Islem Shah that
Shaikh ‘Ala’i was a revolutionary who laid claim to being the
Mahdi, and that the Mahdi himself would be king of the whole
world: consequently as he presumed to revolt he was deserving
of death, ‘Isa Khin? Hajjab who held a very confidential post,
and the other Amirs, when they saw Shaikh ‘Ala’i in this dis-
pleasing attire, with ragged clothes and worn out shoes, said to
Islem Shah “This fellow, in this condition and with this miser-
able appearance, wishes ta take away the kingdom from us, doe
he imagine that we Afghans are all corpses ! ”
Prior to the convening of the assembly for discussion, Shaikh
‘Ala’i in accordance with his invariable custom, had expounded a

F weu, 0b &
1 ByrneJ Sh ob GEA i ol. 2 MBB, (A) (B) whe,
5 M8. (B) omits Ur9oe*.
MB. (A) reads dL(yo for Oh (ye and omits pie,
Omt 3» MSS (A) (B) 6 MSS. (A) (B) dye).
7 MSB. (4) (B) supply wie.
60
 ; 514 |]

few verses of the Qur'an, and delivered such a profitable discourse,

mn most elegant language, comprising a criticism of the world,
and a description of the last judgment, and contemptuous remarks
regarding the learned mon of the time, and all their faults and
failings,! that it had the most profound effect* upon Islem Shah
and the Amirs who were present in the assembly, notwithstanding
their hardness of heart, so that it brought tears to their eyes and
left them amazed and confounded. Islem Shah then rose from
the assembly, and giving the matter his own attention sent
refreshments from inside the palace for the Shaikh and his com-
panions® The Shaikh, however, refused to touch* the food
himeelf, and moreover when Islem Shah entered ® he did not pay
him any respect, and merely said to his friends: Any one who
chooses may eat of 1t. When they enquired of him the reason of
his abstaining from eating the food he replied : “ Your food is due
to Muslims because you have possessed more than was yours by
right, contrary to the dictates® of the law of Islam.” Islem
Shah notwithstanding this repressed his anger, and referred the
enquiry into the truth of that dispute? and the decision of that
contention to the ‘ulama,
Shaikh ‘Ala@’i vanquished every one of them in argument, by
virtue of hie quickness of imtellect and clearness of apprehension,
401 and whenever Mir Saiyyid Rafiu-d-Din (who died in the year
954 H.) was engaged ® in citing the traditions which existed relat-
ing to the appearance of the promised Mahdi, and the signs by
which he would be known, Shaikh ‘Ala’i used to say, “ you are &
Shafitte by religion? and wo! aro Hanifites, the fundamentals
of your traditions are different from those of our’s ;"” How can
we
accept |! your explanations and intetpretations on this question
?
Nor did he spare '® even Mulla ‘Abdu-Hah himself in his criticism
of a single pomt, saying to him, “ you are one of the learned men
of the world and a thief of religion, and you engage in so many

LMS (A) whilbs,

PMB. (A) 9 M95 Hye 7
yes sg (B) ladle,
MB. (A) aySyl 5 MS. (A) waefyo pli,
@MSB (A) (B) gph pia colle, 1 MSS (A) (B) Cue wf,
“MS (B) writes gr 845 ot) wf wledls omitting odue,
* MSS (A) (B) oe 10 MB, (3) lay.
WMS (8) rends pata pal, MS, (B) reudy endtataey
 [31sJ
iNegal practices that you bave put yourself outside the pale of
equity, ao that even to this time the sound of pipe and tabor may
be plainly heard issuing from your honse, and in aecordauce with
the true traditions of the prophet, upon him be peace and blessing, a
fly whieh settles upon filth is by degrees better than learned men
who! have made kings and emperors the object of their ambition
aad gad from door to door.
Verse.
Learning which exists for the sake of palace and garden
Is like a lamp to the night loving thief
In accordance with these premisses he utteréd so many scathing
satires [on those who preach but do not practise, citing in supp srt
of his* arguments examples from the Qur’in and Traditions]
that Malla ‘Abdu-llah was not able to say a single word in
defence. One day in the midst of the argument it happened that
the learned Mulla Jalal Bhim® of Agra, having turned up that
tradition which relates to the description and evidences of the
promised Mabdi,* read as follows,’ Ajallu-l-jabhah,® on the form
of the af‘alu-t-tafgil derived from jalél; Sheikh ‘Alsi smiled, and
said, “Good Heavens!? ‘You have given yourself out to the
world as a marvel of Jearning, and yet you cannot read witha
proper pronunciation, you have no knowledge of the delicacies,

1 Omits jo MS. (A) 8 Not in M8. (B) which roads dy7 (50 clay,
$ MS. (A) reads ie) Thim
¢ Regarding the Mahdi, see Blochman din-+-Akbari I, m1.
6 MBB. (A) (B) & odyd warp.
¢ The text here rans:

Jie 3 pico Undid Laney PY als pam ith Fuel Uy af

MB. (A) reads more correctly * Jala; uaa) Uni Eines,
Ajallu-L-yabhah would have no accurate meaning. Jalal meaning greatness.
La

The superlative form with the article is apphed to God - Jad ALAjatin.
ae? Be
The form Use ofa'tu ix called the Uasai bine or form of superiority,
+.¢, the comparative, er, oombined with the article, the superlative,
I
7 Ohh ple” Subhan-Allah (hit) Prawe be to Codd A common mode ul
@xprossiug surprise Or astonishmen,
 [ 516j
and subtleties and minutie of the science of tradition.’ The
real reading is Ajlau-l-jabhah® which is the form Afa'alu-t-tafett
from jala, not from jalal which is your own name.”
He was abashed and said not another word.* They likewise
relate concerning Shaikh Mubdrak‘ that he was an ally® of
Shaikh ‘Ali’i in this assembly, and from that day® he became
known? ag Mahdawi, and Islem Shah being deceived® by his
speech and explanations used to say “You must have been in the
habit of expounding the meaning of the Qur’én,” he also gave a
message to the Shaikh in these words “Give up this claim of
yours to be the promised Mahdi,’ and renounce this pretension
secretly in my hearing, and I will make you chief overseer of
religion in the whole of my dominions, and whatever lawful
orders you have been in the habit of issuing without my
authority, continue henceforth to issue these same commands with
my permission. Otherwise, the ‘Ulamaé of this time have given
their decision that you should be killed and gibbetted, but I will
revise their sentence, for I am not willing that your blood should
be shed, The'Shaikh, however, who had been successful at every
step, and in this easy pretension and partial object of attainment
had got beyond the power of even Islem Shab,!! cared nought for

1 MSS (A) (B) ormt “da,

tgp! Ajiqu-l-yabhah. Most wide of forehead, That 1s to say
having that degree of baldness which os termed de jald, se., baldness of
the fore part of the head See Lane Les s. v. yi!
8 oy (9 St 3 MS. (A) reads incorrectly 9} ray shay 3b
# MSS, (A)(B) have 9 before the word ee.

§ MSS, (A) (B) correctly read rw Mumidd, The text hay dom” Muhame
mad,
@ M&S. (A) (B) ormt 3yy reading 3 wt}!
1 MBS, (A) (B) OX yypho, :
2 MSS,(A) (B) ome & read why diis,s
#M8S.(A)(B) read Aidal hofne osf
10 M8. (A) reids @47 for dinsf,
I MS, (B) reads tay for ay oy
 [ 67 j
any roler and addressed! bim in these words, “why should I
chanye# my own belief at your bidding.”
If thon désirest safety, reproach is right
If safety is lost, reproach is a mistake.
In the meantime tidings reached Islem Shah® daily “ To-day
such and such an Afghan # genoral has gone over to the following
of the Shaikh and sided with him, giving up all worldly consi-
derations.”
The following day Bahmin and Mulla ‘Abdo-llah spent every
moment in urging Islem Shah to put the Sheikh to death. At
last Isleom Shah gave orders for his expulsion,’ and forbade him
to remain in his kingdom, and ordered him'to go to the Dakkan,
Shaikh ‘Alsi who had for years ® desired to travel in the Dakkan
and to see how the Mahdawi ideas were progressing there, hearing
this good tidings recited’ the text Vertly God's earth ts wide!
Then he arose and started without delay for that country.
Qasim, curtail thy speech, atsse, and take thy way,
Cast the sugar to the parrots, cast the carcase to the vultuies,
On his arrival at Handiya,? which is the frontier of the
Dakkan, Bihar Khan, who was entitled A‘zam Humayin Sirwani,
the governor of that place, kept him for some time in his own
family, and having embraced hia tenets used to go daily to hear
his preaching, and half! his army, nay more than half, sided with
him; this news was brought to Islem Shah by runners, and roused
his indignation. Makhdimu-)-Mulk took great pains to paint the
event in glowing colours, and misrepresented 1t to Islem Shah so
that orders were issued summoning Shaikh ‘Ala’i Just at this

1 Omit yg? MB. (A).

* MS.(A) pas
Pe MB. (A) piled.
# MB. (A) wah. 5 MS (R) tS gh elyal,
8 MB, (B) omts jb. 7 MS. -ta) 2 Oily’,
«5% “if of
8 Qurin te 99 la yal deni ay wi 7 ll IB. They said
was not God's carth wide enough for you to flee away therem ?
8 Bee Imp, Guz, V. 309, Handiya is on the Narbadi im the Iloshangabad
District of the Central Provinces MS (A) reade 430% Hisdantya, and
Seey for Hey
10 MS, (B) det,
 [ 518 } ,
goneture Islem Shah had left Agra for the Panjab! with the
intention of quelling the disaffection of the Niyasi faction ; when
be arrived opposite to Baiana at the halting-place of Bahrstr,
Makhdamu-l-Mulk said to Islem Shah “we have earned a few days
respite * from the lesser evil by which he meant Shaikh ‘Ala’,
“but the great evil, that is Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah Niyazi, who is the
instructor of Shaikh ‘Ala’i and the spiritual guide of the Niyazi
faction, and always remains in the hill country of Baiana accom-
panied by three or four hundred men fully armed and equipped,
and raises disturbances there, is still flourishing.” The fire of the
anger of Islem §hab, who was thirsting for the blood of the
Niyasis, was fanned into flame by this breath® of suggestion,
and he ordered Miyén Bahwa [ihani* the Governor of Baiina,
who was one of the special adherents® of Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah,
to produce the Shaikh. Miyan Bahwa went to the Shaikh and
said: 16 seems to me to be the best course for you to hide yourself
for a few days in accordance with the saying “one should avoid
misfortune” and migrate from this city to some other place,
then perchance the king will forget® all about you and never
make an attempt of this kind again,’ and you will have met the
emergency,’ while I for my part shall have » good excuse.
Verse.
Fear not a misfortune when the night intervenes between it
and you.
Shaikh ‘Abdu-llah would not agree to this saggestion® of his,
and said, “this is an arrogant monarch and Makhdimn-l-Mulk is
always watching for an opportunity. If they go still further
away and then send for me it will cause me great annoyance , for
this reason, seeing that he 1s only ten krohs distant, I had better
interview him now, and as for the question of mastery here and
there, it will be all one whether it is to be now or in the future,
since whatever is predestined will come to pass.”
Man proposes and God disposes,

1 M8. (B) omits Ue Yd guilt,

MBB. (A) (B) rond elbly pM. 5 MS, (B) rends (sual,
# MS. (A) lh ». 6 MS (A) loss, 6 MS.(B) of sect).
7 MS. (B) readn WSgp® for Syn, ® MS (A) dsenly,
¥ MS. (B) omits «y*
 { 519]
Verse.
The rews of affairs are not in the hands of one who looks to
advisability,
Yield the reins into the hands of Fate, thisi isa the advisable
coures,
Accordingly he set ont by night from Baiana, and had an
interview with Islem Shih iz the morning as he was mounted
ready to march, aud greeted bim with ‘ Pence be fo you,’ On the
instant; Miydn Bahwa seized him by the nape of the neck and
bent his head down saying:! “My frend the Shaikh this is the
way they salute® kings” The Shaikh looked savagely in his diree-
tion 8 and replied: “The salutation which is ia accordance with
the sunnat,* and which is that which the frends of the Prophet,
may the peace and blessing of God be upon him and his family, used
to make, and which he, muy the peace and blessing of God be upon
him and his family, used to give them in response, is ths very form
of salntation, I know no other.” Islem Shih, with evident aversion
asked :® Is this the master of Shaikh ‘Alai? Mulla ‘Abdo-llah
who was lying in wait for him said- The very man. Ry order
of Islem Shah he was at once served and most unmercifully
beaten with sticks, and kicked and cuffed; the Shaikh as long as
he retained consciousness kept repeating this text of the sacred
word “Lord forgive us our sins, and our extravagance in our
affairs; and make firm our footing, and help us against the mis-
believing folk! ”? Islem Shah enquired what he was saying
Mulla® ‘Abdu-llah said: He is calling you and the rest of us —
unbelievers; Talem Shih becoming exceeding wroth waxed still
fiercer in his efforts to pumsh and torture him,’ and kept his retinne
standing !© an hour longer while they cudgelled him, and when he
thonght that the breath had left!! his body—

1 MS, (B) omita 29,8 and af ater cll,

aMs.(A) daitke ode, 3 MSS (A) (B) gulp,
4 The Sie sunnat us the traditional law of Mubammad.
6 MS. (A) omits Oy,f MS (B) reads 1 83,5.
© MSB, (A) (B) insert <
1 Qur'in ii. 141. See Palmer's Tranelation
8 MB. (B) omits 2s, 9 MSS. (A) (B) read sav y8s y cundsl,
10 MSS. (A)(B) omit ly st soliny MB, (B) reads usyyw.
ll MS,(A) oo
 [ 520]
One single breath was left as a mediator (between Life and
Death),
That mediator also 10se and departed.
he desisted, and went on his way.
A spark of life however remained! in the Shaikh, so they
wrapped him in a raw hide, and kept him warm fora night
and a day before fire, till he recovered. This ocourrence
took place in the year nine hundred and fifty-five. When
he had regained his health he left Baiana, and commenced
travelling, and spent some time in Afghanistién (Rih), and some
time among the Afghans of Pattan m the Panjab,’ on the confines
of Bajwara between Ambér and Amntsar,$ and was in the habit
of saying * This was the fruit of consorting with argumentative
people.
Oh ye lords of contemplation, all my trust is in you,
But ye masters of discussion I’ll have none of you,
Finally be came to Sirhind,’ and giving up all connection with
the manners and customs of the Mahdawi party (moreover he
turned all the Mahdawi party from that faith) began to deal with all
the followers of Islim according to the tenets of the orthodox
school, fall eventually im the year 993 H., at the time when the
Emperor was on his way to Benares, he summoned Shaikh ‘Abdu-
lléh and granted bim a portion of madad-1-madsh ® land in Sirhind
with remainder to his children. And in the year 1000 HL, he
bade farewell to this transitory world at the age of ninety or
thereabout
Ruba'i.
If the courser of the sky give the reins into your hand,
And if the world gives yon wealth as the dust under your feet
If your wisdom surpasses the wisdom of Aflatin,’
406. These are all as nought, at last you must die.
After that Islem Shih had overcome the Niyari faction, and had

1MS (A) omits Sle

2 MS (4) Sapo 59 LEY yl). Pik Pattan or Ajidhan.
* MSS (A) (B) read here yeh
9 pil epuile, MS. (4) adda antl before yi.
$ MS. (B) scalS 0 ope,
6 MS. (B) omta towf oMtyes, = 6 MBS (A) (B). 7 Plato.
 { 5%]
returned to Agra, Mulla ‘Abdu-llgh set about inciting him,! and
giving him a song which reminded him of former intoxications,
again induced him to summon Shaikh ‘Alé'i from Hindiys, and
to order punishment to be executed upon him, and spared no
pains to remind him in the vilest possible way, that Shaikh ‘Alsi
had been condemned to banishment, whereas now Bahar Khin
had become his disciple and follower, and the whole army had
shewn their leaning towards him. Seeing that his own relations
had sought absolution from him and had adopted his faith, there
waa great probability of disturbance in the kingdom. Accordingly
Yslem Shah summoned Shaikh ‘Ala’i thence, and used still more
strenuous exertions than before* to bring matters to a satisfactory
settlement, and knowing as he did the ambitious nature of Shaikh
‘Ala'i, and recognismg that there was no other man among the
learned men’ of Dehli and Agra capable of settling this dispute,
he therefore directed Shaikh ‘Ala’i to be sent to Bihar to Shaikh
Brdh * the learned physician, in whom Sher Khan had the very
utmost confidence, and who is renowned for the anthoritative com-
mentary which he wrote upon the J: shad-i- Qazi,’ and bade him act
in accordance with his directious.6 When Shaikh ‘Ala@’i went
thither, he heard the sound of singmg and musical instruments pro-
ceeding from the rooms occupied by Shaikh Budh the physician,
and saw in lis assembly certain other things repugnant both to
the natural feelings and? to religious law ® also, the very mention
of which is disgraceful, so felt constrained to enjoin® what was
lawful and to forbid what was piohibited. Since Shaikh Budh
was very infirm’? and aged, and was not strong enough to
speak, his family answered for him that certain custems and
observances which have obtained vogue in Hindustan are of

1 MBB, (A) (B) 3% S22. 8 Omit o94. MS. (A).

8 MS. (B) omite fy after S49 and inserts it after $f.
4 MS. (A) reads %o e Shaikh Hadah (?)
5 See Haji Khalifah, 522 Irshad.
€ MS. (A) readsgf dspiJ. MS. (B) reads Sule 0 es,
71 MS. (B) ggits yd. 2 M8, (B) didyo.
9 MS. (A) reads o95 25 Sie ost? 3p yy" ptt whick w the exact opposite
of the reading in the text.
19 MS. (B) omits gi and reads 0) for wyF and Ghyfhal for
qaolaa),
66
 [ 322].
such a natore that if one should forbid them in any way
whatever, worldly injury, and loss both bodily and spiritual!
would inevitably result to the prohibitor, also that the women
of Hinduatén who #s 4 class are worthless, consider that loss
as the result of restrictive measures, and for that reason become
infidels. In any case legahsing incontinence was probably a
less sin than legalising infidelity.* Shaikh ‘Ala’i said that this is
an iniquitous conjecture,’ as is proved by the fact that, whenso-
ever worldly losa according to ther belief is the result of the
interference* with some prohibited pleasure, and the injunction
to obedience is held by them to be the cause of personal death
and injury to their property and position, they have not ever
the fundamental properties of Muslims, 50 that thei conformity
to Islim need not oven be considered. Seeing that the argument
concerns the validity of Nikih,’ why should one regret © the fact
of their not bemg Muslims ? for itis said, Lhaf whihts based upon
inegnity ve most mniquitous of all? That class theretore stand con.
demned, Shaikh Budh the physician however,’ having regard to
equity became their spologist and entered a plea for them, praising ®
Shaikh ‘Aldi and treatuug him with the utmost courtesy and
respect.
Fnst of all he wrote a Jetter to Islem Shah in the following
terms, “ Sccing that the Mahdawi question 14 not mdissolubly bound
up with the tath of Islam, and very gent difference of opinion
exiate as !° to the veritable signs by which the Mahdi is to be distin-

1The text varies from the MSS (A) ond (B) which read
vies 9 cgs¥o whilo MS (B) omit wie.
2 We phoald read here
BAL aS ¥55 AS jaye” 31 OL G5 52 y=?yo Sle MSS (.A) (B),
3 BIN. (A) duals ld # MS. (B) rvads wrongly yA) for pu.
& 7° Nikth Tho mariage contract A marriage contracted betweon
& Muslim man and a Hmda women 38 invalid in accordance with the :myune-
tion of the Qur’in The issue of anch o marringe is however held to bo
legitamate. Under no mrcumstances can a Muslis. women marry any but #
Muslim For fuller discussion of this subject, ave Hughes, Dict, of faldn,
art Marriage.
© MS. (B) rends Sy for ayym. 1 dad} dual (glo sli),
8 MS. (B) rends y for be} and omits wiles} cle ys.
9 MS. (B) reads 84S for Sipe, 19 MS. (LB) omits wh.
 [ 58]
guished, it is accordingly impossible to convict Shaikh! ‘Ala’t of
infidelity and impiety. At any rate, all doubts regarding him
should be removed. Here books * are very scarce, whereas there
are sure to be many 5 books in the library of the learned men of
your country, let them settle the truth of the matter.”.
The sons of the Shaikh impressed upon him that Makhdfimo-l-
Malk * was the Sudru-s-sudir,® and said, “ This opposition of theirs
tohim has undoubtedly been the cause of your being summoned.
At your great age it 1s far from wise for you to undertake so long
a journey, and to undergo the severe fatigue incidental to it.”
Thoy accordingly cancelled his first letter® and, whether he
would or not, secretly wrote another letter? as if from Shaikh
Budh, conched in terms of flattery of Malla ‘Abdn-llah, and sent
it to Islem Shah, saying, “ Makhdaimn-l-Mulk is one of the most
discriminating of the learned doctors of the day. What he says is
the truth and his decision 1s the sound decision.”
At the time when Islem Shah was encamped in the Panjab 408.
Shaikh ‘Ala’i arrived at the camp of Biu Baa ; when Islem Shah read
the sealed letter of Shaikh Budh the physician, he called Shaikh
‘Ala'i to come close io him and said to lnm im a Jow tone of yoice,
“Do you only * say to me in my own ear that you are penitent
for having made this claim, you shall then be accorded complete
hberty to go where you will® and do as you please.” Shaikh ‘Ala’i
however refused to give ear to bis propossls and paid no heed to
him ; I.lem Shih in despair! gaid to Mulla ‘Abdu-llah, £ leave
himin your hands." This he said, and gave orders for bim to receive
a certain number of stripes in his own presence.!* Sharkh ‘Ala’i

1 MS (B) omits 9. 2MS (A) reads comet whe qi ley 5,

5 MS (B) omits soe. 4 MS (B) reade poe®,
6 The Sndru-s-gudir ia the chief judge of all rehgious queationa among
Muhammadans He was also known as Sadr-i-kul or Sadr-i-jahin, See Ain-
1-Akbari (B) I. 271. .
OMS (A) reads 15 god ly at Uy Aid,
T Insert ggit> aftor cs@ly® MS (B).
8MS (A) rends 9% ur ossyo 4H53
9 MSS, (A) (B) insert 9 before lt £6.
10 MS (B) reads 3 cggdlo,
U wily agile >. Ist, You know and this fellow, ce. the matter is one
between you and him.
18 MBS. (B) inserts 29% yyiee! ofter 456, not asin tho text.
 [ 324].
himeelf had a wound in his neck, the result of an operation for
the pestilence which raged in that year throughout the whole of
Hindustin, and hed destroyed the greater part of the people.!
This wound had to be kept open by a tent,* in addition te which
he was suffering from the fatigue of hie journey, and had hardly
a breath of life left in him, so that at the third Jash his lofty soul
quitted ite humble frame and took its flight to the abode promised
in the words “ In the seat of truth, in the presence of the powerful
king” * and rested in the pleasant places of which it is said
“ Eye hath uot seen, nor ear heard neither hath tt entered into the
heart of man.” And after his death they tied his delicate body*
to the feet of an elephant, and trampled him to pieces® in the
street of the camp, and issued orders forbidding the burial of his
corpse,* and appointed agents (to see to this). At that very
time a vehement whirlwind arose and blew with so great violence,
that people thonght that the last day had arrived,’ and great
lamentation and mourning? was heaid throughout the whole
camp, and men were in expectation of the early ® downfall of the
power of Islem Sha...
And they say that in tho course of the night such a wealth of
flowers was scaitered over the body of the Shaikh that he was
completely hidden beneath them and was so to speak entombed
in flowers
After this event !° the power of Islem Shah lasted barely two

1 M8 (A) Ge%S tS}. Tho babome plagac appeara to have been tho
epidemic here referred to.
4 ais Mg, (A) reads As
§ Qur’in Wwiv 55. The full quotation is
7 e ee oy te Geo, SIG
yolbe ole Sie Ge othe Gi ods « hie (99 crltell wt
ee - wag

Venly, the pions shat! be amd gardens and rivers, in the seat of truth,
with the powerful king.
4 MS. (B) reade Ww, 5 MB. (B) reads $Y 32
6 MB. (A) reads OK «99, 1 MBS. (A) (B) read Coliip U3
8 MBS. (A) (B) read pile alalé ® MS (B) omits quis.
10 A foot: ate to the text reads e tls prtlaat toy Anes ys, (4) omits

these words and reads ye pint wdya Wl O92 y

The textnal reading ay, -* to be wrong.
 ( 525 ]
years. It was in fact an exact counterpart of the affair of Sultan 409
Jalalu-d-Din Firos Shih Khbilji after the execution of Sidi Maula,!
save that the decdy of the kingdom of Salim Shah was even
more rapid than that of Jalaln-d-Din. People considered Mulla
‘Abdallah, who was always vexatious to the holy men, to be the
cause of all this heart-burning, and this was really the case. ‘
This event took place in the year 957 H. (1550 A.D.) the
writer of these pagen was at that time ten years of age, and
invented the two following chronograma: The first is Zakiru-Uan,
the second Sagdhum rabbuhum ghardban,®
Among the events which happened in the reign of Ialem Shah
was the murder of Khawigs Khan, of which the following is a
brief account. When Khawadss Khan, after the battle with the
Niy&zia fled to the foot of the hills, Islem Shah appointed to
that district Taj Khan Karraini who was the brother of Suleimin
Karrani, and the most learned and able of the whole Afghan
line, and wrote a command from his camp at Bin Bai, that they
were to induce Khawags Khan, even if it were by meaus of treaty
oaths, to come down from the hills, and pnt an end to him.
However Taj Khan was unable to effect? anything owing to
the impregnability of that mountain retreat, and accordingly
sent Khawdase Khan the message of Islem Shah promising him
safety.* He, relying upon the word of 4 Muslim, came® and had
an interview with Taj Khan, who instantly § had him put to death
and sent his head? to Salim Shah at the township ® of Bin (Baa),
and after burying his body*® at the township of Sarasta, in the
neighbourhood of Sambal, transferred it thence to Dihli This
event happened in the year 959H. (AD. 1551). As a chrono-

IMS (A) reads yas,

3 alli pis Zakiru-Udh Lit pee pe plies Sagahum rabbuhurs shardban.
The mindfal of God, May their Lord give them to drink a
draught of wine.
Each of these gives the date 957. H.
8 MSS. (A) (B) rile crmrigli 65K
¢ MSS. (A) (B) insert ». b MSS. (A) (B) 9«f.
¢ MS. (B) omits wii <6 y
1 MS. (B) omite |y and reads wlohe for pale.
8 MSS, (A) (B) omits S03, # MB, (A) Sy».
 { 526].
graphical record they invented the words Musibat ba‘tlam shud,!
that is to say, A calamity for the world.
One of his magnanimous acts was the following. On his arrival
410. at Kalpi in the company of Shir Shah he gave two laks of rapeca
to the sweetmeat sellers of that city so that they might send
sugarcane to Rautanbhor without intermission In the same way
also he gave money to all the mango gardens of Baiapa, so that
they might send mangoes day after day to the halting-places for
the poor and necessitous.
In the meantime §hir Shah died, and Salim Shah sppointed
persons who recovered the sum of twenty-four thousand rapees §
which remained of that money, and on receiving it put it into the
treasury
In this same year Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-haiyy, the son of Shaikh
Jamali Kanbawi of Dibli,s who was adorned with excellencics of
science and poetry,’ and was a devont man and the boon
companion and specially favoured intimate of Islem Shah,
delivered up the life entrusted to his keeping, and Saiyyid Shah
Mir of Agra invented the following chronogram :—
He said —
My name in itself would furnish the tartkh
At such time as ‘abd (the slave) was not in the midst of it?
Among the events which happened during the time that Islem
Shah was encamped at Bin was the following. One day in the

1 A footnote to the text says that these words give the date 989 and that
therefore there 1s some mistake.
It appears that the real reading should be O* ley canee musibat ba ‘ém
ghud, which woald give the correct date, and this if in fact the reading w
MS. (A) The text should accordingly be corrected in accordance with this,
and we should translate, A general calamity.
® MSS. (A) (B) Jay? iy.
3 MS (B) omits J) and reads |) after 2x9) instead of 3! as in the
text.
# MB, (A) gles 6 MS (A) reads ¢sty® for gy.
@ sole qaole, MB. (B) reads cyl caale a» generous man.
1 The lines run thus‘ dg) whe yo af shy tis p98 ah gee pli evil,
If we take the name lous a and remove from it the centre word
oO ‘abd which means a slave we find the remaining words give the date 959 H.
 { 6a7 J 1
interval between two times of prayer Ialem Qhah was sitting at ease
upon bis roadster, ! aud was proceeding with a small escort from
tho camp to visit the fort of Man Garh,? which lies at a distance
of five or six krohe or thereabonts, in accordance with his usual
custom, when suddenly a man sprung up in front of him and
blocking the road, holding a sword concealed in his armpit like
the proverbial Taabata Gharran,? under pretence of seeking
redress (for some grievance) came forward and aimed* a blow
at him. Salim §bah, however, with great adroitness caught the
blow upon the head of his whip. The handle of the whip was cat
through and a slight wouud was inflicted upon his face. When
the man raised his arm to strike a second blow Salim Shah sprang
forward and hurled himself upon that rnffian, and wrested the
sword from his hand. At this instant Daviat Khan Ajyara, the
sou of Saziwal Khan, who was the chosen intimate and bosom
friend of Islem Shah, galloped up and dealt a blow at that 411.
miscreant. Others also came up and enquired from him the
reason for his action. Salim Shah did not approve of this* and
suid; ‘Tias wretch will destroy the houses of numberless people,
lose no time in taking due vengeance on him.’ However he recog+
nised that sword as the one he had given to Iqba) Khan. This
Iqbal Khan was one of the scum and off-scourmgs of Hindustin
who had rendered Shir Shah several services. He was 50 exceed-
ingly ill-favoured,? mean-looking, and oafish im appearance that
they used to call him Rahmatnu-llibi, which in Hindustan is the term

1 Road yslp@ly for slaty,

* MSB. (4) (B) Sule,
8 ipo byt, The surname of §abit-hin-Jibor bin Safyin al-Fahmi,s
famous Arab athlete and warrior, who was so called according to some
because the sword never quitted him, or beosuse he put beneath his srm-pit
( hay ) @ quiver of arrows, and took a bow, or put beneath his arm-pit6
kmfe and came to an assembly of Arabs and smote some of them, sec Lane
ov, ds. According to the account in the Agbini, he acgnired hia name
from haviog slaw a hon ina dark night in the midet of a violent atorm of
thunder and Ightning, when morning came he brought the hon to his
companions nuder his arm, and they said, Lagadd taabafe ghorran; “ Verily he
bas pat destruction under bis arm.” .
# MSS, (4) (B) S10491 yeh}. 6 MSS. (A) (B) AE BOS & pl,
6 MS, (B) omits ym! MS, (A) omits Sp) inserting 1 after jRs
 [ 528J
applied to a weaver.! Islem Shah himself* had raised him from
the very lowest of the low, and had given him a position of inti-
macy with the highest, so that he made him the envy of the noble
Amirs,$ and would not permit him to be out of his sight for one
moment. From that day forward, when he recognised that sword,
he deprived him of his rank, so that * ke made him an example’
of the saying : Everything returns to its original state; but in spite
of the incitation of the Amira of the Afghins that he should put
him to death, he replied, “I am heartily ashamed to destroy the
man of my own training.®
Verse.
‘Water cannot swallow down wood, knowest thou why ?
It is ashamed? to destroy that wlich it has reared.
Jelem Shah, who had for this same 1eason become distrastful of
Afghans, now became afflicted with complications of his disease,
and increased the opiom in his wine,’ and the snake-bitten one
drank a draught of poison,® and thirsting for the blood of the
Afghans, became more than ever” set upon eradicating them,
The crisis was as though it was saying to him:
Verse.
Thou hast laid a foundation, which will destroy thy family,
Oh, thon whose family is destroyed, what a foundation then
hast laid!

1 BaYpm jilzha, MS.(A) reads e¥igm. Rither reading may be accept 3d.
If we read dayym asin the text the translation will be ug above, with the
implied meaning of that stupidity for which weavers are proverbially noted.
See Fallon's Dictionary sv. le da,
If we read W¥ig> the meanmg will be dull, apathetic, stapid.
* MS, (A) inserts o9> and omite ty 3! inserting this after toy.
8 MS. (A) omits de> here, 60s.(a) Gs,f
5 MB. (A) omits pao MS. (B) Says for coms).
1 MB. (A) reads “ty for (eye, NS.(B) omit $
BMS. (A) Sys.
9 MBS. (A) (B) Boyle The meaning appears fo be that the opium he
took as an anodyne acted na a poison, and increased the
effects of the disease
from which he was already suffering,
19 8, (B) pitas
3 pitony
 [ 529]
After these events Islem Shah returned! towards Gwiliir,
which he bad’ made his metropolis, and had arrived at Dihli* when
tidiogs arrived that Mabammad Humayin Padshah had reached
the banks of the Indus, with the aim of conquering Hindustéa.
Islem Shah just at the® very moment when this tidings arrived, 412.
had applied a leech * to his throat, but inatantly took it off, dashed
some water upon his head,’ and binding up his throat with linen
rage* ordered his army to proceed, and’ the first day covering
throe krohe, encamped, and the rank and file of his army who
were at the last gasp from drunkenness, involuntarily followed
him es though led by a halter round their necks. Certain of the
Vazira who were well-disposed to him ® represented that inasmuch
as ® powerful foe had come against him, and his soldiery were
worthless, it would be just as well if orders were given for their
pay to be issued to them Islem Shah replied that 1f® he were
to give them money at that particular tame they would attribute
it to his being werk and in straits, so ] will wart, said he, till my
return after this victory,!? when I will give them, with one stroke
of the pen, two years pay. The soldiers had patience and without
a murmur awaited what fortune Providence would bring them,
at the same time expecting some sudden calamity,"! and in spite
of thew state of unpreparedness armved at the encampment.
When 1 was reported to Islem Shah that the artallery was ready,
but that, as the bullocks™ for the gun-carriages had been left at
Gwalhar, they awaited his orders, he replied, ‘ What possible use are
such a crowd of thousands of infantry and cavalry, are they to get
their monthly pay for nothing ?’ accordingly he made them all do ~

(MS (A}omita ye) here and inserts it after 39/ m the next hoe.
8 MSS (A) (B) omit wye Boge 4495. MSS (A) (B) read
pa OS dg) Bray gglews
8 Read day pd gyt AF crsle wf yo MSS (A) (B)
#999 Boas Lamm yy six} MS. (A) reads y94) probably a copyist’s error for
s2)} or by}
6 Omts U Ms. (A) 640 jotta. MS (A) reads dibe (?)
T Insert 9 MS4, (A) (B) 8 MS (A) inaert O& before ASS.
9 MS.,(A) pat wo hefore wendy uy)? not after it as in the text.
10 MS, (B) omit AS
Hl MS.(A)rends @3ly for 251 MSH (A) (B) rond B29) for Day) ye
1 Text &a)) wiglf. MS (A) rends wly'f. MS (8) diye
6?
 { 580 J
the work of bullocks,! and ordered them to drag the gun
carriages, thus proving the truth of the following :—
Verse.
These whom you see are not all human beings,
Most of them are tailless oxen and ssses,
Some of the large mortars were of such a size that it took one or
two thousand men, more or less, to drag each one. At this rate of
speed they reached the Panjib m the course of seven days.
Hamiyiin Padsh&h in person, in accordance with certain advan-
tageous plana he had formed, advanced as far as Banbhar,’ at
the skirt of the mountain range to the north of the Kashmir
418. frontier,* and then returned towards* Kabul. A short resumé
of these events will be given mn its proper place if the Most High
God so will at ®
Islem Shah also upon hearing this tidings? fled® with all
haste from Lihor to Gwaliir. In the course of his retreat
arriving in the neighbourhood of the township of Anberi,? he
‘was occupied in hunting, when a band of ruffians,!° at the inatiga-
tion of certain of the Amirs, blocked his path, and meditated
doing him harm, but 2 messenger arrived who informed Islem
Gb&h of this design, and he consequently entered the city by
another road,!! and after putting to death '§ a number of men,
among whom were Bahau-d-Din and Mahmid and Mada,'* who
were '* the fountain heads of the rebellion attempted by the

1 Omit io. MBS. (A) (B). MS. (A) reads BoyS sis.
§ The text reads sitar
9 sleS iS 3130 99 99 pS 130 1150 1) ploda a8
MS. (A) ineerts after GpS and omit the second wt replacing tt by y.
8 At the foot of the Alidek range. Sce Rennell’s map, Tieff., Vol TIT,
Behabur, MSS (A) (B) read py) Banbher, The text reads x4 Banhar.
MS, (A) omits ptf on J. 5 MS (B) reads UW & to Kabul.
6 MS, (A) inserts els aU) sl) between o9 and Sho
1 MS, (A) omita yim. 8MS (A) sly.
9 This 19 the reading of the text but MSS, (A) (B) read (sr) Antari.
10 wAdis) Tort MS. (B) reads Oviy), tL MB. (A) Std agai
9 MBB. (A) (B) tle, .
8 MB. (B) omits these last names and reads Yyaby and others.
1¢ MS, (A) dy? for didy!.
 331 j
mutineers, imprisoned ell persons against whom he entertained
suspicion, afterwards putting them to death. Then he threw
open the doors of the treasury and issned a publie order directing
the issue of two years pay to the soldiery,! anf sent written
despatches to the Amirs of five thousand and ten thousand to this
effect. Some of the troops received the pay, others did not. At
this very time the army of Fate, who is the most powerful of all
powerful foes, made an onslaught upon him *
Verse.
That man owned a single ass, but had no pack-saddle,
He found a pack-saddle, but in the meantime the wolf had
made off with the ass.® .
*Among the forces which overthrew him was, it is said, a
carbuncle which appeared in the neighbourhood of his seat,
others assert that it was cancer.
He was beside himself with pain and® had himself bled, but
without rehef Whilst in this state of distress aud prostration,
he used from time to time to say, ‘I had no idea that God was
so extremely powerful,’* and while m this condition, as long as
he retained consciousness he ordered Daulat Khan to sit facing
him, and would not cast a glance in any other direction save on 414,
his face alone.’
Verse.
Mahmad gives not a soul to the Angel (of Death)
Uutil he sees him in the form of Ayaz.
Notwithstanding the fact that he had lapsed into unconscious-
ness, he would now and hen open his eyes, and these words would

1M8 (B) whale.

§ A footnote directs attention to a suggested vartation in the text by
placing & atter Jat thine instead of before those words This i the
reading found in MS (A) and is obviously correct.
8 A proverinal saying of this kind 1s—
wt dip od Spb cals que BB cute od Bi de oe.
When I had pease I had no teeth, now my teeth have come I have no pease,
@ Omit dedhey MS, (A).
5 Insert 3. 6 MSS (A) (B)
1 MS. (B) omits 3° ‘before tptle, MS, (A) reads cole tor Qala
 [ 832 ] .

come! to his lips ‘ Where is Ajyéra.'® They say also that although
he found it excessively difficult to turn from one side to the other,
yet he would not consent to their giving Danlat Khan the trouble of
coming in front of him, but he would say, ‘ Please turn my face in
hia direction,’
One day he saw that Daulat Khan was absent and asked ‘ where
can he be?’ They replied he has probably gone to the house of one
of his relatives, Then he knew that to all appearance he was
playing a time-serving part with others. At that moment Daulat
Khan arrived and Islem Shih quoted this verse .—
Thou knoweat my value, how faithful I am &
Stay ! before thou seekest the companionship of other frends,
It is reported on excellent authority also that Islem Shah had
ordered * tho treasury-oflicer that he should give Daulat Khan
every day for his personal expenses as much as a Jak of tankas,
as a matter of course and unasked,® but that if asked fora larger
sua he should produce it for lisusc At last seemg that Ins
condition became more grave day by day, nay, hour by hour, his
physicians despaired of relieving him
Verse.
In one amal! detail the whole of the philosophers have been
found wanting,
For what. can man do avainst the Eternal decree ©
When the natural causes of the pulse depart from the funda-
mental moyement,?

IMS (B) eaddkye,

8 Daulat Khin Ajyira, who haa been before mentioned. MSS (A) (B)
vend Bylace| Ajyira, but the text roads (§) tye Haiyare with
a note of
interrogation = Ajyrra is the mght reading
b For plea Mg (A) read wile 4 BISg. (A) (B) dp B95 pKa,
* MSS. (A) (B) rend Oey & for Sosy Ui
8 WSs wy Qor'in TT, wm
aI" VF 9 I_Be Bo ter of ew pn. otha Fos
Weigh OS AY Jyh Labs tpt (pd Hots oJ! 9 volgen!) gros
The oligamiter o. the heayeng and the earth, when
he decrees a matter he
doth but say unto it, BE, and it 18,
.
1 ae modifying canses of the pulee are clasmfed by
Sadidi thus (1)
Saale mask or conatant agch as animal force m the heart and veneels, (2)
 ye

[ 333]
The foot of Afiatin himself becomes fixed in the mire of help-
leasness.
When the conduct of nature turns towards disorder,
The Qanin! of Ba ‘Ali lies useless in the had, 416,
At last he left this world of regrets, wountled by countless
sorrows, and abandoned his kingdom to the desire of his enemies
The: duration of his reign waa niue years. His body was taken
to Sahsarém and buried by the side of lus father. This event
occurred in the year 961 H ,® and by a coincidence 1 happened
that im the course of this (self-same) year® Sultén Mahmid of
Gujrit, who had adorned the throne with justice * and equity and
the fear of God, drank the cup of martyrdom at the hands of his
servant Bahan § Nizimu-l-Mulk Bahri, the king of the Dakhan,
also took his way to the ocean of non-existence, and Mir Saiyyid
Na‘matu-llah, whose poetical name was Rusili,’? who was one
of the incomparable learned men and a close companion of Islem
Shab, wrote this chronogram :—
Verse
At one time came the decline of three emperors,
Whose justice made Hindustan the abode of safety

ye mughatyyr or vanable, such as age, sex, sleepmg or waking; exercise,

bathing—others of this class are external or accidental, such as, feveri ‘ness,
and inflammations The pulse says, he is necessary for the quieting of the
natural heat, and for dispelling vapours. It 18 opposed by mgidity of the
vensela and weakness of the animal powers See Sadidi, p. 64, ct seqg. .
1 gslay) ws Qanin-s-Bi ‘4li This is the famous abs} oe wp,
Qaénin h-f-t166, canon medicine, by the colebrated Sharkh Abd ‘All Hagsun
bin ‘Abdu-llah commonly known as bn Sina (Avicenna) See Fiji Khalifeh,
No. 9854
Abi Sina waa a famous Muhammadan physician who was born in Bukhara,
and died at Hamadan in Jaly 1937 A D., 427 AH.
(H K. anys 428 AH). See Beale, Ortentel Biographical Dictionary, p 20
§ MSS. (A) (18) both write “see y de 4 omitting +4 9 wluch 1s added
in the tert. ..
8 fle 6 wed MSS (A)(B) * MS. (B) reade watan,
5 The text reade a wloy Ya panning comment on the servant's name,
which will not adnut of translation.
€ See Beale, 0. B D, for an avoount of tho Nizam-Shahi dynasty
1 MSS (A) (B) the text reads piety Rishwati
 L 334|
One was Mahmid the Emperor of Guyerit,
Whao, like lis empire, was still in the pride of youth ;
The second was Islem Shah, that mine of beneficence,
Whose beloved son! was Sher Khan;
The third was Nigimu-l-Mulk Bahri
Who as Emperor was seated on the throne of the Dakhan.
If you ask of me tartkh for the death of these three
Emperors P
T answer Zaw@l-i-khusi ddan ®
Islem Shah notwithstanding his not having read poetry had
416. many apt quotations in his memory, and being a clever critic, used
constantly to practise the art of versification with Amir Saiyyid
Na‘mat Rusili,* and used to compose many elegant verses and to
enjoy listening to those of his fellow poet Moreover he was
highly esteemed by the learned and religious men ® of his time.
They say that when he reached Alwar on his way to the Panjab,
he one day caught sight of Mulla ‘Abdu-lléh of Sultanpir® who
was at some distance coming towards lim, addressing his at-
tendants he said ‘Have you any idea who this is who is ap-
proaching” They replied ‘“Who1s it, please inform us.”? He said .
“ Babar Padshah had five sons, of whom four® left Hindustan and
one remained,” They said “and who 1s thatoneP” Hereplied “This,
Malla who is approaching” Sarmast Khan said “Whatis the use of
keeping up connection with such a vicious person? ® He replied !9
“ What can I do, when I can find"! no better than he?” And when
Mulla ‘Abdu-laéb came up he ordered him to eit upon his own
throne, and bestowed upon him a bead-roll of pearls, valued at
twenty thousand rnpees,* winch had at that moment arrived as

1 MS. (A) reads GS 5° 8 MS (A) Soap cpt

8 why Oly} Zawal-t-khunian The decline of the Emperors. The
letters of Zawd! t-Ahusriidn give the date 961 If See note 2 supa
# MSS (A) (B) The text as before roads Rishwati.
8 MS (A) onats tale ®MS (A) omits |).
7M8S (A) B) slays ® MSS (A) (B) oko.
9 Text reads pho MS. (A) reads pide seditions, MS (B) reads
us parasitic
10 Ms3 .A} (B) eal HW MSS (A) (B) pole got
8 Om A before SY. MSS (A) (R)
 .
a
ey

[ 585]
a present from some place. He never missed the public prayern,
and never touched any intoxicants! not even jaus,? (and
Shaikh Salim “Chightt of Fathpir aod Hafiz Nizgém of Badiéon
were both of them his imime].®
Findz Sain ren-i-Ispem Spis,
Who was called Firfiz Kbin, was raised to the throne in sueces-
gion to his father at the age of twelve * with the title of Padshah.
The affairs of the kingdom did not prosper in his handa, and
Mubariz Kban the aon of Nizam Khin® Sir, who was brother’s
son to Islem §bé@h,’ after three days attempted the life of that
innocent one, and although Bibi Ba’i, who was the sister of Mu-
baz Khan? and the wife of Islem Shah, fell at his feet and
besought him piteously saying: “ Ah my brother, spare the life of 417.
this poor harmless boy, and let me take my own way and bear him
away® to some place where no one will have a trace of him, and
where he will have nothing to do with sovereignty, nay, will not
even mention the name of kingship.” !9 That pitiless tyrant would
not heed her, but entered the palace and cut !! off the boy's head
under the very eyes of his mother. At this day his issue is cut
off just as the line of Islem Shih ; and it 18 said that Islem Shah

1 MS. (A) reads pair? sine wanes J} y. A variant given in a footnote

to the text reads p@jym ,.ieo ccuF J yy. On the whole the textual
reading seems the best adding wine as in the two readings given:
& ile Jyx>
; Jauau magl. Datura, sp alba D. fastuos, NO. Solanacecr
called in Hindastini WANT dhatérd, and in Sanskrit WE from ys elegant,
and YC injurious. (Wilaon) Used as a narcotic and imtozicant. Accord.
ing to the Makksanu-l-adusya a wine 1s made from the ymce of the leaves.
An overdose 18 arid to produce symptoms resembling delirium e potu, the
patient raving and chasing imaginary animals along the walle of the room.
3 These words are not in the text but both MSS (A) (RB) read
diss a lel say cpylds lbs Bole , wane? gs pun gts
4 MSS. (A) (B) read thus 43399. The text reada 39 ten.
§ MSS. (A) (B) Of age 6 MS (B) resde sy lb yp wid jylro
1 MS (A) reads o9/ OS ealeet w5 yolp y BGP y Hyped $51} yelp a8
Whb was brother's son to Sher Shab, and ancle’s son and wife's brother to
Islom Shih.
OMS (A) 9 MB. (A) gp OF pon colt 0 as (A) omits
5£ 58.
11 MS. (A) 8,38.
 (336)
had made several attempts upon the life of Mabériz Khan, and
used to say to his wife, ‘If you value your child keep clear of
your brother,! and if you wish to preserve the one, take away all
hope of life from the other” She used to say in a deprecatory
way, “ My brother spends all his time m amusing himself and,
the robe of royalty 1s in no way suitable to hia standard of ambi-
tion; give up the ides of destroying him.”* Islem Shih how-
ever, whenever he saw Mubdiiz Khan used to aay to bis wife ina
reproachful way, “In the end you will regret this at a time when
regret will availnothing.” And at last the prophecy of Islem Shah,
which he had made by his judgment of physiognomy, was con-
firmed to the letter *
Verse.
Whatever the young man sees the mirror,
The old man sees that same 1n the unbaked brick.®

Sotzin Mogammap ‘ADU comMONLY KNOWN ag ‘Apri

Who waa the son of Nizim Khin Siar, and went by the name
of Mubariz Khan, ascended the throne with the concurrence of
the principal Amirs and Vuzirs, and caused himself to be ad-
dressed by the above title’ The general public however used to
418. eall him ‘Adli, and that name even® they perverted to Audhli
which haa the commonly accepted signification of “blind 19 At
the commencement of his reigu, having heard of the conduct of
Maudammad ‘Adil ibn Tuyhlaq Shab," he used to imitate him in
lavishing money, and harmg vpened the doors of hia treasury he

2 MSS (A) {(B) omit, d9%

SOmt xy, MSN (A) (BD. 8 MS (B) omits gt.
# In MS. (A) these words precede the verse, and read
¢ OS whe ot oii cailey, Ms (B) omits af
IMS (A) reade OY wf Aix} Gud yo 935, a footnote variant reads &4S
(old) for aid (baked) 1 follow the reading of the text, taking the mean-
ing to be that the eyed can suv tho tendency of the young as clearly as the
young can see the reflection in a mirror
§ See Ain-t-Akba 1 TI, (J) 221% 8
T My, (A) reads @F yge0 wld ol cu omitting @& andy dy.
8 MS, (B) o)5 qablaw 9 MS (A) omits 5a).
10 sls ot meana “a blind woman ”
MMB, (A) reads fy p40 Oe wllalee
 | 537|

aimed at seonring' the goodwill of great and smell~ and he had

made arrows tipped with*® gold of a money value of five hundred
taukahe end used to throw them. Whatever® poor person's
house they naed to fall at, he then bestowed that amonnt in money
upon him and used to take back the katiba-bash, this fitful habit
however quickly * came to an end after a few days.
Verse
Inorganic matter is one thing : spontaneous growth is another.
~ Verse,
If the tears flow down upon the cheeks,
True weeping 18 easily distinguished from false.
The rank of Vuzir and Vakil was bestowed upon one Shamaber
Khan, a slave who was the younger brother of Khawass Khan
and Daalat Khan, the “new-Mushm,” « protégé of the Luhiai 5
faction He also gave uncontrolled anthonty to Himfn the
greengrocer, of the township of Rewari in Miwét, whom Islem
Shih had gradually elevated from the position of police” su; erin-
tendent of the bazirs and confirmer of puntshments, and had
by degrees made into a trusted confidant® He now gave him
the superintendence of all important affairs both military and
ei
Tnasmuch as ‘Adli had otig ually been accustomed to the
profession? of musie and daneing and was fond of a life of ease
and Inxwy and was otrose im his halnts he was by no means fitted
for the conduct of military afians, or the duties of envil-
administration, superadded to this was the murder of Firiz Khan
and ing unbounded confidence m Himan Accordingly these
Annis who were of true Afghan descent, evinced a grent repug-
nance to ubey lim, and aroused such widespread feelings of

VMS. (A) cable

® Text dl anif ms (4) abdis ma (py ab as,
The reading of the text 1s unintellhgible We should read gal as in the
meaning of a bimboo shvft =Firishts s reading is quite clear he says
Bo Text, p $39 dy Mb Aly} yw Kay AF cguls aif
That ia, Katah, a bamboo shaft, whose head waa one tola of gold
BOMB (A) reads cphyb a die’, bMS (A) Om Sb 9}
5 MB (A) whos) 6 MS (A) sto} cambe,
7 MS (A) reads Ady for Ady
68
 { 588j
shame, thet hardly had & month passed since his accession, when
on all sides rebellions arose, and they became rulers of their
several clang, Sedition awoke from its heavy slumber, the bonds
of kinship with Sher Shah and of orders passed by Islem Shah
419 snapped asunder, and disoidor reigned supreme ;
Verse.
When the heart of the times writhes, tho bond of fellowship
snaps,
When a flaw appears! in the string, tho pearls are scattered.
One day when, having summoned the most renowned Amita to the
durbar hall of the fort of G waliar, ‘Adli was engayed in distributing
jagirs, he ordered that the Sarkar of Qanauy should be transferred
from Shih Muhammad Farmali, and given in perpetuity to
So: mast Khan Satbani, (Shah Muhammad was ill],8 whereupon
his gon Sikandar, who was a brave, handsome, and well built youth
spoke fiercely with regard to this jagir, Shih Muhammad how.
ever admonished * him im gentle terms and forbade him to speak
thas, but he answered his father “ Once Sher Shab placed you in
an iron cage nnd kept you a prisoner for some yeais, while Islem
Shah made yon the captive of his kindness and by intercession
and influcnce obtained your release Now the Sir faction are
attempting to destroy us, and you do not anderstand their in-
famous design ,* thereupon lie began to abuse Sarmast Khan with
all the petulance of youth and the arrogant pride of race and said:
“Now our affairs have come to such a pass® that this dog-selle: ®
is to enjoy our gagir” Sarmast Khan, who was a tall, powerfal
man fall of energy, placed hia hand upon the shoulder of
Sikandar intending to make him prisoner by underhand meana, and
said : “My boy, why aie you saying all these bitter things,” Sikandar
however perceived his mtention, clapped hia hand to his dagger,
and struck Sarmast Khin such s deadly blow over the shoulder
blade, that he fell on the spot unconscious and died. Sikandar
Khan also made some others of those? hell-dogs so heavy
of head
t MS, (A) reads
* MS. (A) adds the words in brackets wuS{d csyloa! dom”
glt ,
8 MS. (A) dpeiye cmt
4 MS. (A) omits ). .
BMS. (A) Boney coleg?, 8 MS (A) cstay? Lo eit 3.
? Text Wadjo, Mas (A) (B) rond whe yo,
 [ 339 ]
and sleep-strickon! that they will never wake* till the morn of
the great assembly, and certain others remained so intoxicated
that they spent the remainder of their lives in recovering from it.*
Verse. .
Thine eye which was wonderful in slaying thy lovers
Would slay one and cast its glance upon-another.
It was currently reported that from the time when* the
dagger was first invented in Hindustén no person can have ever
used it in the way that Sikandar Khandid A tumnlt arose
among the people, and ‘Adli fled and entered the women’s quarters
and put up the chain on the inside, Sikandar after that he hed
killed some and wounded® others, at last made towards ‘Adli
and * aimed a blow at him with a sword, which however struck a
plank of the door; had he attacked him in the first inatance he
would have despatched him. The Amirs of ‘Adli’s party shewed
themselves m their true colours that day, as most of them cast
away their swords? and took to flight, and were going about
distrnctedly, till at last, after Sik dar had done as mach mischief
an ealtin the yeast,’ they attacked him simultaneously from all
sides. This content went on fur three or four hours, when® Sikandar
fell to s blow from the sword of Ibiahim Khan Sir, sater's
husband to ‘Adli, and Shih Mohammad was struck down by the
sword of Daulat Khan Libaui,"! both of them taking their way to
the city of non-existence. It so happened that on that day
before the assembly of that meeting Tay Khan Karrini, the

1 MS (A) Bi—!T wid y wie MS (B) read whaSyo

2 MS (A) dyad yoy
8 Road here Baile af yal shr9 gaia This is tho roading of MSS. (A) (B)
and is far preferable to the reading in the text.
#MS (A) reads & wie} why). bMS (A) edle oye,
6 MSS (A (B)
9 d9e
7 MS. (B) rands Sdmfoul tydgh gle tptyu0 I cgi. Moat of them
threw themeclves from the walls This 1 also the reading given in a foot-
note variant to the text.
8 ‘Ihe addition of salt to yeast ia said to check its fermentative powers.
9 MBS. (A) (B) 9 10 MS, (A) omits “Ad
W 3s (A) pins.
 [ 50 J °
brother of ‘Amid and Suleimén, who eventually became the
autocratic! ruler of the province of Bengal, and gave himself the
title? of Hazrat A‘al, having left the audience hall of ‘Adi was
going outside the fort, when on his way he met with Shih
-Mubammad Farmali, They asked* after each other’s affairs,
and Taj Khan said: “I see signs of mischief, aud consequently |
am removing my manly footsteps outside this circle,t and am
421, going outside. Do you too come with me and follow my lead, for
the scale has turned.
Verse.
When you see that your friends are no longer friendly,
Consider that fight is an opportunity to be seized.
But inasmuch as the hand of death had seized the skirt of Shah
Muhammad and was dragging him to the grave,® be would not
consent to this advice and went to ‘Adli.
Verse,
When the appoited time of the quarry comes it goes towards
the hunteman
And that which wag written in his fate befel him , Taj Khan in
full dayhght fd from Gwahar towards Beng&l and ‘Adli sent
an armed patty in pursuit of him, and? himself also started to
fohuw fin in front of the township of Chhapraman® in the
district of Qanany an engagement took place between the two
jatties ‘The stui» in thei courses fought for ‘Adi, and his army

UMSS (A, (Is) read Odiua) qaale and MS. (A) reads dy tor
ally ds5.0
@ MSS. (A) (B) 9 19 wld 9 should be omitted.
3 MSS (A) (B) read OMe which 15 better than the textual reading
dhe pt
4 MS5 (A) (I) read (B) pe
(a) oak Ward B34 yoy Syttd Keil.
5 MS. (A) reads wrongly Ww for Ww
$ MS. (A) reada {y dea” 3l& und MSS, (A) (B) read was wits.
1 MBS (A) (B)
J dod9,
MB. (B) 5@ lee. with t dots, MS (A) reuds :5” Lie
Thetextext 1s18 withou
Chhe:iman.
 { Sa]
was victorious,! and Taj Khin turning in flight made the beet of his
way to Chhinar,? wherever he found the aathorities favourable
to ‘Adli he made‘prisoners ® of them, and laid hands on whatever
cash and valuables he could find. A hundred head of elephants
also fell into his hands. Thus he proceeded till hé joined hands
with Suleiman and ‘Imad and Khwaja Dyas who held eway over
certain parganas on the banks of the Ganges and other places.
Then he openly sounded the note of rebellipu. ‘Adli arrived at
Chunar,* aud the Karranis on the bavks of the river Ganges
came out to fight with him, Himin asked for a halka of elephants,
that is to say, a hundred elephants, and fought a desperate battle
with them gaining a victory, And ‘Adli while in Chunfr in-
tended to seize® Ibrahim Khan, the son of Ghazi Khan Sir, one
of the coumns of Sher Khan, but the sister of ‘Adli, who was
married to him, became aware of this intention, and brought hinr
down by a secret passage? from the fort. Ibrahim Khan made
his way towards Baréna and Hindifn which was his father's jayir;
‘Adli despatched ‘Isa Khan Niyazi after Ibrahim Khan, and they
fought a battle? in the vicuuty of Kalpi, the breeze of victory
fanned the standards of Ibahim Kbév, and be gained the day.
Then having assembled a large following, and eutering that
country, he proclaimed lumself sovereign® ‘Adli thereupon
disengaged himself from the Karrauis, and came agaiust
Ibrahim Khan to attack him, and when he ariived near the
river Jon, (brahio Khan made overtures, /° and sent & mensage
sayng “If Rai Husain Jiulwani,"! and Bihar Khan Sa: wani, to
whom Ielem Shah gave the tatle of A‘zam Huméyin, with some
others 8 of the Amirs noble and senowned, will come and reassure
mne,!8 then will ] nm reliance upou their assurances agrec to make

1 ‘The textual reading ws Wrong, omit 9 readiug with MSS (A) (B)}
anf oallést oy
BMS (A) ye, MS (B) Oe = AL aKieed MB. (A) (B).
$ MSS (4) (B). » M88, (A) (B) KS egbye
6 MB. (A) djlar date,
1 MS. (A) reads 40l3 poh 3 uein®* 39°85 fy 9) which 1s better than the
text,
$ MSS. (A) (B) Bayo Bra, © MBS, (A) (B) 3} JNint 9 po.
MB. (A) omity whee. HMB. (A) tends igs.
la MB, (A) omnis pho 18 MB. (B) reads Odeoy,
 [ 542J
submission to you.” ‘Adli! accordingly sent them, and no sooner
had they arrived than they gave in their allegiance to Ibribim
Khan, giving him the title of Sultan Ibréhim, and thns patting*
4 different complexion upon the dispute, raised the standard of
insurrection against ‘Adli.
The Khutbah was read in the name of Ibrahim Khan in Agra
and certain other districts, while ‘Adli, 1ealising that he was uot
able to cope with him, left Gwaliar for Bhatta, and thence returned
towards Chunar® taking with him* large amounts of treadure,
many elephants and a large following
After the death of Islem Shah, at the time when the kings of
clans arose,> Ahmad Khin Siar, one of the cousms of Sher Shah,
who had to wife the second muster of ‘Adli, a man of distinguished
bravery and endurance, satin conference with 8 the Amirs of the
‘Panjab, and implanted in thei muinde all sorts of evil notions
regarding ‘Adli and of Ins unfitness, (they bemg already 1l-
disposed towards him) and with the aid and assistance of Tatar
423. Khan Kasi,’ and Habib Khan, and Namb Khan Tughiyi, who had
attained this title from Sher Shah,’ declared open war against
‘Adli, and® assuming the title of Sultan Sikandar and reading
the Khutbah, and entertaming hopes of still farther increase of
power ' proceeded to Dahli and Agra !!
On the other hand, Ibréhim having collected a large army
confronted Sikandar at Farah,"* which 1s situated at a distance of
ten kioks from Agia.
Most of the noted Amirs, such as Haji Khan Sultani, Governor
of Alwar, who was virtually a king, and Rai Hussain Jilwini 4
and Mas‘aiid Khan and Husain Khan Ghilzdi were on the side of
Ibrahim To some two hundred of them Ibranim had given royal

1 Omt » MSS (A) (B)

8 MS, (B) slot Blo 1,9. 3 MS. (B) omits cope),
* MSS, (A) (B) omt dy reading eadjy pad yo,
§ MS. (B) omits both oSylo and Sod 8 MS, (A) glyal &,
1 A footnote variant reads ls Kalpi 8 MS, (4) reads gy) disly
* MSS. (A) (B) ». 10 495 436 pap. MS (A) renda (9) i error,
11 MBS. (A) (B) Oo 18 MS, (B) &% Ublie,
18 MBB. (A) (B) 89%. 1 MS. (A) ggilyla
 { 343|
tents and standards, and ensigns! and kettle drams, and it fre-
quently happened that to anyone who came and brought with
him teu or fifteen horsemen he gave a sort of makeshift flag-staff
with a bit of red rag wrapped round it, simply to gain favour and
to attract people, bestowing upon him also a grant of dignity and
a jayir’ In this way nearly eighty thousand men flocked to him ;
and on the day when Haji Khan came from Alwar and gave in
his allegiance to him, he shewed Inm great favour bestowing upon
him a lofty and spacions tent covered on the outaide with sagirlag §
of Portngal, and on the inside with Frankish velvet, bad it freshly
pitched for him. Moreover he lavished upon Haji Khan magni-
ficent carpets, and vessela of gold and silver and all other
requirements on the same scele accordingly he entered the tent
without hesitation and there took up Ine abode. This treatment
occasioned great envy and jealousy * among the Amirs of pura
Afghan blood who became dishesrtened and spared not to express
their discontent among themselves. Iskandar, who had a following
of twelve thousand meu, inasmuch as he estimated the army of
[brahim as being more numerous than his own, shilly-shalled
and made overtures for peace, and wrote a treaty ia the following
terms, that from Dilli to the erstern extremity of Hindustan as
far as could be arranged,® should belong to Ibrahim Khan,® and
that the cuuntry of the Panjib and Multan as far as possible
should belong to Sikandar, so that he might attain the object for
which the Mughule came to Hindustan, The Afghans of both

\'The text here reads ciyb MS (A) however readg e2". The true
reading should evidently be a which according to M. Pavet de Courteilles
means a standard composed of the teil of the gobs (gutde or Tibetan yak)
fixed to a pole
MSS (A) (B) phe »
8 MS, (B) reads wYyRue sagirldt Dozy, however, gives no such form of
the word and the word 38 probably win atqid/, meaning & silken stuf
breeaded with gold, See Dozy a v See also Yule and Barnott Glossary «, v,
Suclit also, Skeat Etym Dict.ev Scarlet
4 Another instance of Badiioni’s use of his in this unusnal sense.
5 We should apparently read here ds4w dit) af le"7 GU MB (B) omits
the words altegether. MS. (A) agroes with the text, which however does not
seem satisfactory.
§ MS (A) omits wis,
 | 54dj
armicn, who were blood-relations or connections of each other,
wore pleased at the prospect of a peaceful settlement, and Kala
Bhar! the brother of Sikandar, and the Amirs of the Panj
Bhaiya which means “the five brothers,” who were’ with the
sword the marvel of the age, made this additional stipulation that
if after that Ibrahim (Khan)? gets possession* of the treasury
of ‘Adli and the kingdom of Bhatta, which is near being
realised, he shall make us partners in both of these gaina, then
all well and good,® but sf not we will annulthe peace. ‘Sikandar
agreed to this proposition,® and the majority of the Amirs of
Ibrahim (Khan)? impressed npon him that there was no danger to
be apprehended from agreemg ® to this proposal, inasmuch as the
treasury and kingdom of Bhatta would certainly bo theirs, “and
then,” said they, “ 1t will require a man to oppose® us (success-
fully), while for the present, at any rate, we shall have tided over
this difficulty satisfactonly
Verse,
Re not proud, for I hold the staff of wisdom in my hand,
The arm of riot is long (and) ! a stack has two ends.
Thrahim came round to this view but Mas‘id Khan and Husain
Khin Ghilz‘ar with some of the new Amita said “Seeing that in
the end the matters in dispute between us and Sikandar will one
day have to be deaided by the sword, now that ou: party has
increased, While Ins followmg 19 exceedingly small, why should
we not decide |! the matter at une,” and not desist until we have
secured ourselves against a repetition of this m the future, To
agree to peace now will be a confession '? of weakness on our part.
425 and an admission of the bravery of out enemies.” * Upon"Adli

IMSS (A) (B) ao also Fusshta, The text reada Se WE Kali Pahir.
2MS (A) reads oy! 8 MS (B) adde whe.
4 MS (B) reads dy sao which seeme better than the text,
5 MS (A) onnts sis § MS (B) 1eads q¢ly for (80
TMS (A) wld pssst
®MS (R) omts ed 9 MSS (A) (B) read of ys be ALlays as
9 MSS (A)(B) omit » That is to Bay, & staff 18 a weapon both of
offence and dc fence.
Il MS (A) reads pateey but the textual poses 18 botter.
18 MS (B) reads Unasd Jeli ty anai
18 MS. (B) omts Uy 14 MS (B) reads dod cg jas)
 [ 545 j
also, who hag crept like a rat into his hole, with all his elephants
and retinue, the desire of conflict with us is creeping, and that
peace which had heen concluded has been confounded,” Ibrahim
KbGn put off fighting til) after the arrival of Miyan Yahya Toran,
governor of Sambhal, who was famous both as a warrior and as a
man of gound judgment. Miyaén Yabya in the year 961 H. during
the disturbances, gave battle in Badion to twenty of ‘Adli’s Amira
who had been appointed to the district of Sambbal, and defeated
them ; he then fought great battle on the plain! of the township
of Kandarkhi with Rija Matar Sen Kahtariya, who was the
former ruler of Sambhal and had collected a great force, and
defeated him. The author of this Muniakhad, who was at that
time accompanying his father, now deceased, was in the twelfth
year of his age,* and had gone to Sambhal to study, wrote this
chronogram: Ohi bas khib karda and* (How well have they
done)! Before that he could convey the news to his teacher,*
the prince of learned men, the guide of connoisseurs, the exem-
plar of the intelligent,® the master of masters, the Miyin Hatim
of Sanbhal, this® tidings bad already reached him. At the time
when he was by way of benediction and blessing giving instrue-
tion in the Kanz-i-Figh, he said, “ Count the letters of this tai 7kh
which I have spoken without forethought, Fathhd-t-deméini shud.”7
T replied pine hundred and mxty, which® is one unit short. He
answered,’ I said it with the hamza of Izifat, that is to say,
Fathha-i-demani, which is in conformity with the ancient spelling
in respect to the value of letters: and in this way 1t is correct,!0
He gave his blessing, and fixed a time for the lesson, and adding

1 MS, (B) ronda 4% yo, $MS,.(B) reads iwyd and Upax’,

8 oi} Hy9F yd Cyd Be Che bas khtb karda and, A footnote to the text
points out that this gives the date 962 H. whereas the event chronicled
occurred in 961 H, # Read ayo. MB. (B).
6 MSS, (A) (B) read Hviym codie instead of Suda cota,
OMS. (A) pd py.
Toh opto i= Fathha-s-damini Shud. They were heaven-given vic-
tones, Read with hamza this gives 961 H.
@MS.(A) reads @ for » MS (B) reada9S
9 MSS. (A) (B) read aS digo, hye,
19 MS, (A) reads wrongly 09d. According to this the valne of hnm7a
wl and it ws taken as eqnivalont fo Alif, The hamza of wifat ia sad to bo
69
 [ 546 J
# few pages, written with his own hand to the pages which [ had
. written containing the instruction of the Qazi, gave them to me
#8 6 souvenir, and entrusted my instruction to Miyaén Shaikh
Abal Fath, the son of Shaikh-allahdiyah! of Kbairabid, may God
be merciful to him, who 18 now seated on the throne of instruction
and guidance in the room of his father; and inasmuch as Miyan
Yahya after taking forcible possession of * the country of Kant ®-o-
Golah and that district, going by way of Badfon had built a
bridge across the Ganges at the township of Ahir,* and had gone
towards Ibrahim Khan, I accompanied my father, now departed,
may he rest in peace, to Amroba,' and was thus separated from
that army ;° and being introduced to the presence of the late Mir
Saiyyid? Mubammad Mir ‘Adl, may God have mercy on him,’
with whom he had some hereditary counection, remained some
time under his instruction, In short on the day on which Miyén
Yahya joined Ibrahim Khan, on that very morning Ibréhim
Khan had drawn up his army and placed Miyén Yahya in the
command of the advance guard, while he appointed Haji Khan
to the command of the left division, and Rai Husain Jilwani
with the Ghilz’ais to the rght division. He himself taking the
centre drew up in Ime of battle. On the other side Sikandar Sir

an abbreviated ¢¢ (Platts’ Persian Grammar, p 48), bat if this were the

ease ita value would justly be 10 and not 1. It thus appears more probable
that the hamze of 1afat is in reality hamza, and does not represent an
orginal ¢g-
UMS, (A) dot gt oly See J. A. 8. B,, 1889,p 118.
3 MS (B) reads Siyf beds
8 Kint. Town in the Shahjahinpar District, N-W P, see Hunter, I
G@ vit 487. Kant-o-Golah in Shahjahanpor according to Blochmann, J. A 5 B,
1869, p 122.
* Abir Ancient town in the Bulandshuhr District, N -W. P, see Hunter
1, G.1. 81
8 Amrohi Town in Moradnbad District, N..W P., see Hunter, 1 G1
266
8 MS (A) reads @isy dey yoy after tod Wom 58) wi.
.7 Seed A 8 B, 1869, p 126, and Ain-s-Akbari, (B),I p 268, The Mir
“Adl was the officer entrasted with the da‘y of carrying out the finding of
the Qazi, see Ain +-Akbari, HII, (J) 41,
8 MS ‘A)ienda Gale al) deny,
 [ 547]
also drew up his forces and came out ' from his camp. The right
wing of Sikasdar’s forces (the Panj Bhniya), carried away the
left of Ibr&him’s army by sheer weight, and after sacking* the
camp went on to Agra and pillaging the city issued » proclama-
tion on behalf of Sikandar.®
The right of Ibrihim Khan's army, however, carried away the
left of Sikandar’s force, and driving them back pursued them as
far as the township of Hodal* and Palwai,® shouting, Prosperity
to Ibrihim Khbdn.* Haji Khin at the instant. the two opposing
ranks closed, passing by the side of his tent,’ and seeing it had
been torn to shreds by the pillaging party, in pretended ignor-
ance of what had occurred hastened to Alwar. A slight engage-
ment ensued with Miyin® Yahya Paran who commanded the
advanced guard of Sikandar'sa army, and a wouud was inflicted
upon the hand of Miyaén Yahya and two of his fingers were cut
of © He did rot draw rein till he arrived at Sambbal. Ibrahim
Khan took up a position on the lower ground with four hundred !!
men, and with his front facing down-hill '* awaited the attack of
Sikandar, the shots from whose mortara !§ passed over the heads 427.
of hig men, so that they could not move a step.
When Ibrahim saw that the field remained empty and that his
troops were scattered like motes*in a sun beam,}* he realised that
Sikandar himself was present with the opposing army, so yielding
to necessity '§ he proceeded to Itdwa His canopy and all! his
regalia /5 were taken Sikandar pursued him as far as Itiwa,!?
where he heard that Jannat Asbiyani had reached ' Hindustén- °

1 M8, (B) S0fyo 9 MS (B) reads WS wu.

8MSS (A) (B)omt aly MS (A) reads (os hodal.
§ For Hodul and Palwal, see Hunter, 1.G v. 437 and x) 21
6 MS. (A) omits wld 7 didsoS, ms, (A)
8 MB (4) omta wil wylé 9 M38 (A) (B) gist? slue whaeys,
10 Read with MSS. (A) (B) 31 wLASs jt Coys.
11 Bupply Se from MSS (A) (B)
13 1 am not quite clear as to the meamng of this passage.
\8 The text and both MSS seem to be incorrect. we should read I think,
pike cglelas opdy The text and MS (A) read 4&5. MS (B) roads (XS,
14 Qur‘in, xxv 25, MS. (A) reads wrongly here ly pai0 yilw, BS (B) od
18 MSS. (A) (B) 9 ddbe wiyypd) 18 M5, (A) reads> for zip.
IT MSS, (A) (By ddeey Xgl} gt cade 5, 18 MS, (B) Of,
 [ 348J
retracing his steps thence he proceeded by continnous marches
as far as Sibrind,! he eventually fought a battle there and was
defeated. Ibrahim leaving there went to Sambal, and collecting
an army procured a fresh gold-embroidered canopy, and a
month later crossed (the river) with a force of three * thousand
sowGrs by the ford of Kisti,? and (?) made towards Kalpi in order
that having collected 0 fresh army,* he might fight ‘Adli again.
At this juncture ‘Adli had appointed Himin the grocer, who was
his vazir and uncontrolled agent, and had sent him from Chinhér
with certain eminent Amirs, and five hundred elephants like
storma clouds (for blackness), and unlimited treasure to proceed to
Agra and Dilhi.
Himin, regarding Ibréhim as his own especial prey, considered
it essential to overthrow him; *® Ibrihim came out to oppose him ®
ready for battle, and taking up a strong position shewed a resolute
deter mination to withstand lnm, such as perhaps Rustam, if any-
one, displayed before.” But for all this, by the decree of the
Almighty ® he was not successful’ He was the possessor of all
the praiseworthy qualities which should belong to kings.” He was
well formed and well spoken, modest, cultured and refined,’® daring
and liberal, but success in war is God-given,!! and it is not in
mortals to command it, it wes nof his fate *® to win. Accordingly
in this space of two yearsof disorder he must have fought !8 sixteen
or seventeen battlos, and on every occasion after gaining a success
. met with a defeat. God preserve us from farlure after success.!4

1 MBS. (A) (B) caste G, * MSS. (A) (B) sly dew.

SMS (A) gif kani (P), MB (B) emf gist (°).
4 MS.(B) isitiee
5 MS (A) reads @ily for @. 6 MS (B) reads @Uidy alike ya,
TMSS (A) (B) read GALLS for soF wee
8 MS. (A) reads dvbsy
9 <Afootnote
to the text says that the word L 18 superfluous, MS. (A)
omits \,
10 MS, (B) reada wrongly &4)) for @+I95 and Gasie for pele,
MSS (A) (B) glider, 18 MS, (18) roads again SAS-29 for gana,
18. MS (A) unpplies whyis
lh 391 aay y ga) we a dy A tradition, meaning we have reconrse
to God for preseivation from decrense o2 defecti
venves afte: iucreuse, or
redundunce. See Lanor.1, 49) 9a,
 { 549J
Tbréhim Khan after this! defeat, leaving Kalpi made straight
for* Bains with all speed, and Himin pursuing him arrived at
Baiéna. Ybrahim Kbin taking 8 body of the Nuhani® and
Afghén oultivators* and landholders of Baijna, again’ went
out to meet Himfiy, and, making a night attack upon him, the
following morning fought a fierce battle with him near to the
township of Khinwah, ten krohe distant from Baidna, but conld not
prevail against hia destiny, and Himiin said ‘It is easy to smite
a stricken foe’ and rolled him up and inflicted a defeat upon him,
so that® he was compelled to fortify himself in the fortress of
Baiana, which is a fort of exceeding loftinees and strength,
Himiin thereupon, making that fortress the centre of his opera-
tions, attacked it continnously every day, subjecting the fort toa
heavy bombardment ;7 @b&zi- Khan the father of Ibrahim Khan ®
kept the fort provided® with supplies by way of the mountain
passes to the westward of Baidna Himiin kept up the siege of
this fort for three months, and made inroads on the districts of
Bajiina on all sides, pillaging and destroying.” Nenrly all the
books which my late father!! possessed in Bagéwar’? were des-
troyed. A, severe famine prevailed throughout the eastern '8
portion of Hind@stan, especially in Agra, Baidna, and Dihli. It
was so severe a famine that one ser of jawiri 4 grain had reached
two half-tankahs, and was in fact not to be had (even at that
price). Men of wealth and position had to close their houses,
and died by tens or twenties or even more m one place, getting
neither grave !§ nor shroud. The Hindis also were in the same ,

1 M8, (A) et
§ We shonid read here Yoo uSy yak andés MB (A )
6 MSS, (A) (B).
# MBS, (A) (B) W965 Tho text reads wy! which hse no meaning,
bMS. (A) esl
6 MS, (A) Bye Db U, TMS. (4) goliatif,
8 MS. (A) omits wid, 9 MB, (B) reads dUuyRxe
10 MB, (A) B35 eylB MB, (B) dgwi.ge eyld.
NL MBS. (A) (B) apap aly. #2 MB. (B) omits yyy.
18 MSS. (A) (B) 419) st SL,
1® the ser is approximately two ponnda atodri ie the Tlindustini name for
the amall vanoty of millet also known as chhofa gawér. (Andropogon soi ghum)
Ib BIS, (A) reads sn error yySde for yt
 [ 550 J
plight, and the bulk of tte people were fain to live on the seeds
of the Mughatlan thorn! and on wild herbs,* also on the akins
of the oxen which the rich slaughtered and sold from time to
time; after afew days their hands and feet swelled’ and they
died. As a date for that year the phrase Khashm-i-Izad*
(Divine wrath) was invented’ The writer of these pages
with these guilty eyes of his saw man eating his fellow-man in
those terrible days. So awful was their aspect that no one dared
let his glance rest upon them, and the greater part of that
country, what with scarcity of rain, and shortness of grain,® and
desolation, and what with the constaut struggle and tummoil, and
two years continual anarchy? and terror, was utterly ruined, the
peasantry and tenants disappeared, and Jawless crowds attacked&
the cities of the Muslims. Among the strange® incidents of the
year 962 H., during the time of the war between Sikandar and
Ibrahim, was the fire which occurred in the fuit of Agra. The
following 1s a short account of this incident. During the time
when Agra !° was emptied of the troops of ‘Adi, one of the
Amirs ® of Ghazi Khan Sir entered the fort of Agra and took up
his abode there,!® to make certain prepaiations and to take charge
of the supphes; while he was engaged in inspecting 4 the rooms
of the warehouses, he happened to go early one morning into one
of the rooms, '° and was going 1ound '® carrying an open lamp, !7
# spaik from which fell m one of the rooms which was fall of

1 wide Mughaslan for wike ef Ummu-ghaildn According to the

Makhzanu-l-Adwiya. This 1p the tree called im Hindi kikar or babal (Acacia
Arabica) see aleo Ibn Bata: (South) I 82, according to whom it s2 Spina
egyptiaca, Mimosa gummyfera See aleo Drury, usefal plants of India who
states that the sceds and pods are used as food tor sheep when grain is gcarce
agile ciation MS (B) adds dy 8 MS. (B) 9955 Use 9
& ghtpe Khashm-s-Inad. Gives the date 962. H.
6 MS, (B) ad aisl
¢ MS (B) omits lo 1 MS. (B) omts 49,
8 MS. (A) omita gg® reading OU, 9 igs, (A) (B) Gly?
10 MS. (B) omits ¥ST I M8, (B) reads WA (Jos ‘adi Khan
MMS (A) roads 31 ggyel. 18 MBS. (A) (B) y age! 0 lad,
16 MBS, (A) (B) Syne, 1b MS (4) wyyd. 16 MBB. (A) (B) dp coy
n ele chirdgh is an open lamp with a naked flame generally conmstang of
a email earthenware saucer of oil with a wick.
 [ “oat
gun powder. In the twinkling of an eye an explosion occurred,!
and the flames shot up to the sky, attended with « violent shock,
which led the people of the city to imagine that the jadgment-day
had arrived, and starting from their sleep they began repeating the
formuls of Taubid (Declaration of Unity),® and Zauba® (Repen-
tauce), aud Ietighfar (seeking for pardon). Heavy slabs of stone
and massive pillars were hurled through the air to a distance of
several krohe across the river Jamna, and" great number of people
were killed,’ in fact human hands and feet, and the limbs of all
kinds of animals were thrown five or six® krohs. As the name
of the citadel of Agra was originally Badal Garh, the words
Atash-i-Badal garh? made a chronogram to record the date.
In the days when Himtin blockaded the fortress of Baiana
God’s people were crying for bread and taking each other's hivea,?
a hundred thousand sacred lives were as nought for a single
grain of barley, whereas the elephants of Himin’s army, which
numbered five-hundred, were fed solely upon rice, and oil, and
sugar; the senses*® were shattered by anguish upon anguish in that
ternble time -—
Verse,
We cherish enemies, we also destroy friends,
What mortal has the power to question our deorees.
On one occasion fiimfin was one day presiding at n public
banquet, and summoning the Afgbin Amirs" into his presence,

1 af 25S ys if Ma. (A)

§ The formula of Tauhid 18 La didha calla Allah wahdhu lé Sharika lahil.
There is no god save God. He 18 one, He haa no partnor.
The other formula is lstaghfiru-lidh wa atdbu slahe. Task pardon of God
and to Him I repent.
Both these formule are used on occasions of sudden alarm and peril.
8MS (B) omits digs 9. MS (B) reads Buy) instead of Bdy_yJ.
6 Mg. (A) o¢ All, § MS. (B) omts (yim 9 MS. (A) omits y.
1 gpou CAST Atagh-v-Badalgarh The fire of Badalgarh. These words
give the dato 962 H. a .
8 I rend here with MB. (A) SUBS (ye wie 4 alll youl, although
MS (A) also reads in the margin Sold ¢g®, the other reading 18 more pro-
hably correct, and is & further statement of the ternble straits to which the
garrison of Baia were driven.
* A footnote variant reads ly GAS, MS. (A) reads Kis
10 48 (B) omits whlas
 [ 82]
to the head of the table! urged them to partake of food, saying:
“Help yourselves to the largest morsels,” and if he saw anyone
of them eating slowly no matter who he waa,’ he would address
him® in terms of the foulest nbuse saying: “ How can such a
nondescript nonentity as you who are sluggish in eating your
victuals hope to contend against your own son-in-law the Mughul
in battle.” Aa the fall of the Afghan power was near at hand,*
they had not the courage to say a word to that foul infidel, and
laying aside all that disregard of superior force® for which they
were renowned, swallowed his insults® like sweetmeats, either
from fear or hope,’ this had become a regular practice with them.
Verse,
Lay not your hand obsequious on my foot,
Give me but bread, and brain me with your bnot !
In the meanwhile news reached Himin that Muabammad Khan
Sar, Governor of Bangala, had assumed the title of Sultin®
Jalala-d-Din, and was marching with an army® like the ants and
locusts for multitude from Bangala, and having reduced Jaunpir
was making for'? Kalpi and Agra. Just at this juncture on
481. urgent summons !! arrived from ‘Adli to Himin im these words
“At all costs come to me at once as J am confronted by a powerful
enemy” Himiin thereepon abandoned the siege, and when he
arrived at Mandagar,4 which is distant six kiohs from Agra,
Ibrébim (Khan)! like a hungry hawk which leaves '* its nest and
pursues the crane, pounced upon him, and hurled against him in

1 MS. (B) omits ps

8 MB. (B) omits d9) g AS yb,
8 MB. (A) roads yf 4 for W4j) (Text),
* M8. (B) insert y unnecessarily,
5 TI read here dyes dia. Jahl-t-dastburd instead of the textnal read-
ing MS. (A) gives reason to think that thia 1s correct, it reads Btu da
which making allowance for conversion of & into 8 in writin
E gives th the
reading adopted. The textual reading hag no meaning
® MBB (A) (B) yl elite, 7 MBS. A omits ox} 3,
8 MS (B) emits whhle. ® MS. (A) omite pabs.
10 MS (A) Sod. 11 Omit 5, MS. (A).
MS (A) roads S15. Mandakar M8 (B) ¥383b0 Maudagarh,
18 MSS, (A) (B) omt wha 16 MS (B) reads $0473
 { 533J
battle, bot being defeated went towards Alwar. Thon, after
obtaining! reinforcements from Haji Kban Alwari,® he again set
abont* accomplishing his own objects, and Himiin detailed * his
brother's son named Thar Yél* with a fully equipped army to
pursue him. Ther Yal* marching with restless haste pursued
Ibrahim for two stages, and joined Himin; Haji Khan was not
pleased at Ibrihim’s coming, nor would he send. him any assiat-
ance. Ibrihim being disheartened? turned aside, and bidding
farewell to his father, brothers, and all hia blood-relatious, left
them in Hindan, and, with a small band of followers took the
road to Bhatta. Eventually Ghazi Khan a short time after, fell a
prisoner into the hands of Haidar Khan Chaghta in Baiina,
relying upon assurances,’ and great and stall of his party were
put to death, and not a single one of that line was left, as will
be related in ita proper place,® if God Most High ao will it; and
now that kingdom and empire, and the independence of that
family have become as an idle tale. How wonderfal are the ways
of God!
Magnavi.
The world is a juggler decrepit and bowed,
It brings to pass one thong but promises another;
It calls you with kindness but drives you away with rancour;
All its dealings are invarmbly of this nature.
If 1t calls you know not whither it calls you,
If it drives you forth you know not whither it drives you.
All of us, old and young, are destined to death, .
No one can remain in the world for ever.
Inasmuch as everyone liked Ibrahim Khan who was considered
by all to have a wonderful fortune in store for him, m a short
time large numbers gathered to him from all parts. He fought
with the army ! of Ram Chand, the raler of Bhatta, but was

1 Ai5,$ feyS. MS. (A) reads ai5yS KoyS. ;

9 MS. (B) omits cyt. 8 MS, (B) 9,5 4 MB, (A) 90,9.
6 MS. (B) reads dh yd Nahar pal.
¢ M3. (B) ready Jv = Nahar pal
TRead here O14 MS (A) reads Oye, (P). MS. (B) dys».
$ MS (A) reads ops) 9 M3 (A) reads @A®* for
10 Read gs. MS (A), for eo
7
 [ se J
forced to flee! and was taken prisoner. R&ji Ram Chand, in
accordance with the oustoms of landholders,* made him a present
of a bow, and treated him with the utmost honour and respect,»
and in a personal interview* presented him with a royal tent,
with the apparatus of royalty, and attendants: then seating him
upon the throne, standing humbly as a servant, performed the
offices of attendance.
Ibrahim Khan § spent some time there, till Baz Bahadur the son
of Saz’wal Khan, Ruler of Malwa, who eventually read the
Khutbeh in that country, became involved in a quarrel with the
Miyani Afghans, who summoned Ibrahim Kbén$ and raising him
to the supreme command, sent him against? Baz Bahidur. Rani
Durgawati the ruler of the country® of Kara Katanka also, who
was embroiled with Baz Bahidur on account of the proximity
of her kingdom, rose up® to assist Ibrahim, and weut out to
fight against Baz Bahadur, who made overtures for peace and
dissuaded the Rani from asasting Ibrahim, She, accordingly,
returned to her own country, and Ibrahim, not considering it
advisable to remain there any longer, went off bag and baggage
to Oresa, which is the boundary of Bangéla, and lived on good
terms with the samindars. Suleimin Karréni, when he took pos-
session !! (of Orissa), made terms with the Raja, and sending for
Ibihim with assarancos of safety, slew him treacherously in the
yea: 975 H,
Verse.
Fix not thy heart on this world, for 1t has no foundation,
Speak not of hfe, fer that too 18 ruined.
The tent of hfe which thou placedat at first,
Death 4 will surely uproot, were it of solid steel.

1 MS, (A) omits ae JI yd.

8 MS (B) rends Caw! for dtlyo
# BS. (B) omite OT» MS, (A) reads woh,
# MSS. (A) (B) dye,
6 MS. (A) omits wld, 6 MS. (A) omita wld.
7 Read Mdope MSS (A) (B), for Moye (Text),
8 MB (B) omts “wy 9 MS. (A) y auld 99,
10 MS (A) reads diet 1! AS, (B) reads wrongly wlohe ys,
99 Ue}, MS, (A) reads Ua,
 [ 555]
Himin proceeded by rapid marches till he joined ‘Adii !
‘Adil and Mubammad Kbin Gauria were at that time sitting
down over against one another, with the river Jamna between
them, at a place called Chhappar Khatta, fifteen krohs from Kalpi. 483°
Ganria, confidently relying upon his superior force to overcome
the forces of ‘Adli, had drawn up hia cavalry and infantry and
elephants to a number surpassing all computation, and was every
moment*® expecting victory, when suddenly the scale turned
against him, and Himiin swept down upon him like & comet, and
no sooner did he reach the ranks of the picked elephants after
crossing the river Jamna,® than he swooped down upon the army
of Gearia, taking them unawares as does the army of Sleep, and
making a night-assault gave no one trme so much as to lift his
hand.
They were in such utter confusion* that no man knew his head
from his heels, nor his turban from his shoes. The greater part
of his Amirs were slain, while the remnant who escaped chastise-
ment took to flight. The wretched Gauria waa so effectually
concealed that up to the present not a trace of him has been
found, and all that retinue and paraphernalia of royalty* and
grandeur became “like the scattered moths and like flocks of
carded wool,’® and became in a moment the portion of the enemy.
The kingdom is God’s, the greatness is God's.
Verse.
In one moment, in one instant, in one breath,’
The condition of the world becomes altered. .

After this heaven-given victory and naforescen triumph, ‘Adli

proceeded to Clanhir and appoimted Himiu,? who who was the
commander-in-chief of his army, with abundant treasure and a
couutless host, elephants of renown, an ornament to the army

1MS (A) JS § MSS (A) (B) read POM Tho toxt roads Wlow yd,
8 MS (A) omta ebb
# Laternily + Crying, where shill I put the cup, whore shall I put the cnge?
5 MS (A) omits y waible
® Qar'in IT. 4
7 MSS. (A) (B) read @o 65 dbs! Say cacle ha, MS (18) roads
axe for the’.

§ MS (A) ly wsee
 [ 556).
and a terror to the enemy, to repel the forces of the Mughnul
which had taken possession of the country as far as Itéwa and
Agra, as will be presently related if God Most High so will it.
Just at this juncture Khize Khan, the son! of Muhammad
Khan Gauria, who had been killed, succeeded hia father in Kor,*
isauing the currency and reading the Khujbah in his own name, with
the atyle and title of Sultan (Mahammad)® Bahadur, and collect.
ing a huge army to revenge his father’s death, came up against
. ‘Adli, who notwithstanding his distress * fonght bravely on that
field, and contrary to expectation met with fierce resistance.
After fighting manfully ‘Adli was killed, and joined Muhammad
Khan whose life-blood was yet freshly spilled, fighting in hot
blood. This event occurred in the year 962 H. and Gauria bikusht ®
was its chronogram.

Verse.

My soul, do thou look at the world and take what it gives to

thy heart’s desire ;
Live at thine ease there a thousand years hike Nab.®
Every treasure and every store which kings have laid by,
That treasure and that store seize? and take for thine own,
Every pleasure which the world contains do thou consider as
made for thee ;
Every fruit which grows im the world® do thon taste and
take.
Tn the final roand which brings the end of thy hfe,
A hundred times seize the back of thy hand with thy teeth
and gnaw 1¢ (1n despair).

1 MB, (B) reads 9 for Hy

8 MS (A) omits yS yd ® MSS. (A) (B) omit oom,
# The text roads S45 wf ogayh. Ms. (A) reads fous (se) MS.
(B) reade ggfod The meaning w not very clear
6 Sy dayyf Gaurta brkught. A footnote to the text ports ont that
these words give 963 as the date. Thomas (Puthin Kings, p. 416) gives 064
H. as the date of ‘Adli's death.
€ A footnote varinnt gives ¢_y>- 1 MS. (B) reads “awd for Sin.
8 MSS. (A) (B) read WY tr pilus
 [ 337J
‘Adli was so highly skilled iu singing and dancing that Miyin
Tausin, the well-known kal@n-wat! who is a past master in this
art* used t own to being his pupil, and Baz Bahadur, son of
Saziwal Khan, who was also one of the most gifted men of his
age and had no equal in this life-wasting accomplishment acquired
the art (of music) from ‘Adli.
Verse.
They owned no rival, but surpassed them all,
May God He ia exalted and glorified, pardon them.
One day a performer from the Dakhan brooght into his assem-
bly an instrument called pakhiwaj,® which is in length * equal to
the height of & man, so large that the hands of no man could
reach* the two ends of it, as a sort of challenge to those who
were present, and all® the performers of the kingdom of Dibli
were unable to play 1t;'‘Adli, however, found oat by his know-
ledge of other struments how to play it, and placing a cushion
on the floor beat? the dium now with lus hand and now with his
foot, The assombled people raised a shout and all the skilled
musicians owned their allegiance to him, and praised lim exceed-
ingly , and at the time when he was an Amit, and as a commander
of twenty-thonsand held a jdegis,’ a Bhagat boy ® handsome and
‘comely who had acquired perfection in his ait, used to come to
bis assembly from some of the villages near Badéon, and used to
play.'° ‘Adli was so fascinated by his beauty and skill that he kept
him in his own service and took pains to educate him, giving hime
the name of Mujahid Khan,!! When he attained to kmgly power

t See Ain-1-Akbari [, (B) 612, note lL. Kaldin-uat or Kaléwant wa Hindi

word meaning ® singer or mumcian §=MS. (A) reads way WS Kalin want
8 Badioni uses the word assly wadi a valley or desert, apparently to
shew his disapproval of the art.
8 A large kind of drnm. See Ain-t-Akbari (J.) II], 255
«MS, (B) reads (p48 for ¢s;h9. 6 MB. (A) Samy
6 MS (A) onuts 4 7 MS. (A) omits cg®.
8 MS (A) reads here wyle! Ahduan MS (B) reads wylot Ajiwan Bo
also footnote variant to text .
% ior wh. ‘The Bhagatiya are “a caste of Joose people who pass
then time in bnffoonery, singing and dancing” Shoerring 1, 276
10 MSS. (A) (B) d95 4554. i MS (A) old,
 { 558J
he made him s commander of ten thousand. His natural eleganuy
and refinement were such that one day upon returning from the
polo ground of Badaon! he said, “Iam hungry.” Ghai Khan Sir
whose tent® was at the head of the road said “ What I have ready
is at your service,” ‘Adli, for politeness sake, felt constrained to
accept his hospitality ; first they brought some fried sheep's liver,
No sooner had he smelt it than he leapt from his seat, and was so
disgusted that he left the company* and drew rein nowhere till
he reached his house; they say also that the sweepers used to
gather up the remains of camphor of the fineet quality two or
three times daily from his dressing-room, and whenever a neces-
sity arose® he would first grow red, then pale and livid,® and
would faint while his countenance changed. In spite of all this
leisure and luxuriousness, his fasts and prayers were never duly
performed ;7 he had entirely given up the use of intoxicants, and
the day he left the world the treacherous time even gradged him
two yards of cloth, and it was never known where his corpse
went.$

Verse.

Oh ye lords of wealth beware ' beware!

And you, ye lords of state, beware! beware !¥

After him, the kingdom fell away from the race of Afghans and
returned to its original holders, and right once more became
astablished.

1 The text reada erylent with a footnote variant wylt) MSS, (A) (B)
read wyldd.
9 MS. (B) omita $25 a.
8 MS. (A) wr hu, The tert reads asi? meaning scraps of meat
4 The text reads whis ghashyan. MS. (A) reads whss ghasaydn. If we
take the reading of the text it will be ‘he felt faint’
5 FS celal as (A). 6 ef ig 5 MB. (A),
TMs (A) ola’,
® Tle was, as has been described, killed in battle
9 MS (A) roads J 10% in tho first lino, and Sle wldisdh in the
second M8, (B) reads Jim in the fiat and fle in the accund
 { 539]
Nastev-p-Din Mugammap Humiyow Plpsyin Quist,
Retarnipg Yrom Kébul, « second time fought a fierce battle with
Sikandar, and being favoured by fortune! with victory and conquest,
restored to the imperial throne fresh lustre, glory and fortune.
The following is an epitome of these events: After that the king-
dom of Hindfistan slipped from the grasp of that Pidshah glorious
as Jamshid, like the ring from the hand of Suleiman,’ and the
opposition and strife between his brothers was not changed to
amity and concord,’ and each one took his own way and songht
his own asylum, considering his own interests by consultation
with advisers, as hae already been briefly related,* Humayfn
crossed from the Panjab and attempted to seizo Bakkar,’ making
his camp at the township of Lohri,® which is near to Bakkar.
Mirza Hind&l having left Sind proceeded to the township of
Pantar,’ which is fifty krohs distant from Bakkar, on account of
the abundance and cheapness of grain. Huméayén sent a robe of
honour and a horse with @ message to Mire’ Shah Hasnain
Arghin, governor of Tatta, saying, “ I have arrived here driven by
necessity and have fally determived upon the conquest of Gujrat,
and this undertaking is dependent upon your advice and guid-
ance,” Mirzé Shah Husain spent five or six months® in tempo-
rising, and brought Huma&yiin by specions pretexts from the
Bakkar terrnntory to the neigabourhood of Tatta, with the inten-
tion of doing whatever might be advisable later on.

1 A footnote says that one copy gives OMlme, MS, (B) has this reading.
§ See ante p. 205, note 8.
® Read SUN for SdH, MSS, (A) (B).
4 MB. (A) omits yd.
5 Seo Hunter, Imp. Gas., Ind., Vol. 11, also Tieff. I, 117, Bukkur. See
Proceedings, A. 8. B., April, 1896, p. 69.
6 See Hunter, Imp. Gas., Ind. Vol. XI, Rohri. Firighta writes cory
Luhri. Bee Bombay text, p. 408.
1 MSS (A)(B) read _ȴ Pitar. Ican find no mention of any place of
this name
8 M8, (B) reads ¢ wdghye yt y pose wt eee ee. Firishta saya “asked
for assistance in the conquest of Gujrat,” Bombay text, p 409.
9 Omit 9, read > ev MBS, (A) (B).
 [ 360°]
In thie year, 948 H.,! Humayin married Hamida Banh Begam,
and coming to Pantar returned to Lobri. Mirzi Hindal started for
Qandahar in answer to the summons of Qaracha Bog,® the
governor of that district, and Yadgér Nasir Mirzi, who had
encamped at distance of ten krohs from (Huméyin’s) camp
also intended to proceed to Qandahar. Humayiin thereupon sent
Mir Abil-Bagi, who was one of the most distinguished of the
learned men of the time, Persian commentator on Mir Saiyyid
Sharif, and author of other compositions, to advise him and
dissuade him from his purpose, * At the time of crossing the
river a party salled out from the fortress of Bakkar and rained
showers of arrows upon the people in the bonts, The sainted Mir
waa struck by the soul-melting arrow of Fate, and was drowned §
in the ocean of martyrdom. This event took place in the year
948 H. and the chronogiam Suiir-t-kaindt® was mvented to
commemorate it.
Mirza Yadgar Nasr heaikened to this advice and counsel and
remained in Bukkar, and Huméyiin proceeded to Tatta, where-
upon many of Ins soldiers left los camp and jomed Mirza
(Yadgir) and spent ther days? im comfort by reason of the
increased pay they received, In this way Mirza gathered strength,
and Humiyfn crossing the river laid siege to the foi tress uf
Siyalwau? Mirza Shah Husam kept sending® reinforcements

1 The text reads 947 H. ( Vv) cate 9 Ope 3 duap with a footnote any
iug that one MS, reads 648 H andanother sadaay wate 3 de 3 wey
947-818 MSS. (A) (B) both rend 948 H. and thia 1s the correct dute.
8 MSS (A) (B) & wy Finshta, Qaricha Khin, Bombay text, p 400
§ MSS. (A) (B) read Gat5 x0 Mg. (A) omits |y
# MSS, (A) (B) add 4». & MS. (A) os,
6 oli yyy Swikr-r-kdmdt. Joy of created thinga These words give
the date 849 H.
TMs.(A) Mi)SS wg (B) dos,
8 Finshta saya Why Sihwan. Sihwan or Sehwkn isin the Karich
district of Sind, lat 26° 26’ N. long 67° 64’ E, The river Indus formerly flowed
close to the town bat hea now quite deserted it The fort of Selwwin is
ascribed to Alexander the Great. See Hunter I mp. Gaz, X11 305, but
Tief-
fenthwler (I. 123) attributes it to Hasan, son of Shahbeg Arghin,
@ M38 (A)(B) 43537,
 [ S61]
and supplies! to the garrison*® and embarking on a boat,
and ® coming near to the camp blocked the avenues of supplies (to
Hamiytin). Bhe siege lasted for seven months, and victory seemed
as far off as ever, while great distress was folé from scarcity of
grain* and want of salt. .
Verse.
Every feast which is prepared ® by the band of heaven
Ie either altogether without salt or ix altogether so salt (as
to be uneatable).
The soldiers were reduced to such extremities,’ that they were
forced to give up grain and content themselves with the flesh
of animals, and finally* they had to abandon the hope of even
this.
Verse.
The hangry-bellied fastened his eyes on skina,
Fox fur 1s the near neighbour of flesh.
Then he sent messenge:s a second time to Bakkar to summon
Mirza® Yadgar Nagur, so that in conjunction with him he might
repel Mirza Shah Husain and gain possession of the fort. He
sent a reinforcement, which was however of no service,!° and
hearing of the distress which provailed in the camp he saw no
good in going there, so remained in Bakkar. Mizé §hah
Hugain played upon his ambition by talse promises of the rule of
that kingdom, and of having the Khugbah read and the currency
issued in his name; he also promised to obey him, and also that he-
would give him his daughter in marriage, and thus misled him into

1 MS. (B) dined (50.

§ This 1s the statement of one author, but Furishta saya “ The siege leated
for seven months. Mirzi Shih Husam Arghin also came with boata and
blocked the road by which supplies of grain cume, in consequence of so great
acarcity of food ensued that they had to hve on the flesh of anmals.”
Bombay tert, 409.
8 MSS. (A)(B) 9. #Ms.(R) as yh=.
6 ge uw 6 Footnote variant jie aed 7 MS. (4) omits ye.
@ Text reada yf. MS (B) renda |) <_yS1 most of them.
9 MS. (B) omits U3 y¥* 10 MSS. (A) (B) read dvs
' Eyotnote variant x4) Bakku
71
 [ 562]
opposing Humiyfin.! He further took possession of all ® the boats
belonging to Humay iin, who, in consequence of all these obstacles,
any one of which was a sufficient reason,’ seeing the distress aud
misery of his army, abandoned the siege * of the fortress, and all
unwillingly saying, “ Retreat is the wisest course,” turned back
towards Bakkar, and remaining several days inactive for want
of boats, at last by the help of two samindd:s recovered two boats
which Mirzé had sunk, aud reached’ Bakkar, Mirzé, as a
means of covering ® the shame he felt, before he came to pay his
439. respects,’ marched by forced ma:ches against Miizé Shah Husain,
and putting to death or taking captive large number of the people
of Tatta, who in ignorance of Ins intentions had left their boats,®
did a good deal to repair® his former defections. Then with
shame and confusion he came and had an interview (with
Humiyiin) and brought in countless heads of the enemy, His
faults were overlooked, but in consequence of certain events which
occurred, he again became rebellious, and being deceived by
the wiles of Mirza Shah Husain, prepared for war. Mun‘im
Khan who eventually became Khdn-i-Khanan also meditated 10
flight. Both of them, however, became !! aware of the folly of
_ their design, and realising 118 heinousness abandoned their iniquit-
ous intention. The mex of HumiyGn’s force were day by day
going over to the side! of Mirza Yadgar Nagu. In the mean-
time Maldeo, Raja of the kingdom !8 of Marwar, who was distin-
gushed above all the zamindd:s of Hindistin on account of the
strength of lis following '* and his exceeding grandeur, again
sent letters of summons. Humiayiin not thinking 16 advisable to
yemain '® any longer in the vicimty of Bakker and Tatta, pro-
ceeded by way of-Jawalmir towmds Marwar. The Raja of

1 MS, (A) ronda Cable we Alar? solsb

8 MS (A) omits cle
B Thus the text MS (A) reads PE git yay csty! 3 Sp) Rede agbeplos a,
#MS (A) Aald
po 5. 6 MS (B) Ome)
6 MS8. (A) (B) @Jd. 7 Footnote variant @oN,
8 MIS (B) reads Oty tool 54 its 3, 9 MS (1) roads «53,
10 MS (B) fot. 1 MB (B) 35 alo,
18 MB (B) qauly, 18 MS8.(A) (B) Ske,
* Omit y read sanem ty MBB. (A) (B).
18 MB. (A) omits d¢% after wdy9,
 [ 563)
Jaisalmir blocked the road by which his army was to pass, and
fought a battle‘in which he was defeated. In that waterless
desert Homiyin’s army suffered terrible distress, so much so
that! around the wells blood was spilled in place of water among
his followers, aud most of them® from the violence of their
thirst cast themselves into the well as thongh they had been
buckets, till it became choked.
In this state of affairs Humfyiin quoted ‘the following magia‘,
whoever is the author of it :—
Keree.
So many renta did the heavens make in the garments of the
affiioted ones,
That neither could the hand find its sleeve, nor could tho
head find its opening.
From Jaisalmir proceeding by forced marches to Marwar he 440.
sent Atka Khan to® Maldeo, and halted for several days in the
vienity* of Jodhpir,. awaiting his armval. Inasmnch as im
those ® days, Nagor had fallen inte the hands of Sher Shah, and §
had inspired Maldeo with- the utmost awe of the majesty and
power of Humayin; accordingly Maldeo, fearing the wrath of
Sher Shah,’ was afraid to obey that summons, and detaining
Atka Khan by some trick, sent a large force under the pretence
of welcoming him, with the intention of treacherously attacking
Humayin and taking him prisoner® Atka Khan [becoming

1 MBS. (A) ap
2 A footnote reads* ¢ ty dg pbs £5 51 wl G85 aS (coc? To euch
& height (did their sufferings rise) that the thirsty-lipped ones from excess
ol hunger (east) themaelves (into the wells). MS. (B) has this reading
omitting the word wi,
8 MSS (A)(B) a}. ¢ MS (B) omits erly.
& MS. (A) omits uy writing pots. MS (A).
1 A footnote variant to the text, agreeing with MS. (B) rans thos
cell wij! taped Ahadle Wb ub add yd
Tins 1s the reading adopted. it seema preferable
5 This is according to the text A footnote variant (and NS. (B) ) reads
Slieyd slisly Gully diay ghar slic pS Key ye onaly
Sent...with treacherous desigu, und girding tho loins of rebollion ”
 [ 564|
aware of their treachery from its outset]! returned without
asking permission, and informed Humiyin of the real state of
affairs. He on the instant started with all haste for Amarkot.
It so chanced that two of Maldeo’s spies had arrived at that same
place, and Humfyiin gave orders for them both to be put to death.
In their despair one drew a knife, and the other a dagger,’ and
fell upon (their enemies) like boars wounded by arrows, and
killed § a large number of living things,* men, women and horses,
whatever came in their way * Among the number was Humayin’s
charger. Huméayfin theredpon asked Tardi Beg for a few horses
and camels, he however behaved meanly, and Huméyin
“mounted a camel, After a while’ Nadim, his foster-brother,'
gave the horse which lis mother was riding to the king, he himself
going on foot in his mother’s retinue through that bare
desert, which was like an oven for heat.® His mother after.
waids rode on the camel, and they traversed that road !° which was
so terribly dhificalt, amid constant!! alarms of the attack of
Maldeo, {and with intense labour and distress.* In the middle of
441. the mght they reached a place of safety , by chance the Hindis of
Maldeo’s army]'® pursuing them through the night, misged thor

1 The words m brarkets aro not in MSS (A) (B)

B Read 80245 (6,09
pe 9 yl Ms (A),
B Didwlegy Lidy y anidle Sle, Mg (A) This is the preforablo reading
# Read whyldla for wleleo MSS (A) (B)
B onf (ye oy Ape, MS. (B) OT. MS (A).
6 This ws the 1eading of the text. MS (A) reada a an} dice (sic).
Finghta says that Momiyiin’s horse shewed eigna of tiring, ( Rye) im)
so that he asked Tardi Bog tor a horse, who unkindly rofosed, and as every
moment tidings kept arriving that"Mildeo’s a1my was neal at hand, -Humiyiio
had no alternative bat to mount a camel (Bo Text;p. 410.)
7 Text 2815. Mg. (Ay omita Fuighta wiites 47 & whereupon,
8 Fuishta writes Sp 4$,8 pes.
$ Firishta gives a slightly different version of this: stating that Nadim
hunself went on foot and placed his mothgr on his own horse leading 1,
afterwards mounting her on a camel, (Bo text loc ext).
OMS (4) ) 8 wh MS (B) roads jy.
1 MSS (A}(B) omt dy » Omit My after odo, Mg. (A)
18 Allthis passage from dy to “el® 1s omitted in MS. (B).
 [ 565j
way,' and in the morning, m a narrow pass, came upon the
rearguard of the army, who were two and twenty in namber.
Mun‘im Kban and Roshan Beg* Koka, and snother® party of
men who belonged to that, side having arrived, a battle ensued,
In the very first onset the leader of the Hindis went to hell from
an arrow-wound, and large number were killed. They could not
withstand the attack, and many camels fell into the hands of the
Muslims. This victory was the occamon of great rejoicing.t
Maching from thence and being without water,’ after three days
they arrived at a halting-place, where, on acconnt of its depth ® a
drum had to be beaten at the mouth of the well, so that its sound
might reach the placa where the oxen for.drawing the water
wore.’ For lack of water, a crowd of people in their distress
were lost, and ® disappeared lke water in that sandy plain, which
was avery river of quicksand, winle many hoises and camels

1 According to our author's account 1¢ seoma as though Méldeo’s men Jost

ther way, but Firishta’s account 1s as follows “ When the tidings of the
approach of the infidels ariived Hamiyiu ordered certaim of his officers who
were with him to follow hin in cluse succession, while he himeelf started with
namall party of not more than twenty-five , when mght came on the officera
lost their way and went in another direction, towards morning the ranka
of the enemy’s army became visible, and im accordance with (Humiyin’s)
orders Shaikh ‘Ali and the rest who were in all nob wore than twenty-five
men repeated the creed, then turned and with stout heart gave battle.
Fortanately the very first arrow stiock the leadg: of the infidels in the breuat,
he fell headlong to the earth and the rest fled The Muslims pursued them
end captured many camels Humiyin returned thanks to God and alighted
at a well which contained a little water where the Amirs who hnd lost thar
way came up.”
9 MS. (A) omits sAy 8 MS. (A) omts sho.
$ MS. (A) reads (sSph9e,
t AiStdy) oT, is the rending of the text and both MSA (A) (B)
but it does not tally with Firighta who writes ‘‘ Marching thence, for throe
stages water was absolutely anprocurable, and the people were in great
diatregs, on the fourth day they reached a well, &c’* Perhaps we should read
tito wf 3. Pattmg up with the want of water.
8 MS, (A) omits Tf.
‘’ The rope was eo long that before the bucket reached the mouth of the
well the oxon used to draw 16 up, had gone so far that the sound of a dinm
was necessary to warn their drivers that they must stop MS (A) reads
Soap oy) AUT Jf uleo eo for ugite.
8 MB. (B) omits ls y
 [ 366]
drinking water after their long and unaccnstomed drouth, died!
from surfeit of water. And inasmuch as that desert, like the
midday mirage was as interminable as the troubles of the hap-
less ® wretches of the army, perforce they turned aside by y
circuitous route* towards Amarkot, which lies at a distance of a
hundred krohs from Tatta The governor of Amarkot, named
Rand, came out to meet them accompanied by his sour, and did all
in his power ® to render fitting service.
Humaytin bestowed® all that he had in the treasury upon hia
followers, while to supply the party who had not yet arrived,’ he
borrowed from Tardi Beg and others by way of assistance, and
gave itthem He also made presents of money, and sword-belts *
to the sons of Rand, who, for the reason that bis father had been
put to death by Mirza Shah Husain Arghfin, collect ed
a large
force® from the surrounding conntry,'° entered the service of
Humayiin, and leaving Ins baggage and camp equipage in !t
Amarkot under the caie and protection of Khwaja Mu‘zam, tlic
brother of Begam,!*® he (Humayiin) proceeded towards Bakkar.!8
. Qn Sunday, the fifth of the month Rajab, in the year 949 H
the anspicicus birth of the Khalifah of the age Akbar Padshah
occurred in a fortunate moment at Amarkot. Taidi Beg Khu
conveyed this yoyfal tidings to Hamaydn at that halting-place,
who after giving (the elnld) that anspicious name,'* procecded

1 Mg. (A) ota silo 2 les MS. (A) ronds wfphwo

8 3) whfossds The calamity stricken of the army
+ outlays ly = can see no othe: meaning for the expreasion
8 MS (A) reads yORelt mm MS (B) ready ygdite Gama,
4 MSS (A) (R) Doyeyd fer’, 7 MS (A) @aay! af
8 pe ® eS. MS (A). * MSS (A) (B) omit ly.
10 Bdy31 HST eI ybt jl. MS (B). Tho text 19 correct
il MSS (A) (B, 30 18 MSS (A) (B) ome sdoly
18 It was now tnat Akbar was born, according to Kinshta, befors Hamisan
left fur Bakhur. Scv Bo text, p 11. Briggs, II 95, but from oar anther 4
text at appenry tlt [lamayiin had loft Amarkot before bis sun
was born, and
only saw hin at Chanl
14
The text and both MSS (4) (B) read
.
wile pins?
o 2
woolen fo Gy! which
ig not capable of suliafnctory nitci pretation. luis suggested that we should
read sol inelead of Babe
 [ 567J
with all haste towards Bakkar. At the camp of Chaul! he sent
for the Prince of auspicious mien, and was rejoiced by the well-
omened sight of hie son. His soldiers, in whose nature the oraft
of unfaithfulness was as firmly planted as is deceit in the nature
of the times, were one by one, including even Mun‘in Khan, de-
serting.* At this time Bairim Khan® camo from Gujrit and
tendered his allegiance. Considering it unadvisable to remain in
that country Humiyiin determined to make for Qandahir. Mirs&
Shah Husain thinking this an opportunity not to be lost, in ac-
cordance with a requisition * sent thirty boat’ and three hundred
camels, and Huméyiin crossed the river Indus. At that time
Mirz&’ Kamran had taken Qandabar® from Mirza Hindal and
had left it in charge of Miraé ‘Askari, and having given Ghaznin
to Mirza Hindal had read the KAutbah in his own name. After
some time, however, he changed that also.’ Mirza Hindal having
given up all royal dignity in Kabul used to live hkea darvesh,® and
Mirzi Kamran yielding to the instigation of Mirza Shah Husain
wrote to Mirzé ‘Askari saying, ‘Seize the road by which the
Padghah will proceed and fake him prisoner in any way you can
contrive.” Accordingly when he arrived at the camp of Shal
Masting,” Mirzi ‘Askari® marched by foiced marches from
1 Jee Chaul or Chore, 4 village situated on the route from Amarkot to
Jawsimir, eight miles vorth-east of the former place. See Thornton's
Gazetteer, I. p. 148, and map. Lat. 25° 25’ Long. 69°61’ Bee also Keith
Johuston's Atlas .o. :
8 MSS. (A) (B) Sayed coyly? WSs wh Su Wha parol. 80 also Firishts
who says “ But after a shori tame the army began to acatter and nothing
could be accomplished, Mun‘:1m Khin also fled, &,”
8 See Ain-i-Akbari, I. (B) 815, No 10,
+ MS. (B) omts Samm. 6 MS (B) omits wtyeO 1}a0,
6 MS. (A) omits fy
7 MS, (A) reads Baye
Al 5s If, MS. (B) reads Ouayer paid Iyif,
8
9 The text reads WKilie JS ghal Mashing, but both MSS, (A)(B) read
dy) gy! yi limo Jie Sal Mastin munzl-1-Urda dad. Finshta Bo. text,
p 411, line 10 reads windy Jle si? Waheandn, which 1s probably
a copyat’s error for wine 3 Jie Shul-o-Mastin We should therefore
read Shil-o-Masting, understanding by it Mustung “which hes 8.8 W. of
Quetta or Shai, at a distance of about 26 miles Sre Thornton's Gazetteer, 11.
pp 66 end 188. The distance from Qandahi to Sl 1s about 160 miles,
10 A footnote variant reads UIOM I3p¥0 Miscd Hinddl Notim MS (A) or (B)
 [ 368).
Qundahar and sent Chili! Bahadur Uzbaki to reconnoitro.* He
however, went straight off and informed Bairam Khan, whose
camp he reached at midnight, and Bairém Khan went with all
haste behind the royal tent and represented the state of affairs,
ASvordingly he gave up all idea of Qandahar and Kabul, and in
opposition to his biotlers, uttering the formula’ of separation,
took the road to ‘Iriq, accompanied by twenty-two men, among
whom were Bairém Khan and Khwaja Mu‘agzam, These two he
sent to bring the Queon-consort and the young prince, asking
Tardi Beg for the loan of a few horses, who, however, again brand-
ing himself * with the stigma of meanness and disgrace, refused to
comply with this request, and further declined to accompany him.
Humayiin left the youug Prince, who was an infant of only one
year, in the camp under the charge’ of Atkah Khan ® ou account
of the groat heat and the scarcity of water along his route, but
took the Quoen-consort? with him and journeyed by way of
Btstan.
Mirza ‘Askari just then arrived at the royal camp,’ and
alighting and tearing the veil of humamity from the face of
modesty, set about appropriating the valuables, He also placed
Tardi Beg® in mgorous continement, and carried off the young

1 Footnote variant (S92 Juki,

s MSS. (A) (B) 19,5, MB. (B) omits cops.
8 MS. (A) omits &)S, See Qur'an xvm. 77,
#MS (KR) reads BaghS for Wad
8 Ps atabaki, The word atébak or atebek ve a Turki word sigmfeing
“grand-pére, precepteur, instituteur du fils des Sultins” (Pavet de Courteille),
6 Shamsu-d-Din Mohammad Atgah Khin See Ain-1-Akbari I (BI.) 321.
No 15, where we lexrn that 1t was he who assisted Humayiin to eacape
diowning after the defeat of Qananj. Humayin attached him to his service,
and subsequently appointed his wife wet nurse (andyah) to Prince Akbar at
Amarkot, conferring upon her the title of Ji Ji Anignh.’’
The word Gt ang monng @ mother in Turki, while 254 anakah or Guy
anaké means a nurse, a8 Gy atd means a father 3 the word @SU} atékah would
mean foster father, and this is probably the name given to Shameu-d-Din
Mubammand, not Atgoh or Atka
1 MBS (B) omits sbaly nftor @Xy. MSS (A) (B) read dUSS for disy).
8B gsllo Siléig29 Dinan Khéna-r‘Ali.
9 The words ps do not seem to convey any defimte meaning, we should
perhaps read pis? be kala
 [ 569]
Prince! to Qandahar, and handed him over to Sultan Begam, his
own wife, with injunctions to take every care for his kind treat-
ment and protection.? In that journey important events took
place,’ which, although they were fully and elaborately detailed
in the oviginal,* do not admit of relation in this place; and ufust
be rapidly passed over as he did that long stretch of road. These
events took place in the year 950 H. (1543 A.D.), In short,
leaving Sistin and journeying to the city of Khurasdn, he had an
interview with Sultén Muhammad Mirza, the elder son of Shah
Tahmasp, who held the rule of that country under the tutelage &
of Muhammad Khan Takla,® and receiving all the necessaries of
royalty, and requisites
for his journey,’ with all honour and ceremony
reached the sacred city of Mashhad (Meshed) ; dud at each succes.
sive stuge, by order of the Shah, the governors of the provinces
hastened to welcome him, and made all preparations for enter-
tammg him and shewing him hospitality, estorting him from
stage to stage Bairim Khan proceeded to do homage to the
Shah, and brought with him thence a letter congratulating
Humayin upon Ins arival. The two monarchs met at Pulaq-
Suriq * and exchanged the customary honours and courtesies.
In the course of conversation the Shah asked what had led to
his defeat; Huméyiin incautiously® rephed ‘The opposition of
my brothers.’ Bahram Mirza, the biother of the Shah, who was

1 MSS, (A) (B) omit |). 8 Omt 9 MSS (A) (B)

8 fd Gey) MS (A).
# M83. (A) (B) Uo! dF yy Thatie to say, m the Pabagdt--Abbari,
Bee Elliot and Dowson, V 217, et se7q
6 td) Atéligi, The termmation lig, ligh, téa, or Ligh, mdicates either
relationship, as in this instunce, an abstraction, as in G5 SI® chiglig,
abundance; or possession. See Pavet de Courteille s v.
The word patronage would more etymologieally represent atdligi, but in
modern usage this word haa become perverted from its trae sense.
6 Called by Nigamu-d-Din, Ahmad Muhammad Khan Sharfu-d-Din Ughli
Takli (H. and D,v. 217) The word pS Takla means “ean qui conle
d'une vallée et des flancs d’une montagne; henux hamides et verdoyanta”
(P deC).
7 MS (B) reads ais,f wible gus leg $038 = This reading 16 also given
ane variant in a footnote to the vent
® The text has (a9 5485 (Sic) ( ? GAA) Flag Sartag, but both MSS.
(A) (B) read ¢hyy9~ by Pulaq Sitrig
9 MAS. (A) (B) omit the article, reading ed ile.
72
 { 57]
present, was grieved at this speech, and from that day! forth
sowed the seeds of enmity against Humayiin in hia heart, and set
himself to overthrow his enterprise, [nay more to overthrow
Huméayin himself as well],? aud impressed upon Shah Tahmasp,
saying, “ This is the son of that self-same father who taking 80
many thousand Qizilbash soldiers to reimforce his army, caused
them to be trampled under foot by the Ozbaks, so that not one of
them escaped alive 8 This was a reference* to that affair in
which Babar Padghah took Najm-i-Awwal from Shah Isma‘ll &
with seventeen thousand Qizilbigh cavalry,® and led them as an
auxiliary force against the Ozbaks, and at the time of the siege of
the fortress of Nakhshob, otherwise known as Kash,’ (?) wrote
the following verse upon an arrow and discharged it into the
fort:
Verse
I made Najm Shah to turn the Ozbaks from their path,
If I did wiong, (at any rate) I cleared (my own) path.
The following day when the two armies met.® he withdrew ® to
one aide, and the Qizilbash troops met with the treatment which
was in store for them ; that circumstance ig notorious.
However, to return from this digression, Saltén Begam "! the
sister of the Shih, whom he regaided as an adviser equal to the

1 MSS, (A) (B) read 54 ty) Ory

3 MS. (B) omits the words in brackets. MS (A) reads (plalee als
of Tabagat-:-Akbari, Elliot, v. 218.
3 MSS. (A) (B) ool yoy $025.
# The text 18 conoct enh MS, (A) reade gel.
& Iu the Memoirs of Baber, (Erskine, p 243), he 16 called Nyim Sani
Iefahim, (Nayam-1-Sani Isfahini)
6 MSS (A)(B) omit yslyve
For an accoant of tins see Erskine (Memous of Biber), pp. 242, 243.
TMS. (A) reads cyS kas (?),
tpn? Nakhghab “In Mawarin-u-nahr between the Jathin and Samar-
gant, but not lying on the rond to Bokh’:a, 18 kept on the left im journeying from
Bokharé to Samarqnand, also called Nnsnf, mtuated three stages from Samar-
qand” See Yiqut, s re. wt? and whe, In Bokhira, see Kesh (Keith
Jolineton’s Atlis), or Stohr vSnbz
§ BBS. (B) rends gs for gs au}, 9 MS (A) SoydS,
19 WBS. (A) (B) S4ed3. Text rends S603.
1 MBS. (A) roads piles guifinam So ulvo Tabagit +-Abbari,
 [ 571]
promised Mahdi,’ (who in the belief of the Shi‘ahs lies
concenled in a subterranean dwelling in the city of Sdmirah,
otherwise known by the name of Sarra man-ra’s,* and when
necessity arises will emerge from thence and inaugurate an era
of equity), and with whose opinion and advice all the affairs ® of
State were bonnd up,! dissuaded bim from that.mistaken step,’
and by the use of rational argument brought him back® to an
attitude of kindness and manhood, and induced him to help and
nasist. His Majesty (Haméyiin) wrote a suba‘t (quatrain) of
which the following 1s the last verse.’
Verse.
All kings desire the shadow of the Huma,
Behold! the Huma has sought thy shadow
On a certain occasion he interpolated this verse into a fragment
from Salmén,® and sent it to the Shah.
1 The promised Mahdi, or Leader who is to appear before the Resurrection.
See Mighkatu-l-Magebih, xxiri. also Hughes’ Diet. of Islam, 805.
8 Simarra, in ‘Iriq Fonnded by A! Mu‘tasim b'Iilih eighth Khalifah of
the house of Abbas See History of the Caliphe (Jarrett), p 350
Its name was changed by Al Mu‘tasim for tho sako of good augury into
Gurra:man-raé meaning “ Who sees 1t rejoices" Simarri was at one time the
capital of the Caliphate, but became once more merely a provincial town
when the seat of government was removed to Bughdid, remaining however a
place of pilgrimage to the Shi'a Muslims, for here were to be seen the tombs
of two of their Imime, alao the Morque with the underground chamber, from
which the promised Mnhdi, Al-Qiim is to appear SeeJ R A 8, 189%,
p. 36, for the article from which thes note 1s abridged, a translation from the
Arabie of Tbn Serapion, by Mr Le Strange
8 MB, (A) ly, 4 MS. (B) omits d99.
b Text Bouts codly wij! MS. (A) ronda BLAS. (P)
6 MS (A) dyf 7 MSS, (A) (B) Suml gl wu] cay
8 Lo&, Huma, seo p 57 of this work, and note 2.
There is ay allusion here to the name Hamiyiin in its etymological sense
of relation to the Huma or lird of royal augury.
9 Bond |) whole Sabs. MB. (A).
Salmin Sawaji. Jamila-d-Din, a native of Sawah. Shaikh ‘Aliu-d-Danlah
of Samninjsaid, “I have never seon in all tho world the equal of the verses
of Salman br the pomegranates of Samnin’’ Ho died i the year 669 H,
Mayina'u-lFugahd, 11 19, Ser Benie O B D., p 235, where Salmin 1s said
vo have did in 779 ALH, See also H K, 8046 Firiqnime, The date of hia
death givdn in the Mayma‘s-l-Fugahé mast be imcorrect, aa Salman wae the
pangyrist of Amir Shaikh Hasan and of his son Sultan Awana Jaliver the
Jattea of whom died in 776 A.H. See Ain-1-Akbari, I. (B) 100 n. 6
 [ 572 ]
Verse.
{hope that the Shah will out of kindness treat me,
As ‘Ali treated Salmén in the desert of Arzhan.!
The Shah was extremely pleased, and after mnumerable banquets
and associations in travelling, and hunting expeditions,® arranged
all preparations on a scale of regal magnificence in Humiyin’s
honoor, and took much trouble m giving his assent to the religious
tenets of the Shi‘ahs, and to that which the later writers of that
persuasion say regarding the blessed compnnions of Muhammad,
may God be pleased with them, and Humayéan after ® much ado said
“ Bring them written upon a sheet of paper.” Accordingly they
wrote down all their religious beliefs, and Humayiin read them
with a view to copying them, and gave precedence* in the
Khupbah, after the custom of ‘Inig, to the recital of the twelve
Imdms.° Shah Murad, the son of the Shah, an infant at the
breast, with ten thousand® cavalry under the command? of
Bidagh Khan Qizilbash Afshar,? was nominated® to reinforce
Huméayino, and it was determined that the Qizilbash should march

1 One day Salmin was in the desert of Arzhan which is between Bashire
and Shirdz and swarms with hons, Suddeuly a lion confronted him, and in
his helplessness he called upon ‘Ali for aid who appeared and drove away tho
hon. There is ~ spot known to this day asthe Mugém-t-Salman, Ho 1
buried at Madim See Isdbah, Il. p. 224, Salmin Abii ‘Abdi-llah al Farsi,
called in Persian Riizbih.
MS, (A) rends instead of the first line given in the text
8S wT lo h wih AUT ont cmd MS. (B) reads pyly uel.
2 Omit 9 and read 9 dtd aig MS (A). B sielts Lil oa.
# Head here dg9e Ua for dsyes UL, 3158 (A) (B)
bt The GBhi'ahs apply the term Imdm to the twelve leaders of their sect
whom they call the true Imime. They are on this account called the
Imimiyah and the Isa ‘Ashariyah. See Hughes’ Dict of Isidm, 203 and 672
¢ MS, (B) reade jl Solas 12,000.
7 PG Bidigh Khin was scoording to Tabagdt-r-Akbari the Prince’s
tutor. Hence apparently the use of ths word.
§ Seo Tarikh-t-Raghidi (Elias and Ross), p 2l4n Afshir ie the name
of one of the seven Tarki tribes who had been the chief supporters of Shah
Ismail, and whom he distinguished by a particular dress, cluding the red oap
from which the Qizilbash detiye their name.
9 MB. (A) 9 O# g50b,
 [ 573 ]
by one route and Humiyin by another,' and that HumAyin
should, after gaining the victory, hand over Qandshir to Shah
Mourad. Taking leave, and marching rapidly throngh Ardabil and
Tabriz, (Humayfin) again went to Mashhad the boly city,® and
succeeded in visiting the shrine of the fountain-head of light.®
At the time when one night he was walking alone in that sacred
enclosure, one of the pilgrims said in a low voice * to his fellow,
* This is not Hamayan Padahah.’* The other replied “ Yes it is.”
Then coming close, he said-in the ear of Humdytin “So! yon are
again laying claim to omnipotence!” This was a reference to
the circumstance that Humayiin used generally in Bangala to
cast ® a veil over his crown, and when he removed it? the people
used to say, Light has shined fuith! He alse washed his sword in
the river and said® “Upon whom shall I gird the sword P”
When ho arrived at Agra he imposed upon the populace a new
self-nvented form of salutation, and wished them to kiss he
ground (before him). At last Mir Abil Bag& with the Amirs
and Vazirs paid the due sespects, and the Amirs of the Qimlbaah
coming (by another rond) § arrived at Garmsir and took possession
of the whole of that termtory, and had encamped within view ©
of Qanudabar, when '! after five days Humayiin artived, and Mirza
‘Askari was besieged, and for three months contiuuonsly | fighting
was kept up, anda lage nnmber were daily killed on both sides.
Thereupon Barrém Khan was sent to Kabul as an ambassador to

1 MBS (A)reads {38 ,..., .,. ty gle aiF slishs af Sl 3 14 was

settled that Humayun should ....... hand over Qandahir (to Shah Murad).*
MS (A) omits Sly
8 MS (A) inserts ipoiie
8 At Mashhad (Meghed) 1s the tomb of ‘Ali, son of Misa ar-Reza. Gee
Meynard Diet dela Perse, p 306% v. gmxb. See alao Ain-i-Akbari, (J.) III.
86. Firishta reads (Bo, Text, p, 212)
Arse) 5) Arle plo} patie dye dn sie
4 Insert @imt after (57%) instead of after why! MSS. (A) (B).
6 MS. (A) readste) for wwe Up
$ MSS.(A) (B) OMAIOy ye, = Read Sits (yey) MSS. (A) (B)
8 Supply 25. MSS (A)(B) 9 Sis Wy. MB (A).
10 MS. (B) reads yAlB yd and dla, M Omit 4H gry) MB. (A),
® Insert cgglag afte: she Awl, MSS (A) (B)
 [ 574]
Mirsé ' [Kamran in whose behalf Mirzi ‘Askari was fighting and
Mivei Hitndal and Mirza] Suleiman Badakbshi and Mirza Yadgar
Nasir * who had arrived from Bakkar in a wretched plight; §
and [since] 4 the idea of the Qizilbagh was that no sooner would
Humiayin arrive than the Chaghatai would submit to him’ and
would all come in® This, however, did not happen, and the siege
became very protracted, and a large? number were killed. It
was also currently reported that Mirzi Kamran was coming to
the asmstance of Mirz& ‘Askari, they accordingly lost heart and
meditateda return to their own country. It so happened that
juet at that very time certain Amirs deserted from Mirzé Kamran,
namely, Muhammad Sultéu Mirzé, Ulugh Mirza, and Mirz&’ Husain
Khan with other noted commanders, and offered their services to
Humayin. Mu‘yad Beg, who was a prisoner in the fortress of
447. Qandahir, escaped ® from the fort and kad an interview with him,
meeting with very kind treatment. Mirzé ‘Askari in his alarm,
sued for quarter, and jomed the ranks of Humayiin’s followers,
his faults were pardoned and he waa distinguished by especial
marks of favour,

1 The words within brackets occur in both M83 (A) (B) winch read
By Jae? 9) eqaile 31 o5yKmb I} pre OF wl poll Lyne
gi clorle suey Store 1} prey aialle,d 55 se
This niso tallies with the Tabagdt 1-Akbari See Elhot and Dowson, V 219
8 MS (A) reads ly but 1t seems to be in error
8 Omt sKeyd in this place, MS (A) ‘ Ms (A) omits Wee.
B dey Oe[yh uy sali - wok hy I ghudan. To become submissive
See Pavet de Conrterlle, av yt
6 Read here o«f yd didlgd doty MSS (A) (B) The word wolb
seems unnecessary and tantologic.), possibly it 18 an interpolation by a scribe
who fuiled to understand the word oy il, tuking 1f in its ordinary sence
of “tribe ”
Regarding the Chaghatai, see Té1tkh-1-Raghidi, (Ehas and Ross, pp. 2, 3 )
7 M8.(A) yo
© MS. (A) omita gg before Otbwlyd and roads
isle) amalyo aed shay af,
9 The text read <1 whl having come down The Tabagdt-t-Akbari says
“ managed to eacape by stratngem, and let himuelf down from the walls by
arope” E and D [oe cit
19 MS (A) oe
 {| 575 j

Verse.
There's - sweetness in forgiveness whieh there ia not in
revenge.
He also ordered the Amirs of Qizlbagh that for, the space of
three days they should abstain from interference with the families
of the Chaghta tiibe,! and the inhabitants of the city, so as* to
allow of their all coming out, and although Humayiin had no
territory in his possession, yet on account of the promise which
had gone forth he brought Bidigh Khan and Mirza Murad into
the fort and made over the whole of that country to them.
Verse,
Jf a man fulfils the obligation of his promise
That man rises superior to any estimate you may form of
him.
With the exception of Bidigh Khan and two or three other
Amirs,} no one remained in the service of Mirza Murad, while
the remannung Amis of the auxiliaries, all returned to ‘Iraq.
Humfayiin was induced by the coming on of the winter winda,
to ask Bidigh Khan to provide shelter for the followers of his
army within the walls of the city, but that inhuman being in-
variably sent strangely rough answers.4 On this account some of
the Chaghatai Amita began® to take to flight towards Kabul;
among them was Miizi ‘Askari, who waa seized in the way and
brought to Humayin, whoimprivoned him = Many stirrmg events ®
happened in those days, winch 7 Jed to the dehvery of Qandahar
from the hauds of the Qialbash First among these was this, that
the Chaghatai Amirs mged upon Humayiin the necessity of seizing
Qandahar, on account of the coldness of the weather, saying

1 Kha ryt Uliia-t-Chaghté The word Ulta isa Tark'’sh word, it ie not
found in Redhouse’s dictionary In Fagla-llah Khin’s Turkish Persian Dic-
tionary 1t8 meaning 18 given as S55 ds qabile-s-busurg, a large tribe.
The title of Uléebegi “chief of the tribe” was a very old one among the
Mughuls, See Tarikh-t-Raghidi (Elias and Ross), p 182” 1
8 MS (A) rends wrongly & for G
8 Bidigh Khin, “ Abil-Fath Sultin Afshar, and Safi Wali Salgan Kad&mi.”
Tabagdt-1-Akhort BE. and D,v 221. . .
# Read ysl whe” ws (A) (B). 6 MS (B) reads W9,F woly,
6 MS (A) reada dig (clad les J The text 1s correct,
1 Omit ¢52@ M3, (A),
 { 97 J

that after the conquest of Kabul aud Badakhshan he ought! to

bestow the greater portion of that place again upon the Qizilbash
as compensation, so that due requital might be made them.
Secondly, the passing of Mirzi Murad on that very day,® by
a natural death, from the world of exigtence and trouble.
Thirdly, the tyranny and oppression inflicted by Qizilbash
canaille on® the inhabitants of the city, and their preventing the
Chaghatai from entering the fort, upon any pretext »hatever.*
Fourthly, this incident, that a fierce § Zuburrd, in accordance with

1 MSS. (A) (B) omit oy but 1 seems to be necessary.

8 MS. (A) inserts ole J 13 after 39) “the very day of the agreement.”
$ Omit de MS. (B). # M8. (B) omits lho,
$M (A) reads (0 cgly8 Tho word bere seoma to mean one who is
anathema, + ¢., a Sunni
The following long note is necessary as no book I can find explams the word
ts Tabarré. ‘This word meana enmity (as opposed to Yy3 Tawalle,
affection) and is a technios] term im use among the Shi'als. In defining
tabarra a distinction 18 to be made betwoen wile mukhdlafat opposition,
and 106 ‘addwat enmity, the former not necessary involving the latter,
for inatance two men may be in opposition (mukgdlafat) on worldly matters,
and yet bein thorough amity (:ahubbat) in matters of fmith, or may be
opposed to one another in questions of philosophy and yet bo unanimons in
religions questions Thus enmity includes opposition, but opposition does not
necessarily imply enmity And yetit 1s held that Sa” mahahdat, affection,
and Suid ‘adduat ennity may occasionally co-exist for the reason that
eegidS ‘adawat is of two kinds, seigious, ag for mmatance the ‘addwat of
Mushme and Infidels, who regard each other as enemies on the ground of the
fondamental differences im their faith and, worldly, as the ‘addwat between
one Muslim and his fellow Muslim on account of some contlct of worldly
wnteresta Thus 1t conceivable that ‘addieat and mahabbat may co-exist Or
again one Maslim may have an affection for another Mushm qud Muslim, bat
entertain a hatred for him ag an adultorer, wlule he may love even a kahr
(Non- Muslim) for bis good works such os alms, &c, while he hates hrm as an
Infidel . his love being meroly of a worldly nature in no woy connected with
rehgion.
The co-existence of ‘adgwat and mahabbat 1n one person due to one con-
sideration 1s however amposmble.
Agam, the ‘od@wat which true believers entertain againat each other on
account of worldly conmderations 1s not injurious to the faith, Lowever
reprehensible 1t may be.
Moreover, the essential origin of ‘adgwat im religions matters is kufr
(infidehty), therefore one must consider eyery kéjir as an enemy: thus
although there may be lawful ties of worldly affection (mahabbat) between a
 [ 377]
Mualim and o Kifir, such as the relation of fnther and son, or brotherhood
other blond relationship or friendship, got all these considerationa must be coast
aside from the exigencies of religion, and ‘edéwat must be based apon their
kufr. Again religioud affection is contred in imdn (faith of Tslim) , we must
therefore from religious considerations love all the brethren of this faith
whether they are obedient or contumacious.
Mehabbat and ‘addwat between a true believer and an unbeliever (K&fir)
has different degrees, just aa there are difforonces of degree in the love which
auy reasonable being entertains for his different relations, So also in
religious love there are degrees ... The highest, is that for the Prophet
Muhammad, next to this love for the assembly of believers who have close
connection and intimate relation to the Prophet ; and that assembly is confined
to three parties: First, the children and relations of the Prophet who are his
tmombers; secondly, his pure spouses who are im a way his members ; thirdly,
his companions who elected to serve lim and gave their-lives for his cause.
If among the believers there be any devoid of faith (iman), or guilty
of any sin which destroys their former works, and in accordance with
the dictates of the Qur'an become worthy of ‘adawat ( cago} wehiply )
they are excepted (from the mghts of mahabbat) and enquiry should be made
into their faith or absence of faith... Inasmuch as (d= fisq (immorality)
does not necessarily exclude wley{ [mda (faith), it is not lawful to carse
each an one, nor to diaplay Ls tabarnd against him, but rather to pray for
his pardon; as long as ho retains Jade st x6 lawful to entertain “ae
makabbat for him, and ‘addwut on rohgious grounds 1s unlawful, inasmuch as
tabarré and ‘« sabb (reviling) are only jostifiable when mahabbat for a
person no longer remains, whwh is restricted to death in infidelity.
Now we must consider the words of the Shi‘ah divines who consider oppo-
sition to and contention regarding the Khilafat of ‘All as kufr, according to
the words of Khwaja Nasir Tisi “ Mukhalifehu fasaqah wa muhdribihy
kaferah.’ “Those who oppose him are immoral and those who fight against
him are onfideis.’*
Accordingly a section who have contented themselves with oppostion are
not deserving of tabarré, because their extreme fault 19 fieq (immorality) and
the fassq (immoral man) may be s trac believer.
The above 1s translated from the Tubfa-t-Isnd ‘aghaviysh of hth ‘Abdu-l.
‘Aziz of Dihhi.
The gist of the matter appears to be this that Tabarrdé 1s not justifiable for
immorality, but only for infidehty, It seems therefore to take the place in
Muslim Theology of the dvdéewa of the Christian Code. It 18 more than
excommunication, inasmuch as death 37 infidelity is mado tha teat of tabarrd
which thus implies final separation and curse.
Tho use of foul abusive language against the companions of the Prophet
would bé held to be loss of whet (/mdn) and hence éo render the reviler
liable to Ls tabarraé provided he died in that state. Au the person referred
to in the story was killed by Mirzi Yadgir Nigir he is called gsipN tabarrai
accursed,
73
 [ 578 ].
their notoriously bratal manner, in the presence of Yadgar Nasir
Mirsa ! [who had fied in concert with Hindal Mired from Kamran
Mirzé] and come thither, uttered foul? and improper abuse
against the companions of the Prophet,® may the peace and blessing
of God be upon hum and his family, and may God be pleased with
them; Mirza Yadgar Nasir could not endure this, and struck him
such a blow with an arrow which he had in his hand that the arrow
penetrated his chest up to the wing, and passing through him
strack the ground.* Haji Muhammad Khan Kfiki with two
servants first of all entered the fortress of Qandahir together
with a train of camels laden (with supplies), and pnt the
guards to the sword, a second party following him, came up,
Mirzé Ulugh Beg and Bairim Khan were of that number.’ The
Qizilbash were astounded,’ and atterly confounded,’ and the
proverb was exemplified,’ “Qazi, I am an old woman,® and if you
don’t believe me, I can scream just hke one, listen!” Their
haughtiness was humbled, and Humayiin! entering the fort)!
allowed Bidégh Khan, who had come to him!* m trepidation and
anxiety, to proceed towards ‘Iraq. Notwithstanding this, all the
inhabitants of the aty, who were heartily sick of them, killed
the Qizlb&sh im every street. After he had settled Qandahar
to his satisfaction,’® he made over charge of that district to
Bairam Khan and determined to attempt the conquest of Kabul
Mirza Kamran also came out to meet him with the intention'*
of fighting. Every day one or two!® of his noted Amirs deserted
and joined the army of Humayin. In very trath the greater

1 MS (B) omits the portion in brackets

$MS (A) omits Rol ¢s, 8 MSS (A)(B) omit @U}
6 MS. (A) ronda One we} of J MS. (B) reade alidy o137
b Qeo wit MSS. (A) (B) read ctlem wii
6 Omit » MSS (A) (B) 1 Lsterally, lost their hands and feet.
8 anf y%) MSS (A) (B).
9 The text reads 424 ) 59 » footnote gives two variants ft BY 353 Eye 5
and f' aby 2 95 we os The Intter isthe reading of MS, (A), I read
for @Ss yp qurbaqa, the word (85,55 qi tagha, which is Tarki for ‘an old
woman. See Pavet de Courteille,
10 MS, (A) omita Healy 1. MS (B) insert @F oo after sf
19 MS, (A) omita 3409 18 MS. (B) omits _ybla
16 MS, (B) Bef») fluted Kia wars jas 18 MS, (A) jtyd
 [ 379j
part of the inhabitants of the world! are like a flock of sheep,
wherever one goes, the others immediately follow.® Mirzé
Kamran, losing the clue of all independent action, ayailed himself
of the services of the Shatkhs and ‘Vlam&to sue for pardon.
Humfyfin, upon condition of personal submission, effaced the
record of his transgressions from the page of his mind with the
water of forgiveness. Mi:za, in accordance with the saying “‘ The
traitor is @ coward,” ® would not consent to au interview, and took
refuge in the citadel of Kabul, where he entrenched himself, and fled
thence in the dead of mght to G@haznin The whole of his army *
came over to the camp of Humiyfin, who appointed Mirza Hindal
tu pursue him, and came himself to Kabul, and the ndden meaning.
of the sacred word “ Verily, He who hath ordained the Qur'an for
thee will restore thee to thy returning place” > was revealed, and he
refreshed to the full his eyes with the sight of the noble Prince
lis son. This victory was gained on the tenth of the month of
Ramaziin the blessed,® in the year 952 H. (A.D 1545),7 and the
followmg hemistich was written as a record of the date -—
Be jang girift mulk-1-Kabul az war?
‘He took the kingdom of Kabul from him without fighting.”
And inasmuch as others are responsible for the relation of these
events, and the compiler of this Munftakhkab has only adapted his
record from them, now however much he may desire to epitomise,®

1 MS,(A) pil pare, MS (B) omts p&= ple

BMS. (B) Nyt oye
8 Lada elt dAi-ghainu haf MS (B) reads tesla) y gyal
#MS (A) reads (utlye
§ Qur’in xxvin. 85, @ MS, (A) omts uSybol.
1 The Tabagat-1-Akbari (Elliot and Dowson, v, p, 222) saya- “ The victory
was accomplished of the 10th Ramagzin, 953 H when the Prince waa four
years, two months and five days old Some place the event im the year 952
but God knows the truth” A footnote (I, pnge 223) atates that the Akbar-
nama (vol I p 823) makes the date 12th Ramazin, 952.

8 cspit AS tle 25S Sin us! These words give 952 H. Finghta also
givea this same hemistich. (Bo, text, p 448).
® Toxt ls wuds ly lib} lub af, Bit, to draw tight the tent vords
Prohaty, M9S,(A)(B) omit , MS. (B) reads ql” for pUiby,
 [ 580].
the thread of his discourse ' has involuntarily become lengthened
(in accordance with the saying). Narration has many bye-paths,!
To make a long etory short when Mirzé Kamran proceeded to
Qbaznin and was unable to enter it,3 he departed towards Bakkar,
and Mirz&é Shih Husain, who had given him his daughter (in
marriage), came forward to assist him.
Humiyin put to death Mirza Yadgar Nagar who was meditating
flight, and proceeded with the intention of conquering Badakh-
shin. Suleiman Mirza gave him battle, and was defeated, and
. Kamran Mirza coming up in Humiyiin’s absence took possession
of Kabul, placing guards over the Iadies® of high degree, and
over the young Prince.
Humiyin, after relieving Mirza Hindal of the government of
Badakbshin, wrote a patent conferring it upon Mirzi Suleiman,
and making over * the government of that country to him returned
with all speed to Kabul. Mirza Kamrin, after the defeat of his
forces, remained entrenched in Kabul, and when he found himself
in straits, out of sheer cruelty several times gave orders for the
young Prince to be placed upon the ramparts of the fort within
range of both artillery and musketry fire, but Méham Anka § made
ber own body a shield for him against the arrows of calamity.
Verse.

If the sword of the world leaps from its sheath,

Tt can sever no vessel till God permits,

1 MS (A) omits JN MB. (B) omits uyEis),

The proverb 18 ws” 9 } Al-hadiqu zu-shugin,eand is used to
express one story reminding the nerrator of another, see Arabum Proverbsa,
Freytag, 1. p 350, n 29.
The text reada wrongly wye* eyo) ,ond a footnote calls attention to
the correct reading. M8. (B) reads wy
4 MS. (A) ef joy
B leks whilews pam 9) Bar haparat-i- ‘gliyat-i-Begatnan.
4 MB. (B) reads Sdyhu for Bdge) csaayl.
6 Méham Anka (or Anagah) was one of Akbar’s nurses and attended on
Akbar from us cradle to his acoeamon. See Ain-1-Akbari, I, (B) p. 828.
Anika or Anika in Turki signifies nurse (P.deC.) Faslu-llih Khin gives
afi Anagah in the meaning of foster-mother jdle yam shir mader. Read
the account given by Nagimu-d-Din. (Elliot, y. p. 227).
 { 581J
The Sardars and Amirs, on account of the heat of the contest
in which they were engaged, began to traffic in hypoorisy,' and
kept coming backwards and forwards, now in one direction now
in another. Many of them on both sides were killed. At last,*
Mirza, § having made a hole in the wall of the fort, came out in
disguise,’ and when Haji Muhammad Khan, who had been detail.
ed with a party of men to pursue him, came up with Mirzi,®
Mirzé said to him “ What if I have killed your father Baba
Qashaqa?” Haji Muhammad Khan, who was a veteran soldier,
energetic and experienced, pretending not to understand him,
returned, and the Prince reached his father Huyin safe and
sound, and the part returned to the whole.®
Mayest thou live a thonsand years, and a thousand years’
beside,
For in the prolongation of thy life are a thousand advantages.
And Mirzié Kamran took refuge with Pir Muhammad Khan, 451
Governor of Balkh, and asking his assistance® seized certain of the
provinces of Badakhshan without a struggle fiom Suleiman
Mirzé and his son Ibrahim Mirza, and took possession of them;
and Quracha Khan,® who had done notable service, together
with certain other grasping! Amirs, entertained extravagant
expectatious from Humayiin, and when their imiquitons desiues
were not realised betook themselves to Badakhshan and Kabul.
Within those few years the earth had quitted its accustomed
stato of repose, and had undergone tremblings and agitations.
A certain witty wnter '! says with reference to this:

1 MS (A) omite fy, + €, to make feints.

3 Read tre yafG ms (A). 8 Mirzi Kamran.
Text bli chy MSS. (A) (B) road whe LSU wy gas,
§ MS.(A) Sey ote
$ Text reads ¥ige) p92) US a355— 59. MS (A) bas the better roading
‘x grey SS 552.
ta, “me variant reads !) wine Ji for a thousand objects, so also

8 “ten Sialgh S00, MSS, (A) (B) toaalb ove 9 MB. (A) reads wle,
10 MS.(A) reads qylsely Oiige) ......... Bob gob old
N Text alaF Gb wis gst’ 3 = This admits of translution aleo “a certain
 { 582 ]
Tho fortress of Kabul which in height surpasses the seventh
heaven , ! .
Like the Kite which is six months female and six months*
male. .
On several occasions it happened that Mirzi Kamran came to
pay his respects to Humayfin and had a personal “interview with
him. Huméyin, out of natural kindness and innate good-will
pardoned his shortcomings, and cleared his heart of all rancour
against him,® and after he had sought permission to leave to
make the pilgrimage to the sacted city of Makka, bestowed
upon him the country of Badakhshan,* and himself going
up against Balkh, fought with Pir Mohammad Khan and
‘Aba-l-‘Aziz Khan, the son of ‘Abdu-llah Khan,’ the Ozbak
king, and defeated them after a sharp engagement, But
following the bad advice of his Amirs, who were treacherous
hypocrites,° andin alarm about Mirzé Kamran, he turned back
and came to Kabul? Miiza Kamran’ once more -broke® his
treaty obhgations, aud inasmuch as the untrustworthy leaders on
both sides began to practise unfaithfulness, aud led him out of the
way,'° and he had to fight numerous battles,'! he eventually sought

garif” There waa a poet of that name, Mi. Muhammad Hasar 2! lspahin
See Majma'u-l-Fuaahd, IT 35
Lite Kaudn The planet Satarn which 16 in the seventh heaven
& See ante p Ah2n 1 Bam whe dtuw 9
4 See Eliot, v 220, 230
5 MS. (A) reads we ay on8 Obasduellich Khan
The Tabaqat-r-Akbari calla him ‘Abed KAdw, Eilat, v. p 230
6 MS (A) reads (pM gity” cot st
7 The account given by our author is expliumed by that of the Tubaqat +
Akbari winch says that on the night before Balkh wonld have fallen, some of
the Chaghatni cliefs whose wives and familics were in Kabal, became alarmod
becanse Mirza Kaunin had not joimed the army, so they met together and
advised Hamayiin not to cross the river of Balkh, but to fall back upon Daria
Gaz taking up a steong pomtion then, after a short time the garnson of
Bulkh would surrender Humiiyiin agreed to tlus, and both friends and foes
imugined that a retreat to Kabul was intended The Msbahs took courage
and followed in puraait, A battle eneued in which Humoyiin was personally
engaged, Lut cut his way out, and reached Kabul in safety. See Elliot, v
p 231
® MS (A) omits whys 9 MS (A) poy
10 Midyhaa By jf Ly yf Reud ge) for Wdge). MS (A)
 { 583j
nid from Islem Qh, but, meeting with disappointment,' and
returning thence, was delivered into the hands of Humiyin by
the machinations | of Saltin Adam Ghakkar at Pashila.? Not-
withstanding all his repeated rebellions his life was (spared, but
the jewel of sight wos taken from him,’ (as has already been
stated), and he was permitted to depart for the sacred Makka, He
had the good fortune 4o make the Hajj four times, and thua
made amends for his past evil deeds, and there delivered up the
hfe that had been entrasted to him.
Veree.*
Never in the garden of Faith has a blade fulfilled its pramise,
Never has a shaft aimed by Henven failed to strike the mark.
The tailor of Fate has never clothed any’ man in a garment
which it has not afterwards torn from him.
The Age has never given any coin which it has not changed.
The Time has never played any piece without practising
deception with it.
Whom has the Heaven placed in safety beneath the Sun,
That it has not made short-hved like the shining dawn
Khaqani' cast dust into tho eyes of the world,
For it has caused thee pain in the eyes and has piven thee
no remedy

3 Gur anthor 18 very biief in his recital of this portion of tho Iustory, for
a fuller account eee Elhot, v. 232 to 284 MS (A) reads lays Fu hala,
8 Morzi Kimrin was blinded by the stroke of lancet, see Hihot, vy. 146
and 235 in the year 960 H = Finghta gives the (di7kh written to commomorate
1b rye Stas5 Says pa Chashm poshid ar heditd--amin He closed hig
eyes to the myustice of heaven [tia clear that Hams un m destroying Ing
brother's eyemght was only choosing the lesser of two evily, the Chaghatai
leadera clamonring for his death = Funshta also saya that he made the pilgn-
mage (Haj); three times, dying on the 11th of Zu Hijjah 962 H (Bo Tezt,
p 4565), October, 1557 A D
* Khagini, whose name was Afzala d-Din Ibrahim ibn ‘Ali an-Nayjir, a
famous poet, was onginally a popil of Abul ‘Ala Gangawi, ho took the name
Hagiisqi, as has takhallug and entered the service of Shuwin Shah the great
Khiqin. Manuchihr, from whom he received the title of Khaqini Having
absented himaelf withont permission, hoe was captured and impridoned m
the fortress of Shidarwin, where he wrole many poems After hig relense
he hastened to Makka and wrote the Tuéfate-(-“2éyain while on the way, He
 [ 384).
Maulané Qasim Kahi! wrote this artkh.
Verse.
Kamran, ® than whom no man has been found more fitted for
sovereignty,
Went from Kabul to the Ka‘bah, and there committed his soul
to God, and his body to the dust.
Kahi spake this as a 2@rikh to commemorate his death,
Padshah Kamran died at the Ka‘bah.®
And the poet Waisi* wrote:
Verse.

Shah Kamran the renowned Kbusra,

Who in majesty raised his head to Kaiwan.
Faithfully served the holy temple four years
And entirely freed his heart from worldly bonds,
After performing his fourth pilgrimage
In pilgrim garb, he yielded up his soul to his Lord.

died soon after his return, and was buried in the cemetery of Sarkhah in
Tabriz in the year 582 H.
Majma‘u-l-Fugaha, 1, p. 200 See aleo Benle, OB D ¢ v. Khiqini.
2 MS. (B) reads Ye. MS. (A) reads ge pod Jy».
§ This also means, Happy 1s he than whom &.
§ Padghah Kaman baka‘bah bimurd. The letters of this line give the date
968 H instead of 964 H.
Mauliné Qisim Kéhi otherwise known as Miyaén Kali Kabuli. Our author
(sce vol III. p. 172 of the text), stigmatises his poetry sa crude and wanting
in originality, although he acknowledges that it possesses a peculiar quality
anshared by any other author Ie was skilled in astronomy, as well as ta
rhetorio and Sufusm, and hed also some skill as a composer of musio §=Badaoni
laments the fact that notwithstanding al! his advahtages Kihi spent his life
in infidelity and impiety The Atash-Kada (p 190, Bombay Edition) says,
that he sprang from the Gulistina Sasyyids, one of his ancestors came out of
the city to pay his respects to Timir and jomed hia army, whose fortunes
he followed until the birth of the Sayyid aforesaid im Turkwtin. He was
brought ap in Kabul whence he acquwred his name He went to Hindustan
in the time of the Emporor Humiyin, where he held a pomtion of trust and
honour N6 date 1s there given for bis death, which occurred in 988 H. See
Ain-1-Akbari (B) I, 666 n. 1; also Beale, O B.D, p. 144,
# MB. (B) reads ggetd Dabsi for agmig Warsi (Text).
 [ 585]
One night as Wais! was holden with sleep,
He visited him and called him towards himself,
And said, « If they ask thee concerning my death
Reply, “ The pardoned Shah remained in Makka.”!
Mirzé Kamran was asa king, brave and ambitious, liberal and
good-nathred, sound of religion and clear of faith. He used
always to associate with the ‘Ulama@ and learned doctors. His
poems are well-known At one time he held such strong views
of probity that he gave orders to exterminate grapes from his
kingdom, but afterwards became such a slave to wine that he was
not ashamed of the after effects of debauch; eventually he left
the world penitent and devout All’s well that ends weil.®
This event took place in the year’ 964 H.
Mirza ‘Askari, after Qarracha Khan was slain in the last battle
before Kabul, fell a prisoner into the hands of Humayin’s
soldiery, and Khwaja Jalalu-d-Din * Mahmad Diwan conveyed
him to Badakhshén and made bim over to Mirzi Suleimin. He
was kept in confinement for some time,’ and then was released,
and Mirzéi Suleiman despatched him to Balkh, by which route he
purposed journeying to the two sacred cities® When he reached
a valley which lies between Sham? and the sacred city of Makka,
without accomplishing his object he hastened from ® that desert
to the true Ka'bah which 1s the bourn of all mankind, The
following 1s the ‘arikh of that event :-—
‘Askari padshih-r-dary adil.
Verge.
Why dost thou soil thy fingers with the blood of the world ?
Vor honey is off mingled with deadly poison °

1 Shah-+ marhim dar Makka mind Thia line givos the date 064 H
8 ad ls pel. Al umiru bil ‘oudgeb. Lit. Events are according to
their terminations
BMS (A) omts Uly # MSS, (A) (B). bMS (A) Bdpy.
8 pillpS (rtp, Haramam-1-Sharifarn Mecos and Medina.
1 Syria, Nizimo-d-Din Ahmad saya “in the coaniry of Rim,” Elliot
v 234
8 MS (A) reads Sly3
9 «¢ ‘Askeri the bountifal king, Theao letters give the date 022 H.
19 In the Mighkat (xx: Part I) we read that honey was prosoribed by
Muhammad. “ A man came to his majesty and said: ‘ Verily my brothor has «
74
 [ 586|
484. = The end of Mirza’ Hindal was on this wise, that after Mirzd
Kamran had suffered defeat in the final engagement, and had taken
refuge with the Afghans, and Haji Muhammad Khan! Kiki was
executed® on account of his numerous misdeeds, one night Mirza
Kamran made 4 night attack upon the camp.’ By chance that
night the dart of death struck Mirzi Hindal in a vital spot, and
he drank the diaught of martyrdom, This event took place* in
the year 958 H. and Shabkhin was found to give the date.®

purging. And bis highness said : ‘ Give him honey to drink’ and it was done.
Then the man came to hie highness and said ‘J gave him houey to drink,
which has increased the purging,’ then his “majesty said to him thrice ‘Give
him honey.” And the man came a fourth time and said: ‘it inorenseth the
purging. And bis highness said ‘give him honey.” Then the man said, ‘TI
have and it increaseth the purging.’ Then hia highness sud ‘God has said
truly, there ssa cure for man tn honey, and your brother's belly hed, by not
accepting of the cure,’ Then the man gave hia brother houey to drink again
end he got well.”
Honey was held in high estimation a8 a drog among ancient physicians,
The poisonous qualities of honey gathered from certain plants is well known,
for instance, wo find in the Makjzanu-l-Adwiya that honey ehed by bees
which have lighted in the herb Absantin (Absinthiam) and the hke acquires
a bitter taste, and causes diseases of the stomach and liver, while another
kind of honey canses fainting and cold sweats and loss of consciousness,
8e also the poisonous honey of Heruclea, supposed to owe rts porsonous
properties to the aconte plant.
Quite recently well authenticated cases of honey poiwoning have heen
reported in tho Umtced States The honey m one inatauce was found to be
impregnated with gelaemine. It ia geverally beheved that two vaneties of
aconite, Kalmia latifolia some Rhododendrons Azalea pontica and certain
othor plants of the N. 0. Encacem, have poiwonons properties which aro
communicated to the honey of beea lighting on them It 1s aad that the
Aczulca pontica waa the plant which yielded the poisonous honey noticed by
Xenophon in Ina account of the retreat of the ‘en Thoasaud. The active
powon andromedotoxin has been found m many Eneacew The symptoms
af honey poisoning are briefly desombed as voniting, purging, acute gastro
and abdominal pain and cramps, with surface coldness and pallor, and the
gineral signs of collupse See Ind. Med, Gaz , Junuury, 1497, p 27. See also
Med and Surg Rep. September, 1896.
LMS. (A) omits wid, = 8 MSS (A) (1B) omit up*'Aoy after aula,
a

3 Read dy cardst_y wat # MS (A) dye Gy.

6 ys” Sh cbhuun, Night assanit. The letters of this word give the
date 968 H. Tho Tubsqaf-s-tkbari gives anothu. tarrkh. See Lihot,v 234,
which however gives 969 IE,
 [ 587 ]
Verse,
When Fate made such a night attack! with the forces of the
world
That the zenith became red like the twilight from bloodshed,
Hind&l the world-conqueror left the world,
And abandoned the world to Shih Humiyin ;
The young plant-like stature of that shapely palm-tree
Waa like a lamp to the sleeping-apartment of the sky.
Wisdom sought for a éartkh of his death,* I said,
Alas' a’ Jamp bas been extinguished by reason of a might
attack.
Mirzé Amani also wrote® the following —
Shah Hindal the cypress of the rose-garden of beauty,
When he left this garden for that of Paradise,*
The wailing ring-dove uttered this (2:7kh,
“A cypress has gone from the garden of glory.” ®
And Maulana Hasan ‘Ali Kharis® wrote:
Verse.
Hindil Muhammad Shah of auspicious title
Suddenly was martyred by Fate in the heart of the night, 455.
Since a night assault (shabkhin) caused his martyrdom,
Seck the tarikh of his martyrdom in shabkhin.

Humiyin bestowed the horses and retinuo of Mirza Hindal

upon the young Prince, the asylum of the world, aud contirmed to
them Ghaznin with 1ts dependencies as Jqf@‘ grants 7

L MSS (A) (B) read ggis& 4S 3 MSS (A) (B) omit y.

8 MS, (A) reads wi Mani for ¢s©} Amiui (Text). MSS. (A) (B) rend
aif for aial (Text)
# Read ME" for cde, MBS, (A) (B).
5 dy wo lees 3 sare = Sarve ax bistan t-daulat raft,
To arrive at this tarikk we take the value of the words Bistan-1-daulat
which 18 959, and then take from tlis the valuo of the sarre (a cy press) used
here for tho letter Alf, which 1 straight and erect like the cypress, aud bag
tin value, 1, thus we obtain 968 H,
4 MS, (A) reads aia, § Soe Ain i- Akbar (Jurredt) TL lie
 C 588 ]
The Afgh&ns could no longer protect Mirs& Kamran, and it so
happened that Mirzé went to Islem! Shah; in the meanwhile
the hidden purposes of Heaven were made manifest, so that after
hearing the tidings of the death of Islem Shah, and of the
occurrence of extreme confusion and turmoil betwéen the Afghans
of Hindustén and the tribal chiefs, Humé&yiin definitely deter-
mined upon the attempt of the conquest of Hindustén’ In the
meantime the lovers of contumacy, that is to say, the envious and
riotous, so distorted the appearance of the sincere loyalty of
Bairém Khan, in the clear mirror of the mind of Huméyfn, that
it was inverted aud he was represented by them as hostile.
Accordingly an attack was ordered in the direction of Qandahar.
Bairém Kbén came ont in person to receive® Humiyin and with
all ceremony offered due service. Thereupon the disloyalty of
his traducers became apparent. On this occasion Humayfin was
furnished, by the good offices of Bairém Khan, with the oppor-
tunity of meeting that Scion of the Walis, the offspring of the
Saints, the seal of the Shaikhs of the Naqshbandi * sect, Maulana
Zainu-d-Din Mabmiid Kaméngar.
The following is a fuller account :—
The aforesaid Maulavi was from Bahdé,' which is a village of
the dependencies of Khuris&n,° and had attained to the companion-
ship of many of the Shaikhs, may God sanctify their spirtts, espo-
cially Maulavi Makhdtimi ‘Arif Jami, and Maulavi ‘Abdu-1-Ghafir
456. Lari, may God He 1s exalied’ sanctify their spirits, who supported
themselves by giving instraction and making illustrations, and
Bainam Khan having opened tutorial relations with him, used to
go to take lessons from him, and now and then when he was
reading Yusuf and Zulaikha and other books, they used to say,

1 MB, (A) reads O45 pple Salim Shak. 9 MB, (A) whinyoie,
Bs. (A) BOT Jldiul),
# The Naqshbandi Shaikha were the followera of the renowned saint Khwajn
Bahéu-d-Din Nagshband of Bokhiré. See Ain-1-Akbaii (B) I, 423 2. 2 whee
the meaning of Naqghband 19 sad to be the occupation of this man and Ins
parents, who used to weave Aamkicdbs adorned with figures (naggh) Sce
alao for & long account of the Naqshbandi School, Ain-i-Akbari (J.) LL, 368,
et seqq.
Kanidngar mouns a bowmaker.
§ Footnote variant eld Buhdéyan
6 MS (A) reads ylsS Qandahdr. 1 MB (B) omits ils,
 C 589
“Ob, Bairim what is your wish! You yourself are as Yasof and
Zulaikha! in the world.” And Humiayin having ordereda ban-
quet in honour,of the sacred illuminated spirit of the asylum of
the seal of prophecy, may the blessing and peace of God be upon him,
invited the Akhénd,* and with his own hands took the ewer,
while Bairém Kban took the basin, intending to pour the water
over his hands; secing this the Akhind indicated Mir Mabibu-
lah, the grandson of Mir Saiyyid Jamalu-d-Din the traditionist,
and said,’ “Do you not know who that person is?” Humiyin
thereupon perforce carried the ewer to the Mir, who, with the
utmost confusion, poured half of the entire coutents of the ewer
over his hands, after which the Akbind without scruple washed
his hauds, to their heart’s content, At.this time Humayain
enquired,* “ How much water is enjoined by the Sunnat to be
poured over the hands?” They replied, “so much as is necessary
to clean the hands ;” then first Bairaém Khan poured water over the
hands of the remainder of the assembly, and was followed in this
service by Husain Khan the relation of the Mahdi, son of Qasim
Khan. At last the food was eaten, and Huméyin found very
great delight in their society, and was much benefited thereby.
Afterwards he sent a piece of coined gold by the hand of
Bairém Khan, saying, “ This is a present.”5 Inasmuch as it was
his custom not to take a present from anyone, after great delibera-
tion he accepted it, with excessive reluctance and disgust, and in
return for it sent into the presence of the king several bows of
his own fashioning, with something over and above (the value of
the gold) saying, ‘‘ Presents ® must be given on both sides.”
The story goes that one day Bairim Khan caused a garment
to be made of handsome Kashmir shals,’ and bionght it to him. 457.
He took it 1n his hand and praised it § saying, “ What a valuable
thing this is!” Biraém Khan said, “ As itis a suitable garment
for a darvesh, I have bronght it as an offering for you.” He there-
upon made a sign® with two of his fingers, as much as to say
I have two of them, come give this tue to some one more

1 MBB (A) (B) omit 6s ® yh a tutor, teacher, preacher.

& MS (A) reads duitoye 4) $ MS. (A) ronda Obse,g.
6 MS. (A) reads ON BY wil 4, 6 MS. (A) omits 894,
1 Shawls. ® Toxt B35 MS (A) Sopeyd. MS (RB) aaa,
9 MS. (A) omits SylA1,
 [ 590° j
deserving of it than I. Many! miraculous acts are related of
him. Some few of these Shaikh Mu‘inu-d-Din, the grandzon of
Maulan& Mu‘in Waiz, who by the order of the Khalifeh of the
time was for some time Qazi of Lahor, wrote in a separate
treatise: among them this is written, that when archery practice
was going on, he used in opposition to his usual habits to come
every day* to the butts, and give instruction in archery. The
youths used to urge and incite Bairém Khin to practise® archery,
saying that it would surely be useful to him some day, As a fact,
the very first* defeat of the Afghans occurred in the fight at
Machiwara,’ when the victory was entirely gained by the archers
and in all probability that eageruess and instigation had this
very end in view.
In that collection of stories also is the following, that when
Bairfm Khan, after makiog over Qandahér to Bahadur Khan
the brother of ‘Ali Quli Khan Sistani, came to Kabul, he ap-
pointed on his own part a tyrannical Turkomin, so that the
people groaned under his oppressive hand, and made many com-
plaints to the Akbind, till he became ill as they desired, and they
enjoyed a few days’ respite from his oppression, and used to bring
tidings of him every day to the assembly of the Akhind. At
last one day, as one of them was® saying ‘He has risen fiom his
bed,” the Akbind also, looking him in the face, said angrily,
“Perhaps he may rise on the morrow of the resurrection.” Three
or four days afterwards he again fell ill, and removed the disgrace
of his tyranny from the world. It is a saying of their's that
the Turk when sleeping is an angel, but when he sleeps the sleep
458. of death he is superior to the archangels.’

1 MS. (A) rendg caw! [pho glad,

3 MS. (B) reads jy 749 5) yp. 8 Read ciyy for ony) MSS. (A) (B).
# MBS, (A) (B) rend SeSS aS Bly steele,
§ Méchiwda, On the banks of the Sutle; in the Ludhiana District of the
Panjab. See Tieff I, 112, Ain-1-Akbari (J ) If, 810; I1f, 69.
At page 815 of Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbari (I), we read ‘ ‘The conquest of
India may justly be asoribed to Baim. He gamed the battle of Machhi-
warah and received Sambhal as jigir.”
© MS. (A) onitagg®. The hint given by the Akhiind was in true Oriental
fashion,
1 MS. (B) ronds dy! daly ids 3 iy, MS. (A) reads Umr* for weit
and omits ,p*>.
 [ 391]
Verse.
T saw a tyrant sleeping at mid-day
I said, this is a calamity; It is best that sleep should take
him
And that man who is better when sleeping than when waking
For such an evil liver death were preferable.

Huméyin, at the time of his return, had some intention of

taking Qandahar from Bairém Khan and giving it to Mun‘im
Khan. Mun‘im Khan, however, represented that now that the
conquest of Hindustén was on the tapis a change of governors
would be a source of dissension in the army, and it would be
better to wait till after conquering Hindustan, and then to act ag
errcumstances mght demand Accordingly Qandahar was con-
fimed! to Bairim Khan, and Zamindawar to Bahadur Khan.
Then coming to Kabul he prepared his army with transport and
commissariat, and in ZG Hiyjah 961 H. set ont from Kabul to
march against Hindustan? And the following gija‘h was written
which gives the date in two ways.

Qita‘'h.
Khasrai Ghazi Nagiru-d-Din Humaytn Shah
Who without question excelled all former kings,
Advanced from Kabul for the conquest of Hind;
The date of his advance is nuh gad wa shast wa yake.®

At the halting-place of Parshiwar* Bairim Khan arrived

from Qandahar® and presented himself before the king. By
eontmuous marches they croased the river Indos*® and Baixim
Khan and Khizr Khwaja Ehan, with Tardi Beg Khan and

LMS, (A) ovle yh, 8 MSS. (A) (B) dsb oie f-ojo,
B gSty omit g oad. Nme hundred and sixty-one The value of the
lettora taken separately also gives 961. This is the explanation of the state-
ment mthe text thut this qsfa'h gives the dute im two ways. Footnote to
the text says ggri 5 save wt that 16 18 both an form and i hteral
value
4 Tho text reads js ag Par shidar, 10 errors MSS. (A) (B) read ys wn
Parshawar,
5 M@, (A) omits _y?. 6 MS. (B) omits Ow
 [ Bee 7,
Iskandar! Sultan Osbak forming the advance party, wont for-
ward* and Tatar Khan Kasi, governor of the fortress of Rohtas,
evacuated the fort® and fled. Adam @bakkar did not present
himself on this oovasion.*
When they arrived at Lahor, the Afghans of that place also
not being able to withstand him dispersed, and the commanders
of the vanguard® started off towards (Labor and Thanesar] °
Jalandhar? and Sirhind. That country was taken possession of
without any trouble; Shahbaz Khan and Nasir Khan Afghin
however fought a battle near Dipalpar with Shah® Aba-l-Ma‘dli
and ‘Ali Quli Shaibani, who was eventually KAdn-i-zaman,? and
was defeated, So great was the terror mspired by the Mughuls
that thousands upon thousands of Afghans would flee nt the
sight of ten of the huge-turbaned horsemen (even although they
were Lahoris\, and never looked behind them Before Humayin’s
army crossed the river Indus, Sikandar Afghin Sir gained the
upper-hand of Ibrahim Sir, and having conquered him #! formed
the intention of leaving Itawa and marching to attack ‘Adli.
Suddenly, however, tidings arrived that Humayin had crossed

1 M8 (B) adda wld

© MS (A) reads SOef (50 (sy MS (B) reads M4] (90 AH UPN,
8 Read @03 omitting the humza.
@ Tho Tabagat-1-Ndaui says“ Adam Ghakar although he owed service, did
not jom the army.” Elhot, v. 237
6 cg tihic asiyl Umard-+ Mangaldi, MS (A) ronda Ummdés mutafarnig
The text is conect, i manguldae (staso manghala? on cslh le
mangaldi 18 8 Tatki word sigmfying forehead (front) or advanee-guard of an
army. See P.deC.2,v soalso Faizallat) Khon who gives only the meauny
gy"ey piahini forebend
6 These words in brackets should be omitted npparontly They are
absent from MS (A) and alao fiom the Tubsqdt 1- Akbar? which mentions
Jalandhar and Sirhind Besides the commanders wero already im Lihor
1 MS.(R) onnts prota Jalandhar
8 MS, (A) reads glee) ot Bld yaa! in error
9 ‘Ali Quali Khan was the son of Haidar Suitin Osbak-i-Sharbani, who had
been made an Amir in the Jim war with tho Q:zilbash
It was in tho early days of Ahbar’s reign that he obtamed the title of
Khan-v-Zaman See Badioni, Vol II, p. 12 Lowe's Translation, p. 5. He had
defeated"Himin near Panipat: See din.i-Akbari, I, (B), p 319.
10 MB, (A) reads y34 sje. 11 $95 qld Mg. (A).
 ' £503]
the Indus, and the Afghans, wherever they were, set about planning
how to save their wives and children; however one did not help
the other, each one ocoupicd himself with his own necessities,
and they kmew well that 16 was only Islem Shah who could
successfully contend against the Mughuls, no other person had
the power. Notwithstanding this however, Sikandar, in the
neighbourhood of Jalandhar, fist! appointed * Tatar Khan Kasi
with Habib Khan and Nosib Khan Taghichi with thirty thousand
cavalry, to oppose the tioops ander Humayin winch had been
collected in that district, and he himself came on in thei rear.
The Chaghatai Amirs® crossed the river* Sutlej, and the
Afghans followed them ; at sundown the two lines met and a fierce
battle ensued’ The Mughuls sot their hands to thew bows with
such effect that every arrow which they freed from the bowatring
bore the message of death to the ears of one or other of the
enemy, and the Afghéus, whose weapons of offence rau short,®
tuok refuge in7 a romed village; and with the object of gaining
a better view of the Mughul troops’ they set fire to the
roofs® The result, however, was the very reverse!) of what they
desired, and ther stratagem had tis iesalt, that the Afghans
remaiied in the light, wlule the Mughuls were in the daikness and
riddled the Afghans with arrows. A cry went up from among
them, and shouts of Flee' Flee!" rose on all mdes, and the
victory was gained with such ease that but few Mughuls wero

1 MS (RB) omits cyt. MS (A} 9378 a}<6

SMS (A) slike pot So also Tubaqat-1-Akbars Text reads joao yet.
MS (B) omits f. 5 MS, (A) Od Qty,
6 Ng che 0} 48, Ki kotah mléh badand, A footnote variant reads
cio salah which would mean ‘‘ who were ill-advised ” this 1a the reading of
MS. (B) but the othor is preferable,
TText yo MS. (A) ppt2
® Read yh& MSS. (A) (B) for pl yd.
° The trae readmg is a little uncertain here Tho text teads laaim
chambarhé which may be taken in the meaning of s roof; MS. (A) read¢
> jir(?) while MS (B) reads Lyin (?) chanbarha.
Theaccount given in the Tabaqdt-t-Akbari (Elhot, v 237-288) differs, and
makes st uppear as thongh the Mughil troops used fire-arms or fire-arruwa
Our author's account appeais more reasonable. .
19 Ount ogg) MSS. (A) (B). 11 BMS. (B) omits gly}
75
 [ $94J
slain, and horses, elephants, and~spoil beyond all computation
fell into the hands of Huméyiin’s troops. The news of this
victory reached !Hum&yin in L&hor; thus the whole of the
Panjib and Sirhind and Hissar Firize was entirely? subjugated.
Thence he marched by forced marches straight for the environs
of Dihli, and Sikander Sir with eighty thousand cavalry, and
elephants of note, and a strong force of artillery, collected round
him the Afghine from every direction, and came to Sirhind,
digging
a trench round bis cAmp® after the custom* of Shir
Shah, This he fortitied, und took up luis position; the Amirs of
Huamayin’s army holding a couucil of war, fortified Sirhind, and
a8 far as they vould, shewed they were prepared to defend it, and
sending despatches to Lalor begged Hum&yiin to come in person,
aud then awaited his arrival, Homayin with all speed * marched
aud came to Sizhind,® and every day fierce contests? took place
between the more venturesome spnits on both sides, Sometime
passed in tlis way, till the day when the command of the advance-
ganid of the army fell to the turn of the young Piince of the
461. world ; seizing his opportunity he drew up his line of battle, On
one® side was the Prince, the Asylum of the world, and on the
other side Barim Khan, Sikandar Khan, ‘Abdu-llah Khan Osbak,
Shah Abil-ma‘ali, ‘Ali Qali Khan and Bahadur Khan made
manly onelanghts. The Afghans also, as far as they were able,!4
behaved with due bravery and valour,!! but could not contend !3
against an adverse fate, and after a conflict beyond his strength
Sikandar turned and fled! The victorious hosts pursued the
enemy for along distance, reaping a rich harvest of slaughtered
Afghans; wealth and booty beyond all bounds, together with
horses and countless elephants fell into their hands: then they
turned back and erected with the heads of their enemies a column

1 Supply Oey after M2 sly Msg: (A) (B) 8 MS. (A) SbF oy
8 MS. (B) reads SSI for pumnd, 4 MS. (B) reads ‘od for ypdueds,
§ MBS. (A) (B) omit pled.
6 The Tabagat-1-Akbari states that Humiiyin sent Akbar.
7 MBS. (A) (B) read @'Re for Alike Test,
© MBS. (A)(B) read wlan. 9 MS. (A) omits 0%.
10 MB (A) wed eqn, 1 MB, (B) ronda data ghiayey say ot:
18 MS. (B) reads Sidols9) (gad 18 MBS. (A)(B)9 ob JL coy
 [ 595]
to which Bairim Khan gave the name! of Sar Manzil, which
(name) is in existence at the present day; Time has many memo-
rials of this kind and atill more will follow,®
Verse.®
On the road on which thon seest those particles of dust,
Thou seest (it may be) the dust of Suleiman’ brought
thither by the wind.*
Another says : 4
Verse.
Every particle of dust which the whirlwind carries awry
May be either & Faridin or a Kaiqubad.’
The words Shamghir-t-Humayitin 3 were found to give the date
of this victory, as they say in this Ruba‘i,
The wise writer sought for an auspicious omen,
He sought for the writing of speech from lis well-balanced
nature ;
When he came to record the conquest of Hindustan,
He sought the date in the words Shamghir-i-Humayin.
Sikandar then proceeded towards the Siwalik hills, while Sikan-
dar Khau Osbak turned towards Dihli, and the royal camp went
by way of Samana te the direction ® of the capital of Industan,
and a party of the Afgh&ns '° who were in Uihli, fled hot-foot !!
for thoir lives, and were senttered on all sides like a flock of
sparrows into whose midst 8 a stone has fallen, and every one
was saying to himself, ‘ Ha eho escupes with his head, verily he 462.
ts fortunate,” and the hidden!’ meamng of the words “ the duy

2 MS. (A) olp pl. 8 MS. (A) adds @® aftrr jy

8 MS (B) reads co for osx (Text)
# A footnote to the text recites the reading of MS (B) 4, cs !4y} 5.
5 MS. (A) reads cpl loale, 6 MS (B) reads 34 for ob
1 Cf. The dust of Alexander turned to clay
Muy stop a hole to keep the wind away.
A Wigglea _patede Shamghir.i-Humayin. The sword of Hamaéyin These
letters give the date 962 H |
9 MB. (B) reads os cate’ poly ght, 10 MSS (A) (B) omit jt.
Ml Read ly Sy, wag (A) (B) instead of the roading in the text,
12 M8. (B) ingorte ¢F after ES ae, 16 Supply go MS (A).

7
 [ 396 ].
when man shall flee from his brother and his mother and his father
and his spouse and hit sons” became evident.
Shah Abi-l-Ma‘Sli was detailed® to pursue Sikandar, and in
the month of Ramazin the blessed, in the year 962 H, the city
of Dibli became the seat of the imperial glory and majesty, and
most of the regions of Hindustan for the second time enjoyed
the honour of the khutbah and sikkah of Huméyiin. No king
before this time had ever been so fortunate as to attain to the
glory of imperial power a second time,’ after having suffered
defeat; whereas in this case the power of God whose glory 1s
supreme was plainly showed And in this year Humayiin appor-
tioned the greater pait of his tertitomes* among his faithful
adherents, and vowed the pargana of Mustafadbad, the revenue
of which reached the sum of thirty or forty Jaks of tankas,
as a votive® offering to the Spimt the author of victories, the
guardian of prophecy on him and on his family be blessings sithout
end He also gave Hissdr Firiiza as a reward® to the Prinee,
just as Baba: Padshih also had conferred it, in the commencement
of his victories, as a reward,’ upon Muhammad Homayiin, and
the whole of the Panjab he bestowed .pon Shih Abii |-Ma‘ali,
and nominated him to oppose Iskaular the Afghan, who, not
bemg able to stand against him, shut himself up in the
northern hills, and Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali having reached high
renk§ was living im great pomp in Lahor; on this account
the crow of conceit made ity nest in his brain, and brought matters
to this paes® that after the affair of (the kmg) whose dwelling 15
in Paradise, the queen shewed signs of contumacy and rebellious

1 Qur'in Ixxx, 31-35. 2 MSS, (A) (B) LAS gycb

8 The roading of MS (A) 18 preferable to that m the text MS (A) reads
ovay! stale 2 9 b3,0, A footnote variant rends Sag cuthale sho,
# MSS (A) (B) by why).
® Yoxt dda MS, (A) 9%
6 Faizullah Khin gives this word as gos Chldé in the sense of plut
Tn’am To the Farhang-1-Anandray the word 1s given as jildi or guld& nm the
same sense Pavet de Courteilles does not give the word,
7MS (L) omita Oo pind.

8 MS (B) reds ple &Syo and onila es Spd

8Text dey lb ug (B) reids Sdy pels
 [ 597j
intentions, ' as will shortly be described, i1f God He is exalted’ so
will it. And since Abi-l-Ma‘ali had treated badly the Amirs who
had been sent to‘support him, and bad (occasionally)* interfered
in their Agta@‘s, and not only in these but even m the pubhe
treasury and in the government lands, the Amirp became dis-
heartened, and Sikandar daily waxcd stronger, Bairém Khan
was appointed* to the office of tutor (Atdliq) to the young
prince, and was sent to oppose Iskandar Shah Abdé-l-Ma‘ali
was appointed to Higsér Firiza, but had not yet started when
Qabé Khin Gang was appomnted to Agri, ‘Ali Quali Khan
to Mirath and Sambal, and Qambar Diwina to Badion, and
Haidar Muhammad Khan Akhta Begi® to Baiéna Haidar
Mubammad Khan kept Ghazi Khan Si,® the father of Ibrahim
Sar, for sometime besieged in the fortress of Baiana? And inass
much as the good fortane of the Afghans was, like their good sense,
on the decline , although before the mege and after it also, thought-
fuland experienced men urged him to march on Rantanbhor and
thence to Gujrat, he would not hsten to them, and fell like a fish
into the net.
Verse§
God carries the vessel whithersoever He will
Though the ship master rends hin garments on his body.
The zamindars of the fortress of Barina sucd for qnarter, and
had an interview with Haidar Muhammad Khan, binding them-
sclyea by oaths? to certain treaty conditions, and binging Ghazi
Khan with his family and relations out of the fort, bestowed him
ina sage place in the camp,!° and!! the following day having made a
cvteful examination of the wealth and treasures,!# put all the
r «

i SLD » ppb bakes gf deol’ whe , mods slat The wertrouls wrongly
walk Ms. (B) roads ie
8 glled Mg (A) 8 MS (B) 8¢
4 M3 (B) rende Sige ural yathul atory 'g70,5 yf
5 MS (B) omttaok 4iaf Hadar Muhammad Khan Bet was an old
servant of Huamiyin who had given the Empero bis home whoa Uumayun'y
horge had been shot m the dofeat nour Balkh © Sco Aine: Akbar, (B) 3, 884
4 MSS (A) (BR) TMS (4) ome &elF cud rouda ee” for soueae?
8 MS (A) teverses the order of these two lines
YS. CR) re da whey for whol WO MSS (A) (B) read oF wate,
1! The text haga superfluons yg here 22 MS (A) Uno) Slyt
 [ soe J"
inhabilants to death from the full-grown man to the babe at the
breast,! sending® the heads to the Emperor, who, however, was
displeased with this ;* accordingly * he despatched Mir Shihabu-d-
Din® Nishapiri Bakhzhi, who received the title of Shihaba-d-Din
464. Abmad Khan, to Baiini to verify the wealth of Ghazi Khan.
Haidar Mohammad® concealed the valuable jewels and shewed
only ordinary 7 things. Qambar Diwdoa had collected a large
following in the vicinity of Sambal and was saying ‘ What haa
Qambar to do with Sanbal, while ‘Ali Quli Khan has a lien on the
revenue of Sanbal? It is a3 though the land belonged to one man
and the trees to another,’ ?
And before that ‘Ali Quli Khin could go to Sanbal Qambar
Diwana went to Badaon, and from thence passing by Kant o Gola °
he fought with Rokn Khan Afghan, and gained the day, occupying
the country up to the vicinity of the township of Malai ?,! bat
was subsequently defeated by the Afghans, and having given up
a large number to death in that fort!! arrived at Badiaon, where
he exercised gicat cruelty and oppression; and although ‘Ali Quh
Khan sent to summon him,!'4 he refused to yield to him and said,
“My relations with the Padshah are more intimate than yours,!*
this head of mine is twin brother of the mmperial crown” ‘Ali
Qoli Khan upon lus arrival besieged Badadon, and that madman

1 MS. (B) reads Bly p& Jiak Gi shes, This reading 18 mven in a
footnote to the text.
2 MS, (B) olin,s 8 MS, (B) reads O<ly Otay gine unt
4 MS (A) omits sly reading 9 5 MS (B) roads ee Mn Shihab
6 MSS. (A) (B). T dye ty Ope cola! Aphyu-r-eahl rd numid
MS, (A) onnts ly
® Read hero 2 sad y Uine MSS. (A) (B) Tharending in the text has
no meaning
9 Shabyabinpur MS (RB) omits wlf
10 The text reads Bee autanioak (7) MS. (A) renda B99 (?) Malan ah
MS. (B) reader Bydlo Malgiah 1 am quite uncertaim ns to the correctnesa
of the suggesnie sin the transition) Matiau (Ser unter Tp Gaz ix 237)
sa hill fort wu the Paryi> lat 31°12?N. long 70° 62° EL
Finehta vke ono mention et thig
IMS (Ay cds OMS (8) ome cpl,
IMS (By omte dyh 3H WS (A, reads soaalb,
BMS (1B) nla wT yr ly
 1 599J
(Diwana)! who knew no moderation, was at that very time pre-
paring to tyraynise over the people even more than before,
taking by forve the doughter of one and the property of another;
aud in consequence of his want of trast® in the people of the town,
used himself to go the rounds by night’ from bastion to bastion,
and sec to the proper state of the defences. In spite of {lus his ima-
gination used to ran riot,* and his ideas, in consequence of his
infatuation, were excited to such a degree, that he used to go
for half the mght into an empty® 100m and lay his car upon the
wound, and gomg on® from there a few steps would spy about,
and then return to hig otigmal post, suddenly he called the
pioneers and said, “ A nowe has reached my? cars, dig up? the
ground in this spot.” Whettthey excavated they discovered a
moe® which ‘Ali Quli Khan had laid from outside the fortress 465.
The people who saw those !° mines said that fiom the mde"! of the
fort mm whatever direction they struck!® into the mine they found
the foundation of the wall of the fort reached the water, with iron
rods, and pillars and baulke of s4'8 wood arranged under its
foundations, bound together for the purpose of strengthening
them, with the sole exception of this place which had been es-
cayated
In fact, had not Qambar been vizilaut, the men under ‘Ali Quii
Khan would have blown down the wall by sheer foree and have
effected an entrance by way of that breach. ‘Ali Quli Khan was

1 Tho word Sigs. Dicdne means a mudman,

8 MS (B) reads gs dleist. The text reads gsdiele| anaincorcet form
by omnala,
¥5 MSS (A) (13) read leaty after 9% omitting gad clon Caiuhyo
4 This appoare to be the meamnug, thongh tho word Saal y? ww nged in A
homewhat stiaimed and unnaail sense = A footnote variant to the text says
that the textual rending 16 found sn one BLS aud in two others tryin,
Both MSS (A) and ‘B) are the same us the text which seems correct
5 A footnote varinut reads Ju for le The text is correct.
© MS (A) omnes yids, 7 MS (B) omita Gy
@MS (B) renda HG © a Text MS (A) ready Sah,
10 MB (B) omits wt it WS. (A) reade wi yb for wit yb)
1B Teas Sage Oph) 9 gay Me (A) rends O15 for O49ze0,
+ aut
15 Slee glygm — Chablie 14 Read 72 MS. (A)
 [ 600 }-
astonished at this degree of vigilance,! and the people of the elty
by common consent despatched a message to ‘Ali Quill Khan say.
ing, “On such and sach a night let the besiegers make an attack*
up such and such a bastion, so that we may bring them into the
fort by the help of nooses and scaling-ladders.” Accordingly this
thoy did, and having admitted the soldiery of ‘Ali Quli Khan,
Sbaikh Habib Badaoni, who was one of the most notable men® of
the place, took lus place at their head, and leading them to the
bastion of the Piinces,* who were the relations of Shaikh Salim
Chighti of Fathpir, set firetoit, On the morrow when thegun rose,
the sombre-fated Qambar, wearing over his head a black blanket
whach was an emblem of his wretched fate,5 came out of the city.
They seized him as one would a jackal and brought him in, and
although ‘Ali Quli Khan spoke gently to lim,® saying “ Bow thy
head,’ that I may spare thy life,” that madman, fed on dog's
biains gave him an abusive answer, so that he was sent to join the
dogs of hell. His tomb is well-known in Badéon He used to
spread plentiful feasts and say (to his guesta) “Eat! for wealth
as the wealth of God, and lifeis the hfe of God, and Qambar
Diwana is the cook of God ”
When the despatch from ‘Ali Quli Khan reached the Conrt
together with the head of Qambar, the king, whose refuge 1s the
mercy of God, was extremely annoyed Just about this time, on
the seventh of the month of Rabi‘n-l-Awwal, in the year 963 H.,
when® Huméayifin had ascended to the roof of the library which he
had built in the fortress of Divpan&h in Dihli, as he was coming
466. down, the mu'azzin® uttered the call to prayer, and he knelt out of

1MS (B) omits gl.

@ MB. (A) reads @™ for Mea,
B Text prtltc 3 MS. (A) reads why! 3.
# Ms (A) rends got jae
BMS (A) ShF caedles gh.
6 Text reads d9° BIA coy wean! elf 3 4S, but st seoms aa though we should
read ey in the sense of wounded, stricken MS (B) omits dy)
1 Text yf d99° MBS. (A) reads oyT Spy. 8 Supply & MSS. (A) (B),
§ Wo9 Mu’azzin, The crier whose duty it to utter the agdn or aammons
to prayer The Avin was inatituted at firat when the Moslims came from
Mukku to Madinah, some proposed the lighting of a fire, others the blowing
of a trumpet, but the furme: was objected to as being a Jewish custom, and
 [ sol 3
respect for the Azan; and as-he rose his staff glanced aside and his
foot. slipped, and he rolled down several steps! to the ground.
When he recovered n little,* Nazar Shaikh Jili§ was sent to the
Panjab* to summon the Prince and to tell him exactly what had
happeued, and on the fifteenth’ of the same morth (Humayin)é
bade farewell to this ineonstant world and took his way to
the abode of etermty ;7 and this ¢ar7kh was written to commemorate
the event
Since by the meicy of God he passed to his rest withm the
garden of Rizwan
Brhisht Amad maqam-1-pak-1-d gives the date ?
and Maulana Qasim Kahi wrote as followa :—
Homiyiin, Padshah of the kmgdom of reality,
No one remembers such an Emperor as he ,
Suddenly he fell from the roof of his palace,
And from that fall Ins precious life was lost
Kahi made a cnlculation for the ¢#ikh of that event,
Huméayiin Padghih az bau uftad 9

the Intter as being the cnatom of the Chistiana Then Billa) was ordered to
repent Allahu Akbar twice ina lond voice ava manal for praver
The forefingers were ordered to be pot into the enis while repeating the
Avian to atrengthen the voice , probaly tina waa due to the eubjective senaa-
tion of merease of sound of the voice when the cxt: rnal meatus 19 closed.
The Agin has apecial virtues attached to it, for those sho uttered 16 Thus yt
m gad “ The callera to prayer may expert parndise on the dav of rhe resurrec-
tion.” and again “ Whoever acta as Mu cain geven venra to pliase Gad, wall
he redeemed from hell-fire"? See algo Uuches’ Deri io, Islam ati, see
Mishkat iv. Chapter 5, 6
1 MS. (B) omit ays. 9 Finghta saya that he waa taken Up unconscious
8 Footnote variant cpllaoe Juma‘éli 4 MBS (A) wig piles!
6 Firehta saya the eleventh (Bo Text 459)
© MSS. (A) (B) omit Hy wipe sloaly
TMS (A) (B) Uy gto.
a y' Sly pe oof ways These words give the date 963 H. The maan-
ing 18, Paradise became his pare resting-place
list ru 3 whaoly wisiles, The valne of thene letters iz 063. The mean-
tng ia, Humivun Padshih fell from the root
76
 |
The following was also found to give the date : !
Be not ignorant of the year of his death—See'
Humityiin kaga raft we ighdl-t-a 3
The following ¢arikh was also found -
Ai! Ah! Pa&dshth-i-man az bam ufttids

Verse
That capital aty of the kingdum which thon sawest 1s lard
waste,
And that Nile of whose bounty thon heardest has becomea
miraye,
The sky gave the head of Muhammad Yahya to ruin,
467. Ard calamity attended Sinjar the lord of slaves.
The fou: th heaven became a house of mourmng
The spirit of sanctity came to condole with the Sun,
His age was fifty-one years, and the duration of his rogn* was
twenty-five years and a fraction He was a man of kingly nro-
portions, adorned with all excellencies and perfections, both of
appearance and reality, unequalled in the sciences of astiology
and astronomy and all abstruse scrences.6 He was the precep-
tor of the followers of excellonco and perfection, the refuge
of the seckeis after prety and rectitude. Fond of poetry and§
ot poeta, he used himself to compose good yerses, he never
remained for an imstant without the tongd’,) nor did he ever

1 MS (A) reads here Las.

2 yf Jit 3 aS) lage wykeb, The valno of these lettera we 963, ‘The
mening 18“ What has become of Humayun and his good fortune.”
8 MbS. (A) (B) insert this before the preceding faridk Ita value is also
963 H. and its meanmy is ‘ Alas! Alas! my king fell from the roof,’
We must read 363)! as in Text and MS.(A). MS (B) has obs;
MSS (A) (B) (pashlee, 5 MS (B) reads Sit© wyy3d Bo y,
6 MS. (A) omita 9
1 Spey Wei’. Coremomat washings before prayer. Thera sa saying
attmbuted fo Muhanmimid “ Wasa’ os hall the prasere * and anther “ Whon a
Moghm uses Wow’ it washes from tna face those faults wlych he may have
¢ast higeyes upon, and when he washes dns tinnds at removes the faules
thy may have commited, and when he wastes fry feet at digpels the feults
 {| 603}
take ' the name of God nor of the prophet, say the peace and bles-
sing of God be gpon him, without [ihdrat ;* and if it chanced 5 that
the necersity arose for mentioning a name* compounded of this
word ‘Abd, or one of the Agmau-l-hasna® such as ‘Abda-llah or the
others, in such a case he would confine himself fo the word ‘Abd
(servant), for example he would enll ‘Abdu-1-Haiyy, ‘Abdul simply.
In thia same way in writing letters in place of the word “ huwa ”5
when the necessity arose he used to write two Alifs sido by side

towards which they may have carried him; 90 that he will rise up in purity
fiom the place of ablation.” Again “The key of paradise is prayer and the
key of prayer ig ablution.” The prophet nleo said “Verily my sects will
come on the day of reanrrection with bright hands and feet becauae of Wuzi’.
For a full account of Wazi’ and the acts reqniring ita performance, see
Mighkatu l-Mupabih 11, 84, also nee Hughea’ Diet, of Islum, art = Wuza’,
1MS (A) G1 enn!
Bisleb frhdvat. Thin term includes all the various methods of purtheation
enjotued by Muhammadan law
See Hughew’ Dict, of Ialdm, art Pay incations
8 MS.(A) sty oh}yp
# The text here gives some verses which are not found in MS.‘ A)
They are given here as they interrupt the continuity of the text

o abs »

rms O38) ids walekst - le yo cays (calbics

dcrenyd SL Ris} jm diltys - pole WIDE j AS>og ty BOW .

Preserve a |ively faith so that thy relanee thereon may not falter,
Nothing of a surety delivers the servant fiom the wrath of God gave a
lively faith
MS (8) reads

BEyo creme Saphir csiby wcleda] - lig yd cmnyd csdlede ob

6 Asmdu-l-hasn€ ‘Lhe best of names. See Bishhét, xxun 8, Verily the
best of numes, in the mght of God, ave ‘Abda-lih (the servant of God) or
‘Abdu-r-Rabman (the servant of the Merciful One)
8 9 Huca The uame of the Almighty, written at the commencement of a
dockhment by devout Mustuns, mennng, He alone ws Col It is the third
yutson of the Arabic personal pronoun. By some commentators the word ia
supp: ged to stand for the J mul-‘azam or most holy rame, which tcordiany bo
Mustin divinca is known to God alone See Quran Hi, 2} ha Allato ude
Jinan There 1s no God but He
 [ 604]
thua (11), whose Jetters thus arranged! have the same value as those
of the word” “ Huwa” [In all matters he observed the “anne
reverential caution which was as if were a part of his nature].
He always spent his evenings mm company and was never niggard-
ly in enteitainment, the reveunes of the whole of Hindustin
would not have sufficed for his expenditure. His vakils, for fear
of (being thought to be greedy for) reward, would never montion
the name$ of gold in his presence, and ke his father he was
not engrossed im amassing wealth; no improper word or term of
abuse ever passed Ins lips, and if he were ever very wrath with
any person he used just to say ‘ You stupid,’ and not a word more,
Whether in the house o: in the mosque even by mistuke he
never placed his left foot down before the mght, and if any oue
placed the left* fuot im his house he would say, “It 8 the left
foot,” and would make him furn back and bung him in again,
From his excessive reserve he never opened lng hps ina snule,
nor did he ever cast an angry glance atauy on They say that
Shaikh Hamid, the commentator of Sanbul, on the occasion of
the conquest of Hindustan, for the second time went to Kabul
to receive hin, and in smte of the extreme cortdence which
Humayiiu had im lam, one day he fell intoa passion and said
“ My king, I see the whole ot your army me Rafizi® (hereties)
”
Hamayin rephed, “ Shaikh why do you say such a thing, and what
have you to say about it?” He answered “ Everywhere the names
of your soldiers are of this kind® 1 find they are all Yar ‘Ali
(Friend of “Ali), or Kafsh ‘Ali (Shoe of Ali), or Hadar ‘Ah
(Laon
of ‘Ah), and I have not found a single man bearing the name of
any other Companion.” Humayiin was indignant at this, and
dashing his diawing pencil? upon the ground in anger, suid “The

' The value of S beng 5 and of 9 bem %, the woid

9@ ay equivalent
to eleven; ‘two Ahfa placed side by side (1 !)
also stand fur oleven
§ Mo (B) omits the sentence in squaie bruc kota,
$ MS. (A) omts ¢ and reads csdyly,
# MS (B) omits ye
5 gy OFly Rapzi Tins term was Slginolly applied to the Shiahe
jorned Zard abu ‘Ali wat forsook him Upen wl
his refasing to curse Abii Baki and
‘Umar, the hrat two Sunni Khalifaha
butitcume aftery uds to denote any
of Shiahs secu
MS (B) alone reuds sty The Toxt and US (A) huve ps5)
© MSS (A) (B) rend Sdbye cya} ountt .
ing 32.
Vt0h el Qutam s-tumis ‘Text and NS. (A) MS (B) has yy? fabri
Wwrit
uug, lusteud of tasii, (diawing
), sv uleu au foutuete vattuut
 [ 605 ]
nanie of my grandfather himself was ‘Umar Shaikh! and I know
no more tian this,” then he rose and went into the daram and
returning, with great gentleness aud kindliness informed the
Shaikh of the purity of his faith *

Verse.

Preserve a lively faith so that thy reliance thereon may not

falter,
Nothing of a surety delivers the servant from the wrath of
God save a lively faith.
Aud in order to recount the many virtses of that monarch who
has obtained pardon aud remission, may hts resting-place be happy,
a sepnrate record would be necessary. Countless? poets, the
wonder of the age, sprang from under the skut of his auspicious
reigo* Among these, in Badakbshin was Maulana Junani®
Badakhshi the engmatist, who composed a gasiduk made up of
thits-erght couplets m honour of that® monarch, whose refuge 1s
the pardon of God, durmg -the time that he was a Mirza, and
certain tows de force which had esvaped the net of the qastdah
which Mir Sayyid Zi-l-fiqgar Shirwan composed im honour of
Khwaja Rashid Vos, and the qasiduh of Salman Sawaji which
he wrote in honour of Khwijn Gbias Vaziv, this poet’? seized, for
example the ma‘ammd,® and Ighdr-i-mazgmar,? and the tarikh.'®
and other (tricks) of this kind, and in very truth that work of
ait is a veritable kdrndma (record of deeds), a miracle iu the
workd of speech. The following are the opening couplet and
auother, taken from it.

! ‘Uma Shaikh Mirza, second son of Timur, waa the father of Babar Seo
dine dkbars (By f 209.
8 BS (A) reads dots Sone p> ideals wnat grt 5 9 cares,
So aleo MS. (B) except that ly ww omitted
3 MSS. (A) (B) read yleamsy, © MS (A) gt Sly9 cyte
© Yext reads gs Junabi, but MS (A) reads (Pi P> Junin.
6 AIS, (B) ome wf. 1 M3. (B) onaus gf
8 lene Mu‘ammd, Enigma, A saying of wluch the meaning ishidden See
Gorem de Tassy, Rhetortque et Prosodte, p. 165,
9 See Gare de ‘Taasy, op ext, p. 191
10 2 tevith, chronogeum, Several examples have been given, see page
Gul, a 8.
 [ 606]
Ferse.!
Shahanshaha rv kh-i-té lila o nasrin lab-i-ti jan
Hami binam ab-i-té ghuncha-d-rangen shuda khandén
Nami giyam khatt-1-ti sabza 0 rarkan khad i-ta gul
Shavad gahir qadd-1-té fitna-.-davrin dam-1-janlén.
And by taking all the verses of this qasida after the manner
of an acrostic,? the following opening couplet is formed :—®
Shahanghah-i-din padishah-1-zaman
Zi bakht-i-Humayiin shuda kamran.
While again, if the haghw * of the two firet couplets are written
in red ink, the followmg opening couplet results, which may be
read in three different metres.$ ,

1 MS, (A) 8429 gasida

The following 1s the translition of these lines winch are given in the
original in the text, as the whole sense of the paseage following tutns upon
the form and not apon the meamag of the couplets
King of knngs, thylcheek 1 the tulip and yarmine thy lip ia the tife.
As I look, thy hp Ike the bud in ita rednesa, expands in 9 armile
T say not, thy bloom 18 the verdare and perfame thy cheek is the roae
Life itself, from thy figure entrancing, appears in thy gait
8 segs Tavphik. The imtial lettera of each verse when taken together
fram the couplet given. Thuaia the four lines given the inttial letters are
ot ch ® hw 2 UH th forming Shahansh See Garcinde Tassy, op ct, p 164.
§ The conplet when tianslated, reads
Emperor of the faith, Padishih of the age,
From thy good fortune thou hast become prosperous,
The play on the words Huméyin and Kamran will ba observed
4 The first foot of the first mgd‘ (hemetich) is cailed gads, while the last
foot of the same hemusticu ig called ‘uriéz; mmilarly the firat foot of the
second hemuatich 18 called rbtidé, while the Jaat foot of this hemustioh w called
garb. All the feet intervening betweenthe gadr and the ‘uaz, or between the
sbteda and zard, are called Aashw which me ina hterally the staffing of a pillow
(Agin-:-baligh) Jn the above the Aushw uf the verses 18 printed im red mk.
The scansion 18 as follows —
Shahunshaha rukh-1-ti la la-o-nasrin labitii jin
Mafa'l lun Mofi‘i jon M fi'i ina Mafa‘l lun
The motre 1s thus Haza) +-Mugamman.
. © The three metres in which these lines may be read are—
(1) Hazaj-1-musimman See note 4 above.
 { 607 J
Rokh-i-ta lala o nasrin khatt-i-ti sabza o raiban
Lnb-i-t8 ghuncha-i-rangin qadd-i-tii fitua-i-dauran '
And if they be read in reversed order a couplet is formed which
may nlso be referred to three several metres,* and with a change
of gafiyah® und radif* in the following mauner .&— 470.
Khatt-1-ti sabza o rathin, rukh-i-tG lala o nasrin
Qadd-i-ti fitna-i-daurin,® lav-1-ti ghuncha-1-rangin.
And from that which 1emains in black letters, a distinet open-
ing couplet remained? Other tours de force also existed in this
opening couplet, which are expluined m the marginal notes to the
work.

(> Ramal-:-musamman makhbin, and the scanaion os

whats 5 43 tw 93 BS Lar 9 a Wi ¢y
i as
(in) Mojtas-i musiounaa makhbun
vite wild
and the scanhion 13
gis
wlat, 9 tps ghd wisn yw 5 ay
wills yl lie wed wie lie
See Elements of Arabic and Permian Prosody (Ranking) pp. 49, 67, 9D.
IMS (B) rends whee in place of wl)2 ao also footnote vanant
& The three metres aie those given wm aete 5, on the preceding page.
8 ali Qépyeh ‘This signifies the rhyme, of which the essential letter us
called the ¢939 .awi, which may have aleo other letters preceding it aud *
four following
4 .Susy Radif ie the name given to o quiescent altf following a fatha, a wo
quiescent following a camma or a ye quiescent followimg
a kasra, in other
words it 18 one of the letters {, 3. gg placed ag a letter of prolongation
before the rawi. Its more accurately culled way Rid
Thus m the hnea now cited the Rods 19 the letter ye the words rangm,
and nas‘'rin, whereas in the former verses the radif was altf, as in the words
rathdn and dauran MS (A) omits ws) 3 Seealso Gare de Tassy, op.
ev, p, 370
6 MS. (B) omite che wet
© MSS. (A) (B) read whiny? dietdn.
1 For example, we can read
Shahanshaha lab-1.1i yin King of kings thy lip is life
Hami binam shada khandan, Aa I look it wreathes in smuea;
Nami gayam khad-1 14 gul 1] say vot thy cheek's o rose
Shavad géhir dam-) Jautan Blooming as thou passest by
 f 608 Jj
And from the four! couplets of a gasidah* some of the words of
which are written in red ink, the followirg gtga‘h? containing the
conquest of Badakhshén may be obtained, and the gifa'h also has
a hidden meaning, the explanation of which 16 obtained from cer-
tain verses extiacted from these two qasiduhs.®
Qrta‘k.
Ti-i Shah-i-Shahan-i-daurin ki shud
Hamisha tua kar fath o gafar.
Guifti Badakhshan o tarikh shud
Mukammad Humayiin Shak-v-hahi o bar 6
Rubl@i 6

Until the weak body of the beggar beeame the duat of his
threshold,
His heart on account of Ins sorrow and vexation, fell desolate
The hfe of thi» helpless one left lim because of desire for the
beloved.
Hos love exceeded all bounds, if haply at that time that king
might summon him

1 MS (A) reads Jee 2M (A) Sones

8 The debs qeeth Mast conta not less than two coapleta nor nore
than a hundred sand seven The tint two homiatches neal not rhyme,
bat the second hemiatich of evers verse mat rhyme with the final hemistich
of the opening verse
The Sonad qandah In this form of poem the two opening hemignhchea
must rhyme = Tt must conmst in Pecman of not Jean than twenty five conplets
and not more than 8 hundred and eevenrr. See alan Garein de Tasay,
Rhetorique et Pinsodie for an explanation of these and other terms, and
Gladwin, Drase: tations
4 The reading mn the text and om both MSS (4) (B) 1a aninteligible, we
mnat evidently read 39 ul for out The footnote to the text merely
states that the readimg in the text 1s found in all three MSS » Dat makes no
attempt to explain the true reading.
5 y) y= Re wtyled Soe — Thene woriln mive the
date 927.
The tranelation of these verses 18
Thou art king of the kirge of the age,
Whose continuat object ra contest ind ve tory
Then did’at seve Badakhshin and wy (aerbh WAR
Muhammad Hoonayin king af sa and lond,
4 MS. (A) adda nm muzhar,
 | 60d]
. Oiigwitra,'
Tell the good tidings of the victory of the king,of my faith.
And if my life should obtain a few days grace from that exact-
ing oreditor* Death, this gastdah, together with all the gasidghs
and such useful information as I have written down in a separate
note-book in the course of my travels, shall, should opportanity
offer, be incladed among the contents of the second volume of the
Nojatu-r-Raghid® which I sm anxiously longing to complete, 471.
should God, who facilitates our undertakings, a9 will it.
Another poet* is Wafa‘i, by which ¢:thallug Shaikh Zainn-d-
Din Kbafi * is commonly known, who was Sadr-i-mustagill (Judge-
plenipotentiary) ® during the reign of Babar Padighah. There

1 Fylyateg$ Gishwara. Lit, earrng. The firet line of a ghacal or gagida,

following immediately upon another.
Read lo yo Ad gil nd 5S. MS. (A) Bob pid de and gid dgyS A
footnote variant reads
3 The following is the correct reading, Immediately after the gishwéra
soredon wd ctye Unt yilllio pis ¥ ole iy eo Shy
tod ahags oat? aly yp ppm lne elit edo yo af Oily) y dled ile go

MB (A). = @l Ly O89 O99 wf

8 anny} cle’, Nagatu-1-Raghid Thero isa MS of this work of Badaoni,
bolongiug to the College of Fort Waiham, in the Library of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal, No. =). (See J A. 8 B.xxxvni. p 196). ‘The ttlo of the work
gives the izrikd of its composition on the second and last pages. The “ seoond
daftar” here mentioned by car author does not appear ever to have been
wnitten, thouzh from his statement it would seem he had commenced the
work.
6 MBS. (A) reads & ,,5liy hrs,
§ One Zaino-d-Din Khifi, was a famova saint. Hfa life in given in the
Nafahatuel-Uns, Caleutta edition, p 569; but the one meant in this passage is
the Bhaikh Zain who read the thufbah in Dibliin Babar's name after the
battle of Panipat, see Firshta, Bo. Text, p. 891 and Erskine, Memoirs of Baber,
p 308
Khifi.or Khawafi means ‘coming from Khawiaf! which 1s a district and
town in Khurasin ur mnps have Khaff or Khif dae weet of Herat Bee
‘Arm-s-Akbart (B) Lp 445 and footnote, niso p. 592 aud footnete
8 hime yuo, Sadr vmustagll, The Sade was an officer of jnatioe whose
power appeats to have been almost unlimited, hu edict was necessary to
legahiee the o.. comon of s new king
77
 r 610]
is a mosque in Agra to his memory,! and « school situated on the
other side of the river Jamna. He was the possessor of excellen-
cies both bodily and mental, and in the constraction of enigmas
and chonograms, and m extempore versification, and in all the
minutie of postry and prose, and in rhetoric, he was uuapproach-
able in his own age.
They say that in the very firat asserably in which he mada
homage to Babar Padghah, he asked, what is your age? Without
premeditation he answered, Qabi asin ba pang si chil sala bidam,
wa haldn chibal s8la am, wa ba'd az dit sl-t-digar chihal tamam
ami shavad *
It should moreover be known that (Babar Pidshah) also asked
(a riddle) of the author of this Muntakhab saymg: Pigh azin ba
yak sal panjah sila bidam, wa halan panjab o@lu ain, wa ba'd azin
ba dah sil panjah sila mi shavam
It is well known thet one day Shaikh Zain went to visit the
brilliant resting-place of Sultano-l-Mashaikh Nizimu-d-lin
Auliyaé may God sanctify lam, and having heard that story of the
Shaikh about “4? Hiddydé mushtarak wa tanhd khushturak "+
repeated this git‘ah on the spot

Hw duties were to enquire into the circumstances of persons before grants

wore made to them. Under lua ordera were the Quziand the afi; ‘itl See
Ain-+- Akbari, (B) I 268-270,
(MSS (A) (B) read SamakE* fy 71 instead of Compo” euale yi
(Text)
9 That is to nay “ Five years ago I was chil (We) years of age and now
Tam chthal (yn) years of age, and two yenrg hence my chihal (forty)
years will be complete
Jy (clit) stands for 33 thus é =3 J = 30"
@ (chihal) stands for 38 thas @ 3 4 =5 J =30
while dy ehihal is the Persian for forty.
MS _(B) completely loves the point Ly reading Ue chil throughout ”
5 That is, A year ago I was fifty (panjch) years of age, now | am fifty ore
(panjah with the addrtion of Alif) years of age, ten years hen:e J shui) bs
(&=*2) panyah vears of age
&=°) ‘Panyah) stands for 6 thus
~ sl 950 ¢ 23 3 =5
Apparently we shunld read B09 (Panyh) which wood give 6L.
* This refers to a viet rad by Anur Khueri of Dihli to Nigimued Div
Anhya, when he saw another titer who hed brought « present for Niznmu-d
 [ 6n j
“
’ Qf‘ak.

Oh our Shaikh! may there come to thee from God gifte with-
ont ceasing,
What am I that 1 should aay “ Al Hedaya mughiarak ”
Thou sayeat “ Tunht khughtarak” as thou didst say before
Make it “ Mushtaruk” if thou dost not say
“ Tauha khuskturak.”
Verse.

Grief has seized me by the sleeve, why should ] hide my head

in my sleeve?
Desire has grasped my skirt, why should I withdraw my foot 472.
within my skirt ?
Ah! my sleeve in desire for thee and my skirt also are torn
to rags,
Why should I hide my head in my sleove and withdraw my
foot within my skirt without thee ?!
He wrote a farikh dealing with the cireumstances? of the con
quest of Hindiiatén, and explaining its wonders, in whieh he did
full justice to the claims of erudition
His death occurred near Chinhér in the year 940 H and he
was buried within the precincts of a college which he himself had
founded, .
Another (poet) was Maul&naé Nadiri-1-Samarqand), who was ono
of the wonders of the age, of excellent qualities, and a compen-
dium of perfection? He had a strong attachment for a beautiful
youth named Nizdm, and the following well-known solution of an
enigmatical meani:,, was composed for him -
Verse,
I the broken-hearted tell the praises of Nizém the famons,

Din Avliys. Amir Khueri exchumod “ Al hidaye mughiurck" “The gitts are
in Sommon ;" whereapon Nigama-d-Din Aulrya rephed.
“ Al hsdaye mughtarak lakin tanhd khughtarak "
“The gifta are traly in common, but | should be better pleascd to enjoy
them alone.”
1 MS (A) transposes the last two linos.
3 MS. (A) omits clyel.
3 MS. (A) reads dp! Qtly Usb», See Arner akbar, (B) 1 605 9.
 C 612 }°
For my heart, when absent from him, lies disordered! and
enfeebled.
Ruba's.
I am grieved, and in my heart on thy account I hold «
hundred sorrows,
Withont the rubies of thy lips, Lam matched against pain
hour by hour;
Tam in despair for this life, I the poor, the dejected,
I hope that the road of annihilation may become my refuge.
Gishwira,
I sing the praise of the locks of my beloved.
Aud the following verses are part of the frait of his fertile
genius.
Ghasal §
How wondrous graceful is my loved one’s form,
I yield myself a slave to that figure and carriage ;
My loved one would not look towards me with compassion,
Perhaps she displayed an inclination towards strangers.
Nadiri! go towards the wineshop
And pledge thy head and turban for wine,
Verse
478. Though I remained my whole life-long there at the head of
thy street,
I swear by my life, that I never enjoyed a moment's peace ;
Wherever I bowed my head with the intention of obeisance
Thon wert there the Ka‘bah® towards which I turned.
A whole world was admitted to intimacy, and yet I remained
forlorn,

1 yo Nizame, lit. a governor, one who orders and directs, The play
Upon the word cannot be preserved,
9 34 Ghasal, The ghasal or ode must consist of at least five couplets
must not exceed fifteen. but
Its first two hetnstiches must rhyme,
8 3OE™ Sajdah, commonly pronounced
Sijdoh, meang prostration
which the forehead touches the grou
nd: saa ates observance the roe
tration, ig ox seven members: on
the forehead, the two hands, the
and the toes ofboth the feet; women must touch the grou two knees,
men on the contrary must keep the nd with the elbows,
elbows up, The palma of the
hands
 { 618]
All were nacepted there but I was rejected ; ,
Why do you ssk Nédiri, what is thy condition in that road,
At one time I am unhappy, at another 1 was happy? there.
He aleo wrote this Quasidah in honour of the deceased
Emperor.
Qasidah.
Thanks be to God that with a settled mind
Intimate® friends sat together in pleasure ;
The rose-garden is the pleasure-resort of people, for there in
the presence of the rose, the nightingale sorrowful at the
absence of his beloved became rejoiced by its presence.
It may be that the beloved one of the garden had been
stripped naked by Autumn,
So that she has woven a patchwork garment of the hundred
petals of the rose.
The rose and the jasmine, the spikenard and the basil are in
one place,*
See! the Emperor of Spring has come with his retinue and
troops.
The birds are singing the praises of the Emperor of heavenly
grandeur *
On the branches of the trees, like the preachers from their
ulpita. .
The porous Kbaqan, the Emperor of dignity like Jamghid,
Humiyan,
Who has a powerful band and a sturdy heart by the decree
of the Almighty
From his intelligence springs the wisdom of the learned,
From his insight arises the perception of the men of acnte
vision,

must be placed upon the ground, with the fingers in the direction of the
Qibiab, which was originally Jerussiom, but waa afterwards chenged to the
Ka‘bab, Mighhdtwl-Mapdbdih, Cap. xv. part i.
See Hughes’ Dict. of Ialam, art. Ka‘beh.
1M. (A) WT payiteyh.
8 The text rcads pelAe cont»mpatary, but MSS. (A) (B) read solace
intimate,
1 MS. (A) reads “ile uSs. * Text dtipe 6ld, MB. (B) reads Aaiye,
 [ ott]
Since prohibited things are unlawfal by the statutes of religion,
He hastens to perform the deeds for which there is divine
sanction
474. There have gathered together, to secure the victory of the
army of Islam,
The unrivalled warriors of his army, the brave men of his
troops,
Beneath his victorious standard, on the field of Fortane,
May the favour of the Everlasting be his protector and ally
Oh thon by the generosity of whose band all things have
their being,!
By the sharpness ot whose sword all properties both aces.
dental and essential® obtnin permanence.
In the first day of etermty, the object of creation for the
Lord of the world was the evolation of thy form from this
revolving sphere,
Should Gabrict 2 second time be the beares ur revelation,
Pure passages ® will be revealed im thy glory.
very subtilty of science which thy raby lip pronounces
Has become as famous iu the world as the uninterrupted
tradition,*
I¢ is well-known that this is a commentary on the books of
mathematical science, this wouderful composition of thine
on the discovery of circles.
How can any one deny the vastness of thy knowledge P
None but a stubborn disputant® will deny self-evident traths

I pis qowam is the stay or support of any thing, that an vartye

of which
it subsste.
8 phlym 9 Let A'rdz ogawdlur By Cpye ‘Ayazun, 19 meant in the
conventional language of Muslim throlugians,
a thing that 1s not permanent,
“an accident,” as opposed to sesame jouharun, “an
eascotual,”’ se Lane, s. o
use also kaghsha/, su, v ,? and yom
$ M8. (A) rede preferably slob OLE for pi1,5 cl,
$ These two hnes commencing woke
Ny occur in MS (4) before
the hne commencing (i 3s J* as well as in this
place.
6 yp. Founded on certainty, ogaivalent
io plaa,
§ he mukdbir. ‘ One who conteniio usly upholds a pro
knows to be false, J upholds a proposition which he
 , 615j
I cannot estimate thy perfections, for in oery art thon bast
beconie perfectly skilled;
When compared with thy philosophic intellect ‘and geod for-
tune, the angelic essence becomes as one of the common
materis] ! objects.
Thy generosity is of auch a nature that at the moment of 475
bestowing
Thou knowest without asking all the hidden desires of the
miyd,
This enigma upon the name of Kibér* is also by him:
Veree.
That face* isthe Qur’dén, and that down on the cheek is the
sign* of tyranny and oppression ,
The cheek of that heart-ravishing one has no endowment of
the mole of fidelity.’ °

1 Read gylnmt for qallet. MS. (A),

$ MS, (A) reads 4S MBS. (B) reads US.
3 The text reads yy)f with « footnote saying that all three MSS. are
the sama. MS. (B) reads 9 yi.
$ The text reada sajf, MS (B) reads dxf.
§ The verse in the original runs thas
Muphaf ast dnri wa dn katt dyat + aur o fafa st
‘Arig + én dsl-atdn bi bohva as ghal s wafa et
The word At“ mugiof here has two meamngs, (1) « collection of pages
oda? guhuj, written upon, and placed between two boards, henve a copy of
the Qur'an, (2) affected by taghi/, which is a technical expreamon for go slter-
ing a word by changing diacritical points and altering the order of ita com-
ponent letters, that it acquires a different mgnmfication.
In accordance with this second meaning, in the word apf the letter 9
wéo 18 frat dropped leaving yt énr then ) +19 changed into b giving ft
dbr, by traneposng these letters we got ae bar.
The word bs khatf has also two meanings, (1) down on the cheek, (2) a
letter or character. Hence we may tranalate “ that lecier ig the sign of tyranny
and oppreasion’’ Now wis kaftan, outtang or cleaving, is sach a sign,
and may be represented by its root, «9 Lif, whioh is the letter of the
alphabet required, and when prefixed to the syllable y¥ bar above found
gives the word yu” kbar, thos completing the mx‘ammé or enigma,
 [ 616|
in the year
The death of the aforesaid Maulan& took Place h1 of the
followine ‘Aesh
966 H. and Mir Amani Kabali wrote the
event.
Verse.
Alas! the pity of it, that the discerner of subtilties Nadiri
has departed, ; ;
That rare poet ? who did full justice to eloquence in the world;
I sought to express the date of his death by way of enigma,
Wisdom answered one has gone from among the maaters of
speech §
y
Another is Shaikh Abul Wahid* Farighi, who was deepl
imbued with the feelings of @ daruesh and was® renowned for his
sweet singing; the following is taken from his poems -
Vera

So great 1s the habitual oppression of that seeker after tyranny

That a morsel of mercy from him, seems a great beauty.
Aud in his impassioned style he says :
Verse.

Praise be to God that I am freed from the love of an ill-

conditioned sot,
Who used to fall, as did his eyes, from drunkenness in every
road,
Who, hke the cup, for the sake of a draught, was lip to lip
with every man,
Who like the flagon bent himself to every cup in every place.

1 M8. (A) reads 2 »-

aaf css wf’ The we may read An Nadi hi. That Ndiri who : or,
An Nédsre ka
8 why wi 5 e icady Raft yoke as sughun wardn, If from why wi
sukhun wardn the value of which 19 967, we remove wt that ie one, we bave
left 966.
* Footnote to text ways that the Nafd'ew-l-Madgir reade Abal Wrjid
MS. (B) reads omyy# Abi! Wajd
5 MBB (4) (B) omit op) after eye and insert it after spphe.
 {: 617 }
s
The following is also by him. i 476
Verse.
At thot time when my heart was blest with thy companion-
ship,
It did not seem that such a blessing could be expressed ;
In short, the whole of my life's reckoning had passed in
separation from thee,
Who can count the joy of meeting! what a store of happiness
it was!
Strangers Isat night were near yon, while Firighi at an
immense distance was burning like rue! upon the fire of
disappointment,
This is also his:
Verse.
Oh my intimate companions do not break the bond of anion
In dispersion is distraction, do not break it and depart.
And again he writea:
Verse
When thou draweat out thme arrow from my breast leave its
point there,
Grant me my henrt to yield my life in thy service manfully
Hia death occurred in the year 940 H, and he was buried in’
the monastery ® of Shakb Zainu-d-Din § at Agra, and im conse-
quence of the extremity of their unanimity and concord both
left the world in the same year. It is said that at the time when
these two eminent men went to Himdastan, owing to their
excessive profligacy they possessed nothing but an old postin
hetween them Shmakh Zamnu-d-Din® said to Shaikh Abil-
Wayd§ “1 will take this to the bazar of Kabul upon the condition
that you won't come and indulge in any pleasautries” He agreed,
and @ purchaser having run st up toa most extravagant figure

t dite Sepand, Rue is aaid in the Ghiaeu-l-lughdt to be burned to avert

the evil eye Itue was called “ herb of grace” from its supposed efficacy in
exorcism.
3 Omit gay MBS (A)(B) %8MB (A) ¢ A sheepskin coat,
6 MB. (A) $ MS. (B) MS (A) reads O%5'1y2!
78
 f 618J
was ready to give five ghohrukhie' but Sbaikb Zain kept demand.
ing more, At last Sheikh Abal-Wajd came up ins disinterested
way and was acting as broker, after @ deal of haggling he «sid,
477. Ah! yon cheat! why this door mat * itself contains® five
Shahrukhie worth of fleas and lice "! so the bargain was at an end,
and Sheikh Zain was annoyed and said, “ What sort of time was
this for the stupid jokes you ara so fond of P We wanted the price
of a loaf, and this isthe way you're going to pay for* it”! Shaikh
Abil-Wajd fell into a fit of laughter.
Another is Jahi Yatman,’ who was from Bukhara, and having
acquired a reputation on this agcount in Kabul, offered his services
at the time when the late Emperor proceeded towards Hindustén *
obtained great favours from Humiytio, and rose to s confidential
position, and at the time when Shah Mubammed Khan Sala?
was left in Kabul as revenue commissioner,® he treated’ the
Mulla just like the rest of the people, and cansed him serious
annoyance, The Mulla accordingly composed an elegant tarkid

J The Shahrughi was a coin equivalent to 16 dame, or 24 to & rupee. They

were so called because they were first comed by &haéh Rukh the Mughal
Sultan of Persia, A H 807-850 Thomns, Pathan kings, p 881. The purohaser
was thus willing to give about two rapees for the postin, The postin ta a
jacket made of dressed sheepskin dyed a yellow colour and more or less
handsomely embroidered in yellow silk It w worn like Brian O'Linn’s
breeches “with the fleshy aide ont and the woolly side in’? They cost aboat
thirty or forty rupees, according to their embroidery
* Toxt reada Ux) Batil In the text this word is followed by s (?)
MS (A) has what may be Uis patal, in which case the meaning would be
“a mat,” and this sn consideration of the matted condition of a filthy postin
seoms the true reading
8 MS. (B) omits o2h, ¢ MBS, (A)(B) coud unit lod cstat,
5 MS (A) roads whisd gla corks y roa digare Hémi Tambén. MS. (B)
reade whusdy cestle Jahi--yatmindn. A footnote to the text gives whiged,
and says that Nafdsu l-Madev writes “ Jahi Yatmiyin was from Bakblird,
hws father Yatmiyin was a native of that place, for which reason he was
commonly known by thia name.”
6 MS (A) reads gis Ssnd.
1 MSS. (A)(s) read gle gals, The text reads aod Ghabpar, bot ina
footnote gives plas,
8 agisiine eee! ba-jshat-s-sasdwall
9 MS. (B) reads SAtyga83 for Bige )
y saa),
 [ 619}
band lampooning: Sald,' and inasmuch as the Emperor had the
daughter of Shih Muhammad Sali in his service, he made an
exception§ in his favour alone, and erased the names of all the
members of his family, male and female, consigning them to
ignominy. Inasmuch as Humiyiin was also incensed against
that ass * who had been the source of all this mischief, he had that
lampoon read® in Salii's presence by the Mulla in full assembly,
and evinced the greatest delight and merriment, and made him
give a large sum asa reward. By degrees that lampoon became
more and more disgracefully scurrilous, accordingly I have
restricted myself to citing one extract from it in this place, which
is as follows :—
“Tam the poet of Shah Huméyin and tho dust of his thres- 478.
hold,
The retinue of my poetic worth casts the moon's brightness
into shade.
My poem is the Emperor, and my noble verses are his cavalry
and soldiery,
I experienced oppression fiom a fool,* without any fault or
crime of mine.
If a fragment of paper has become blackened by my ravings,
If my meditations turn towards? satirizing him,
The object is that that these idiotic asses
May have a regard for the honour and dignity of this class,
Alas, for that man who contends with the tribe of poete,
Whoever contends with me cuntends against calamity.”
The Emperor interfered at this verse saying, “Why do you
not word it thus:
* Whoever contends with me contends with God ”
The following verses are also by him :—

1 MBB. (A) (B). 8 M88. (A) (B).

8 MSS (A) (B) @ial. isttine
¢ The Text reads »% Khar but M.S. (A) reads y= (Khusur, father-in-
law. +
5 MSS. (A) (B) Bo9e,d gteiat.
MBB (A) (B) read gs2yl™ be-bherade The text reads 4p) aye? cabba.
sane, Whoremaater.
1 Text 8 Gey with a footnote 85) for By}.
 { 620]
Verse.

As long as we have existed we have been lovers and have

incurred ignominy,
Yet we have been constant to the true proportions of lovers,
This is also his :—
Verse.
Ye, beauteous ones, are all devoid of iove and faithfulness,
Ye treat your captives with tyranny and oppression,
Yo promused to be faithful, but have vowed falsely,
Say truly, why are ye all thus false P
Not in this city alone are we disgraced on your account
479. Everywhere ye are the cause of our disgrace,
How often will ye ask what 1s your object in the world ?
I say traly that ye are, ye are, ye are
Jahi cannot save his hfe from your hands
For ye are a calamity of the calamities sent by God.
The following is also by bim
Verse.
Laat night the moon of the .‘Id appeared in the form of a
misgal !
Because from the vapours of fasting the mirror of the heart
was clouded.
Was this the new moon? or by reason of the leanness of
their bodies,
Did the bone of the mb of the thirsty-lipped fast-endaring
ones appear ?
Or was that they had fashioned a saddle® for the camel of
Lali
Or waa it the bowed body of Mayntin who had become palo
and wan through grief ?
The very heaven wishes to enrol itself athong thy servants,

1 Ufiae mga! or dda muygalot, called also 3}ym dharas

at, ign shell used
for ponshing swords, mirrors, &v., Taju-l-‘ Aris,
MS (¢B) reads Jiao musaggal which auita
neither metre nor sense.
8M ‘

” ead. (A) (B) rend sysh® for cuba. 4 footnote variant to the ter’
 . [ 6at}
And for thet reason has bent the bow in order to string it,!
Moreover thy messenger has bound on his bells,* and bas
placed the feather of distinction on his head,
He is going from Bim to bear tidings from Zansibér.
It must be borne in mind that this verse® Kiwesh rl dar silk-i-
khuddami 8 mikhwihad falak. (The very heaven wishes to enrol
itself among your servants) he has taken from a couplet of the
qasidah of Nighm Aataribadi, which rans thas,—
Shab nujiim as majma'-I-mardum nighin dwarda and
Was mah i naw taza harfe darmiydn awards and
At night the stars have appeared like an assembly of men
And have brought into their midst a new idea in the shape of
the new moon ;
The Shah of Zangbar has taken his seat upon the throne of
Empire
And the stars have brought the bow as an offering to him.
BRuba'i,
The down which encircles thy cheek is the cause of my dis-
traction,
Thy looks are the cause of my helplessness and distress,
That dusky ringlet is bent upon my undoing,
All these charms are the cause of my distraction.
The following is also his
Come, for the sky has prepared for your pastime 4
The sun as the golden gourd, and the creacent-moon as the
hook §

1 188 5} 2 (Text). MS. (A) ronda JOS yp 9. MS. (B) roads st3F 5 yyy,
i ws} Ring Basta sang. The dik-runners im the East carry a cluster of
globular bells called Zang or rang, tied to one end of the ataff carried over
their shoulders, tothe other end of which the ma:l-bag is attached, as a signal
to clear tho way. Zang-bastan haa the secondary moanine of anquinng
importance, MSS (A) (B) read #&y for oS,
$ MS, (A) rend 4F ly Sy unt
4 eh Ae) gabaq basi. Qabag signifies in Tarki a qourd, in ancient times
the Neconine used to hang up s wooden gourd ase mark for archery, but
1n later times a bow! was substituted for the gourd.
6 Se* kayak The name given to the hook upon which the buwl is sus-
pended in the game of gabaq anddsi. (Qhidqu-t-lughdt.)
 { 622}
Bairam Khan has a well-known gastdah with this same rhyme,
but ina different metre, of which the following is the opeuing
couplet :—
Verse.

Thy shaft has carried away the loop of the gubag! from its
hook
Thy meteor, by the help of the crescent-moon has erased the
form of the Pleiades.
These two opening couplets are derived from the opening couplet
of a gasidah by the celebrated Nigéri Tani. The death of Mulla
Jahi took place in the year 956H. and was due to some poison
which a servant introduced into his cup.
Another poet is Haidar Tima’, a man of parts and unequalled
in the technicalities of harmony, he had & compevent faculty for
both poetry and music, He spent the greater part of his life in
Hindustan. TLe lampoon upon the Maliku-l-munajyimin® of the
481. time of Humayin Padshéh, which he wrote at Panjgih, is one of
the marvels of the age, and a rarity for all time.
The following opening couplet which he wrote for his threnody
on the death of the saintly martyred Imim,* accepted of God,
murdered by man, offspring of the Prophet, by descent from the
pure* Fatimab, upon them be peace,’ 18 read during the ‘Aghéra in
the assemblies for the commemoration of the death of Husain.®

1 The toxt reads «SS sabak and a footnote states that all three MSS, have
the word written with kif--kelman (sf). MS (A) however has pil
yabaq. ‘The crescent moon is compared to an erasing-kmfe (AKa*)
£ Prince of Astrologers,
§ Husain, the second son of ‘Ali by his wife Fitimeh, daughter of Mubam
mad, was slam at Karbalé, A H.61. Gee Haghes’ Dect. of Islam,
4 ulsiv't Al-Batnl. The word batél literally means an offset of a pala-tree,
seat from the parent tree and independent of it. With the article Uff al, ia
ita application to Fifimah, st denotes ber distinction from other women on the
ground of chastity, excellence and religion See Lane s, vy
6 pila) mle ‘clashumas-salim. MS. (A) The text reeds gta ale,
with a footnote variant dic ay w) ’ and stating that the exprestion io the

text 1s not found exther in the dual or pluralin any MS,

1 itor
had not MS. (A) before him. 7 Clearly the 8
a Slane m'‘adtsk lit., battle fields,
 [ e283j
‘ Verse,

The month of Muharram has come and our eyes. are constrained
to weep, ;
We let fall tears of blood at the thought of Husain’s parched
lips.!
Ruba't.
Thon art he whom in envy they call the san and moon,
Tby troops, both horse and foot, they cal] the moonfaced ones.
Thou art worthy of this, with this grace and beauty of thine,
That all the kings of the age should call thee sovereign lord.
Che following is also by him :—
My heart thou hast no friend to compare with sorrow for him,
Thou hast no comfort in life hke sympathy for him.
And this :—
Every moment my heart's desire has some fresh allurement,
To bear her coquetry coste my life, what of thatP it is her
life.
How can I liken the lips of my love to the bud of the rose,
The bud is tightly pursed. it is trae, but is dumb and silent.
The son of this man Haidar Tani waa an arrant coward end
spiritless ;* accordingly in the months® of the year 985 H. he had 482.
entered the service of Hamayiin; one day he was describing the
cncumstances of a journey by bont and its terrors, in such a way "
that the effects of fear were evident from his behavionr* I asked
saying, May be you regret having gone on the Hajj) ?* and I
repeated as appropriate to the occasion that verse which his rivals
said to the poet Qudai.®

1 The pethetio story of the death of Hnsain slain in his attempta to quench
his thirat, forms the theme of the anaual ceremomes of the Mubarram. See
Hughes! Dict of Islam, artt. Mujerram, and Al-Haaun, where a fall account
of Husain's death is given.
£ Mg. (A) reade Ghymy MB. (A) (B) omit Jon».
3 MS (A) omite Joy”.
Test gMlolel MS. (A} gSltol MS (B) cmlao.
6 aa
Hayy or greater pilgrimage.
© Mic Hasain Qiidsi of Karbals, ase Ain-+-Asbar: (B) I 602.
 [ 6% }
Verse.

From the hardships of the desert path, and its thorna, |

Of the coming to the Ka‘bah you are probably repentant.
He replied instantly, “ Yea! verily ” The king said, why should
he repent of having visited the Ka'‘bah, though he may indeed
repent of silting in a ship. At that same moment Mathin* Kb&n,
the elegant and accomplished mime, in accordance with a hint from
the king, made himself up 3 to represent, & mad man bitten by a
dog, and began to bark like adog, and seized Haidar, * and dragged
him forwaid with his turban flying one way and bis shoes another.
He began ranning in all directions, § till at last he rolied on the
ground, and set them all laughing immoderately. When he
learned the truth he was desperately ashamed. The king at-
tempted to console him, but it ended by his boing obliged to leave
Hindustan. Another is Shah Tabu Khw&ndi* Dakkani, the
younger brother of Shah Ja‘far, the ‘Ulama of ‘Iréq, however
ridicule his pretensions to descent from Khwindi stock, and have
prepared a document bearing upon this question, to which both
his opponents and supporters aubscribed their signatures, 7 as is
mentioned in the Kamilu-t-iawarikh of Ibn Agir Jagari,® and also
in the Lubbu-t-tawarikh *® of Qizi Yahya Qazwini, and other works.
He claimed to be intimately connected with Shah Tabmasp, but

1 wilde J& Khar-s-mughalin See ante, p 550.4. 1.

2 MSS (A) (B) ggph*. Mathi MS (B) rende didle
4 MS. (A) reaas ly > Ext 6 MS (A) omite prey
§ M8. (A) reads Khondi gsoy&. Shih Tahir Junatdi, Se Beale Diet Or,
Biog , p. 250 See alo Boggs Firighta, vol, ait retgn of Barhin Nigam Shah
7 MSS,(A) (B) Moly bS The text renda Si MS (By reada Uba,
§ The author of this celebrated history which is also called .t/ Kusailfi 1
tari (the perfect Instory) or more commonly Al Keni, was Shaikh
Abi I-
Hagan ‘Ali ibn Abi-l-Karan Mebammad ibn Mabammad tbo ‘Abda-1-Ka
rim
ibn ‘Abdu-l.Wilid ash Sharbini commonly known as Tbna-l-Aair
He 1s called Al-Jacari (the wlander) from hie bitth-place
the island of Ibu
‘Umar, Jozirat rbn ‘Umar an island of the Tigris above
Mosal = fle wan born
555 H. (1160 4 D) and died 680 H, (1232 AD.)
See Elhot and Dowaon, II.
244, and Hiji Khalifab, 9733
8 e re) oe! Lubbu-t-Taudrikh (Marrow of Uistory) The anthor of thu
work was Yahya ibn ‘Abdo-l-Latif Quzwini ( Dimishgi)
who died 960 AH
[1563 A.D.). See Biot and Dowson IV 298
and Haji Khalifah, 11076,
 [ 625}
eventually hq was led, by the abuse which was heaped upon him
in connection with the aforesaid claim to relationship,! and the
excessive annoyance caused him by Mir Jaméalo-d-Din Sadr
Astaribadi, to proceed to the Dakkan, which is famed as the
refuge for the oppressed, where he met with a favourable recep-
tion from Nizam Shah, the ruler of that country, and was re-
warded with considerable advancement, ahd attaining the highest
dignities® reached the rank of Jumlatu-l-Mulk (Chief finance-
minister of the State), Tho Shi‘ah tenots spread widely, in fact
we may say thoy wore really inaugurated in those regious through
the instrumentality of Shah Tahirs Nigiém Shah Babri, who was
afflicted with an incurable * malady of long standing, was cured
by the virtue ® of a charm protfounced over him by Shah Ja‘far,
and that occurrence, which was in reality was of the natare of
Istidraj, he attributed to the miraculous powers (kerfmat) of
Shah Ja‘far,® and acting upon his instigation abandoned the religious

UMS. (A) reads qeew @ MBS (A) (1) 8x8 Arlt sltuo
y atve y
8 Shah Titar, by prophcsyit ¢ the recovery of Ina son‘ Vbda-l-Qidir, whe
wes dangerously i, induced Nuwim Shah to reject the names of Abit Bike,
‘Umar, and ‘Usman, who are tho three firat Khalifahs of the Sunnis, from the
Khutbah, and to anbstituto those of the Imams, thas proclamung himself a
Shivh See Farmhts, Bo. text, IL 220 ef seqy Briggs, (LI! 228) merely
moutions the fact bat does not give the story.
$ Road 4) gilts ¥, “M18, (A).
f opie Wynd Jaiby, Bafufail-t-fasin bv dne This isa very strange ox-

pression, and although xt occora in tho text and MSS, (A) (B), L wonld
soggest we should read aly ba-faz The use of epells and charmea for
the cure of disease was permitted to Maslims provided there was in them no
suspicion of So thirk, that 1s, of agsociuting anything with Ged. We read
in the SMfrphkdl that spella were permitted to be used “to connternct the ill-
effects of a malignant oye, and on those bit by snakes or scorpions, and for
sores in the side’ Thoy were alao directod to be used for jaundice which
was hold to bo an effect of the ovil-oye. Seo Mighkdtu-l- Mapdbsh, XX1. Part 11.
MB, (B) roads Sy!) «y@ isi?
$ glyddeel. Jetuidy To the Kaghshéf this is dofined as follows: “A
prvternatural ocourrence bronght about by the agency of an unbclicver or an
Impous man, and in conformity with lis desirea” Another dehuition se also
Riven from the Shama'ly-l Muhammadeyah, “ Istedi aris vu prcternatural occer-
79
 [ 6 J
tenets of Sunnat! aud Jama‘at,? which he held as oue of the Mah-
dawtyah,* and became a fanatical heretic What cruel and vexa-
tious treatment as accursed and excommunicate did not these two
iil-starred ones! inflict upon the ‘Ulama and Gheikbs of that land|
So thet a¢ last their disgraceful conduct led to the expulsion of the
true Muslims, and heresy® from that dey again became firmly
rooted in that country.
Shah Tahir was in natural descriptive poetry comparable to
Nigém Astardbadi in astronomical postry. The following is from
ono of his gapidahs written in eulogy of Huméyia Pidghdh. In
it he has imitated Anwari.
Verge.
When the golden litter of the sun enters the reating-place of
Hamel,”
The talip lights its lamp, and the narciasus its torch ;

rence brought about by the agency of infidels or ovil-doars.” It is generally

understood that « miracle brought about by one who claims to be a prophet,
if 1t be in accordance with his desires ig called mu'psga, while # it be contrary
to his intention 1¢1¢ called Ikdnat, Again that whigh ie brought aboat by any
other than a prophet, if be be faithful, pious, and perfect in the knowledge
of God, is called karémat; that performed by the ordinary believer is
called ma‘inat, but that which is performed by infidels is te be called istedray,
Kashohef 1. 468.
! The word Ais Sunnat means hterally ‘a path’ and the Gunnis are known
a5 Aue Ue} Ahl-+-Susnat “the people of the path.” ‘The Suanis have clsim-
ed for themselves this title in virtue of ther acknowledging the first fear
Khalifahe to have been the nghtfal successors of Mnbammad, and reenving
the “mx books” of tradition.
2 dslem yama‘ct, Amembly. It is here used in ite technical sense of
boS ye die sunnatun mu'akbodatun an authenticated traditional practica.
The Sunnis are commonly culled Ahl-s-sunnah t00 jomd‘ah,
® For an account of the Mahdawi sect, see Ain-s-Abbari (B.) 1, Pp- ii. iv.
* git siylo metarafiz--ghdli, The meaning appears to be “became
more of « §hi‘ah than the Ghi‘shs themselves.’ The form of the word
mutarafiz requires sctie auch tranelation,
5 pyldio mash'im MBB, (A) (B) read prides,
b § i Rafe lit forsaking. The Sunni Muslims call all Shi'abs Rifzi or
eretica.
7 em Hamel, Aries. The sun eaters Arieu 10 Spring,
 { 627J
Mow the mountain is freed from the headache caused by
Bahman ‘and Dai,!
And the spring cloud washes from ite forehead the sandal. ®
The following Qapidah in praise of the Prophet® is also
his, althoagh the guris-gal,* nay even the commencement of the
Qusidahin ite entirety, is not suitableto the dignity of the holy
Commander (of the Faithful) on Aim bs peace.’
Qasidah.
Once more the time has come when in accordance with the
summons of the sky
The rose spreads its crimson blanket on the couch
of the
garden;
The clouds of Naisin, with the keen blood-hued dagger of
the lightning
Erasee the word “ice”* from the pages of the earth’s
surface.
The close-eyed darlings the buds, like an army of Ozbake,’
Make a night-attack at early dawn upon the army of Dai,
Behold the forms of bud and of rose with the sky for a
branch!
The oonical shadow of the earth is the bnd, the sun in
heaven
is the rose.

1 699.9 wee? Bahman-o- Das, Dai is the tenth and Bahman

the eleventh
month of the Persian year: they answer to December
and January. Secs
Al-Birini Chronology, p. 53
a pie Sandal, Santalaum album, N.O Santalacer.
The wood ground into powder is much used in India made into a paste with
water as an application to the forebead in headaches. The Mabtsaun-l-Adniya
recommends the addition of a little camphor and rose-water See Ibn Baitar
TT, 188 Bee ante, p. 494". 1, aloo Drury, Useful Planis of India, p. 889.
8 wyhio Mangabet. This word is used to connote culogy of either the
Prophet or holy men (Walis).
¢ ae Guris-géh. Point of departure. Thin name is give iv tbat
portiqn of & qegidch in which the poet leaves his onginal theme to deecant
upon the qualities of the person eulogised. .
6 MS.
(A) omits Gyde- also piel ails - and cg -
© Text Wy) sym harj-i-barf MS (B) reads ym <Sym herf-r-harf.
1 The Turks are called tang-chaghm close-eyed, and the red petals tightly
folded in the bad are likened
to the “ ta)" or red cape of the Qizilbégh.
 f 028|
And for this reason that the assembly of the rose may not be
without a minstrel,
The »‘zhtingale has become the Inte-player, the rose-branch
with its buds are the lute;
The garment of the rock would have become wet from the
moistare distilled from the clouds
Had not the mountain covered its back with the woollen
cloak! of verdure
Had not the hghtning smitten its gond upon the head of the
elephant-like cloud
It would have laid in ruins the stately edifice of the sky.
The garden became the table of ‘Isa, and the dew lying on it §
Looked like salt sprinkled here and there upon that table,
In order that tho people may not receive base gold from the
hand of the jasmine,
The tulip cambist caries hidden ander his arm the touch-
stone.
Every perfect thing which is not secure from the defects of
decay,
Seems in the sight of the wise and noble bat a small thing.
The beloved of the garden is of perfect beauty bat it had
heen well
If this beauty and comelinass had not been separated from it.
Alas! for that moment when at the instigation of desire the
army of Dai
Became emboldened’ to lay waste the garden of roses.
The time is near at hand when the staff-bearer of tho days of
Autamn
Will knock with his staff at the gate of the roee-garden.
The crow will then hold in derision the impassioned night-
ingale,
And the withered petals will lie blackened beneath the
hundied petalled rose (the sun),

1 Text reads “S85 M88 (A) (B) read SiS kopanak, a felt garment
which poor persons wear on their backs 10 winter, Ghitgu-l-lughat
4 Read wp coy? y MSS. (A)(B).
® Text reads Sp bot we should read Syl
MB. (A).
# MB. (A) rends Eps for Boyer,
 { 629|]
The wind haa cast the diadem from the head of the garden
glory,!
While the Siparak® sete itself up in antagonism to the cheek
of thé rose.
With a view to the construction of that courtyard of which
Dai® has laid the foundation in the garden,
Everywhere there lie scattered about bricks of ice and mortar
of snow,
[For aged people who have experienced the tyranny of
Autumn
The optician Dai makes spectacles of the crystal ice.
{Soon will i¢ happen that from fear of the staff of the
watchman of Dai
The people of the swept herbs will take to flight one after
another ].é
It is better for the wise man that he determine to make the
tour of such a garden
Where the autumn cannot be persuaded to go even by force.
That garden is the rose-garden of the praise of a king of so
high digmty
That the very angels descend from heaven to frequent his
Court.
Murtaza® the king, both of form and reality, inasmuch as he is
the soarce of the union of shadow and substance.
That one who, from the impetuosity of bis royal falcon’s
talons,

1 Joy9t whiney? bistdn afris. A red flower withont odour, called also T3j-i-
Kharis (Cockscomb) and Gul-i-Yiisaf. (Burhin-i-Qiti') Amaranthus condatus
Love-lies-bleeding or Celosia cristata (Cockscomb) N. 0. Amaranthaces.
8 Syie Syprok a herb, which when boiled dyes yellow (Steingass). This
line may also be translated, Measles has become opponent to the cheek of the
rose,

8 MB. (A) reads US for «50

¢ This couplet is in MS. (A), a2 followe.—
ogo tia LF aut 9 aS acl v3
Se fr yimly cgliey odjaf
The text reads il 9 Updy instead
of OSL 395
§ igibyo Murtaza. The Chosen, A tatle of ‘Ali
 { 630]
Breaks the wing of the heavenly Eagle! as though it were a
dack
Soch a king is he that, in the train of the attendants at his
door,
Biryis* bears the name Se‘d, and ‘Utarid * that of Zirak.
The table-steward of the sky, for the use of his lordly table,
Has brought the Pleiades * in his hand as ealt-cellar and salt.
The moon has become the censer of his* assembly, and the
rays of the moon,® —
Are the smoke of the aloes-wood which issues from that
censer,
From behind the mirror of the heavens, in accordance with
the roles of approval,
Whatever he said, Fate repeated the samo like a parrot.?
[ Who else is there whom they can bring into his train,
We recognise Ins other competitors, each one of them.
He bears no relation to tyranny-loving strangers,
The conuoiseur perceives the diference between turquoise’
and glass beads;

1 afls w yn Nasrain-s-falak. The copstellations Eagle and Lyra

3 gpa. Buys. The planet Jupiter, which i one of the white
Sa‘dun, or two auspicioua planeta, the other beg Venus.
5 oyths, ‘Utérid. The planet Mercury, which 1s beld to role over intelli.
gence, hence it haa the name Sy} Zirak, wmvelligent.
The names Sa‘d and Zirak are commonly given to servants.
4 TP) Surayydé. The Pleiades; us tuning the most beneficial of the
plavets from its inflaonce on the autumnal rane, in called by the Arabs
oF An-naym, The constellation, ef Jub xxxvui 31 The post apparently
draws his simile from the form of the constellation iteclf, and aleo from
the nebula, which he compares to the salt grains. If thie latter ia really the
case it would be interesting, se the nebula of the Plowdes is claimed to hare
been comparatively recently discovered, firat by photography.
SMS (A) reads ») for sy.
* The expression y (I> jirm v-qamur 18 nob very clear, and properly
would hardly bear the meaning given to it in .be translation. The word (a>
Jirm 18 said to be used in the sense of the weparate members of the body
(wee Laue s r) and on this analogy the word uw here translated
rays.
7 The text has here a footnote saymg that in two MSS. ther= follows here
dn matia's & nix maghhir ast. So MS. (B).
§ To look each morning upon the Lurquerse is said to enhanoe
the brifliancy
of the eyes It 18 aloo ead thet the wearer of a ‘Turnuman an ant that 16
 { 631]
Virtual justice and the decree of courts are mistakes,
For this reason that this question waa decided in the case of
Faddak'
The widow of time, since she was not mect for marriage,
He divorced her openly and irrevocably, then he left her.) ®
The following opening couplet of his* is also well-known :—
Verse.
In this grief-populated world joy has departed from my
sorrowful heart,¢
We are quite accustomed to grief to such an extent has joy
been forgotten.
Verse.
We have been defamed because of the crime of love, aa the
devotee is blamed for his hypocrisy;
Both of us are defamed, but what eo vast difference therc is
between us?
The following is also his —
Verse
Come not out, for you will be the calamity ° of the age,
We shall be slain and you will be disgraced.
The following gasidzh also® is a very happy production of his —
Every man who sets his heart upon worldly desires
In the judgment of men of wisdom is not wise ;

tonches theskin may fall from say height without injury, as the stone attracts
to iteelf the whole force of the blow. Mani Hdla I, p. 84% It 1s also aup-
posed to change colour with the state of the wearer's health. The Tarqnoie
is commonly worn set in an amulet.
1 Faddak was a village which belonged to the prophet Mohammad. After
his death, when his dangbter Fajimah had assamed possesmon, the Khalifab
took it from her by force, saying, ‘J have heard the prophet say ‘we
propheta will not leave legacies to our berrs but what 19 left at oor death will
be given in chanty,’"’
8 The verses in brackets are omitted from MS. (A)
8 MS. (A) omits#0 .
© Text reads wy leh Jsy mee itm olf 08 9 MSS (A) (B) rend
wy Sb ds ¥ ge al 5 p29. In grief for her the joy of love has left
my sorrowful heart. . .
6 MSS, (A) (B) read asi for Syme 4 Insort oH atte: WO) MS (4)
 { 632]
His death occurred in the yearn 952 H. in the Dakkan and for
the fdrikh of his decease the words Tabt's akl-t-l-bast! were
devised.
Another is Khwaja Arytb® ibn Khwaja Abal-barakit§ who
was one of the hereditary grandees of Maward-an-nabr, Both
father and son, 1n spite of thor excellencies acquired * and inherit.
ed, have become proverbial for indifference, the one iu ‘Trdg and
Khorasan, and tho other in Kabul and Hindustan. This Mun-
takhab has no room to relate their circumstances in detail, bat they
are related iu many other places, and are well-known. It is gaid
that Khwaja Abi-l-barakat® read the following magla‘® of one
of his own poems on the learned men of the age.’
Verse
The field of my hope became parched, and a famine of faith-
fulness followed 8
488. Either this was from the fire of our heart, or that in the cloud
of our eye there remained no rain
By way of fault-finding some one sa:d to him that the yd (&)
tn the last hennstich was meanmgless, and in its place he should
have written #a(5) The Khwaja repeated the followang gituh
extempore by way of excuse: .
Qit'ah,
Whatever comos before men of discrimination,
They do not draw lines by way of criticism
They take the dots either above or below (as
may be required)
Wise men are not bound by simple dots,
They read y@ (4 ) and carefully consider,
They donot read ya ( 4) but make it
ta (GS ) in error?

1 MBS (A) (B) Set Mat ald Tatey ondes-baut, Follower of the people
of the House. Sec Qur‘in, Xxxul
83 The text omits the arti
‘ew; which 1s comect, ag cle Jt before
the date required 14 932
® Tort reads Wipl _ ® MS (A) reads &F alt gy Abie.
* MS. (B) roads yr barakeh
fo ugini&e 5 MS (A) agnin reads aS yall
6 MS (A) smite tlhe
7 MBS (A)(B) omit Sp here
5 AS (4) ronds By bee? ad 9 be due .
9 There 39 great
cleverness of Cons
l oad od ote
traction m tha Wwiginal
Just line wo should 16 OAM be qu‘ah, mothe
bunand for Mi na kenand, and an tho tod
but two GSI fon gps oy, (A)
 { 633 }
He aleo wiole = gapidah in imitation of Selmin, Séwaji,' of
which the following is the opening eouplet :—
Verses.
I burn with the fever of love, and my head is racked with the
paia of separation,
My soal comes to my lips, but my beloved comes not to me;
[Since the fire of my heart barns in my body like the fiame
in s lamp
My skirt bas been rent and my garment torn upon my head ].*
And the following two poems are taken from a qasidah which
he wrote to satirise the Qazi of Nighdpir :—
Verees.
A certain theologian wrote contrary to the religious law of
the Prophet,*
There was nothing of that kind written in the books.
He wrote that honey is unlawful and wine lawful to be used
because (aaid he) the latter is the juice of the vine and the
former the spame of the bee.
To the wife who went* to complain of her husband to the
Qazi, enying T get no enjoyment of sense from him,
He replied, If he haa become enfeebled and weak,
It is right that be should employ a hireling in his place.
The*K}hwija in his poems sometimes uses the takhallug* of
Ayib and sometimes that of Firéqi; the following gharal is by
him:
Verse.
Lovely rose-branch, whose stature is straight as the cypress,
Thou hast twined a line of emeraié around thy lips,

The last lines aleo mean-—

Either they read and coesider carefally
Or they do not read lest they should make mistakes.
' Salman Siwaji, whose sarname was Jalilo-d-din Muhammad, was a cele-
brated post, © native of Siwa, and flourished in the reigns of Sheikh Hasan
and his son Baltin Aweis. He died 779 A. H, (Beale, 0. B. D.)
Jalayor
* Not in MS (B). SMBS (A) (B)
* MSS. (A) (B) read Wy for Sy.
* Postion! name, mom-de-plume

bt]
 { 6% J
Thy form is straight like the letter Alif (may his shadow be

And thine er tees are extended like the modde over the
Alif.t
Thou heat cast the die of acceptance on, the words of others,
Bot throngh the words of lovers thou has drawn the line of
refusal ;
Thou endurest troubles, do not attempt to draw her, O painter
of Chin,
Wert thou to draw a hundred, never would there come eyen
and locks hke her's. ;
Firaqi, be not over-desirous of the wealth of union with her,
Thou hast suffered boundless tyranny and spite at the hands
of thy beloved
The king, who has now taken refage in God's pardon, in Bpite of
that uaseemly behaviour was excessively fond of the Khwajah.
Accordingly, so® desirous was he of his socet y that he
joined
him in the marriage-bond to one of the Begams, in the
hope* that
he would adopt the manner of hfe of people of
probity and
rectitude, but the Khwayah was held so close a prisoner®
by his
evil habita, that he could not abide companionship
with the king
Verse
When once evil habits have taken
possession of the nature
They will never leave it till the day of
death.
He put forward various flimsy pretext
to that end, and not
even contenting himself with this,
one day while in the king's
assembly he was guilty of a brea
ch of decorum which one blus
to mention. Tho kong, out of hes
the exceeding kindlinesa and
ness of hia nature, overlooked good.
his fault, and merely remarked
“My dear Khwaja what eort of ,
sought permission to proceed manners are these!" The Khwaja
to Makka the revered, the bless
and after duly setting in order the ed,*
Tequiaites for his journey aud
the

* M8,/B) tranthe
sptwoos
lastes
lines,
ME. (A) rea ds af /ls G 8 M3.(A) Cem)3 omits 2.
5 MR.(A) ronda yi is
* MS. (4) omits Sue dohine NS. (B) omi ,
ts tela,
 . { 635]
requirements for s sea-voyage,! he bade him farewéll. When he
embarked he enquired of his companions, what® are the advantages
of going thither? They replicd, ‘‘ Purification from past sins,”
He rejoined, “I will wait then till I bave fulfilled the catalogue of
sins, and then be purified, so that I may have po further desire to
sin.”*® Thus he remained destitute of that grace, and abandoning
himself to his desires, gave the rein to bis passions. Soitén
Bahadur of Gujrat in consideration of pleasant companionship aud
good-fellowship, appointed* him a daily allowance of one aghrafi®
for his expenditare. One day when he was passing through the
bisir of Abmadébid, seeing the Khwaja in the Tirpauliya mosque,®
he reined back and with great kindness and empressement asked
“How is the Khwaja farmng?” He replied “ On the fare which
yoa have allotted me, one of my limbs even cannot obtain sufficient
sustenance, why do you ask such a question?” Snitan Bahadur
notwithstanding this rudeness doubled his allowance.’
Jost at that time too Shah Tabir Dakkani came to Gujrit
with all powp aud circumstance on the occasion of his embassage
from Nigam Shah Dakkani, and having heard such high praise
of the Khwaja, arrived at his house, which had neither a mat nor
a pitcher of water. A very pleasant colloquy followed, each
reciting his own and hearing the other's verses, and on the next

1 Sep feo MB. (A). The text reads jim 9 zie Jue! and adda a footnote
saying that this us the reading of all threa MSS and sleo sugcestes that wa
thould perhaps read Sesh MS (A.) 19 however evidently correct here.
3 MS (A) readg Cant jag dep.
5 Read here ale ea! G. Mg (A.), instead of the reading in the text
dle w op S.
+MS (A) ory.
' The Aghrafi ja a gold coin weighing ten maghae, whooh fret obtained
currency ia the reign of Ashraf Padahah (Qhidgu-i-lughét).
*MS (A) reads ¥3¥ for oO". The word Qupsy) trpeslye
um 8
Sanskrit word, meaning Aaring three doors = 1t does Bot appear which mosque
a meant, but Hunter in the Gasetterr of India Vol. I, pp. 97-08, speaking
of the architectare of Ahmadabad, poimts out the compromise of form between
Hinda or Jam, and Muhammadas types. He sys “Even the mosqaes are
Hinda or Jain in their details, with a Saraconic arch thrown 10 cocasionally,
hot from any conatractive want, but as a symbol of Jali.”
1 MS, (A) omite &
 [ 636]
i
entsof hospitality, with «
491. day, after arranging all the requirem own
in his
khil‘at, a horse, and a bag of com and valuable gifte th of their
the Khwa je an invit ation . In the warm
lodging, sent
meeting ; and the enthuse iagm of their
vel conversation, suddenly the:
vonvereation turned upon! religion and eects. The Khwaja
i the Shah, what is the reason that the Ghi‘ahs among
things regarding the companions of tha
oe eh , Oe ming
® have
Prophet on him be peaceP He answered ‘Our jurisconsults
decided that cursing (Ja'n) is an element of faith (Iman) .’ The
g is an ele.
Kbwaja rejoined, ‘Curses on a faith of which cursin
y came
ment. The Shah was astounded at this, and their colloqu
courtes y which he had thoaght
to an end, and that urbanity and
and was
to shew remaimed hidden by the curtain of his anger,
lost. Finally he departed thence in wretche dness and ignomi ny
with Nigim Shab, who
to the Dakkan and hed an interview
hhkewise rent all that was necessary to his honourable reception,
and received him cordially, but nerther there could the Kbwija
remain, owing‘ to his perverse temper and his want of self-
restraint, till hy leaving the world he freed himself from the
torment of existence

Verse

My heart, be patient for that atern-hearted friend,

Is sitt‘ng and gneving sore* at his own unhappy fate.
Versa
Where was tho black horas ? whither did I wend?
Who am I, and what words are these? bat what oan I do, for
the rein of my restive, hasty and sndacious pes has been
turned in this direction, and words have leapt forth beyond the
area of my control. Were it not so, I know that it is no virtue
to pry into faults, while to carp at the vices of others, shatiing
one’s eyes to one's own defects 1s the acme of shortsightédness

1 MSS (A) (B) insert 9 before quade

2 oii Median Mu)tahid (ope who striveia the highes
able title
s) t attain
among Muslim divines BeeH idén, Tym,
8 MS. (A) auaye wile, neat De
* MB “som
(A) com
. J MB. (B) read® cle} for gale,
* MB (A) rende OWLS (98 for add con, # MB, (A) 900
 ¢
, Ute |

“
A Verse
1

The wicked scen all the vicen of others,

Fiom the pitcher (hut distils which 1t contains !
God He is glorified and-exalted, preserves all of us from that
which 1s wrong and improper, and as at this time® the writer has
not with him a selection from the anthologies of the eloquent and
learned poets, accordingly he has found it necessary to restrict
himself® to the brief mention of these few poets by way of an
example.
Should this inconstant and transitory life give a few days 1es-
pite, and should the days, in opposition to theit usual habit afford
assistance, and should Fate give its help, he will make mention
of the poets of former times, and the contemporary poets of
Hinddst&n, especially of those whom he has seen or heard and
appreciated in lis own lifetime, together with extracts from their
poems included in their biographies.
Mine is the endeavour, its perfection 1s from God * Should this
not come to pass, this much will sntfice as a memorial of the
author
Qitah

JET remain an hfe, 1 will repair

The garment which exile has rent,
If I shoald die,* accept this my eacnée,
Many are the hopes which crumble into dust

1 ‘Lhis proverb in one form or anusher 1s well-kcown., The Arabic proverb

rune Sasles est sly us Every sersel exaden what it coutaina,

a ais.(A) PEM y9
gy 3 M8 (A) (B) ybalaty yuaid
« al); Ww MB. (A) (B) which omit woh, ils
6 MBS. (A) (By etdye?

Tue gy
 INDEX -

MUNTAKHASU-T-TAWARIKS.

Vonune I.

The cumbers
refer to the pages; = stands
for festacte.

A.

Aaron of Scripture, 302 n 2. ‘hbde-I-Haiyy, Shaikh, son of Shaikh

Abéhdt, the nuh dbd-s-‘ultwiya, or nine Jemili Kaabiwi of Dibli—a post
heavens, 176 5 3. of the time of lslen Shih, 536 and
Abardhan, town of, 54 4%. See a7.
Bardhan. ‘Abda-l-Hamid ibe Abi-l-Hadid al-
Abardis, town of, 84". See Bardhan. Mu‘tasili, anthor of the Shard-i-
Ablward, city of, 30". See under Nalyu-l-Baldgheh, 458 = 8 ,
Abiward. ‘Abda-1-Ka‘bah iba Abi Qubafah, ori-
‘Abbas ibn ‘Abda-1-Muttahb, uncle of ginal name of Aba Bakr a9-Siddiq,
the Prophet Mubammad, 74 » 2 successor of Mujammad, 106 « 1.
‘Abbis, Dynasty of, 1301. Honse ‘Abde-llah, one of the best of names,
of, 62142. Seo also under the 08 2 5.
“AbbEsides. ‘Abda-lish Husaini of Baiins, Shaikb,
‘sbbis Khan, the Historian of Shir one of the learned and holy men
Shab, 461 » 10, of the time of Snitin Sikandar
‘Abbénides, the, 17, 310. See also Lodi, 434.
above under ‘Abbis. Abda-llsh Khin Osbek, one of the
‘Abdn-]-‘Auis, one of the Amirs of Amirs of Humiyim, 594.
Babar, 441, ‘Abdo-liah Khin, the Oxbak king of
‘Abda-l-‘Auis pin, the son of Kharésin, 582 and n 6. a

‘Abdg-liab Khin, the Osbek king, ‘Abda-liah Niyisi, Miyin Ghaikh,—

582 and n 5, a Niyisi Afghan who adopted the
‘Abdu!.Ghafir {Ldri, Muulavi,—s manuers of a Mahdi, 508, 500, 510,
celebrated Shaikh, 588, 513, 618, 520.
)
nii
‘Abda-lah of Sultinpir, Mullé,—
Shevkhu-l-Ielém and Sadru-s-Sadzr
under Islem Shah, 506 and n 2,
513, £14, 515, 517, 518, 619, §21,
623, 525, 684
‘Abdu-lah Talambi of Dihti, Shaikh,
~—one of the great and learned men
of the time of Sultan
Lodi, 426 and # 10, 427, 429.
‘Abdnu-llah 1bn e2-Zubair, sovereiga
of Hiyaz and ‘Iriq, 287 2 2
‘Abdu-l-Mahk ibn Marwan, of the
Umayyad dynasty of Khalifahe,
12". 1 and 2, 18921
‘Abdu-1-Mahk ibn Nih Samani, Amir,
—last of the Sémani dynasty, 16
and x 2,
‘Abdu-l-Muttalidb, grandfather
Mubammad the Prophet, 2 « 5.
‘Abdu-]-Qidir ibn Mulik
Badioni, author of the Muntokbabn-
t-Tawdrikh, 8. See under a!-Badioni.
‘abda-l-Qidir, son of Nuim Shih
Buhri, raler of the Dakkan, 625 » 3
‘Abdu-r-Rahman, one of the beat of
names, 603 « 5.
‘Abdu-r-Rabman Jami, Malli Néra-d-
Din, 8292. See under Jimi
‘Abdu-r-Rehmin ibn Mulyim, mur-
derer of ‘Ali, 20726
‘Abdu-r-Rashid, eon of Sultin Mahmid
Ghaznawi, Sultin of Ghasnin, 60.
‘Abdu-r-Rashid Snuitini, Sa‘idat
Ehin,—one of the Amirs of Sultin
Mahmud Shah of Dihli, 349
‘Abda-r-Razziq ibn Abmad
Hasan Muimandi,—Wazir of Sultan
Maudid Ghaznawi, 50 Same as
Khwiys Imim Abul-Fath ‘Abdu r-
Razzigq, (7 1)
Index.
‘Abdo-e-qadr Hijib-i-Khigs, Qigi,.
ef the Amirs of Mubirak Ghikof
Dihli, 803 « 8.
‘Kbid, Qési—a poet of the reign of
Firis Shih of Dibli, $41 and « 3,
‘Abid Khin, the Osbek king of
Khurasén, 663 » 6.
Sikandar Abi-Siyih. See the Kéli Nadi,
378» 1.
Abiward, a city of Khurisin, alec
called Abiward and Baward, 29
6, 43 # 2.
Abiwerd, same as Abiward (¢ v).
Abkand, hill of, 438 » 7.
Abkh, town, 446 n 3
Abraham, 154 8, 155 «, 207 and n
4, 934, 488 0 5
of Absantn (Absinthiaum), herb, 586 x.
Zbter, name of & noxious serpent, 436
Shih ‘n9®
Abi ‘Abda-lish Mubacomad, :bn Ab-!-
Hasan Yami'll a!-Bokhiri, the cele-
brated Imim, 62 3. See under
Bukhéri
Abi ‘Abdu-llah Mubammad ibn Omar
ar-Razi,—a doctor of the §hifi'tte
eect, 7381 See ender Fakhra-d
Din Rasi
Abi ‘Ali Hasan.the Kotwal of Ghazmin,
and Diwén of the kingdom ander
Sultin Mandéd Ghasnawi,47, 48, 49
Aba ‘Ali Husain bin ‘Abde-Ilih, oom
monly known ag ibn Sina (Avicen-
na), 533 a I
Abi ‘Ali Sinjitri,—a contemporary of
ibn Suljin Mahbmed of Ghasnin, 20
Aba Bakr, the fret Khalifah, 3 n 6,
68 n 3, 106 and « 1, 140 2, 156%
5, 157», ISR 2, 30S
a 6, BOs 5,
625 n 3. See ander ay-Siddiq. «
 Inde.
Abi Bakr Dolaf iba Jabdar (or Ja‘far)
ibu Yéuus agh-Bhibli, a colebrated
Mubammadan Saint, 59 and « 1.
Abi Bakr ibn Muhammad ‘Ali
Samargendi, Amir Rihini,—one of
the most learned men of the time of
BSuljin Ghameu-d-Din lyal-Timigh,
93 and a 2.
Abi Bakr Khin, a prince of the family
of ‘Aléu-d-Din Khilji, 201.
Aba Bakr Khan, a relation
of Mubam-
mad Khis the ruler of Naigor, 423
a Ik
Abi Bakr Khin, afterwards Abi Bakr
Gbth, son of Zafar Khin, the grand.
son of Salpin Firos, 341, $42, 343,
344, 346, 346.
Aba Bakr Mubammad iba Zakariya
ar-Risi, known as Rhases, the
famous phyuician, 30 «1
Aba Bakr Shah See under Abi Bakr
Khin, son of Zafar Khan.
Aba Bakr Tisai asda, chief of the
sect of Qalaudars, 234.
Abi Firéa Hammim, son of Ghilib,
the poet known as al-Farasdaq (¢
v.), 87 2 1.
Abi Hanifah, [méim,—founder of the
Henafite School of jarieprudence,
Bia lL
Abi Henifeh, a poet of the time of
Saltau Négira-d-Din Mabmid Shah
of Dihli, 194 0 3.
Abi Ishig, son of Alptigin, governor
of Ghasni, 18.0 1, 14 and n 1.
Abii Ja‘far al.-Mangur, the ‘Abbiande
Khalifah, 74.0 2.
Abn-l-'Abbiis ibn Mimén, Khwirasm
Shih—e contemporery of Sultan
Mabmid of Ghesnin, 33.
iti
Abo-1-‘Abbis, al.Qidir billéki Abmad
ibn Ishiq ibn ol-Mugtadir, the
‘Abbéside Khalifah, 17 aad = 3.
Abu-l- Ajsdd, Father of bodies, a name
for Sulphur, 340 « 8.
Abn-l-‘Ali Ganjewi, master of the
poot Khiqini, 588 » 4.
Abn-l.‘Al’ al-Ma‘arri, the Arab
poet, 183 9 1,
Abu-l-Arwah, Father of spirits, a
name for Quicksilver, 300 » 3.
Abn-1-Bagi, Amir, one of the Amira
of Humbyan, 485, 560, 573.
Abs-l-Barakah, 632 an 3 and 5. Same
as the next (7. v.).
Abs-]-Barakat of Miwario-n-Nahr,
Kbwaji, 632 and en 3 and 5. See
the above.
Aba-l-Faraj Bini, the Ustid,a cele-
brated poet of the time of Sualpin
Ibrahim Ghaznawi, Saiyyidu-s-
Salitin, 53 a, &4 and n 1.
Abo-l-Fath ‘Abdar-Razgéq, grandson
of Hasan Maimendi, Khwija
Imim,-—Wazir of Snttin Maadid
Ghasvawi, 47, 50.
Abu-l-Fath, Miyan Shaikh, son of
Rhaikb-allahdiyah of Kharabéd,
646 and #1.
Abu-1-Fath al-Mu'tazd billahi, sixth
of the ‘Abbasi Khalifahain Egypt,
32726
Abu-l-Fath Sultan Afshér, one of the
Amira of the Qizilbash, 575 n 8.
Abu-]-Fath of Thanesar, Miyan,—e
learned doctor of the time of Islem
Shih, 513.
Abul-Faz] ‘Allimi,—the celebrated
minister of Akbar and author of
the din-s-Akban, 26.0 2, 275 1, 58
iy Inden

8, 38408, W853, 415

4, %
410 Abu-].Qisim Ibrahim. Saltin, son of
an &, 417 "7, 608 n 8. Mas‘id, son of Mabmid of Ghaanin,
Abu-]-Faz] Zangi, of Bust,—a con- 58 See under Ibrahim Sayyidn.s.
temporary of Suljin Manditd Ghaz- Salatin.
nawi, 47 Abu-|-Qisim Mabmid, son of Suigin
Abn! Feda, Annales, 167 » 4 Maudiid Ghasnawi, 49.
Abul Feda, Geography of, 14 3, Aba-}-Qisim-i-Nib son of Mangir,
15 nandan2and5, 17n4, 28” son of Nub Samani, Amir, 14% 1,
1, 2701 and 2, 30” and n 1, 34 1» See under Nib. son of Mangiir, aon
n 2, 86 na 2 and 10,
1, Zand 3, 35 pt Nab Simani.
42n1, 480n1, 8 and 4, 461, Abu-l-Wahid Farighi, Shaikh, « poet
60 » 2, 67 n1, 71293, 14701, of the time of Humiyin, 616 ang
167 n 4, 265.0 5 n 4, 617 and n 6, 618, See the
Abu 1-Fida’ See under Abul Feda next
Abu-l-Hiamg Sinjar ibn Malekshah Abn-!-Wajd Farighi, Shaikh, 616 9 4,
ibn Alp Aralin, the Selyiq, 1672 617 and n 6, 618. Sume as the
3. Bee under Sinjar above (7 v).
Abu-l-Hagan ‘Ali ibn Abi-I-Karam Abu-l- Wajid F&righi, Shaikh, 616 n 4
Mubammad ash-Sharbini, Shaikh, See the two above.
commonly known an Tbnno-l-Asir, Abu Mansur Zangi, brother of Abu-!
624" 8 Fazl of Bust (9. v.), 47.
Abu-}-Hasen ‘Ali, Sultan,aon of Sultin Abi Mubammad ‘ Abda-r-Babmin ibn
Mas‘iid Ghaznawi, 50 and a 1 Yahin ibn Yinae Aljigili, the
Abn-l-Hirs Mangir Simini, Amr, Khatib of Samargand, 159 2.
14 2 1. See ander Mansir ibn Abi 3tubammad ibn Adam Sanii a!
Nab. Hakim, 858 1. See under Hakim
Abs-!-Majdiid, son of Sultin Mas‘id Sani, 56 n 2.
Ghaznawi, 37 and n 6 Abi Muhammad al-Hajjaj, eon of
Abn-l-Ma‘ali, Shih, one of the great Yuanf ibn al-Hekem as-Saqafi,
Amirs of Humiyin, 592, 694, 596, | 1221 See under al-Hajjaj
597, Abu Muhammad = Nigimn-d-Din
Abn-l-Mujahid, son of Sultin Mas‘id Ahmad, the celebrated poet Nizami,
Ghaznawi, 37 and 1 6
2085 n 4. See under Shaikh Nyam:
Abn-l.Naym Amir Aiyr7, 38373, See Ganjawi
under Aiyiz,
Abu-n-Naym Amir Aiyaz, 38 0 8, See
Abn-1-Qimm Beg, one of the Amira
ander Aiyas.
of Humayun, 474
Aba-n-Naym = Ahmad = Manigphri
Abu-l-Quarm Firdausi, the famous
Dimeghini, Hakim,—a Poet of the
poet, author of the Shah Namuh
tame of Soltin Mas‘ud Ghaznaw,
8221 See ander Firdangi,
46 n 4,
 Index.

Abia Nagr Abmad bn Mabammad ibn Beg, founder of the Saljiiq dy-
‘Abduy-Semad, Wasit of the Ghas- neaty, f
nawi Sultins, 46. Aba ‘Omer Minhéja-d-Din ‘Ogmin
Abi Nasr Mubammad bia Abmad,— ibn Siraiju-d-Din al-Juzjini, anthor
one of the Amirs of Suljin Mandid of the Tabaqét-t-Nanri, 127 » 2,
of Ghesnin, 47. See under Miah&)-i-Siraj.
Abi Naeger ‘Abdo-l-‘Azis ibn Mansir. Abyssinian slaves, 334.
Hakim, the poet known as ‘Aajodi, Acesines, the,—the river Chenab, 23
703, n 3.
Abi Qabifah. See Abi Qubifah. Aconite plants, 586 n
Abi Qubifeb, father of Abi Bakr ‘Ad, tribe of,-s pre-historic tribe of
45-Siddigq, the first of the Kpalifaba, Arabs 261 2 6, 499 and n 5.
106 and 1 1. Adam, 4, 144
1 2, 200 n, 304, 820
n 4,
Abinji, Malik Hosimu-d-Din or 422, 449 2 8.
Mojira-d-Din,—one of the Amira Adam Ghakkar, or Ghakkar, Saltin,
of Suljin Muhammad Tughlag —«® contemporary of Islem Shih
Shih, 305, 308, and Homiyin, 503, 683, 502 and
Aba Sa‘id ‘Abdullah ibn Abn-I-Hasan a4 The name is also epelt Ghakar,
‘All Basgiwi, Qirzi,—-author of the Adam Kikar, Malik,~one of the
Nizdmu-t-Tawdrith, $4 + 8. Sea Amire of Sulfin Ibrahim Lodi, 431.
under Baiziwi 432.
Abi Bhaja‘ Mubammad, son of Chi- Adam Lodi, Mahk,—ove of the Amirs
lurbeg Diiid, son of Mikail Saljiqi, of Suljin Sikandar Lodi, 419.
surnamed ‘Azdu-d-Daulah Alp ‘Addu at, enmity, 576 1 5, 577 a.
Arslin, third monarch af the Adegar, Ri: of Satgarh,—oontem-
Saljiqiyah dynasty, 35 and n 1. porary of Firiz Shih, 329 » 5.
See ander Alp Arsian ‘Adil Khin, brother of Sirang Khan,
Abi Taher (Tahir), chief of the Kar- the raler of Dipalpir, 349 and a 5.
matian sect of Mualim heretica, ‘Adil Khin, Mahk Nasira-I-Mulk,
2Zi8i. the governor of the Doab, 854, 859,
Abi Tahb, uncle of the Prophet ‘Adil Khin, son of Shir Shih, 476,
Mubammad and father of ‘Ali, 74 477, 479, 486, 487, 488, 489, 490,
"2,105" 2 492
Abi Talib family, 74 » 2 Soe the Aditya, name of the Sun in Sanskrit
abore as beng the origin of all things,
Abi Talib of ‘Iraq, Mir Sayyid,— 79 0 2.
a contemporary of Ialem Shah. 505 Adjmere, same as Ajmir (gq. v,), 129
Abi Tihb Mubammad ibn Mik?l n2
vbn Baljig, Raknn-d-Din Tnghral ‘Ad! Khin Sir, 850 2 11. See ander
Beg, 42 n & See under Tughral ‘adh
 Inder.
vi
Aghani, Kitdbu-l., $87 « 3.
‘Adli, popular name of Sultén Hn.
Agin-s-ddlish, G06 4,
hammad ‘ Adil, son of Nizim Khin
Agra, city of, 7004, 84151, 3860
Sir, formerly Mubiriz Khn (q. v.),
8, 40801, 414, 419 and» 8, 480,
586, 537, 588, 589, 540, 541, 542,
421 and « 4, 428, 425, 480, 481,
644, 545, 548, 550, 552, 555, 656
and 96, 557, 558, 592. 483, 435, 442, 444, 445, 446, 447,
451, 452, 458, 455, 456, 458, 489,
Adon, 104 7 2.
461, 462, 468, 464, 467, 472, 474,
Adwantgerh! fortress, 422 7 2
476 n 5, 486 and = 6, 487, 488, 489,
Afalu-t-tafzil, 615 and w 6
Afgans, 80 7 5. See under the 490, 402, 408, 495, 518, 515, 518,
Afghéins. 521, 526, 542, 547, 648, 640, 550,
Afghin, Malik, 334,—of the Malke of 651, 552, 656, 678, 597, 610, 617,
Firos Shan. Agra road, 886 n 8,
Afghinistin, 362 » 2, 466, 620 Agra, Sarkir or district of, 70 an 3
Afghanpir, 259, 300 and 4, 425 n 4,
Afghins, the, 44, 80 x 5, 129 n 2, 399, Agra, Siibah or provinces of, 385 n 8,
436, 430, 440, 443, 444, 457, 458, 410 n 4.
460, 470, 471, 477, 479, 487, 489, Ahir, ancient town in the Buiand.
490, 498, 499, 500, 601, 502, 503 shahr district, 395 and n 4, 896,
n 2, 518, 517, 520, 525, 528, 687, 646 and « 4.
548, 549, 651, 552, 554, 658, 586, Abiwan, s Bhagat boy, samed
5RB, 590, 505, 898, 594, 595, 597, Mujahid Khan by ‘Adil, 557 9 8.
598 Ahl-1-Sunnah wa jamd‘ah, w name oi
Afif, the Hustortan. See Shama-- the Sunnia, 626 n 2.
Sura ‘Afif, Ahi-s-Sunnat, @ uame of the Sunnie,
Aflitiin (Plato), 520 and x 7, 533 626 4 1.
Afrasiib, an ancient king of Turan, Abmadabad, capital of Gujrit, 957
52, 116 n 5, 180 n 2, 435. See also and nr 3 and4, 456, 465, 635 and
the next n6
Afrasyib, 410 Same aa the above Abmad ibn ‘Abdug-Samad, Khwijah,
q te 47 Warir of Sultan Mandid of
Afiica, 167 n 4 Ghaznin.
Afshir, name of a Tarki tribe, 572 Ahmad Abu l-‘Abbia, son of al
and 28 Muwaffag b:-llih al-‘Abbisi, 458
Afvalu-d-Din [brihim ibn ‘Aly an- n3
Najyw the fam us poet Khagani, Ahmad Aiyaz, Khwaja--Jahin (q ¥ ),
O88 wn 4 Mahk,—of the Malike of Sulpn
Aghi Muhemmad = Bacar Mry'i, Muhammad Tughiaq Shah, 304,
author of che Amatu ! Quad, 110 31y, 323, 328
a3 Ahmad ‘Ali, Maulawi, editor of the
 s
Index, vii
Mentabhebu-t-Tewaries of Budtoal, of Saltin Thréhim, eon of Suljin
98 ». Sikandar Lodi, 434.
Abmad, son of Amir Khasri of Dibli, Abmad Khan Siir, one of the cou.
@ post, 880, 340. mos of Sher Shah, assumes the
Abmad Chap, Malik, Vasir of Sulfin title of Bultin Sikandar, 54%. See
Jalaln-d-Din Ehilji, 238, 241, 248, under Suljén Sikandar Sir.
246 and a 6. Ahmad Khbattu, Shaikh, 867 n 3,
Abmad Dinyél, father of Nizima-d- surnamed Ganjbakhsh The name
Din Auliy&, the celebrated Mubam- is also written Kathu.
madan Saint, 2667 1 Abmad Lighin, Malik,—one of the
Abmad ibn Hasan Maimandi, Vasir Malike of Sultin Mubammad
of Suitin Mas‘id, eon of Mabmid Tughlag Shah, 813.
of Ghaznin, 85. Abmad, Malik, aon of Amir Ehogri
Abmad Jilwini the First, Sultan, raler the famous poet of Dihii, 889, 340.
of Baiine, 414 See also under Abmad, Mahk, brother of ‘Imidu-l-
Abmad Ehin Jilwini. Matk Mahmid Hasan, the governor
Abmad Junaid, Mullé, 486 and - 1, of Multin, 392

Same as the next. Almad, son of Mabammad, son of

Abmad Jaond, Malla, 486 and 1 1 Sultan Mabmid Ghaznewi, 45 and
Same as the above. n 2, 46
Abmad Kathi, Shaikh, 357 and n 8. Abmad Niya) Tigin, Avair, treasurer
Suroamed Ganjbakhsh, the name ie of Bultin Mas‘iid, son of Mahmid
also written Khattu of Ghaznin, 36 and n 7 6, & and 9.
Abwad Khin, brother of A‘jam Almad §hah, Sultén, the ruler of
Homiyin Lodi,—one of the Amira Gujarst, 357 an 8 and 4, 879 and
of Sultin Ibréhim, son of Sulfin a
Sikandar Lodi, 434 Abrimin, the Satan of the Persians,
Abmad Khin Silwini, euler of Briana, 280 and n §.
405 S00 also ander Sultin Abmad Aibak, soubng vet of Soltin Quibo-d
dijwini, Din Lakbakhsh, the raler of Dilai,
Ahmed Khan, the Governor of Karra ‘7and n 2.
under Sultin Ibrahim, son of Sultin Atmah prants of land, 49m and n I,
Sikandar Lodi, 434, Ain-s. Akbari, the, 8 n 3, 18 » and
Ahmad Khan, son of Khin.i-Jahin ni, lan3, 162, 174, 19 8
Lodi, atyled Ayam Khin Humiyin, and n 6, 23 n 3, 242, 25nn1
416 and u 11 and Zin 2, 27n 4 28 2, 8405,
Abnad Kbiin, son of Khin-1-Khanin Boo ly, 4n Ll 5223 620 2, 65
Farmali—of the Amira of Sultén nt, 67 » 3,69 un 2 and 5,71 #4, 72
Sikandar Lodi, 419 and » 11 ; t fon, SL" 2,82 nn8 and 56,

Abmad Khin Lodi,—one of the Anmua ede 2 Road, MNS.

92 n 2, 95
 Inder
vill
‘Ajem (Persia), 283.
» 4, 125 2 3, 126 n 3, 129
nw 6, 124
» and Ajawan, town, 433.
n2, 180 n 1, 182» 8, 189
163% 2 221 Ajiwanj—a Bhagat voy to whom
m 2, 14221, 167.01,
n
286 2, 248 2 2 Islem Shih gave the name of
n 3, 222 n 8, 223 n,
an 2and 6, Majéhid Khan, 667 » 8.
240 05, 2646, 265
Ajl§-L-jabhah, 816 and » 2
266 nn 1 and 4, 804% 4, 306 " 1,
933 x 5, 353 2 1, 357 ne Ajmir, 60 and a 3, 70 and a 2, 1205
$30 08,
4, 3603 37704, 380 n 2, 4, 124, 129 2 2, 477.
and
41004, 415 00 Ajidhan, town,—known also as Pak
984 0 8,408 n1
nn Patian, 138 «, 238, 340 » 8, 8655
4 and 7, 416 nn 3 and 13, ANG
420 » 5, 8 and 9 421 and a Land $, 360, 362 and n 2
¥ and 8,
; and 8, 583 #, 5202 Bee also
n 8,422 nn 2 and 9, 424 n 3, 425 n
2, 432 n 7,439 0 2, 449 0 2, 454 0 | the next.
5, $79 n 5, 496 na | Ajidhya, town, 223 a. Same as
7, 464." 6, 476 7
1 and 8, 498 n 3, 499 % 3, 501 1 7,
Ajidhan, (q ¥-)
508 n 8, 50672, 5072 1, 5U8 ne Ajyéra, Daulat Kbin, son of Saziwal
4 and8, 500n 8, 515 » 4, 523 Khan, one of the Amira of Tslem
Shah, 627, 581, 532 and » 2.
5, 636.26, 54627, 557 na 1 and
3, 667 » 9, 568 x 6, B71 1 9, 573 Akat Khan, brother's son of Sultin
n 8, 580" 5, 584 n 8, 587 n 7, 588 ‘Alaa-d-Din Khilji, 258 and » 7,
n 4, 590
n 5, 602 » 0, 587.1 5, 605 259 and » 5.
21, 609 n 6, 610n, 611 1 8, 628n Akbar, the Emperor, § and n 2, 9 n 2,
6, 626 n 8. 68 » 5, 63 n, 97, 12651, 182” 3,
Ainu-l-Mulk Shihib Multani,—one 306 x1, 383.7
8, 408 n 1, 4818,
of the Amirs of Sultin ‘Alau-d-Din 432 1 10, 4646» 5, 5620, 566 and x
Ehilyi, 264, 282, 283, 285, 290, 291, 13, 568 » 6, 580 and » 5, 561, 592 n

292, 294, 312 9, 594 and n 6, 596, 597

Aiyiz, Amir,—-one of the favourites Akbar Nama of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl
of Sultin Mahmid of Ghaznin, 32 *Allami, 604, 579 n 7.
n1, 33 and n 3, 34 Akbar Shah, & and» 2 See under
Anyiz, Mahk, Khwaya-1 Jahin, (q ¢ ) Akbar
—of the Amirs of Sulfin Mubam- Akobak, a district of Hindustan, 334
mad Taghlaq Shah, 304, 316 and. 4
Asyib, Khwaja. ibn Khwaja Abu-!- Akhal, town, 334 ® 4,
Barakat, of Miawarin n-Nahr, ay dhhava, & kind of musical cntertain-
poet of the time of Humayun, (32 ment, 332 and n §, 408
and 7 2, 633, 634, 615, 636 Akhirinpir popular name of the
‘Aj@ sou-l-Mukhlaqdi of al-Qazwin, 72 | towaof Firuzpur, as the ‘ Last city’
n3 built by Firor Shih, 33t and n J
Ajallucl-jabhah, 5135 and a 6, Akhov, stable, 274085
 Index. ix

Albor Bag, « Court’ Oflice, 282. ‘Alem-s-bhaiq, the world of creation,

Abbtd, a gelding, 274 # 5. or the material world, 106 2.
Abhend, tutor, 580 and s 2, the ‘Alams-l.Haiwdn, the animal world,
Akhind, Maslina Zaino-d-Din 147 n 2, (147 » 3.
Mabmid Kamingar Nagghbandi, ‘Alamw-l-Ine, the world of mankind,
689, 590 and « 6. ‘Alam-l-Jiwn, the world of the jinn
Akhyifi, brothers
by the same mother or genii, 147 02.
but a different father, 466 « 7. ‘Alamu-l-Ma'ddin, the mineral world,
Al- Aasi, son of Nabih, of the tribe of 147 n 2.
Quraigh, killed in the battle of ‘dlamu-l-Mal@ikah, the world of
Badr, 74 2. angels, 147 » 2.
Alegh Khasi (Ulugh Khini),e canal ‘Alamu-n-Nabdt, the vegetable world,
leading from the Satlej, now called ” 147 0 3,
the Joreab canal, 385 n 3, Alaptegin. See ander Alptigin.
‘Ali Mahdi of Baidne, Shaikh, son of Al- Arkéu, the four elements, 102 « I.
Sheikh Hasan of Bangils, 507 and Al-Agma’i, the celebrated Arab Gram.
w 1, 500, 613, 512, 613, 514, 515, marian and Philologiat, 76 1.
516, 517, 518, 519, 521, 522, 533, ‘Aliu-d-Daulah Mas‘id, Sultin, :bn
624. [to God, 515 » 6. Ssiyyidu-s-Salitin Ibrahim Ghas-
Al-Ajall, the Great, an epithet applied nawi, 55 and n 2.
‘Alam, a standard or ensign, 483 n 2 ‘Alau-d-Daulah of Samvan, Shaikh,
‘Alam Khén, title of ‘Ainu-i-Mulk 57in 9.
Multani (q. v.), 292. ‘Aléu-d-Din, Sulzin, title of ‘Ali
‘Alam Khén, son of Sultan Babli) Mardin (9. v.) as ruler of Lakh-
Lodi, 411 » 8. nauti, 86
‘Alam Khia Lodi, Governor of Kilpi, ‘Aléa-d-Diu Ayaz, Kotwil of the New
—one of the Amirs of Humiyin, Castle of Dibli, under Sultin ‘Aliu-
486, 437, 498, 442, 446. d-Din Khiji, 260 w 5.
‘Alam Khin, Governor of Miwit,—- ‘Aliu-d-Din, Saiyyid, Governor of
one of the Amirs of Sultan Sikandar Badion under Saitin Firos Shab,
Lodi, 419 and n 2. 336 and n 6.
‘Alam Lodi, Snuitin, 1bn-:-Saltin ‘Alau-d-Din Badaoni, Sultan of Dihli,
Sikandar Lodi, 451, 454, 335. See ‘Aléa-d-Din ibn Mubam-
‘Alam, Malik, Governor of Daulat- mad Shih.
abid,—of the Amira of Sulfin ‘Alau-d-Din Bahram Shab, Sulfin of
Mabammad Taghleq Shéh, 313. the Deovan, 800,314. See Hasan
‘Alams, the two-—, or standards, the Kaithali.
suu and moon, 167 « 2. ‘Alau-d-Din, Sultan, king of Bangila,
‘Alam-s-amr, the world of the order, —contemporary of Sultén Sikandar
or potentiality, 105 1. Lodi, 417.
2
 x Index.
‘Aléa-d-Din Dhirwal, Malik,—of the ibu-i-Mabirak §bih ibe-i-Kbige
Amira of Saltin Mabmiad Shih of Kbio, Sclfin of Dihii, 306, 999,
Dibli, 349. 400 and n, 401 and a 4, 402 and
*Aliu-d-Din Haean ibn Husain Siri, n 1, 405 and » 4, 406, 409.
King of Ghir, 60, 61, 62, Same as ‘Alan-d-Din Sikandar §h5h, Salia,
the next (q v). ibo-i-Mahammed Ghih ibn-i-Firog
‘Alau-d-Din Husain ibn Hasan Ghori Shah, 847. See Homiyin Khia,
Jahansos, the first of the kings of eon of Sulfin Mubammad Sbih,
Ghir,61 n 4,64»2. See also the ‘Aléu-I-Mnlk, Malik, uncle of fiin-q-
above. Din Barni the Historian, Kotwal of
‘Aliu-d-Din Jini, Mahk,~of the the New Castle of Dihli under
Malike of Sultin Shameu-d-Din Suipin ‘Alin-d-Din Ehilji, 287, 940,
Tyal-timigh, 94 7 3, 98 » 2. 256, 260 and # 5,
‘Aléu-d-Din, Governor of Karra, 236 Albernni See under Albirani.
Seo ‘Alaéu-d-Din Khilji. Albirini’s Chronology (Sachau), 76 »,
‘Alju-d-Dimm Khafi, Mahk ‘Izzu 1- 104 n 3, 108n 4, 166 = 1,280an 8
Moulk, Governor of Lakhoaati,—of and 4, 369 « 8, 627 9 1.
the Amirs of Sultan Shameu-d- Din Albirin?s Indve (Sachsen), 17 » 4,
Tyal-timigh, 94 and n 3, 21n4, 23nn 1 and 5, 33 an 2 and
‘Alau-d-Din Khilji, Mahk and after- 3, 2446, 251, 7nd, 25 3,
wards Snitin, 232, 236, 287, 238, 46 010, 76", 79 0 2, 9a5, 114
239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 246 n2, 131 9 2, 332 a 4,
247 n, 249, 250 and n 5, 261, 252 n Albnr7, mountasn of,—in Perma,
178
1, 254 » 1, 256, 250, 266,269 and nz
Nn i, 27196, 278 and n1, 274and Alchemy, science of, 244 n 6,
m 1, 282, 283, 286 2 1, 289, 20, 201,
202, 294 and n 3, 206 and n 3, 379
| Alexwuder the Great, 35 9 2, 11
ne
254 and 5 5, 331 n 10, 3322, 389
n 2, 397 » 1, 472. a2, 560 28, 695 27
‘Alta-d-Din of Lakhnauti, Sultan Alexandrian School, the, 374."
5,
See under ‘Ali Mardan Alf Khin. See Alp Khan dinjar.
‘Alau-d-Din, of Lakhnanti, Snitan, Alfi, 804 Bee ander the Térikb-:
309. See under ‘Ali Mubarak Alf.
‘Algu-d-Din Mas‘id, Sultan, son of Algheyatu pl Pgh, by Qin Bayiwi,
Sayyido-a-Salitin Tb ahim ibn Ons
Sultan Mas‘ud Ghaznawi, 55 and Alghu Khan, the Maghul, grand
son of
na Zand 4, Chogiz Khen, aud Bon-in-law of
‘Alan-d-Din Mas‘id Shahibn Bakna-d
Saltin Jelilu-d-Din Khilsi, 236
Din Firoz Shah, of the Shamaryah
248
Suitins, 124, 125, 126 ‘Al iba Abi Talib, the fourt
‘Alag-d-Din 1bn-1 Muhammad Shah h Khe-
hfah 3n 6, 59 and n 4, 74 ani
 Irudex. xi
#3, 8095,
O38 n 4, 106." 2, 106 dyoasty, Governor of Maltin, 66
and # &, 151 » 6, 166, 157.92, 168 and » 4, 0 and a 1.
, 207 and n 6, 200 5 7, 308 2 4, ‘hi Kinminy, 66-n 4. For ‘Ali
976, 605 end « 6, 572 and « 1, 57, Kirmij (¢. v.).
2, 604, 622 2 3, 639 5 6. Bee ‘Ali, son of Kisil Areslin, father-in-
ander Asado-lléb. Jaw of Saltin Mabmad of Ghaanin,
*Ali Bog Mughal, a princeof the royal 83u3.
house of Khurisin, 260, 251 and ‘Ali Karbat, a relative of Sultin
» 6, 262, Mahmid of Ghasnin, 83 » 2.
‘Ali Diya, one of the generale of ‘Ali Malik, Goternor of Uchh, under
Galfin Mas‘id, eon of Sultin Bérang Khin, the ruler of Dipilpir,
Mabmid Ghesnawi, 45. 353,
Alidek range of mountains, 530 « 3, ‘Ali Mardin, one of Mubsmmad
Aly, the first letter of the Alphabet, Bakhtyar'a Generals, seizes the
100 and sa 2 and 3, 587 «= 6, sovereignty of Lakhnauti under the
634 and vn I. atyle of Suitin ‘Aléa-d-Din, 85, 66
Aliganj takes, 185 « 1, 218 » 8, and n 2, 8 « 1.
Ahgarh, town, 135 2 J, 866 2 6. Al-i-Marwin, the,—a branch of the
‘All Gujrati, Amir,—of the Awirs of Umayyad family, 59.
Sultén Mubarak §béh of Dibh, ‘Ali Masiy (Mich), Amir, 8 chief of
396. the tnbes of Kinch and Mi), 8
‘Ali Iema‘ll, the Sipeh Silir,— one and 4. Called also ‘Ali Miy.
of the Amira of Saipin Quibu-d-Din ‘All ibn Mas‘id ibn Mabmid Ghasna-
Aubak, 88. wi, Sultan of Ghavnin, 50 and a 1.
‘Ali, aon of lyal Arsalan, a relative of ‘Ali Mi, 83 « 4. See under ‘Ali
Sultan Mahmid of Ghazuin, 33 n 2 Mas).
‘Ali Karmikb, 69 « 1. Seo ander ‘Al Mubarak, Inspector of Troops
‘Ali Kirmij. under Saljin Mubammad Tughlag
‘Ali, of Kashmir, Salfin, 361 Shih, 308, 309. Assumes the title
‘Ah Khan, a prinoe of the family of of ‘Alan-d-Din as Sultan of Lakh-
Sulfin ‘Aliu-d-Din Khy\i, 281. naati,
‘Ali Khan, « relation of Mubammad ‘Al. Mughut, Shaikh, roler of Kabal,
Xhin, the ruler of Nigor, 423 2 11, contemporary of Saljin Mubirak
425, Shah of Dibli, 388, $39, 390, 391,
“Al Khatati, a court officer of Saltia 3y2.
Muhammad Tughing Shab, 304 Al-1-Muhammad Mustafé, the Family
‘All, Kplafat of, 577 2. of the Prophet, 69,
‘Ah Kbishiwandi, 6 relative of Sultiz ‘AH ibn Mubammad Sabibu-z-Zanj,
Mahmad of Ghasnin, 33 2 2, of the family of ‘Ali, raises a revolt
‘Al Kirméj, an Amir of the Ghori at Barra, 458 « 3.
xii Index

"Ali, son of Mind ar-Rigi, one of the Alishabad, Sarkir of, 416 # 8.
twelve Imims of the Ghi'ah, 673 Alléhdid Kali or Kila, Lodi, Maifk,
a3. —one of the Amirs of Gulia
‘Ali Qauli, Usta, the Artillerist of Mubirek Gib of Dihli, 901, 20%
Babar, 489 and 9 6, 806, 398.
‘Ali Qnli Khan Shaibini, the Khin-i- Alléhdid Lodi, Malik, 808. See
Zemin, sou of Haidar Sultin Allihdid Kali Lodi.
Ovbak-i-Shaibini,—oneof the Amirs Almagest of Ptolemy, 76 9,
of Humiyin and Akbar, 502 and Almangira in Sindh, 8 "10, fee
n O, 504, 597, 508, 599, G00, ander al-Mansirah.
‘Ali Qali Khin Sistini,—oue of the Alor, city of, 66 n 2.
Awirs of Humiyin, 590. Probably Alp Arsalan, son of Diiid, son of
the same as above. Miki’ll, son of Saljiq, sedond
‘All bin Rabi‘, an Amir of the Ghas- monarch of the Saljiqiyah dynasty,
navide dynasty, 48, 50 and x 1. Shandn I, Siand n 2.
‘AB, ting of, possessed of magical Alp Khin, Governor of Dhir, 334
properties, 506 and 1 6. end n 5, 385, Governor of Kilpi,
‘All Sarjéndér, Malik,—me of tno 398 Same aa the next q, v.
AmirsofSaltin Mubammad Tughlag Alp Khén, commonly called Suitan
Shah, 313. Hoshang, ruler of Malwi, 369 3,
‘Ali, Shavkh, one of the Amirs of 884 and n 5, 386, 293.
Homiyin, 565 9 1. Alp Khin, title of Sinjar, wife's
‘Ali, Shaikh, the ruler of Kibul, See brotberof Saltéa ‘Alba-d-Din Kpilji,
under ‘Ali Mughal 247, 249, 264, 267, 282.
‘Ali Ghatranyi, Khwaja, Aukadi’s Life Alptagin See under Alptigin.
of, 114 2. Alptigin, « slave of the house of the
‘All Gher, the Vasir Amir, disciple of Siminis, the independent gover-
Moulin Jimi, 38 « 2, nor of Ghasni and Kibni, 18 5 1,
‘All Gher, sister's son to Zafar Khen l¢and an 1 and 2, 16% 3.
‘Ali'i~an Amir of the tame of Alptigin Hijib, an Amir of the
Sultan Muhammad Toghleq Shih,
Ghasnavide dynasty, 47 » 6.
811.
Altamish or Iyaltimieh, 88.03, See
‘Ali, Sultin, King of Keghmir, con- ander Shamea-d-Din Iyaltimiah.
temporary of Sultin Mubieak 8h3b Altamsh, meaning of the word, 86
of Dibli, $81.
#1,
‘Ali Tagia, raler of Miwari-en-Nabr,
Altigin, 47 and a5. Same as Alpti-
contemporary of Suljie Mebmnad gin Hayib (9. v.)
Ghasuawi, 27, Altin Habidur,—one of the Amira os
Allhabad, city of, 415 96, 417 » 7,
the king of Khurisin, $20.
En 6.
Altiin Tash, an officer of Suitan Mab-
 Indez. xiii
maa of Ghagnin, whom he appoints Amin, Chief Commissioner, 487.
Governor of Ehwirasm, with the Amin b‘abdaliah Keaberi, governor
title of Khwiraxm Shih, 23. of Khorisin, under Highim ibe
Altaniyeh, Malik. Gee under Ikhti- ‘Abdu-l-Malik (g.0.), 1801. ‘
yiru-d-Din Altiniyah. Amin Khiz, Governor of Bengal,
Alwar, town and fortress, 120 # 2, under Sultin Ghiyisa-d-Din Balbaa,
956, 385, 448, 462, 534, 643, 548, 108. ‘ ’
547, 553, Bee also under Ulwar. Amir of the Kight Squares, the
Alyia Khin, Governor of Obhiin, Wasir at Chess, 108 and « 1.
ander Masnad-i-‘Ali Khigr Khin, Amir Abi Talib, of ‘Iriq, Saiyyid,
Sakin of Dihli, 370 and a 3. —a skilfal physician of the reign|
‘Amid Khin Karrini—one of the of Islem Shah, 505.
Afghin Amirs of Hindustan, 640. Amir ‘Ali Sher, the Vasir, disciple of
Amol or Amol, capital of Tabaristin, Manlint Jimi, 32 » 2.
36 and n 3. Amir Arslin Katibi, See Arlin
Amini Kibali, Mirsi, a post
of the Katibi.
time of Hamiyan, 687 and #3, 616, Amir Hasan. See Hasan of Dili,
Amarcéeh, ® Sanskrit Dictionary, 3 the poet.
aT40. Awir Khelife, Prime Minister of
Amark6t, town, 464 n 5, 664, 566 and Baber, 451.
a 18, 567 9 1, 668
» 6. Amir Khan 1bp-i-Di'id Ehin iba-i-
Ambili, towa, 380 « 7, 384, 362.8 1, Shams Khin Anbadi, the Governor
Ambér, town, 620. (408, 402. of Baiiné, 885 # 1.
Ambergris, notes on, 182 « 1, Amir Khusri,
the post. 194% 6, 1850,
Ameer Jadeeda, 384 » 3. 148.23. Bee under Khasra and
‘amid Abi Neg, Magimlt of,—by Mir Ehusri.
Baibagi, 8% a. Amir, Kbwaja, of the Amire of Babar,
‘amid Dalami, the poet, 99 » 4, 446.
188." 1. Called alao ‘Amid Limwaki, Amir Mozaffar,—one of the Malike of
ar. Shaikh ‘Ali Mughal, the King of
Amid Limaki, of Gilin, the poet, Kabul, 389, 390, 393.
—panegyrist of Saljin Mobammad Amir Ribini, Hakim Abi Bakr
Yamin, 99 and n 4, 188 and n }, ibn Muhammad ‘Ali Samargaadi,
141, 144, 151, 159 0 1, 160, 165 and —s learned man of the time of
ni, 160, 172, 177, 162. Called Gaktin Ghamsu-d-Din lyel-timish,
also ‘Amid Dailami. 98 and « 2. (edn, 571 # 9.
Amid Liyaki, 99 = 4, for ‘Amid Amir Sheikh Homo, King of Kpori-
Limaki the poet, (q. v.). Amir Tamgbich, title of Ibek, slave
‘Amid Talaki, 90, for ‘Amid Lamaki, of Suljio Qutbo-d-Din Aibak, 89
the poet, (9. r,). and a 2.
 ‘
xiv Index.

Amirin-s-Sada, the Amira of hun- Suljin Mavmid of Ghesnia, 90

dreds, 334 and s 2. 2226,
Amira-!-Millat Yaminn-d-Daulat, Anandrdj, Farhang of, 506 n 6.
title of Saljin Mabmid of Ghasnin, Anber!, township of, 580 and « 9
17. Ancient Arabvan Poetry, Lyall’s Is-
Amiru-l-Umard (Chief of the Amira), troduction to, 99 » 6,
a tatle, 90. Ancrent Geography of India, Cunning-
Amiro-l-Umara Fakbra-d-Din, Kot- ham's, 3194, $85, 23032, %
wal of Dibli, 2602. See Malku- n6, 485, 66838, 671, 60s5,
-Umara. 800 1, 183 9.8, 266 a0 3 and 4, 2093
Apira-]-Umara Hindi Bég, of the n 6, 8362
5 2, 368n, 383.54, $80«
Airs of Homiyin, 457. See under 2, 415 nb.
Hindi Bég Qichin Ancsent India, MoCrindle's, 364" 4.
Awiru-l-Umari, Malik Mubarak Ka- ‘Andbli, the name ‘Adti (q. v.) per-
bir,—of the Amirs of Tughlaq verted, 536 and # 10.
Shih, grandson of Salgin Firiz, 342 Andhra, country, 265 » 2.
and 2 1. Andkhid, fortress of, 71.
Amol, capital of Tabaristin, also Anhalpar, original name of Patan, a
written Amal, 36" 2 city of Gujerat, 28 9 2.
‘Amr 1bn al-‘As, of the Banu Umay- Anhalwara (Nehrosla), ancient name
yah, oue of the Governors of of Patan, a city of Guyerat, 28 » 2.
Mu‘awiyah, 157 n 2 Anhelwira (Nobrwala) kingdom, in
‘Amr ibp-u-Lais ag-Saffér, King of Guyert, 256 n 4
Khorisin, 481 and n 6. Ankus, 1 Hindi, » hook or goad for
Amrész-1-Mutazéddahk, 463 and n 1. elephants, 118 # 2.
“ Amritsar, 520 An-naym, the Pleades, 630 " 4.
Amroha, town, 185, 231, 251, 261, Annales, of Abul Fida, 167 9 4,
208, 395, 398, 546 and n 5. ‘Angad’, a fabuloua bird, called Simurgh
Amron :bu al-‘As See ‘Amr ibn in Permian, 178 2 4,
al.‘As Ansar, the,—tribes of al-Madinak
Ami Darya, the,—the Jaihin or who supported the Prophet, 216
Oxaa, 27 21. aud n 7, 216 2,
And, & mother, in Turki, 568 2 6 Ansuri, Hakim,—a famous Pernan
Anagah or Andgah, foster-mother, in poet, 17 n 3,
Turki, 580 5. See also the next
Ant, notes on the, 108 « 1.
Anika, Anakd, or Anékah, wet-nurae, Antari, towoship of, 530 » 9.
in Tarki, 4€4 2 5, 668 2 6, 580 n 5, Auth Gram. Arab., of de Sacy,
See also Anagah Gn 4,
Avandpil or Anand Pal, son of Jaupil, Anti-chrst, 275 5, 369 2 38. Bee
ruler of Hind,—contemporary of under ad-Dajjal.
 Indez.
Ants, Valleyof the, 340 » 2, Ardabil, a town of Persia, $73.
Anwari, the damons Porsian post, 54 4rg, weaning of, 316 « 1.
01,7601, 626. Arghawin, the, (Arsbioé) Arjawia, «
Awwére-t-Tanail, the, a celebrated kind of tree, 108 = 4, 172 and n 4,
commentary on the Qur’én by Qizi 173.
Baigiwi (gq. v.), 6" 4 Aria, ancient name of Herit, in
Anwia, forest of, 379. Khorisin, $6 « 2.
‘Agl-i-cwwal, 376 6 5. See under ‘Anf, or holy, « Sifi title, 88.
2, 272
‘Aql--kall, ands 1,
‘Aqi-+-kull, called also ‘Agi-i-awwal, Aril, a place near Mahabis (Allaha-
the first or supreme intelligence, a bad), 415 and = 4
pame given tothe Angel Gabriel, Ariatotle, 255.
374 0 6. ‘dris-s-Mamdlik, Mustermaster Gene-
‘Aql Namah, « work by Hakim Sanii, ral, 230 » 1, 293 and 2 3.
the celebrated post, 56 n 2. Arjuwin, the. See under Arghawan,
Aqtd's, 507 = Bae gid grante. Arkal, a place, 415 » 4
Arabis, 3. Arkali Khan, eon of Sultin Jalalu-d-
Arabian Nights, the, 148 « 1. Din Khilji, 241, 283, 225, 238, 244,
Arabean Poetry, Clouston’s, 99 « 6. 267 and n and n 4, 248 and » 8.
Arabs, the, 28, 6195, 94, 1178 3, Al-Arkin, the four elements, 103
145 21, 14601, 10202, 198 2 2, al
287,309 al, 6272 3, 630 0 4, 637 Armin, country of,—iu the Shah Nema
al. of Ficdausi, 190 = 2.
Arabum Froytag’s, 458. 3, Armenm, 61 9 5.
507 » 3, 580 » 1. Armenians, the, 130 » 1.
Arail, town, 415 2" 6. Arrah, town, 185 9 1.
Aram bib, Sulan, abn Sultin Arnan, tho Greek geographer, 23 #
Qutba-d-Din Aibek, 87, 88 and » 1. 3, 24."
6, 30n 1, 382 n.
Arangal or Warangal, 26524. See Arsacia, an ancient name of the city
Arsnkal. of Rai(q v7), Oak.
Arankal, anment capital of Telingina, Arsalin Khan, one of the Shamsiyah
265 aud n 4, 297, 399. After. Amira, 130, 181.
wards called Sultiopir The ams Arsalin Shih, Sultan, ibn Mas‘id iba
is also written Aranga!l or Waran- Sayyidu-s-Salitin Ibribim Ghagna-
gal. wi, 55 and » 4, 56 and = 1,
‘Ar‘ar, the Juniper tree, 182 » 4. Arear Khan, one of the Amirs of
‘Arag, an accident, 3 term of Musim Sulkin Mu‘zzo-d-Din Ka:qubéd,
theology, Glan 2. the grandson of Sultin Ghiyisa-d-
A‘raz-o-y0wdhey, 614n 2. See under Din Balban, 226 « 1.
‘ ‘a and Jauhar, Arslia Katib:, Amu, an eminent poet
 svi
of the reign of Sultin Jaliln-d-
Din Ehilji, 246.
Artagin, « general of Sujin Mandid
Ghaspewi, 47.
Artauli, township, 886 and n 6.
‘Aris-i-Jahin, town, 379 » 2.
‘Arig, aterm of Prosody,—explana-
tion of, 606 » 4.
Aryal, a place, 415 » 4.
Arson, the smaller millet, 465 » 6.
Arghan, desert of, between Bushire
and Shiras, 672 and » 1.
Asad Ehin Lodi—of the Amira of
Mabmid Shih, the grandson
Firos Shah, 364.
Asad bin Simin, founder of
Simani dynasty, the princes
Khurisio, 145 1
Ad‘adek ANsh, 412 and x 3,
-Asadu-d-Din ibn Yoghrash Khan,
* galled Malik Khemish,—uncle’s son
of Sultan ‘Alig-d-Din Khulji, 283
Asad ‘Uliab, or the Lion of God,
apame of ‘Aliibn Abi Talib, 98 2
4, 150.
Asaf, Wazir of Solomon, King of the
Jews, 206 n.
Asamabad, town of, 21 n 4
Ajaru-l-Biléd, the,~of al-Qazwini,
nd.
Asiwal, town in Gujerat, 857 » 4, 36!
‘Asfir, a flower, 178 2 8
Agghar, Goverpor of Dibli under Sul-
fin Sikandar Lodi, 418
Agh‘ari, Sharafu-l-Malk, of the Amirs
of Suljin ‘Alaa-d-Din Mas‘id Shih,
of Dihli 125.
‘Ashars, portions of ten Aysts
which the Qur'in has been divided,
102 and n 4.
Index.
Al.Aghbah wa-n-Nagdir, 3 work on
Fiqh or Jurispradence, by Zainu-!.
‘Kbidin bin Najim, 5 » 4,
Aghhab, or white ambergrig, 183 » 1.
‘Ashiqa, & poem by Mir Khuerd, of
Dihli, 256, 964, 366, 967 9 1, 274.0
1, 276 9 1.
Ashraf Pidghth, 686 « 5.
Ashrafi, a gold ooin, called after
Ashraf Pidshih, 685 # 5.
Ashrafa-d-Din Hasan ibn Nigiri-i-
‘Alavi,—a poet of the time of
Bahram §hih Ghasnawi, 562 8.
of Same as Seyyid Hasan Ghasnawi
the Poet, g. v.
the ‘Ashird’, day of, 199 5 8, 200 and »,
of $20 and n 4, 464, 623,
Asi river, the, otherwise known as
the Medaki, 419 « 6
Ama, Northern, 191 » 2,
Amatic Lithographio Press, the, 103
al
Asvatee Researches, 874 2.
Asiatio Society of Bengal, 127 2 2,
§ll s 2,
Asir, Qizi,~contemporary of Saltin
Ghiyigu-d-Din Bulban, 217,
‘Asjadi, Hakim Abi Nagar ‘Abdu-t-
‘Asis ibn Mangir, a celebrated post
of Merv, 17 and n 8.
‘Askari, Mirsi, ove of the Mugbul
obiefs under Humiyan, 455, 485,
567, 568, 67%, 574, 676, 586 and
v9
Api wa Far', signification of the
term, § n 4,
Atmd’, names or attribater of the
into Deity, 459.1 2
Apma'i,—the celebrated Arab gram-
marian and philologiet, 75 ».
 Index. xvii

Aumau-l-Jaen§, the bost of names, Atgah Khin, Shxmen-d-Din Muham-

003 ands 8, mad. See nider Atke Khin,
Asmdu-l-Jaldliyeh, terrible attributes Afibé, « Torki word, meaning of, 464
of the Deity, 458 » 2. a 6, '
Asméu-l-Jamaliyeh, amiable attributes Atka, a Turki word, meaning of, 404
of the Deity, 459 » 2. = 5, 666 9 6.
Asparag, a herb, 178 » 2. Atka Kbin, Shameu-d-Din Muham-
Athrafa-)-Mulk, of the Amirs of mad, son of Mir Yir Muhammad of
Sultia Firoz Gbih, brother's son of Ghasni, one of the Amirs of
Ghiyigqu-d-Din Taghiag, 324. Homlyin, and foster-father to
As-Snyifi Gee under Suyifi. Prince Akbar, 464 » 5, 563, 668
Apfarji, the jinn who stole Solomon's and « 6,
signet ring, and raled in his place, Atkinson's Shah Namah, 8201, 116
206 n 8, 306 x. 25,1782, 180" 2, 32191, 485
Astronomers of Greece, 75 ns 2. n 3.
Asun river, the,—flowing west of Aflos, meanings of the word, 142 » I,
Quwiilikr, 419 9 6, 246 2 3, .
Até, o father, in Turki, 668 » 6. Atlas, Keith Johneon’s Royal, 567 #1,
Atabak or Atdbek, a» Turki word, 570 #7.
signification of, 568 » 5. Atlas of Indra, 884 0 1.
Atabaki, the office of Atdbak (¢. v.), Attoek,on the Indus, 20" 1, 4426
668 » 6 358 «= 6.
Atibaks of Azarbaijin, the, 158 » 8. Agedl, the,—a geopraphical work,
Ataké, o Turki word, mesung of, 464 lan 8, 292 6,300 1.
n 6, 568» 6 ‘Af ibn Qnsai (called also Saqif),
Atala -Sasjid, at Jaunpir, built by 129#1. .
Suljin Ibribim of Jaunpir, 364 ‘Anfi, Mubammad, aathor of the
n 8, Jéms‘u-l-Evkdydt and Tagkwatw-ah-
Atdligh, or <Atdliqg, a Turki word, Aau‘aré, 220.
signification of, 468 and n 2, 569 n Auhead Khin Aubadi, Governor of
5, 597. Barina, 385.
Ataghkadd \-Agur, the, $220 1 and Aubadi’s Life of Khways ‘Ali §hat-
2,35n1, 582,541, 06" 3, 134 ranji, 114 2.

» 3, 187
n 2, 270" 6, 841 an 1 Anbadi family of Baiana, the
and 2, 584 # 3. Governors of the city, 386.
Ativa, a town in the Sarkar of Agra, Auloka or awlakd, a Torki word, sigai-
wo #3. See under Atéwah. fication of, 364 7 7.
Atiwah, town of, in Hindustan, 70 Aunla, town of, 71 1 3.
ands 3, Also written Atavs, (7 ¢.) Aurangzeb, Emperor of India, 62
Atgah, 568 0 6 a4,
3
xv.iii Index.
Avicenna, 533 » 1. A‘jam Khin Humiyin, son of Saya-
Awadh (Qudh), 415. aid, son of Sultin Bublé Lodi, 410
Awais Jaliyer, Suan, son of Amir nl, 441 = 8, 412 @ 8, 414 and n 2.
Shnikh Husen, Kung of Khurasin, A‘;am Khip Howiyin, son of Ehin-i-
S71 29. See also ander Aweis. Jahin Lodi,~—one of the Amire of
Awais Sirwini, Khwéji, one of the SubSn Sikandar Lodi, 416, 434.
Amiss of Islem Shah, 403 » 7. A'‘sam Ehin Qhameo-d-Din Mubam-
Awe, Looh, 301 » 8. mad of Ghasni, ona of the Amirs of
Aweis, Sultin, eon of Qheikh Hasan Humiyin, 464 Same as Atkab
Jaliyer, King of Khurasin, 633 » 1. Khia, (g 0).
See also under Awau. Ayam Malik, Gheikhsida-i-Bugimi,
A‘ydni, uterine brothers, 466 9 7. —of the Amirs of Suitén Firos
Ayek, thea small river of Sialkot, Shah, 328.
CT av A'mma-l-Mulk, Malik ‘Issa-d-Din
Ay-tutulmash, eclipse of the moon, Yabya, one of the Amirs of Suljin
probable origin of the name Iyalt:- Mobammed Tughiaq Shih, 302, 306,
mush, 89 7 1 Azan, thes—or call to prayer, 472 n 6,
Ayib, takkaling or poetical name of 600n 9, 601 and n.
Khwaja Aryiib ibn Khwaja Abn-l Ararbaijin, proviuce of, 30.9 1, 61
Barakst, = poet of the time of 5, 168 » 8.
Haumiyin, 633. Ayda-d-Dauiah Alp Amalan, third
Asidpir, fortress of, 324 2 6. monarch of the Saljiqiyah dynasty,
A‘mm Homiyin, Biyazid, nephew of 85andn1, See under Alp Arslin.
Suljan Buhlul Lodi, 409, 410 and ‘Ardu-d-Danlat, title yiven by the
nil. Khahfah Al-Qadr billah to Amir
Ayam Humiyin, Hasbat Khén of Yisnf, son of Sukan Mahmid of
Lahore,~—one of the Amira of §hir Ghaauin, 20
Shih, 400, 492, 403, 497 and » 3, ‘Asis Himar, 313.5 2. Same as the
498, 500. next (q v).
A4‘'gam Homiyin §hirwasi, Governor ‘Asis Khomér,—of the servants of
of Karra,—one of the Amirs of Saljin Mabamwad Toghlag Shah,
Sultin ]brabim bin Salgin Sikandar 313 and » 2
Lodi, 430, 432, 438, 434, 435. ‘Asiag-llah Tolumbi of Sembhal,
A‘mm Humayun, son of Saltan Shaikh,—-one of the great and
Sikandar Lodi, 431 n I. learned men of the time of Bultia
A‘yam Humayiin'Sirwani, Bihir Khin, Sikandar Loai, 428, 427, 429
Govern: of Handiya,—one of the Asiam, the arrowa m the game of
Airs of Iefem Shah, 517, 641 maw, 360 n I
A‘yam Khin Haibat, of Lahore, 492. ‘Avra, herowme of a Turkish romance.
See Ayam Humiyin Hasbat mistress of Wimeg, 40 and » 1.
 Index six.

‘B, Bidalgarh, fortress of, in Gwilias,

Ebi Ishaq’ Magbribi, a Sheikh of 482 ands 7, |
Nigor, 357 » 3, Badalgerh,—or .
BYDA Quahage.—or Badal Garh, original name of the
Bibs Qoghqab, one of the Amirs of citadel of Agra, 498.97, 551 and
Babar, 441, 581 nf.
Baban, the Afgbén, of the Aqirs of Badion, Wistrict and town of, 71 and
Babar, 439. n 2, 88, 89, 80, 07, 99 and » 3,
Babas, of the Amirs of Sulkin Meab- 119, 123, 124, 190, 181, 185, 231,
miid, son of Shlain Sikandar Lodi, 283, 934, 936, 244, 251, 260, 266
471 and an 4 and 6, 472. 01, 297, 305, 385, 375, 877, 379,
Bibar, 9 » 2, 63.1, 128.23, 421 » 8, 980, 886 and n 4, 396 and n 2, 398,
486, 487, 488 and an 8 and 5, 399, 401, 402 andn 1, 405, 409,
439, 440, 441, 442, 448, 444, 445, 418 and~ 13, 427, 535, 545, 546,
447, 408, 469, 584, 570, 596, 605 557, 558, 687, 508, 600. Written
n 1, 609 and n 5, 610. also Badaiin, Budion and Badién
Babar, Erskine’s Memows of, 421 « 8, Badioni, ‘Abdo-l Qadir bin Mulik
437 n 7, 489 nn 4,6 and 7, 140 n, Shah, author of the Muntakbadu t¢
448 n 4, 570 we 6 and 6 Taudith, 1 and nl, 8 and n 2,
Bébari ecript, or the Ehasy-i- Bihari, 9n2, 111, 81x, 54n 2, 62
8 4,
invented by Bibar, 450. 65 2, 84n,
900 2,133 0, 176 42
Babar-ndmah, the,—the Memoira of BWOn 8, 80han 1, 806n 1, 82005
Babar, 325 « 8. 826 n, 328 » 6, 3301 6, 382, 934
Baber. See under Babar. na 3, 949 n 12, 366 a 3, 357 2 4, B5&
Baberndmuk, See ander Babar-ndmah tt 3, 363 n, 366. 4, 368 21, 888 » 2,
Ribtigin, for Bartagin, the Hayb 400 n, 402 n I, 4032, dlonn] -
Buzarg of Sultin Mandid Gharna- and 6, 40627, 473, 497, 508 n 3
wi, 46 n 4 611 2, 548
n 4, 545, 557
» 2, 579,
Bibi Khin, one of the Amirs of 584n 3, 592 #8, 609 n 8, 610
Sulfin Sikandar Lodi, 419 Badiin See under Badion.
Babul, the deaca Arabica, 335 » 10, Radiini Soe under Badioni.
65001. Badger’s Imdéms and Sayyids of
Babili, a place, 335 and » 10 Omdan, 167 n 2.
Babylon, 169 » 1. Bhdghis, town of, 71.
Bachgotis, a tribe of Rijpits, 414 Badr, battle of,—the principal of the
aud « 18 Prophet's military exploits, 742 2,
Badagh Khia, of the Amire of Shih 216 1.
Tahmisp, King of Pers, 456. Badr Shar Shashi, a poet of the
Badakhshin, 27 » 2, 448, 448, 576, time of Sulfin Muhammad Taghloc
580, 681, 682, 585, 605, 608 and » 6 Shieh, 296 andn 6, 321 and x €
 Indez.
xz
Babéder, Saltin, roter of Gujrit,—
Known also as Badru-d-Din Chichi,
contemporary of Humayin, 46%,
of Torkestén
458, 454 and a4, 455, 456, 458,
Badra-i-Bakiin, e place, 268 and n §
685.
Badra-d-Din Chichi, the poet, 296
Bahadur Khén, a prince of the family
6, See under Badr Ghi‘ir Shishi
Shakh, con-
of Suljan ‘Alau-d-Din Khilfi, 291.
Badru-d-Din of Hansi,
Shah, Bahadur Khin, aon of Daryé Kbin
temporary of Sultan Firoz
Lihini, of the Amirs of Saltin
822 and n 5, 323.
Sanker, or Sangar, Ibrahim Lodi,—takes possesmon of
Badru-d-Din
of the Sham Bihar, assuming the ‘tle of Suljin
Rimi, Amir Hanb,
. Muhammad, 436 Elsewhore he is
siyah Malika, 121 0 7, 123
Zafar Khan, one of called Bihar Khiin (9 +)
Badrued-Din
Bahadur Khin, Governor of Narnil
the Mahke uf Sultan ‘Aléu d-Din
Khilji, 247 and » 2 onder Sultan Mahmid, grandson
Badshipiir, town, 129 » 2, of Suitin Fires Shih, 305 » 7.

Badward, a name of tho town of

Bahadur Khin Sistani (Sharbini?),
Baward or Abivard in Khuésan, Governor of Qandahar,—one of the
30 n. Aire of Humayin, 580, 601, 564

Bagh-1-Jid, the, 896 and 2 3 Bahidur Shah, otherwise known aa

Bagh-i-Sabz, on the banks ot the Tada > Nidu), independent Gover-

Lahor Fivor, 188 and » 3, 180 1 1 nor of Bunar Ganw,—contemporary

bigh-1-Sard, 18923 For the Bagh '- of Sulteun Ghiyasa-d-Din Toghlaq
Sabz (q «) Shih, 299, 300
Bagh-1-Sarir, 1843 For ithe Bigh-1 Bahndur, Sulfin Muhammad, son of
Sabz (q 2) Mahammad Khin Gauria,—con-
Baghdad, 12 n 2 (read Damagcvs), temporary of ‘Adh, 536 and a 8
17, 321, b7, 69 n1, 867 3, Bahadur Nalir, Bhar Gada of Miwnt,
n 2,205 1 1, 286, 81: and 2 4, £22, 343, 344 ond n 7, 345, 447, 351
304 and 1 5, JO7, 4382 n° S71 and 7 6 334, 354 and 5 4, 366 n,
n2 875. Fonnder of the Khin Zida
Baghdad gate, at Dibli, 432 n 10, race, the ralors of Miwit.
Ragore, town, 370 » 1 Bahankar, fortress of, 80 and nn 4
Bagram, old name of Peshtwar, 66 and 5
n6 Bahapir, town, 227 and n 7, 220.
Baha, Qazi, one of the boon-com- Bahar Khan, A'aam Hamayin Sir-
pantons of Snultan ‘Alan-d-Din wini, 521 See andor Bihar Kbin
Kbilji, 252, 253 and n 2, Bahiri, town, 283.
Badaédur Garshasp, Malik, of the Baharietan, one of the works of
Amirs of Sultin Mubammad Tugh- Maulani Jimi, 82. 2
Inq Shah, 204 and n 1, Bahirpir, town, 227 n 7
 Indes. xxi
Bahia-d-Din, ono of the Amira of transfers Ohanderi to Saltin
« Inlem Shih ‘Bir, 630. Sikander Lodi, 624 and n 4.
Bahbn-d-Din Garshasp, Malik, Gover- Bahlol, Saltin, 377 = 4, See under
nor of Sigur, uuder Suljin Maham- Suljén Buhlil Lodi.
mad Toghiag Shab, 3042 1. Behman, an ancient King of Iran,
Bahau-d-Din Jangi, Mali, of the 86 n 2,
Amirs of Mubammad Gbhah Firoz Bahman, elevanth month of the
Shahi, 944. Perkian year, 627 aud » 1.
Bahau-d-Din Mohammad Oshi Far- Bahmin, one of the Amirs of Islem
ghini, 78.1 2 See Bahao-d-Din Shih Sir, 517.
Ushi. Bahman Khan, a Niyézi Afghan,
Bahsa-d-Din Naqshbandi of Bukhara, 408.
Khwiya, a renowned saint, the Bahmanwi, ancient name of the
founder of the Nagahbandi School, town of al-Mansirah in Sindh, 86
588 n 4. a 10.
Babia-d-Din Sim Ghiri, Malik, 7° Bahr-1-‘Ajam, the,—a lexicographical
al. Probably Malik ‘Aiiu-d-Dio ‘work, 114 n 2.
Muhammad is meant Bahr.i-Jarjin, the Caspian, 158 9 1,
Bahiu-d-Din Tughral, Mahk, one of Babr-:-Khwireazm, the Lake Aral,
the generals and slaves of Sultin 1537 1.
Muizza-d-Vin Ram Ghiri, 80, 87 Bahr-1 Nitas, the Black Sea, 153 7 1.
Bahiu-d-Dis (abi, a famous preacher : Babi-t-Quizum, the Red Sea, 169
and learned divine uf the time of nl.
Sultan Qutba-d-Din Arbak, 78 and Babr-1-Tabariya, the Dead Sea, 153
n 2. nl.
Babiu-d-Din Zakariyai the Malténi, | Babrah, town of, 128.3. Probably
Ghauso-)-‘Alam Hazrat Shaikh, a same as Bhera (q 2 ). .
famoas Mubammadan Samt, 133 Bahraich, district, 849, 409, 411 2 2.
and x and n 2, 248 2 2. See also the next.
Bahda, a village of the dependencies Bahrasj, district, 125, 126, 191. See
of Khurisin, 648 and26 Called also the above and under Bharay
also Bubdiyan Bahram, ancient King of Persia, 157
Bakdiyan, village of, 5885. Bee al, 436.
the above. Bahram Iba, Kishla Khan, gove nor of
Al-Babbis, or the controversialiat, a Multan and Uchh, adopted brother
name of §bhakh Nagima-d-Din . of Sultin Ghiydga-d-Din Toghing
Auhyi of Budaon (¢ ¢), Tin 2 Shah, 292 and » 4. 298, 297 and
Pahira, town, 465. n 6, 304.
Bahjat Khan, governor of Chanderi Bahram Khin, son of Sultan Ghiyi.
undor Sultan Mabmid of Milwa, sa-d-Din Tughlag Shah, 297
xxii Index.

Bahram Khin, governor of Sanar- Bairam Dev, Raji of Hindistin, cou-

ganw under Saltin Mubammad temporary of Skin Mahmid of
Toghlng Ghah, 908. Ghasnin, 88 ond a4 Bee under
Behrim Khan Tarkbecha, ruler ox Brahma Dev.
Simina, contemporary of Mahbmad Bairim Dev, son of Rai Harsingh of
Shih of Dibli, 362, 365. Itiwa, contemporary of Majmid
Behrim Mirsi, brother of §hah Shih, grandson of Salgin Firos
Tahmisp, King of Persia, 669. BhEh, 961.
Bahram Shah, Saljin, ibn Mas‘id ibn Bairim Der, the Rijl of Kola, con-
Sultin Ibrahim Ghamawi, 65, 56, temporary of Sultin Jalila-d-Din
57, 56, 60 Ebilji, 281.
Bahram Shah, son of Sultin Nagiro- Bairim KhAn, Khin-i-Khinkn, ove of
ad-Din Qabachah (¢. » ), 90 the great Amira of Bamiyiin and
Bahram §hiéh, son of Sultin Shamaa- Akbar, 447, 567, 568, 669, &7%, 576,
d-Din Tyal-timsh. See under 588, 589, 590 and n 5, S01, 694,
Mu'‘izzu-d-Din Bahrém Shah. 595, 597, 622.
Bahram Ulish, 297 56. For Bahram Bairim Ehin Tarkbechs, ruler of
Tha (q. 0). Simina, under Masnad-i-'
Ali Ehigr
Bahri, Malik, of the Malike of Abi Khin of Dihli, 965, 378,
Bakr Shah. Salgin of Dihli, 344 Batali, township of,—-on the hanks of
Bahrair, a halting-place opposite to the Ganges, 360 and « 3, 376, 877,
Batana, 518 870, 407 21. See also Betili.
Babru-l-Jawahir, 8 work on medicine, Baitarini river, the~—in Oriess, 125
63,
30 n 2, 42 0, 49"
2, 10121, #3.
117 » 2, 118 9, 14646, 14824, Bistigin, 48 » 4, for Bartagin, the
161» 8, 167 n 3, 226 5 5, 319 n 4. Hijib-i- Basurg (g. v ).
Bahwa Lihini, Miyin, Governor of Bayi, a village of Shiriz in Persia,
Baiina, one of the Malks of Ielem 654.
Shih, 518, 519. BaigSwi, Qazi, author of the Anwéru-i-
Basana, district and town, 359, 360, Tansil, a celebrated commentary
378, 379, 385, 386, 387, 392, 305 on the Qur’ia, and of the Nigdmw-t-
and 2 3, 400, 405, 414, 418, 419, Tawdrigh, 6 and n 4, 10 0 3, 34 and
424, 443, 445, 452, 487, 486 497, DS, 45 ands 2 53, 56.8 1, 6B and
507, 609, 512, 618, 518, 519, 520, an 3 and 4, 63, 640 1.
526, 641, 549, 551 and » 8, 563, Bajj, fort of,—in Majbaristin, 34 and
697, 508 See aleo nader Bhitna a 6,
and Biins. Bajlima, a place on the Ganges,
Baiana, fortress of, 540, 651. 879
Baibagi, the Historian, 82.2, 36 na 8 Bajwara, town, 380 and » 2, 30} and
and 9, 37.2 2, 46 2 2, n 5, 407, 520
 Indes. axiii

Hekbtyir Khil}i, Malik, 651. See Baniras, 416, $30. Banirssi, 339 »
6. See Biréaasi.
Banas, the,~a tribatery of the
Ohambal river, $85 » 5.
and nll, 562, 566 ands 13, 567, Benita-n-Na'gh, the constellation
874, 600. See also under Bukkur Ursa Major, 196 and n 3.
end Bhakkar. Banbhar, town, 530 and n 8.
Bakear, country of, 408 and n 5. Banda, town, 417 » 7.
Baktésin, one of the Amirs of ‘Abdu-l. Bindha, fortress of, 417 » 7.
Malik ibn Nib Simiui, King of Biudhégarh, fortress, 417 and « 7.
Khurisia, 16 end « 2. Bangile, 79, 82, 86, 135, 232, 238,
Baléram, town, 346. 417, 457, 458, 460, 461, 470, 472,
Balarwin, fortrees of, im Gharjietin, 607, 552, 554, 673. See also under
O3a1. Bengal.
Balban, the elder, 134. Bee Malik Bangilis, the, 470.
‘Issu-d-Din Balben-i-Kasbli Khin Béngarman, township of, 434.
Balban, Sutin. See under Ghiyasu-d- Bang-Mati river, 845 Called also
Din Balban. the Beg-Mati (q v.).
Balban, the younger, Malik and after- Banhar, town, 580 a 3.
warda Sultin Ghiyign-d-Din (9. v ), Binhbana, Rii, brother's son of the
121 and n 7, 122. Jim of Thatha, contempurary of
Baibkani Amira, known also an the Sultan Firoz Shah, 382 n 6, 383
Ghiyizi Amirs, the partisans of nd.
Suljin Ghiyiga-d-Din Balben, 232, Baniin, town, 95 9 8, 128 0 1.
233. Banjéras, grain sellers, 477.
Balfour, 142 « 8. Binswila, town, 406.
Balkitigin, the slave of Aiptigin, Bani Tamim Anséri, early Mubam-
Governor of Ghani, 14." 1 madan sovereigns of Sind, 13 ».
Balkb, 16, 17, 20, 23, 27 and x 1. 30, Bapak, 415 a 5, for Prnyag, the
35, ST and a7, 38, 4, 46.5 1, 47, ancient name of Allahabad.
445, 581, S82 and « 7, 595, 597 Baqi'l, Maulini, a learned man of
n& the time of Babar, 449.
Halkh, the river of,—the Jaibin, 27 Bagi-i-Khajib, one of the learned
#1, 583.97. poets of the time of Sultéo Jalélu-
bélast, bill country of, 474 Soa d-Dia Khiiji, 245
siso the next. Boradaréa-s-ckhyif1, brothera by the
Bilkéth, mountains of, 22 and 4 5. gume mother but a differvnt father,
Ses also the above. 627
Bimiim, dutrict and town of, —in Buradaréa-1-a'yend. utorine brothere
Afghinistén, 46 sud n 1, 5b 466 n 7.
RXV
s
Index

Buran, district and town, 89 aud a 4, Barmasid Kor, one of the Amirs of
12) » 5, 226, 227, 280 n 1, 250, 357, Shir Shah, 490 and » 4,
359, 864, 396. See ulso the next. Barntth, fortress of, 24 and « 1.
Baran, fortresa of, 24 " 1. See Same as Baran (9 v.).
Barnah. Barni, the Hoatorian, See under
Birinasi, town, 829 and 2 @. See Zin-d-Din Borni.
under Baniras Baroda, diatrict 313, $34.
Badnghdr, nght wing of a Turkish Barya‘l, Bayi, a court offcer of Sulgin
army, 439 n 4, Muhammad Taghlag Sh3h, 312, 315,
Barani, the Historian See under Barsine, wife of Alexander the Great,
Zdu-d-Din Barni 382 x
Baiiwar bacha, See ander Hasan, Bartagin, the Hiapb-1-Busarg,—one
Barawar bacha. of the Amira of Sultan Mendid
Barawar tribe, a family of servile Ghaznawi, 48% and n 4, Bev aloo
pomtion mm Guyjit, 274, 285, 288 under Bushtigin.
See also the next Bartah, fortress of, 24 0 1.
Bariwas, the, 289 Same as the Bard (Broach), 311 and a 8,
Bariwar family (q. r ). Baruja, town, 358 a 6.
Barbak, chief attendant of a dar bu, Barwat, Governor of the fortress ut
501 and 2 6 Barnth, in Hindastin. a contem-
Babak Bektara Sultaus, Mahk, one porary of Sultin Mahenud of (thaz-
of the Mabha of Sultan Ghiyasu d- mon, 24 and a t
Dn Balban, 186 x 5 Basad Khan, one of the Amura ot
Barbak Shab, son of Sultan KBnblal Sultun Malmud, the grandson of
Lodi, 409 and # 8, 41) 0 2, 412” 2, Sulsin Firoz Shab, of Dik), 364
413 and n 13, 414 n 1, 415 Basawar, town, 34), 445, 475, 479,
Burchha, a smal! spear, $79 and » 2 512, 649.
Bardir, hills of, 180 » 2 Bashir che Sirdar, an adherent of the
Bardat, governor of the fortrea, ot bouar of Suljim *Alan-d-Din Khilps,
Bartah m Hindistin, contemporary 273
of Sultan Mabmid of Ghaznin 24 Baghtigin Hayib, one of the Amite of
al the Ghaznavides, 48 » 4, 50 n 1
Bardhan, town, 83, 84." See under Bartagin
Bardhan Kot, town of, 84 n Bocra, town of,—im Arabian ‘Indy
Bareilly, 3644 Bee also the next. 12n1,456n 8,
Baréh, town uf, 71 n 2, See ulso Basudev (Vasadeva), one of the Hindu
Bareilly, gots, 24 and n 6
Bareri, pargann of, 424 n 3, Basili, « place, 385 n 10,
Biri, townsbip in the Suke of Bathindah, town of, 699 2, See alsv
Agia, 410, £25 and a 4 under Batindah
 Indow., ‘ xxv

a
Batil, 618 a 2. 4 Béz Bahidar, son of Sasiwal Khin,
Batindah, caited also Tabarhindah, ruler of Malwa, obntemporary of
the capital of Jaipil,_—the ruler of ‘Adli, 654,557.
Hindistan at the time of Mabmid Basina, town of, 27 x 4,
Ghasnawi, 19+ 2, 20n1. See also Bazghand, fortress of, 44 and # 4.
Bathindah. Beaie's Dictionary of Oriental Bro.
3Egini sect, the,—a sect of Mubam- graphy, 33'n 1, 38 11, 369 4, 55x,
madan heretics, 22 and n 38, 542, 55n3, 6825, 993, 138
\l-Batiniah, 22 » 3 Same as the % 2,134 "4, 158 2 8, 187 2, 238
above (g. v ). w 4, 236
n 2, 272 91, 279
0 8, 207 2,
satlihi, town, 334 and # 5 298 nn 2 and 4, 38302, 380" 4,
3atal, the offset of a palm-tree, 622 449 nn 2 and 3, 4505, 507 » 2,
4. 533 an 1b and 6, 57129, 584" and
il Batil, a namo of Fitimah, daughter n 8, 624 1 6, 638 n 1. [Ba:ina.
of the Prophet, 622 2 4 Beina, town of, 8025. See ander
taward, a city of Khurasia, 29 and Bedar a town of the Deccan, 209 n 3
n 6, 30,42, 43. Called aleo Abi- See also under Bidar
ward (gq 0) Bedr, battle of,—the Prophet's pon-
layak, 41515, for Prayig, the ancient etpal aulitary explat, 742 2, 216 2,
unmo of Allahabad. More correctly Badr
Sayaxid Angari, also called Pir Roshan, Beerbhoom, the Raja of, 829 n 9.
founder of a Saft sect, called the Beg Tighdi, one of the generals of
Rorhiniyyah or enlightened, 58 Sultén Mas‘id, son of Sultan Mah-
aud n 5 mud (haznawi, #§ Seo under
layozut A gam Homayin, nephew of ‘lughdi Beg
Sukir Bublul Lodi, 400, £10 and Begam, the Queen-consort of Humi-
wl. yun, mother of Akbar, 560, 566,
iayazid, Khwajé, eldest son of Sulsan 6068 and» 7, See Hamida Bani
Bablul Lodi, 401 n 4, 410” 1, 414, Beghi, the Turkomin, chief of the
ayssid, Sharkh, the brother of ‘Turkomans, contemporary of Sultan
Mugafi Farmali—one of the Mas‘id, son of Mahmid Ghasnawi,
Afghin Amirs who jomed Humiyin, 38 and » 8, 89.
414. Beghi Mahk Shih See the above,
ayazid, oue of the Amirs of Sultin Beg-Mati river, the, 84%1 Called
Mabmid son of Sniltan Sikandar uleo the Bang-Muti(g v).
Lodi, 471 and n 4, 472 Behar, caprtal of the ancient kmgdom
ayleyp History of Gujarat, 17 04, of Magadh, 82 and #1. See under
fin 3, 264" 6, 313.46, 357 8, Bihar
452 » 6, th4002 and 7, So 1, Behasvtan of Maulana ‘Abdu-r-
455 0 6 Ralmuu sami, 32 #2,
4
 xxvi Indez.

Behit, the,—old name of the Jhilam, Bhadanriahs, the, 408 11. fee the
one of the five rivers of the Panjab, Bhadaaris.
44n 6, 128 3, 500, 503. Spelt Bhadauris, the,—-the inhabitente of
also the Behat. the Bhadiwar district, 408 and # 1.
Behnbur, town, 580 n 3 Bhadawar, a district 8. E. of Agra,
Behsid, Malik, Governcr of Multin 408 n 1.
onder Sultin Mukammad Toghlay Bhadiwah, town, 410 n 4.
Shih, 305. Bhagat, the,—a Hindi caste of lose
Bestrige sur Kenntnwe der Poease der people, 557 and n 8.
alten Arabe, Ndldeke’s, 99 » 6. Bhagatiya, thea Hindi caste of
Beji Rai, Raya of Bhatia, contem- loose people, 557 1 9.
porary of Sulfin Mahmid of Bhagirathi, the 82 1 4,
Ghasnin, 19. Bhaka, 8 servant of Shir Khin, after-
Bekasi, Manland, a poet of the time wards Shir Shah Sar, 468.
of Humiyiin, 453 and » 7 Bhakiri, Shaikh, eon of Shaikka-l-
Belnat mountains, 2225 Sen under Hadiyah, contemporary of Salfan
Balnit and Ralnath Sikandar Lodi, $29 and n 5.
Bengal, 81 » 2, 82 nn 3 and 4, 1385 Bhakkar, town, 464 See ander
m 1, 299, 300, 303 n, 345 n 2, 466 Bakkar and Buhkkur
n 6, 540 See also auder Bangiéla Bhangar, fortress of, 71 andn 2. See
and Bengila alao under Bhankar and Bahankar,
Bongala, 79, 82, 86, See also nnder Bhankar, fortress of, 90. See also
Bangila and Bengal onder Bhangar and Bahankar.
Ber, fruit of the ‘Unndb tree in Bharay, distret, 1320 See under
Hindustani, 117 » 2 Babraict and Bahra;
Beraisen, a mistuken reading of bi Bhartpir district, £4 1, 3068 a,
Risaw, +e., the two Rises (q 7 ), Bhasiyina, country of, 40 and a 5.
326 n Bhat, fort of, 355 and n 3, Seo
Berenice, an ancieut port of the Rod Bhatnir,
Sea, 169 21 Bhita or Bhita, a place, in 4. Bea
Betali, on the Ganges, 1k nl. See under Bhatix
under Patiiu and Batali Bhati, a town situated hatween the
Betel-leaf, note on, 302 » f arms of the Mihran (Indus) 36
Betle-chewer’s caneer 43 7 nl0
Betwa river, the 95) 3 Bhat: tritws of Hindus, the, 66 and
Beveridge’s the kupuor Akbar, 5s ng
nh
Bhitu, na place in the wemty of
Breoar sft ttn
Multan, Mand no 4,065 2,
BT Fd one of thy dependencies f Bhatnir, town, 355 1» 1 and 3.
aT ilGr 4
Bhatpar, 355 » 3, for Bhatuur (qv).
 Index,
Bhatte, town, 408 27, 455 aad » 9,
420, GAS, 544, 553.
Bhatia, Kingdom of, 544.
Bhatia, Amirs of, 456.
Bhatwira, a place, 408.
Bhawan, a place, 20 # &.
Bhayiza, country of, 80 2 & Ges
under Bhiina, Bits and Saiina,
Bhera, a place on tho left bank of the
Jhelum wader the Salt Range, 19
a4. See under Bahrah.
Bhiioa, territory of, 80 = §. Bes
auder Bheyans, Biana and Baiins.
Bhilsa, a town on she Betwi in
Milwi,95 and «3,236 ands 3.
Bhim, hero of Indian mythology,
20 0 5, 21.
Bhim, town of, 2» 6.
Bhim Dev, Rii, raler of Gujrat, con-
temporary of Saltén Ma‘isen-d-Din
Sim Ghuri, 66, 71. [ Dev.
Bhim Ria Dev, 71, See under Bhim
Bhim, Bai, the chief of Jammoa, con-
temporary of Sulina Mabirak Shik
of Dibli, 383 and a 3.
Bhim Sen, Raji, foander of the town
of Bhongéon, 386 » 3.
Bhimzagar, fortress of, 20 aad n 5.
Bhodal, townslup of, 547 » 4
Bhojpir, fortress of, 185 and n 1,
Bhougion, a town in the Mamnpiri
district, 366 ne 3 and 4. See aleo
under Bhingiaw.
Bhagton, 386 5 3. See the above and
also Bhungipw.
Dhibar, town, 360.
Bhukindt, town, 386 # 3.
Bhinginw,—or
Bhaingion, in the Maiperi district,
306 and = 3, 402, 631.
se
Bharayes, town, 614= 2.
4 Bidh, the, 38 = 8, 198, 190, 251, 268,
381, 380, 301, 298, 412 0 3. Called
the Kali Pini (q. ¢.), aed the Bite,
Bika, the, 825 4 3. Same ea the river
Bfib (g. 0).
Bibi Bai, deaghter of Nigin Khia
Bar and wife of Islem Shih, 535,
Bibi Khinzs, Malika-j-Jabin, obief
wife of Saltia Hussin Gharqi, 400
sad 2%,
Bibi Rachi, mother of Saltin Moubam-
mad Shah Sharyi of Jaunpir, 408
a 8,
| Bible, the, 804 2 5.
Bibliotheca Indica, the, 137 « 2, 142
1,815» 7, 220 » 3.
Bidigh Ehin Qizilbish Afshir, one of
the Amirs of §hah Tahmisp of
Persia, 572 and sa 7 and 8, 575
and « 3, 578.
Bidar, town,—in Haidaribad, Deccan,
299 and n 3, $11, 312, 314. Called
aleo Bedar.
Bidaspes, the, =the Jhelam river, the
Vitesta of Sanskrit writers, 23
« 3.
Bihand or Waihind, a place on the
weatern bank of the Indus, 20# 1.
Bihir, 186, 328, $20, 338, 848, 416
and un Zand 13, 417, 434, 435,
436, 444, 416, 466, 457, 467, 469,
470, 471 and «1, 531.
Bihar Khan, one of the Amira of the
Lodi dynasty, 443.
Bihir Khia, A'am Hamiyin Sirwani,
Governor of Handiya under lelem
Shah Sur, 517,631,541. See Babar
Khan
Bihar Khan, son of Daryé Kher
Leben, Sultan of Bihar, 467 See
 XXViii
&ulién Mobammad of Bihar.
where called Bahadur Khin (q 0). 4
Bibishti, author of a commentary
the Sahisf, 427 9 1.
Bijlins, s place oz the Ganges, 281,
Bijuor, hille of, 180 and 1 3.
Bikanir, town of, 69 2,
Bilal, the Abysainian
Muhammad, 601 2,
Al-Bilégari, author of the Futihu-1.
Byldan, 11 2 3.
Bilichistan, 48 » 4, 420 n 9.
Bin, township of, 626. See alao Bin
Bai,
Bina Pinipati, Shaikh,
surgeon, 366 n 3.
Binayek Deo, RGj& of Dholpix,—con-
temporary of Sultan Sikandar Lodi,
419 n 4, 490 and n 2.
Binayik Deo, same ag
(q.7).
Bio Bail, in the Panyib,
See also Bin
Bird, note on, 303 2.
Biryia, the planet Jupiter, 680 and n 2,
Birni Khera, town, 327 and 2 3,
Biruni See under Albirini.
Bigal, fortress, 383 n 3.
Bith, aconite, 172 n 2
Bismi-llah, in the name of God, ured
at the beginning of a) works, 428
andn 4
Bitter Lakes, the, 169 » 1.
Bizhan, son of Geo and nephew of
Rustam, in the Shahnémah of
Firdausi, 116 » 5, 180 and n 2, 181
21,
Blackwater, the,—known
Kalipini(q v.), 860 and « 3, 378
and R J, 386, 41).
Index.
Eleo- Bland, On the Persian game of chess,
103 2 1, 115 n, 479 2 7.
on Blochmann, 8 2 3, 19 n, 67 #9 3, 858
w 1, 357 2 4, 366%
3, 408 wn 1, 415
n 4, 417 » 8, 420 nn 8 and 9, 431
% 8, 423 0 3, 42443489
, 9 7, 440
® 2, 464 0 6, 4762 5, 479
0 5, 496
mu’aggin of ant land
8, 498" 3, 499 » 3, SOL
n 7, 508 8, 606 n 2, 507 n 1, 508
nn7 and 8, 608" 8, 515 n 4, B28
nm 6, 646 nn 8 and 7, 667n 1, 507
n 3, 568 n 6, 571 9, 580 » 6, 584
n 8, 688 n 4, 690 n 6, 502 n 9, 597
» 5, 6051, 608 » 5, 610 n, G11
@ famous 4 8, 623 2 6B, 626 n 8,
Blue, the customary mourning coloae
an Persia, 209 and a 8
Bohar, 8 place im the vicinity of
Hansi, 248 and n 4.
the above Bokhira. See under Bokbira.
Bombay edition of the Atagh-Kada,
523, 525 584n 8
Bombay text of the Tarith-1-Forighta,
7293, 205 » 8 34a1, 307 4,
325» 8, 32602, 827%3, 930n 8,
334
% 3, 339 « 2, 342
5 8, 8450 v,
350 2 3, 355n 4, 860-n 3, 365 n 2,
379.12, 385 %2, 393 1» 3, 400 4,
401 n2, 402 ne Land 6, 403 an4
and 5, 404nn2 and 6, 406 nn 1
and 5, $10 »m 1 and 4, 41) » 2
412 2 2, 418 6 18, 415 0 7, 422 n 3,
421 nn 2 nnd 4, 426 n 6, 452 nn 3
and 7, 433 = 3, 438 n 3, 466 1 5,
478 nn 7 and 8, 458 n 5, 400 #
4,
537 n 2, 559 an 6 and &, 560 n 2,
561n 2, 664 an 6 and4, 563 & 13,
as the 587 » 9, 573 » 3, 579 9 9, 58a nS,
609 » 5, 685 a 3
Boat, district, 15 »
 Indez. xxix
‘
Bost, town,—on the banks of the Bodh, Shaikh, a learned physician of
Hendmend, 158. See under Bust. Bihar 1m the time of Sher Shah and
Brahms Dev, one of the Bajis of Islem Shih, 621 and « 4, 522.
Hindist&n at the time of Sulfin Bughri Khin, son of Sultin Ghiyéqn-d-
Mabraid of Ghasni, 28 1 4, Din Balban. See under Nigiru-d-
Brahmanpatr, the, 84 and n 1, 186 Din Bughri Khan.
n6 Called alao the Brahmkadi Bublé) Lodi, Malik and afterwards
Brahmans, the, 27, 28, 831, 382, 600 Suljin, 398, 899, 400, 401 and
5. nm 4, 402 and an 1 and §, 403 and
Brahmaputra, the, 84.2 1. See the an4 and 5, 404 and 5 and an 2
Brahmanputr, and 5, 405, 406, 407 and # 1, 408
Brahmkadi, the, 84. See uuder the and 2 6, 409 and a 7, 410 and
Brahmanpatr. mn l and 4, 411 and n 2, 412 2 2,
Brentford, 301 2 413 n 13, 466
Brian O'Linn, 618 2 1. Rublil, Sultin, sbn-1-Kéla Lodi See
Briggs, Ferwhta, 130 1,16 9 1 and the above
2,192 6,207 2, 23 n 2, 27 » 4, Bublul, Shaikh, brother of Shaikh
28 an 2 and 4, 20 na 1 and5, 3) Muhammad Ghaus of Gwahar,
nZ, 3) n, 3302 3475, 3619, 47 comtemporary of Hamiyin, 459.
a 7, 48 nv 2 and 4, 66 nn 2 and 4, Bokhiri, 13 » 1, 14n 1, 20" 2, 27
259 2 5, 273.2
4, 300 n 3, 304 n I, n 1, 80, 93, 446n 2, 5838 n 1, 570
307 a, 327 2 1, 329 09, 331 n 10, n 7, 588 2 4, 618 and n 5.
332 2, 334.2, 326 n 5, 338 2 I, Bukhari, Imim, the celebrated author
B44 7, 248 an Dand 9, 3502 3 of Sahihui-Bukhai, w collection of
855 na T and 4, 350 4 2, 360 2 3, authentic traditions, 6 and n 8.
365 #2, 867.0, 370 an 1 and 2, 305 Bakkur, later name of al-Mangirah
n 5, 400 n, 410 n 3, 414.00 3 and 3, in Sind. 36 n 10, 569 2 5 Gee
417
9 6, 419 8 1, 48404 125 2 6, ander Bakkar and Bhakkar,
401 n 3 4787 499 2 5, 490 2 4, Bulandghabr, district and town of, 89
Sob #13, 624 2 6, 625 2 3 n 4, 121 15, 395 2 4, 396, 546 1 4.
Broach, 311.23 Bee under Bari) Bulgir, one of the sons of Gaz, tho
Ba ‘Ali, commonly known as ibn tenth son of Yafis (Taphet), 61 0 5.
Sina (Avicenna), 533 and n 1, Bulgarians, the,—descended from
Bubonic plague 524 and » 1, Bulgir (q v.), 61.45
Budaon, See ander Badion, Bu-l-Muzaffar, 77 and n 1, for Abu-l-
Budion gate, m Dihli, 227, 260. Mugaffar Mu‘izzu-d-Dia Mubammad
Badioni. See ander Badioni Sam Ghiri. [omen, 682 1.
Budain. See under Badion Baimah, the Owl,—-the type of ill.
Budaini. See under Badivni. Bartg, the ammal upon which
Buddhists, the, Ub 1 3. Muhammad was mounted daring
 uxX Index.
his ascent to heaven, 160, 902 and Burhinpir, 485 » 4
D 6, 203 a. Burhénn-d-Din Balarimi, Shaikh, one
Bargess,Sérye Sidshénta, 163 = 3. of the Amirs of Saltin Mubammad
Burhia, servant of Saljin Mabmid Tughleq Shah, 814.
of Gujarat, 533 and « 5. Buri Ganga river, the, 377 a 8, 334
Burhanabad, township, 386. a 4,
Burhan-1-Qéfr', a Persian Dictionary, Burga‘,
a kind of veil, 5038.and » 3.
79.01,101 81,102 » 5, 106 # 4, Barton's Pilgrumage to Bl-Medine and
109 » 4, 115." 38, 117 5 2 1288 3, Meeca, Vi
0 4, 177
2 4,
137 n 6, 138 2 3, 143.02, 146 8 1, Bushiro, 572 « 1.
152 an 8 and 6, 153 as 1 and 4, Bughkéi, the rainy season, from the
154" 5, 158.2 6, 159 2, 160 n 2, Turki pughakal or pughkdl, 325 2 8,
166
w 1, 167
n 2, 171
9 2, 172 nn2, Bust, capital of Zibulistin, 14 and
3 and 4, 173 n 2, 178 a 4, 182 an 1 n 8, 38, 34, 47,4824, 50. See
and 4, 192 » 3, 193 w1, 3l40 1 under Bost.
3198 4, 321 an 1, 2 and 4, 340 Basten of Shaikh Sa‘di of Shiris, 187
« 8, 352 » 1, 629 » 1. «2, 487.
Borhan Nigim Shih, ruler of the Bistén Afris, w red flower without
Dakkan,
624 « 6. odour, 629 and » 1.

o.
Cairo, 210 See also under the Déru-l- Répri, 65 » 1, 84m, 12683, 131
Mhilafat of Egypt. a 4, 13421.
Cakra, the, 22 » 1. See also the Calcutta text of Zidu-d Den Barni,
Chakra. 906 = 1, 307 n 3, 3100 1, Sli aw 6.
Cakra svimin, or owner of the Cakra, Celendar of Juhas Casar, 76 »
name of the idol of Taneshar, 22 Camil eddin, Kadhi, one of the Qisis
21) See aleo Chakra-svimin. of Balgan Niagiro-d-Din Madmid
Calcutta edition of the Kashehéf of Shah of Dihti, 128 »
az-Zamakhshari, 28 « 1, Cambay, in Gujerat, 266 9 4, Sli n3,
Calcutta text of tha Muntakhaby - 45426. See also ander Kohan-
Tawdrikh of Badaoni, 132 » 2, 187 bayét, Khambhit and Khambit
21, 3688 1 Cambahat, the Cambay of Kuropeans,
Caloutta edition of the Nafahdiu-l. & port of Gujerat, 266 8 4 See
Uns of Maulina Jimi, 609 s 6. under Camba,. [2B a.
Calcutta edition of the Shah Nama, Ceada, a place near Somnath, 26 n 4,
- 83 n2, [320 = 2. Cannia coubadj, name of Qaaayj in
Calcutta text of Shams-1-iraj “afi,
ancient monuments, 23 2 3.
Calcatia edition of the Tabaqat-s-
Carmate. See under Karmat or
 Indec. Bxxi

Qurmet, founder of the Karmatinn Nigive-dDin Makmid {ih of

sect of heretics. DihH, 19004 Calldd also Obihar
Carnal,town of, 210 4 Deva and Jbhir Dev.
Caroli, town, 420 » 6. Chihar Deva, Riji of Narwar, 195
Cathay, the country of Kbath, 143 04, Bee Ohiher Ajéri.
a 4, 2830 &. Chaghs Beg Saljiqi, 0 0 4 See
Csnssin de Perceval, Keasi aur under Ohughs Beg.
Ff Hsstore da drabes, 13.2 1, 460 5. Chabir Khavd, a place, 457.
Cavalom, the town of Kalam, 266 = 5. Chahér pis, charpoy, 4042 11.
Cave, Chapter of the,—the Siratu-i- Chakarstm, name of the idol of
Kabf, in al-Qur’tu, 270 ns. Thinesar, 21. See Chakrasvimin.
Cawnpore, 406 » 5. Chakra, 33.01. See under Cakra.
Celestial Empire, the, 147 2 1. Chakrasvimin, or Lord of the Chakra,
Central Asia, 362 5 2. name of the idol of Thinesar, 23
Central India, 296 2 7, 364
20 3 and sl. Bee Cakrasvimin.
3, 385 » 3. Chaldi, « Mughal commander, in the
Central Provinces, the, 433
= 4, 617 time of Baltin ‘Aléa-d-Dia Khilji,
#9. 240 2 5.
Chich,
« town in Torkestin,
206 = 6. Chaman, Maiik, Ghisiu-l-Malk,
See also Shigh Governer
of Badiou,—-one of the
Chach Néma, the,—e History of lndia Amirg of Mubammad §hih of
in verse, I1
0 3. Dibli, 306 and » 1, 308.
Chadar, a garment worn by the Chamba) or Chhanbal river, s river of
women of Indis, 508 and » 1. Central India, the Charmanwati
Chaghar Heg Saljiqi King of of Sansknt writers, 385 and
n 8,
Khurasin, contemporary of Saltin 387, 419, 420 » 5.
Maudid Ghasnawi, 4004 Caled Chamberhé, a roof, 593 » 9.
also Chughs Beg or Chaghs Beg. Champanir, fortreas of,—in Gujrit,
Chaghatai tine of Mogul princes, 145 456 01. Called sleo Janpanir.
n 2, 464
2 8. Chenbarha, 583 » 9,
Chaghatai Khin, son of the Chingis Chindi, the hersine of a cin
Khan, 145 2 2, 404.2 8, Hindi, mistress of Lirak, 88%. See
Chaghatai tribe, Amire of —nadherenta under the next.
of Humiyin, 466 and n 8, 4732, Chandaban, a Magnawt in Hivdi relat.
874 and 1G, 576, 58S = 7, 583 = 3, ing the loves of Larak aud Chandi,
503. See also under Chaghti 333 and » 6.
Chaghta, Ulis-i-, 57501. See also Chandan, the white sandal ic Hindi,
under the Chaghataitribe 4840 1. ‘
Chahar Ajiri, wdependent Raji of Chandawir district, 377. See also
Narwar, comtemporary of Saljin wader Ohaadwir.
xxxii Index. \

Chandéri, district and town of, 129, Chaul, « village on the route from
387, 288, 207, 428, 424 and n 4, 435, Amarkot to Jaisalmir, 565 « 13,
460, 475. 567 and 1. Called also Chore,
Chandot of alver, ic, the palanguin Chaund, country of, 468,
of honour for governors, 834 Chauriaj, pargana of, in the district
Chandrabhaga, name of the mver of Hinsi, 323.
Chenab iv Sanskrit, 23 2 3. Chauai, village of, 402 = 3, See
Chandragapta, King of Magadha or under Jausa.
Behar, 18 5 1 Chara betle, 802 n 6, 308 2.

Chandwir, district, 70 and n 3, 380, Chenab, the,—one of the five rivers

387, 405. See alao Chandawir of the Panjib, 23 n 3, 67 n, 856 n I,
Chang, a musical rnatrument, 146 2 1 383 ands 1, 3tnand »!, 503,
Changiz Khin. See under Chingiz Written also the Clunib, Chiuib
Khan and Chhinab.
Chenoua, in the Sarkar of Agra, 70 Chenar, town, 416 and» 4, Seo under
n3. Chinir
Chaptar, # town on the Ganges, 343 Chingiz, Khin. See under Chingiz
and #9 3,844 «Called alay Chitar Khan
Charké-1-4ffas, tho highest of atl the Crean, Bland, On the Perssan caime of,
heavens, 246 n 3 Hid nl, 11422, 116 2, 4207
Charmanwati, Sanskrit name of the Chhain, town, 379 and » 2.
Chambal, a river of Central India, Chhaju, Mahk, Kishlu Kpan, Khan of
385 23. See under the Chambal harra, brother’a son of Sultan
Charpoy, desciiption of, 494 and Ghiyssa-d-Dm Balban, 221 ant an
ni], 495 2 fand 3, 227, 229, 230, 241, 232,
Chartiili, a dependency of Kol, 431 238
n 4 Chhanbal, s mver of Central India
Chachtgahe, brenkfast time, 488 and See the Chambual
n8 Chhappar Khatta, a place, 555.
Chataldi, a Mughul commander, con- Chhapramau, township of, 540 snd
temporary of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din nf
Khalji, 249 v5, Chheraiman, township of, 540 #8
Chatar La‘l, distmet, 216. Chhinab river. See under the
Chaugén, game of,—ongin of the Cheniib
modern game of polo, 79» 1, 417 Chhinar, town, 541 and a 2 See
and 2 8 under Ohinhar and also Chinir and
Chaugén, & stick with a curved end, Chanir
79 "1, 144389"2 Chhota Jawér, amall variety of millet,
Chauhins of Maimpir, a tribe of Mon 4 (n 6.
Rajpiits, 414 » 13, Chigil, a city of Turkestén, 158 and
 Indes. REX

Ohildd, » Tarki word in the sense of Ohitor, 267, 288, 907

5 1, 458, 458,
In‘dm, 506 « 6 454, 470. ’
Chin, country of, 143, 147, 156, 238 Chitré, same an Jalesar, 346 and « 5.
a 5, 307, 426,
684. See aleo China. See also under Ohitar.
Chin, Sea of,—the Indian Oocan, Chorasmii, the, 232 1.
153 2 1. Obore, a village on the route from
Chin, son of Japhet the son of Noah, Awmarkot to Jsisalwir, 567 « 1.
147 #1. Called also Chant {q. v.}
China, 145 » 2, 147 n 3, 2839.5. Seo Choroes I, son of Kobad, called
also under Chin, Nanshirwin, of the Sassanide
Ohinab or Chinib, the. See under dynasty of Persia, 46 » 5.
the Chenab river. Christiana, the, 509 » 5, 577 =, 401 x.
Chinar tree, Platanus orwntales, 162 Chronicles of the Pathan Kungs of
and « 3, 376, 404 and n 6. Dethi, Thomas's, 8791, See ander
Chinir, fortress, 415 » 3, 456, 469, Pathan Kings of Dethi.
470, 471. See Chenir and also Chronology of Ancient Nations, Albi.
Chinhér and Chonar. rini’a, 10402, 108 » 4, 166 2 1,
Chinese, the, 352 « 1. 250 an 3 and4, 369
» 3, 627
Chinese Tartary, 145 n 2. . wl,
Chingis Khan, Emperor of the Chetbha-1-Sél, baalks of sdf wood, 599
Maghols, 91, 99, 108 0 3, 123, 135 4, and n 13.
145 « 2, 188 9 2, 230, 236, 260 » 1, Chughs Beg Saljiiqi, King of Khura-
269 n 5, 353 » 1, sin, oontemporary of Sultin
Chingisi line of Mogul Princes, 145 Mandid Ghaznawi, 49 and n 4,
# 2, Called also Chaghs Bog and Chaghar
Chinhir, town, 548, 555, G11. See Beg.
QOhbinir and also Chmir and Chili Bahadur, Usbaki, one of the
Chunar. Amirs of Mirti ‘Askari, 568.
Chirégh, an open lamp with a naked Chand, line, 302 » 6.
flame, 650 » 17. Chanab river. See ander the Chenab.
Ohiahtie, the,-—-descendanta of Chunér, fortress of, 489, 541 and « 4,
Khwaja Ma‘ing-d-Din Chighti, 416 543. See aleo under Chinir and
a 18. Chinhar.
Chishti, Khwaja Ma‘ina-d-Din Hasan, Chunhar, same as the fortress of
contemporary of Sultan Mu‘ixza-d- Chanir (q. v.), 480.
Din Mebammad Sim Ghiri, 70 and Chun-ti, the ninth and last Emperor
n2.. of the Mongol dynasty of China,
Chitar, town on the Ganges, 343 and 363 «1.
«3, 344. See Obapter and also Chuquar, Tarki word, meaning of,
Chiteé, 21501.
5
 xExiv Index.

Cliaobors
of Pliny, corresponds to the Companions of the Prophet Mabam-
towe of Kalikevartia or Vrindi- mad, 636.
vans of Sanskrit writers, 249 6. Corah, town, 496 9 6.
Olouston’s
Araihan Posiry, 09 = 6. Coromandel, 355 = 5.
Clynma,—or Cdtgangra, fortress of. See under
Clymnon,
town of, 169 » 1. Kot Kangra
Oockscomb, the flower called 7é-é- Coupele, town, 346 2 7.
K}uriz, 639 » 1. Coarteille, de, 9 «= 3, 145 a 2, 215 ae
Coinage, First introduction
of Muham- land 5. See also under Pavet de
madan—,
18 » 1. Courteille.
Coins of Kungs of Ghasni, Thomas's Crow, the,—believed by the Arabs
16 » 2, 47 9 3, to be a bird of ill-omen, 7 x 2.
C6l, fort of, 70 = 4. Conningham’s Ancient Geography of
Colebrooke, Essays, 383 » 4. Indsa, 21 w 4, 93 2 G, 2803, 260 6,
Golie, noteson, 49 2 2. 4825, 6603, 6721, 60 an 4 and
College of Fort William, Calcutta, 5, 8091, 13282 3, 905 an 3 and4
600
= 38. 2035 5, 2945 4, 82 5 2, 2088,
Colombo,
308 9. 383 = 4, $60 w 3, 415 = 5.
Commentarves of Baber, the, 431 « 8. Cureton's Mulal and Nepal of Shahras-
Bee the Waqi'ét-+-Babari. tani, 22 2 3, 157 2 2.
Commentary on the Miftéhu-l-‘Ulim Cyrene, town of,—the modern Kair-
(q. v.), 426 and x 3, wan in Tama,
167 2 4.
a

D.
Dakerin, Ad-, the Hysdes, in the Dagh, s brand,
406 « 8.
constellation
Taurns, 367 and n $. Déght system, institated by Gbir
Dabho'l, s district of Gujrit, 313 and Ghah,
406 and n 8.
n 5, 314 Dagia or Dajle, the river Tigris,
304
Datir-s-
Falak, the ecribe of the sky, n 6,
a name of Mercury,
196 # 5. Dibir, Raji, contemporary
of Mubam-
Dabei, 584 = 4, for the post Waisi, mad Qisin the conqueror
of Sind,
a post of the time of Humiyin. 13 93, 188.
Dacca, town, 186 » 6. Dehra, a bill-hook
or reaping hook,
Dadbeg, Chief Justice, 230 and « 4. 108
» &.
Dadhyanch, the horse-headed mons- Dai, tenth month of the Persian your,
tor of Indian Mythology, 294 n 4, 280 aud » 4, 370 and s 1, 637 and
Daftari, a ecribe or clerk, 490 and = 0. » 1, 620.
Dagger, first invented in Hindistan, Dailam, province of,--the Persian
589, ‘Iriq, 30s 1.
 Indew.
‘
Daityes, the,~of Hindi mythology, Daniel, Book of, 304 4 5.
168 4 4. Danéj or Dhanij, Rii of Suniegiaw,
Dejjal, Antichrist, 278 and n 4, contemporary of Guljin Ghiyéqu-d-
270 a, 869 and = 3, 490 and Din Balban, 186 and » 6.
un 5. Dac, the,—-name of an ancient people
Dajla or Dagla, the river Tigris, 304 of Central Asia, 23 2 1.
and # &. Dari, one of the ancient Kings of
Déb-chauhi, post-horsss, 292. Persia, 89.
Dak-rannore of the Baat, 621 » 3. Darius III, King of Persia, contem-
Dakhan, the, 498 x 3, 583, 6584, porary of Alexander the Great,
657. See also under Dakkan and 332 2.
Deccan. Darmash Khin, Governor of Khori-
Dakkan, the, 912, 318, 517, 625, 688, sin onder Shih Ismail Safawi,
685, 696 See aleo under Dakhan King of Peraia, 449 and n 5.
and Deccan. Darra, a city of Hindistin, 52 and
Daldil-s-Firdsi of ‘Izzn-d.Din Khalid 81.
Khini, «a work on Astrology, 382 Darra Gas, in Khurasin, 682 » 7.
and » 8. Diri-i-Chashm (eye medicine), 52,
Deldud-+-Fires Shahi, the, 382 » 2. Daru-l-Khiléfat of Egypt, Cairo,
Bee the Dalal.» Firksi. 328,
Dalla,
a weaael or stoet, 158
» 4. Darwiza-i-Baghdidi, at Dihli, 207.
Dalman’, s town on the Ganges, 415 Bee also under the Baghdad
and 0 7, Gate
Dalmir, district of, $49 n 2. Daryé Khiv, son of Zafar Khan,
Daiptir, town, 415 » 7 Governor of Gujrét ander Bultéa
Damaghin, a city of Khordsiin, 34 Firoz Shih, 333 and 11.
a3 Darvyé Khan Logi, one of the Amirs
Damascus, 12 and n 2. of Mohammad Shit of the Sayyid
Damascus, Mosque of, 12 » 2. dynasty, 398.
Damrela, district of, 217 aud « 3. Daryi Khan Luhéni, Governor of
Damysk, a village beyond the Indus Bihar, under the Lodi dynasty,
on the road to Ghasnin, 73 and 435, 467 and n 12.
nid, Darya-i-Chin, the Sea of China, 1.c.,
Dandingin, -a-town in the vicinity of the Indian Ocean, 153 « 1.
Merv in Khurésin, 43 # 3. Darya-1-Maghrib, the Atlantic Uccan,
Dangay, a district of Bundelkhand, 153 #1.
n5. Daryi-1-Rim, the Medterrangan Sea,
Daniil, son of Sultan ‘Alan-d-Din 163 #1.
King of Bangala, contemporary of Das, bill-hook or reaping hook,
Sultan Sikandar Lodi, 417. 102 » 5.
X£XxVi Index.

Datura, note on, 585 1 2. Daulet Khan Lodi, one of the Malika
Da'id Afghin, Mahk, one of the of the Lodi dynasty, 485, 438, 437,

Matike of Sultin Firox Shah 4388 and » 6.

Taghlag, 885 an 8 and 9.
Di'id Khan, one of the Amire of
Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, 489.
Ds ad, Mavling, author of a Magnawi
in Hindi, contemporary of Sulpin
Firoz Shah, 388.
Da'id, son of Nasr, son of Skukh
Hamid Lodi, the renegade ruler of
Multan, contemporary of Sultan
Mahmid of Ghaznin, 19 and” and
an 6, 21.
Dia'ud, the Turkoman, contemporary
of Solan Maa‘ud, son of Sultin
Mahmid of Ghaznin, 87 27,
47, Gi x 6.
Da’iid Za’: Afghans, the, 501.
Daulatabid, in the Deccan,
271 and n 6, 272 ands, 274 and
6, 308, 304, 305, 308, 910, 313,
314, 816, 818. Onginally called
Deogir (q 7), or Deogarh,
of the Yadava kingdom.
Danlat Khin, the new Muslim, a
protégé of the Lihani faction, one
of the Amirs of ‘Adli, 587. See
Daulat Khan Lihini
Daulat Khan Ajyira, aon of Saziwal
Khin, one of the Amirs of Islem
Shah, 627, 631, 682 and x 2
Daulat Khan, son of Budhi, one of
the Chief Commanders of Sultin
Ibribim Lodi, 467 r 6.
Daulat Khan Lodi, Governor
Samana, one of the Amira of Sultin
Mahmid of tha Tughlag
dynasty, 364, 365, 867 n, 475,
380,
Danlat Khin Lébini, one of the
Amira of ‘Adli, 680 and » 11. See
Daulat Khin, the new Muslim.
Deulat Knin, Ghahséda, Governor of
the fortress of Rantanbhir under
Sutin Mabmid of Mélwa and
Sultan Sikandar Lodi, 425.
Danlat Yar of Kanpile, Mahk, 368.
Darveshpir, town, 417.
David of Scripture, 6.
Da'wah, invocation of the attributes
of God, 445
= 6, 45082. See the
next,
38, Da‘watu-l-aemd, & syetem of incanta-
tion, 445 and AG, 45032, Seo
the above.
2702 6, Das, the Brasen fortress of, in the
story of Isfandiyér in the heh
Némoh, 321 9 1.
Debal, the modern Tattah, 67 n 1,
cap:tal Called also Diwal (q. v.).
Debilpir, district and town of, 220,
392, 393, 309. See also under
Depalpir, Dibélpar and Dipaipir.
Debi Chandan, the Red sandal, 486
al,
Deocan, the, 387, 256, 270 » 6, 971
aud 2 6, 309, 387. See aleo undet
the Dakhan and the Dakkan.
De Goeje, Gloesary on Mugaddasi,
217 2 2.
Dehli. See under Dibli.
of Doipél, the Hind’ commander of the
fortress of Sonpat at the time of
Shabi Suhin Mas‘id Gharnawi, 87 and
n4.,
Deipir or Dipar, town of, 4 and » 3.
 . Index.
Delhi, See under DIDI
Donarlas, a silver ovin of the Romans,
origin of the word dinédr, 18 2 1.
Denarias aureus, s Roman gold coin,
18 1.
Deogarh, 433 » 2, for the fortress of
Ontgayh (9. 9-}.
Deogarh. See under Deogiri.
Deoghar. See under Deogir.
Deogir, district and town of, 237,
$39, 240, 247 wm, 261 » 7, 265, 256,
974, 288 and » 3, 284, 266 und # 1,
207,803, 308, 809. Sulgéa Mubam-
mad Tughlaq Shih gives it the
pame of Daalatébid (q v.), making
it bis capital,
Deo Gir, a rebel daring
the reign of
Suljin Jalala-d-Dia Khilji, 237.
See Ram Deo.
Deogiri or Deogarh, capital of the
Yadava Kingdom, 271 n 6, 272"
See under Deogir.
Deo Kot, town of, 85.
Deorimal, aon of Silhadi, one of the
chiefs of Bai Sen, & contemporary
of Shir Shih, 476 a 3.
Depilpir, district wad town of, 240,
251, 363 n, 883 9 11,369. Soe aleo
under Debaipir, Dibilpir and
Dipilpir.
Dewal Rani, one of the Indies of the
harerm of Rai Kerao of Gujerit,
heroine of the ‘Aghiqa of Mir
Khoori, $56, marnes Khigr Khin,
son of Gulfin ‘Alaa-d-Dia Khilji,
268, 376, 276, 281.
Dhankob, town, 403 « 6, 498 « 1,
See Dhanket.
Dhankot, town, 498 and « 6, 496 sud
a1, 00.
xzsvii
Dhr, district and town of, 294, 361,
964 and , 384 aad #9 6, 865 and
= 8, 483 2 8B.
DhirEnagar, fortress of, —the citadel
of Daulatibid (q. v.), 314.
Dhatérd, note on, 585 #8.
Dhanij or Danij, RSi of Sunirginw,
contemporary of Sulfin Ghiyaga-d-
Dm Balban, 186 and n 6,
Dhéwu, & ronner, from the Sanskrit,
802 and n 8.
D’Herbelot, 14 # 1, 16 » 2,21 81,
a1, 46" 5, 5192, 5608, 56
w1, 6. 55,7301, 9182, 143 2 4,
147.5 1,148 5 1, 149 2, 158 « 8,
167 2 8, 191 «5 2, 808 wn 4, $10
a2.
Dholpir, « Native state iu Rajputina
and Capital of the state, 885
n 8,
410, 419 and n 8, 420, 428, 487,
444, 445.
Dhyipir State, in Bijputina, 419
n3.
Dhopimaia’, a place, 407.
Dhor Samund,—or
Dbor Samundar, a place in the south
of India, 206 and = 6.
Diarbakr, town of,—in Armenia, 61
a 6,
Dibalpar, district and town of, 187,
349, 401. See also under Debilpér,
Depalpar and Dipalpar.
Dictwnary of Gresk and Roman Anti-
quttees, Smith's, 19 0, 20 2 5, 76 0,
367 2 8.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Bio-
graphy, Bmith’s, 46 » 5, 333 «.
Dictwnary of Greck and Reman Geo-
graphy, Smith's, 38.2 1, 30 « 1,
35 n 2, 304 = G.
axxvin
Downon’s,
168 = 2.
Dichionary of Islém, Hughes’, 2 « 6,
97 = 4, 118.8 1, 15042, 16126,
186= I, 157 22, 176-0, 188
9 2,
191 « 4 200 », 206
2 1, 216 2,
303
a 4, 390
4 4, 856.04, 368 01
369 « 3, 208.56, 42058, 49429,
44546, 4605, 450" 2, 47226,
480n5, 48108, 485 an 1 and 2,
488 an 6 and 7, 51024, 522= 5,
STL al, 5123 "5, G01», G08 «and
» 2, 618 , 622 5 3, 628 5 1, 636.2 2.
Dictionary of Orvental Broyraphy,
Beale’s 82 » 1,38 5 1, 238 n 4, 272
wl, 279 9 3, 62476. See also
under Beale and the Onental Bro.
graphical Dictionary.
Dictionnavre de la Perse, Moynard's,
30 2, 35 5 %, 42 .n 1, 48 an 1 and 2,
421, 5783
Dretonnasre Turk-Orvental, Pavet de
Courteille’s, 91% 1, 14502, 215
#1, 82552, 3630), 49954, 400
Diglito, name of the Tigris in ihe
upper part of its course, 394 n 5.
Dihh, 14, 21n 4, 26965, 37 » 3, 64,
69, 70, 72, 77, 78, 81 = 2, 87, 88
and ss J and3, 89,90, 91, 92 and
#2, 98, 95 and
n 7, 06, 98 2 3, 99
sod2, 121 and 8, 123 and « 6,
134, 125, 126 and
n 3, 129 and n 2,
130, 13], 132, 1332 2, 184 and an
land 4, 135 », 185, 188, 196, 218
m8, 219, 220, 221 » 8, 222, 225,
227, 228, 231, 238, 287, 288, 239,
244, 247 ands ands 4, 248, 249,
250, 255, 256, 257 and = 7, 260 and
% 7, 261, 266 n 1, 267, 268, 269 0 5,
271 and » 6, 272», 273, 274, 283,
Inder.
384, 396, 288, 302, 208, Whand 9 4,
206, 207 n, 208, 200, 800, 901, 308,
308, 206, 906, 200, 810, 818, 916,
516, $18, 333, 333, 894, 295 and
% S, 338, 830, 885 and = 1, 834, 385,
537 0 7, S88, S41, 348, 348, B44,
548, 847 and 2 8, 349, 950 and » 3,
351 and # 10, 862, 354, 856 and 1,
357 and wa 2 end 3, 358.2 6, 850,
361 and » 1, 363, 963, 964 and » 5,
365 and » 8, 306 andas1 and 8,
375, 377 = 4, 378, 370, 880, 361,
383, 384 and = 5, 385 and a 3, 358
and» 1, 897, 388, 300, 301, 306,
398, 399 and «= 8, 400, 401 and » 4,
02 and a 1, 403, 404 n 3, 406, 406,
407, 410 and # 4, 411 and = 7, 413
& 2, 413, 418, 426, 427, 483 = 10,
433, 487, 438, 442, 455, 468, 463,
472, 492, 604, 505, 506, 631, 525,
526, 529, 642, 543, 548, 540, 687,
577 n, 594, 595, 596, 000, GOD = 5,
610" 4. The name is also wnitten
Dehli, Defin and Duh.
Dijla. Seo under the Dajia.
Thk, district,
129 = 3,
Dilawar
Khan Lahini, one of the ad-
herente
of Bibar, 437,
Dilli, 464 and = 2, 408. See under
Dibli.
Dimishgi, Yabyi ibn “Abda-l-Laif
Qazwini, author of the Lubbe-t-
Tawérikh,
34 w 0.
Din, town,
458 2 6.
Dinar, & gold and silver coin, 18s 1,
19s.
Dinér, value of the silver coin, 34 n 2,
Dinir Herami, Malik,—one of the
Amirs of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din Bhilji,
250. Seltin Quibu-d-Din Rhilyi
 Index ; axzix
a .
gives him the titie of Yefar Kbin Dobb, the, 81 and = %, 123 = 1, 129,
ei appoints
kim Goverace of. 186, 906, 816, 249, 948, 351, 964,
Gnjeit. ‘ 356, 350, 364, 365, 377 = 6, 378.0 1,

Dmdvi, a beverage, 31 8. 386 » 5, 305, 407, 487, 444. .

Dinpaalh, fortress of,—in Dibli, 472, Dobil, same as the town of Diwal or
00. Debal,67 «1.
Dindr, veme of a place, 468 2, 47 Dow's Hutory of Indée, 896 ».
a2 Dowson's Dictionary
of Hiadé Mytho-
Dip, post of,—in Gujarat, 454 and logy, 183 » 2.
nY. Called also Dis. Dowso.1's History of India, 6 2 4, 8
Dipar, tows of, 46 and 12. Also a 2,10 2 ands 3,1l wl and 8
written Deipér. 13 5 and # 1, 19 an 2 and 4, 20 ae
Digg, note on the fever ao called, 4and 6, 2k «1, 19656,
216 9 4,
316 asd n 4. 219 » 3, 223 » 1, $64." 1, 205 9 5,
Dirhem, a silver coin, 18 5 1, 192 268 » 8, 267 n 1, 26051, 40 an 8
aad a 6, 402. and 9, 457 nn 5 and 6, 450 = 6, 460
Dissertations, Gladwin's, 608 » 3. 5, 461 2 9, 466 ne 6 and 7, 40706
Dia, port of, 454457. Gee andor 504 n 2, 569 = 4, 574 an 1 and 9,
Dip. S76 n 3, 579 n 7, 634 on 8 and 9,
Diwal, town of, the medern Tatia, Doszy, Suppléments aus Dictionnaires
6. Arabes,
44.2 5, 543 0 3.
Diwén of the Ustad Aba-1-Fara; Roni, Drachma,
a silver coin of the Greeks,
the Poet,
54 and » 1. origin of the word dirham,
18 1.
Diwins, 509 and = 1. Seo under Drury, Useful plants of Indea, 178
Qamber Diwana. w 2, 303 n, 550 « 1, 637 » 2.
Dinter Hafiz, 12) « 3, 487 2 6. Duff, Mr. Grant,
266 n 4.
Diwdakihéne, the Ball af sudience, Doghlat Kashmiri, one of the Amira
455. of Humiyin,
463 and « 6.
Diwankyéne-i-\AG, the royal camp, Duhal, a nnd of drams, 143 « 2.
48 and « §. Dal Chsin, Rio, Governor of Bhat,
Divéas of Amir Khosre of Dihli, the contemporary
of Timar
the Great,
famous post, 197 = 1. 355
n 4.
Dindns of Mac'td Bed Salman, the Dan, hill of, 438 and «7
Poet(gq. w.}, 55. Déokar, a Brahman post of the reign
Djat, same a0 the Jute, 130 2 2. of Saltin Sikandar Lodi, 496 aad
Djengais Khin. See under the a 6.

Chingis Khin. Durgtwati,

Rini, raler of the country
Djépoer,
3a 1, 13802. See under of Kara Katanka, contemporary of
Jaipér. ‘Adli, 554,
 zl Inder
es

B.
Bagle, the constellation—, 630 and 5, 196 01, 19701, 905% ate
wi, ~ 2, 22801, $47 009 and 4, 349
Eastern Bengal, 345 1 2. an 2 and 6, 240 w 6, $51 9, 958.91,
Eastern Rohtis, fortress,—Rohtia- 267.21, 25095, 20 n 7, 906 n 4,
garh in the Shahabid district of 275 = 1, 296.5 3, 207 0 8, 206
« 8,
Bengal, 466 and n 6. Sce also 800« 8, 307n and nd, 308" 1,
under RohtSs-i-Sharqi 31091, $15.97, 820 96, 328 «8,
Ebony wood, notes on, 167 n 2 $24 an 1, Dand 6, 325.08, 826 n,
Echatans, the ancient name of 527 an 1 and 5, 826 9 1 and 6,
Hawadin, the old capital of Persia, 429 wn 1,3 and 8, 331.54, 383 nn
Wnt, 2,3 and 5, S442 7, 84798, 855
Kgypt, 22, 94, 810, 311, 321 n 3, 827, nn], 4 and 6, 366% 5, 367 «2,
328 358» 6, 860.03, 961 1, 3665
» 1,
Egyptian Khalifahs of the House of 896 v1, 399 wa 2 and 7, 400 n, 421
‘Abbas, 310 2 2, 315, 827 n 6. n 8, 433 0 3, 498 an 8 and 7, 440 n,
Egyptians, the, 30? » 2 448 n 4, 570 9 2, 580 8 6, 582 an 4,
‘Blath, a port of the Red Sea, 16911 Sand 7, 683 en 2 and 8, 585n 7,
Elements, the Foor—, called «i- 586 6, 592.2 4,593 29 See ulao
Arkan, 102.21 under Elliott and Dowson,
Elements of Aradie and Posian Elhott's Races of the NW. Provinces
Prosedy, Ranking’s, 607 of India, 313 n 7, 384m 8, 30mm 1,

|
Elias and Ross, Térikh-+-Koghidi, 60 415 n.
6,103.23, 145 12, 23275, 296 Rlhott and Dowson, History of India,

|
nal, 305
n 8, 953
n 1, 464" 8, 6n4,8n2, 10nandn3, linn1
572 » 8, 674." 6, 575 2 1. and 3, 13 » and « 1, 19 an 2 and 4,
Ehwir of hfe, al-[ksir, 340 n 2, 20 nn 4 and 6, 2h nw 1, 188 n ¢,
Elk, notes on the, 171 n 2 215 2 4, 219 » 8, 222
| n 1, 264
Elhott, Dr , of Colombo, 303 2 a1, 265 _ 5, 266 » 3, 267 ni,

!
Elott’s History of India, 16 n 2, 19 26911, 450 n0 4 and, 457 ns 6
4, 20 nn land4, 2324, 24nn1 ard 6, 459n 6, 460 75, 401.9,
and 5, 26 n, 27 nn Sand4, 20n 466 nn 5 and 7, 467.96, 504
» 2,
and an 1, 3, 4and 5, 31 n, 32 » ), :
Mita 4, S7i nn] and 9, 575
2 3,
33n2, 34nn5, 7 and 4, 86nn6
579
n 7, 624 nn
8 and 9,
and 8, 4400 6 and 8, 45 un 1 and 2, Etphinstone’s History of Indva, 20” 4,
48 n 4, 49.2 3, 65 0 2, 62 n 2, 63 x, | 274, 2802, 29n and wn 1 and 5
65 01, O6n 2, 67 m2, Tun2, 80 | Emperor Akbar, Beveridge's, 58 nh.
03,91 m2, 0602, 121 6, 1z0 1, | Enter:c
fever, notes on, 340 ».
127 » 2, 131 an 2 and 5, 135 2, 184
| Ephesos, the seven sleepers of, 2117
a4, 166 nn 5 and 6, 188 nn 2 and
al

Kpiphanias, the Greek Geographer,
169 « 1, ”
Erdmann, Dr., 358 2 1.
Brakine’s Memoirs ef Babar, 421 2 8,
437 17,429 an 4, Gand 7, 40n,
448 n 4, 570 a7 6 and 6, 609 » 5.
Esoterica, or Bafiniyych, o sect
Shi'a Muslims, 22 » 3.
Resays, Colebrooko, 332 # 4.
Etah, distrot and town of, 185 4 1,
218 2 3, 377 n 4, 410 n 4,
Kiawah, district and town of, 325
Index, xii
» 3, 378,
385 2 3. See alec under
Ttiwa, '
' Htymological Dictionary of the Engleah
Language, Skeat'’s, 159 « 2, 543 #8.
Euphrates, the, 205 » 1.
Europas, on avcient name of the
town of Rai in Persia, 30 #1.
Eve, the Mother of mankind, 200 n,
320 2 4
Evil-eye, the, 192 and nn 2 and 3,
Exodus, Book of, 108 n 4.
Ezekiel, Book of, 104 2 2.

Fadak, an ontste north
which had belonged to Muhammad,
156 and n 6, 157 », 631 and n 1.
Fiig, one of the Amira of ‘Abdo-l-
Mahk ibn Na Samini,
Khorasén, 16 and » 2.
Fayi, 2 poet of Basiwar,
s,
a porary of Shir Shih, 479 and « 5.
Fakhr, chief of the Bazir at Dihi,
in the reign of Sultan Ghiyasa-d-
Din Betban, 184, [Homayun, 462
Fakhr ‘Ali, Mir, one of the Amira of {
Fakhri ndmah, popular name of the
Hadigatu-t-Hagigat, the most cele-
brated work of the famons poet
Banki, 36 2 1, 6652
FPokkru-d- Din ‘Amid Limaki, the poet
of Guilin, 138. See under
F.
of Marna Fakhro-d-Din Jun@, Malik, son of
Ghazi Mahk, one of the Malike of
the Kiulji Sultana, 274, 280, 201,
292, 293,—receives the title of
King of Ulugh Khan, 297 and » 4,~—suc-
ceeds to the throne of Dihli under
contem- the style of Sultin Muhawmad
‘Adi von Taghing Shah (g v.) See
alse under Tlugh Khan.
Fakhru-d-Din Kotwi?, the Mahke-l-
Umer or Amiru-]-Umari, one of
the Amire of Sutin Mu‘izen-d Dia
Kaqubad, of the Balbani dynasty,
220 nn Zand 3, 227, 229, 238. 260
ad.
rakhru-d-Din Kichi, Mahk, one of
the Amirs of Sulgin Jalelu-d-Din
‘Amid Khnty, 238, 243

Lumaki. Fahhrn-d-Din Kuji, Malik, one of the

Fakhra-d-Din Amir Dad, Malk, Mahks of Sultin Shatasu-d Dio
Governor of Baran under Sultan Tyaltunish, 120 n 2,
‘Aliu-d-Din Khilji, 250. ~ ; Fekbru-d-Din Raz, Imam, a doctor
6
shi Index.

of the Shafiite seot, contemporary Farbad, the lover of Shirin, in the

of Selgin Ghiyaqu-d-Din and romance of Khueru-o-Ghirin, 279
Mu‘isso-d-Din Mohammad Sim, 73 and » 3.
and ae 1 and 2. Farhang-t-Anandréy, « Persian dic-
Vakbro-d-Din Bilabdir, Malik, one of tionary, 596 » 6.
the Amirs of Sulfin Muhammad Farbatn-]-Mulk, Malik Mufarriy Sul-
Tughleq Ghih, 308, 309. @tani, Governor of Gujrit, under
Fekbro-l-Mulk ‘Amid Limaki, Sultan Firoz Ghah, 384 and » 3.
Maliku-l-Kalim, 99 and x4, See Farid Ganj-i-Shakker §hbaikh, the
under ‘Amid Limaki. famous Mukammadan Saint, 238,
Fakbro-l-Mulk Khwaja ‘Amid-n-Din, 460 Soe under Faridy-d-Din.
69
» 4, 188n 1. Same as the Farid Khin, son of Hasan Khin Sir,
above. origina] name of Ghir Shib, 461
Fa'l, a good omen, 412 n 1. and n 5, 466, 487 and n 5,
Fallon's Hyndustdnt Dictionary, 528 Farid Khin. infant son of Snjin
al Alin.d- Din Khilji, 289.
fale, a coin of small value, from the Farid Khin ibn-1-Masnad-i-‘Ali Khiyr
Latin follsa, 18 n 1 Khin (q¢ ».), 396, 400 n 1.
Fanak, weasel or stoat, 166 n 4 Farid Taran, one of the Amira of
Fanakati, the Historan, 16 9 1. Islem Shah Sar, 497.
Faqar, vertebree of the back, 74 » 2 Farida-d- Din Gan;-i-Ghakkar, Shaikh,
Faqava, = vertebra of the back, 74 grandson of FParrakh Shih of
n 2. Kibul,—a famous Mubammadsan
Faqara, & sort of waving ornament saint of Hindistin, 182 and n 6,
oo the blade of 2 sword or elke a 133 n, 135 2, 355.2 1,362n2. Bee
notch on its edge, 75 n aleo under Farid.
Faqirs, various religious orders of, Faridu-d-Din Mas‘ad Ganj-i-Shakkar,
51004 182%6, Same as the above.
Far‘, one of the two chief divimons of Faridiin, an ancient King of Persia,
‘Ilmu-l-Figh, 6 0 4 [and 9 166 » 1, 435 n 2, 695.
Farah, town of,—in Baluchistan, 420 Firighi, a poet of the time of Humé-
Farah, a town at a distance of ten yin, 016, 617, See under Abn-l-
krohs from Agra, 542, Wahid.
Farakhabid district, N..W. P,, 185 Farmali, Khin-i-Khinia, one of the
a1, See also under Farnkhibad, Amirs of Sultan Bublil and also of
Fara‘in (Fir'aun), the Pharaoh of Suljan Sikandar Lodi, 411 and #7,
Egypt, 187, 601. 412 n 2, 414, 418,
Farazdaq, Abi ¥iris Hammim ibn Farmali, Khin-i-Khinan, one of the
Ghihb, the celebrated Arab poet, Amira of Sultin Ibrahim Lodi, 494.
286, 287 and an ! and 2,
Farrokbi, Hakim, « famous Persian
 Index. xiii

post, ocontemportry of ‘Apjedi, Fathibid,

founded by Saigin Mandéid
Ananzi and Virdansi, 17 # 8. Ghasnawi,
47 and ni.
Farrakh Shih of Kabul, geandfather Fathébid, fousded by Snitin Firs
of Sheikh Farid Gsoj-i-Sheakker, Ghib, of the Tughlag dynasty, 224
188 a 6. # 2, 325 « 8, 3665.
Varrakh Zid, Saltia, bn Mas'iid tbo Fathpar, otherwise known as Gikri,
Mabmid Ghasnawi, 51. one of the dependencies of Maltin,
Farghir, old uame of Peshawar, 65 n
6, 97, 325.05, 363, 365, 206,
n 6. 375, 498, 443, 445, 446, 486, 508,
Farukbibid district, N.-W. P., 377 535, 600.
"3 Seo also ander Farakbibad. Fethpir District, N.-W. Provinces,
Firiiq, 0 the Discerner, a name of 486 n 6.
‘Umer, the second Khalifah, 5¢ Foegimah, daughter of the Prophet
and « 3, Mubammad and wife of ‘Ali, 151
Faryib a town of Mawaréu-n-Nahr 1 5, 1662
&. 808 n 4, 622
an 8 and
(Transoxiana), 334 1 4. 4, 68141.
Farz, prayers enjoined in the Qur'in, Fatwas, legal decisions by a Mufti
488 n 7. (‘Ali, 557 n. (q v.), 317 » 6, religtous or yadicial
Féaq, immoral man, one who opposes rolings, 607 and » 7.
Fatebgarh, town in Farakhibad dis- Fazihat, Qazi, or Qazi Ignomuny, 474
trot, N..W. P, 377 0 3, 3840 4 ands6, See under Qazi Fazilat.
Fatoppur, 325.3 Seo under Fath- Fazilat, Qizi, the Qazi of the army of
pur, Shir Shih, popularly known as Qigi
Fatepour, 80 » 5, for Fathpiir (q. v.). Fazibat (q. v.), 474 and n 4.
Fath Khan, son of A’'zam lumiyin Faglu-llth Balghi, Malik, styled
Shurwini, ove of the Amirs of Qutlugh Khén, one of the Amira
Sultin Ibrahim Lod), 433 of the Toghlag Ghéhi dynasty, 35%
Fath Khin, son of Suljin Bubin' Lodi and # 2,
4ls. Fagla-Hah Khin’s Turkish Pernan
Fath Ehan, oon of Sultan Firos Shih, Dictionary, 482 a 2, 483 n 2, 497
of the Taghtag dynasty, 324 and { 1,575 01, 580 5, 502" 5, 596
n 2, 328, 384. ; a.
Fath Khan Harawi, of the Amira of Farz, the first arrow in the game of
Salgin Mabmad Shargi of Jannpur, mavur, 369 2 1.
403 and nn 2, 3and4 Seo also Ferghte. See under Firshta.
the next. | Fidiis, the—-deciples of the chief
Fath Khiv, of Herit, Shehseda, of of the Mulabidah heretios, 73 and
the Amirs of Suljau Mabarak Shih | m@, 122andn 8.
of Jaunpir, 361. Same as ths 1 Pilband, « stratagem in the game of
above (g. v.) chess, 114 r 2
liv Indez.
Figdr, vertebra of the back, 74» 2. 304 n 1, 306 an 1, 2 aud 9, 907 2
Figh, the two chief divimans of, 5 and » 3, 308 « 2, 925 n 8, 326 2 2,
a4. 327 on 1 and 8, 329 an 5 and9,
Firangis, the, 455 and » 6. See also 350 wn 6 and 7, 381 an 6 and 9,
ander the Franks. 332 n, 388 n 11, 334 nn 3, 4, 5 and
Firéqi, takkallus or poetical name of 7, 385 a" 4, 6, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10,
Khwaja Asyib bo Khwijé Abn-!- 38627, 387 nn 2 and3, 38821,
Barakat (q. v ), 633, 634. 330 a 2, 342 nn 1, Zand 4, 448 2 3,
Firdqnamah, ove of the poetical works 344 an 1, 2 and 7, 845 n 2, 346 n 6,
of Salmin Sawaji, 671 1 9 347 n 2, 348 un 1, 3, 6, 7,9 and 10,
Firdansi, the celebrated author of the $49 an 8, 4, 10, 11 and 12, 360 ua
Shah-n@mah, 17 and sn 1 and 3, Zand 4 351 nn 2,6 and 7, 352 20
32 and n 1, 88
2 2, 461 26. 6, 7 and 10, 393 an 2, 3, 5, 8 and 9,
Firdisi, Hakim. 17 13. Seo ander 354 nn 1, 5 and 8, 365 ns 1, 3 and
Fu dausi, 4, 356 » 6, 357 n 2, 359 nn 2 and 3,
Finehta, 107, 13.91, 169n1aud 2, 860 an 8 and 5, 3612, 363
1 2,
19 » and on 1, 2 and 6, 20 sn 1, 364.96, 365 wn 2, 4, 5, Band 7,
2, dand 5, 2143, 2207, 28 nn 2 $66 ne 4 and6, 375 n 2, 379 mm 1
and 4, 24 nv 1, 3 and 6, 25 a 2 and 2, 380 an 2, 3, 4and 6, 861 an
and 4, 26 » and a 1, 27 nn 3 and 4, Sand 6, 382 nn 1, 2,5 and 6, 383
28 nu 2 and 4, 29 22 1 and 6, 33 1 an 3,6, 10 and 11, 384.07"2 and 5,
and 1 2, 31 » and 2 1, 33 nn2 385 an lL and 3, 386 nn 1, 3, 5 and
and 3, 34 nn 1 and 7, 36 nn 1 7, 387 nn 1, 8, 3 and 4, 388 nn},
and 9, 87 un 5 and 6, 43 an 2, 6 2 and 3, 389 nn 3, 4 and 6, 390 n4
and 7, 44.0 1, 2, 6, 7 and &, 47 nn 39152, 892325, 388 nn 1, 38, 6,6
3 and 7, 45 nn 1,2, Band 4, 49 21, and 7, 305 n 3, 396 an 1 and 2,
50 un 1,2 and 8, 61 un 1 and 3, $98 2, 399 an 1,3, 4and 6, 400 n,
oZ on J, 2 and 4, 5522, 5671, 401 nn 2 and4, 408 nn 1, 4 and 5,
6341, 66 0n 2,4, 5 and 6, 67 n, 403 nn 4, 5 and 8, 404
nn 3 and 5
68 2 1, 72 2 2, 77 an 1,2 and 3, 405 nn Land 4, 406 nn 1, 8, 5, 6,
9528, 122 nn 2 and J, 128 2 4¥, 9 and 13, 407 nal and 4, 408 na 2,
133 » and n 2, 1844, 185 nn 4, 6 and 7, 400 an 2, 5, 7 and 4,
and 3, 188 » 3, 148 nn ! and 5, 410 ant, 3, 4and 6, 411 an 2 and
190 n 2, 20502 22803, 2301, 3, 412n2, 413 nn 8, 18 and 16,
247 n and a 4, 381 2 20 an 4l4 nn 1,2, 3,5, Gand 11, 416 22
§ and 7, 250 un Land 10, 258 x 7, 2,3, 7 and 0, 446 an3, 9 and 12,
25727 258 nn 4, 6 and 7, 250 417 nn 4, 5 and 9, 418 an 9 and 11,
n 5, 260
0 7, 261 0 5, 264.0
4, 265 419 nn 4, 6 and 11, 420 ns 4 and 6,
an 3, 4 and 6, 268 n 1, 273 » 4, 42, nn Sard 4, 422 nn 1, 2, 30
2741 208 18, 300 n 8, 302 2 J,
and 6, 423 an 2, 6, Gand1l Ww
 Indaz. aiv

wn 3, 3,5,
6 gnd7, 425 us 9, 8 and Firos, Malik, son of Malik Rajat,
6, 491 n 4, 482 a0 2, 3, 5, 7 and 10, tame person as Firos Gbéh of the
488 an 3 and 6, 434 on 5 end 8, Tughlaq Ghthi dynasty (¢. v.), 903,
435 nn 6,7
und 9, 438 an 3 and 5, 816, 322.
46148, 4662.5, 471 an 1 and 4, Firos Ntib Barhak, Malik, one of
475 ne 7 and 8, 48444, 488 2 5, the Amirs of Snitin Mohammad
4009 4, 637 9 3, 54401,559 nw 6 Toghing Shih, 812."
and 6, 560 sn 2 and 8, 541 n 2, Piros, Rai, x contemporary of Snitan
664 nn 6,7, Sand 9, 565 an 1 and Muabirak §hih, of tho Ssaiyyid
5, 566.a 18, 667 nn 2 and 9, 573 dynasty, 882, 390. (835, 587.
3, 579 nm 8, 583 n 3, 598
n 10, Firos Shih, son of Islem Shah Sir,
G0l nn 2 and 5, 600n 5, 62426, Firoz Shih, Sultan, ibn Malik Rajab,
625 w 8. of the Tughlag Shahi dynasty of
Firozibid, a cown on the banka of Dihli, 801, 302, 321, 322 and x 9,
the Jamna, at ten miles from Dihli, 323 and
» 3, 324 n 6, 386 n 3
built by Suljan Firoz Shih of che 326 n, 827, 328 1 6, 329 n 2, 331
Toghlaq dynasty, $26 and n 2, 332, 388, 339 and n 1, $414]
342, $43, 344, 945, 950, 361, 354, 344 end n 7, 347 » 3, 366, 376,
356, 359, 366 «Written aluo Firiz- 411, 41222 Whitten also Firtz
abid, Shah.
Firozabid, o fortress at the village of Firos Shih, canal of, 325 a 3, 326.
Gawin on the banks of the Jamni, Firosghdh: Seo under the Tér:kh-v-
bolt by Piros Shih, 427 and n & Firos-Shahi
Firvzabid, later name of the town of Foruza, furtresa of, 364 n 6, 375, 378.
Panqduah, 325 n 3 See undor Hiss Firuzob
Fireg ‘Al, Malik, son of Mahk Taya d- { F.rozalad, on the Jamns. See under
Din, ove of the Amira of Firoz
| Firozahad

|
Shob, called also Khéms-Jahan the Firdz: Amira, the,—partasans of the
Wazir, $42 and 5 2. House of Seltan Firoz Shek (q v.),
Firoz Khan, ove of the Afghen Amira - 337, 345, J3U, 351, 352
under Babar, 444. Firuz Koh, capital of thi country of
Firot Khan, aon of Islam Shah Sir, - Ghur, 60 n 2, 63 and n I, 68, 78.
succeeds bis father under Eirucpur, fortress of, balt by Sulgan
the title
of Firoz Shah, 886, 637. Fires 8h3h in Sihrind, $81, 334,
Firaz Khun abn Yaghrash, the Kili, | 378, 489 Written aluo Firozpir.
styled hhayuts Khiu (g ¢ ), even | Firazpur, tow of, 336. Called aleo
tally becures Sultan dalalu d Din Aklurtopur as the Laat oty boilt
Rhilyi (y. ¢ ), 228, 380. by Fire” Shah.
Fuoz Koh, capital of (shun, deo | Fios Shib, Sultan, See under Firoz,
wor Firuz Kob Shih
xivi Indes.
Frey, immorality, does not exclade Saiyyid Shlia cf Tabarhindsh
Emaw (faith), 577 =. (q. v.), 368 and» 2, #80, 980, 391,
Follis, 3 Roman coin, origin of the 303.
word fals, 18 «1. Fu-mé, in Chinese, equivalent to the
Forty Slaves of Suljin Shamea-d-Din Mongol Gergén, which means
Iyaltimish, 164, “Son-in-law,” when spplisi to
Franks, the, 648. See also under the princes, 353 = 1.
Firangis. Farruckibid, N.-W. Provinces, 316
Freytag, Arabic Dictionary, 509 = 5. a8. Properly Farrakbabéd.
Freytag, Arabum Proverbsa, 157
= f Furi’, one of the two chief divisions
458 » 8, 507 « 3, 6802 1. af ‘Ilm-s-Figh, 6» 4.
Freytag, Hamésah, 287# 1. Putshu-l-Buldén of al-Biligori, 11
Freytag, Med. Prov. 1671 Bee n 3,
aleo under Arabum Proverbsa. Putthu-s-Saléfin, an historical work.
Filad, a Tarkbacha slave, servant of 314 and 2 9.

Gd.
Gabriel, the Angel, 58 and » 2, 93, S12, 343, 356, 358 = 3, 360 and a 8,
106 n 5, 111 », 151 # 6, 3740 5, 363, 364, 377, 379, 380, 384 and
614. = 2, 306, 402, 404, 406 and a 10,
Gajpetis, or “tue Cords of Elephania,” 408 anda 41557, 416 and «3,
title of the Lion Uynasty of Jay- 459, 463, 464, 472, 541, 546.
nagar, 125 » 3. Gan)-Bakheh, sorname of Shaikh
Gakkhars, the,—a tribe of the Abmad Khattu, contemporary of
Hinds, probably the same tribe Sultan Abmad Guyrati, 357 n 3.
es the Khikhars, 67 and » 3 Gan)-i-Bhakkar, Shaikh Farida-d-Din
Gandaba, fortress of, 28n 4, 29s Maa‘ed, a famous Mubammaden
Called also Kandama Saint of Hindastén, 132 and n 6,
Gandak nver, the,—1n the Gorakh- 183», 135, 233, 362 n 2, 416
pur Dhstriot, 408 nb 213
Ganes, Rai,—or Garcin do Tassy, Rhdtorsque et Pro.
Ganesh, Rii, the Raya of Patiali, con xodve des langues de [Orient Musul-
temporary of Saltin Sikandar Lodi, man, 428 5 2, G06 an 8 and9, 606
413 and » 8, 419. s 2, G07 2 4, 006 23,
Ganges, the, 70 » 1, 71" 2, 81, 82 Gardaiz, a district lyrag between
m1, Stand a, 126.01, 130, 132 238,
Ghazna and Hindéstin, 66 = 1
185, 218 and n 8, 221 » 3, 231, 261, Called also Kardiz.
 Faden. xivit
Garhe-Katenks,,
name of » country Gelaleddin, 91 » 3, for Jalélu-d-Die'
north of the Dakban; 683 » 3. Mangburni (¢. v.).
Garhi,
e narrow pases separating the Gomizi, the, 30. ,
conntries of Bihir and Bangila, Genesis, Book of, 144 22, 1642 2,
457 and « 5. 18%« 1, 303 « 3, 204»5,
Garmeir, = province of Khurésin, Geo, one of the heroes of the Shak-
48, 65 and » 1, 61, 80, 573. némah, 116 » 5.
Garshasp, Shih, of the first dynasty Geography of Ancient India, Cunning-
of Persian Kings, 84 and » 3, 85. ham’s, See under Ancwnt Geo-
Gaster’s translation of the “ Sword graphy of India.
of Moss,” 141 » 4. Gersiwis, one of the attendants of
Gate of Paradise, a narrow opening Afrasiyib, in the Shéh-ndmah of
in o wall near the shrine of Shaikh Firdansi, 190 ¢ 2.
Farida-d-Din Ganj--Qhakkar st Geacnins, Thesaurus of the Hebrew
Pikpation, 963 » 2. Language, 104 2 2, 304» 5,
Qatla, Sanskrit name of the Indian Ghagger river, the, 3268. See also
Spikenard or nerd, 374 =. the next.
Gatwaras, the,—as tride of the Jats, Ghaghar river, called aleo the Gogra
123 91, and Ghigra (q.v.), 222 » 3, $27,
Gear, old capital of Bengsl, &2
an 3 and4, 83 and « 2% 458. Ghagra river, the, 185 0, 223.5. See
Name changed to Jannatabad by uoder the Ghagher.
Aumiyun. Ghakkare, the,—a Hindi tribe, 491,
Gaura, See under Mohammad Khan 498, 499, 500.
Gaaria and aleo Kinzr Khan Gaurta Ghahb Khan, Governor of Siémins
Gacs Abmad, of Guzarate, 357 2 4 under the Toghlaq Shahi dynasty,
Same as Saltan Ahmad Shah, the 338, 352, 360. [465 « 6.
roler of Gujarat. Ghalla-:-jowéri, the smaller millet,
Gawirs, the,—a race of gypsies mn Ghinim 1bn ‘Ulwan, one of the three
India, 312 asd nb 7. chef lords of Shaddid ibn ‘Ad,
Giwin, village of,—oa the banks of 263 x.
the Jamni, 327 = 6. Ghari Ji, village of, 508.95. Called
Gayémarth, the Adam of the Persians, also Ghari Khii (g. v.).
280 » 3. {of, 330 = 8. Ghari Khi, village of, on the bank of
Gas, a messure of length, three kinds the nver Bobat, 503 and « 5.
(ias, tenth son of Japhet, eon of Noah, Gharjustan, a country between Herit,
6lsd Ghor and Ghasnin, 13» 1, 22.n 2,
Gasettoer of the Countries ou the North- GSal. Called also Gharshistin.
Weet of Indvs, Thornton's, 567 aa Gharahwtis, 22 » 8. See under
1 aud 9. Gharpatan
 viii Index.
Ghit-i-Sikin, mame of a place, 283 Ghasni, House of, 1981. Ses under
a5. Called also Badre-i-Sakin. the Ghasnivide dynasty.
Ghaur, « province lying between Ghent, town of, 1881. Seo under
HerSt and Gharjistin, 48 and » 4. Ghagnin.
Bee also under Ghir and Ghor. Ghasnin, [4 an 1, 2 and 8, 15 ends
Ghooy-‘Aiam © Hagret Ghaikh and an | and 2, 16 and an 1, 2 and
Bahin-d-Din Zakeriyéi, the Mul- 8, 17, 19, 21, 22 and n 2, 28, 95 and
tini, 138 and n 2. See ander # 4, 26, 27, 28, 20, 40, 81, 38, 34
Bahiud-Din Zakartydi. [62 4. and an 4and 6, 85 and» 1, 36, 37,
Al-Ghayatu fi-l-Figh of Qazi Baigiwi, 43, 44, 45 and»2, 46 and» 1, 47,
@hasal, ode, 612 and « 2. 48, 49, 60 and » 1, 51, 52, 68 », 56,
Ghisi Khin, son of Danlst Kbin 60 and
n 2, 61, 62 ands3, 63, 64,
Lodi, one of the Amira of Sultin 65, 66 anda 1, 68, 89, 70, 71, 72
Tobrahim Lodi, 485 « 9, 436, 437, apd 2 3, 7491, 77 1, 78 and a 8,
438 and # 6. 79, 80, 81, 88." 1, 89, 90, 167 » 3,
Ghisi Khan Sir, one of the Amirs of 187, 256, 280, 312, 828, 464.and n 5,
the Sir dynasty of Afghins, 549, 567, 679, 580, 587. Bee Ghasni and
650, 653, 558, 607, 598. Ghazna.
Ghizi Mahalli, one of the confidentia’ Ghuznivnde dynasty, the, — founded
servants of Islem Shih Sir, 487, by Nagira-d-Din Sabuktigin, 18
488. #1, 14, 62 and n 4, 68, 64 and
Ghazi Malik, one of the Amire of nl,
Sultin ‘Alan-d-Din EKhilji, succeeds Gheias-ood-Deen, grandson of Sultin
to the throne of Dihli under the Firos §hah Toghiag, 388 n 1.
atyle of Sultin Ghiysgu-d-Din See under Ghiyigu-d-Din Tugblag
Toghlaq Shab, 201, 202, 208, 294 Shah I1.
and « 4, 205, 306 and n 3%. See Q@hsdfz, unusual use of the word by
Ghiyisn-d-Din Tughlaq Ghih and Badioni, 506 « 3, 543 » 4.
also Tughleq Khan. Ghils’ai Afghinas, the, 542, 644, 646.
@hazi, one who fights in the cause of Ghiks Vasir, Khwija.—Salman Sawa-
Iglim, 356 n 4, §i's Qagidah ia bis hononr, 605
Ghizia, the, 18. See ander Ghasi. Ghiyisi Awirs, the,—of Suifin
Ghizia-l-Mulk, Malik Chaman of Ghiyigu-d-Din Balban, 238, 234,
Badion, ove of the Amirs of 231, 283, 293. [Mugbulpar, 286.
Muhammad §hih of the Saiyyid Ghiyégpir, commonly known as
dynasty of Dihli, 306 and = 1, Ghiyiga-d-Din Abu-]-Fath Mabam-
308. mad ibn Sim Ghori, Sultin of Ghor
Ghazma. See under Ghasuin. and Ghesnin, 62, 63 andl, 66
QGhasnavide dynasty, the. See under and «a 3 and 3, 65, 68, 71, 73 and
the Ghasnivide dynasty, wl, 77 and #1.

“a
Ghiyiqu-d-Din Balban, SakEs, of the
Blave dygasty of Dihli, 97, 181 and
& 7, 124 and « 4, 196, 127, 185,
188, 184 end an 1 and 4, 186, 187,
169 « 1, 219, 220 » 2, 221 ands 1,
222, 228, 324, 227, 228, 281, 282,
238. Before his accession he was
oalled Ulugh Khin (q +.)
Ghiyigu-d-Din Hasan Chishti, father
of the famons asint Khwijk Mu‘.
na-d-Din Chighti, 70» 2.
Ghiyiyu-d-Din ‘Iwas, the Khslj,
Sultin of Lakhuanti and the last '
of the Mu‘iszi Snitins (g.v), 86,
87 and 4, See also the next and
ander Husimn-d-Din ‘Iwas,
Ghiyigu-d-Din Khilji, Sultin,
Same as the above,
Ghiyiw-d-Din Mabmid, son
Ghiyiqa-d-Din Mabammad
Ghiri, Saljan of Ghir and Ghaznin,
77 and nl.
Ghiyisu-d-Din, son of Saltin Mabmid
Khilji of Malwa, 300.
Ghiyign-d-Din Mabmid Shib, son of
Buljin Mabammad Tughieg Shih,
324.
Ghiyisn-d-Din Mubammad, Ghori,
Saljan. See ander Ghiyigu d-Din
Abu-1-Fath.
Ghiyisa-d-Din Muhammad, the Makh-
dameida-i-Baghdadi, a prince of the
House of ‘Abbas, the Khalifs of
Baghdad, 331 and n 4.
Ghoyigu-d-Din Mubammad §bib, the
roler of Oudh, son of Sultin Sham-
m-d-Din Iyal-timing, 98
Ghiyisu-d Din Tughlag Shih, Sultin,
first of the Tughlaq Ghabi dynnsty
of Dihh, 296, 296, 209, $0, 301.
Index xlix
804, 821. Before hia accession he
‘was called Ghisi Malik (¢. v.).
Ghiyigu-d-Din Taghleq Shih II, iby
Fath Khin ibn Snitin Firis ghih,
888 n 1, 341. ,
Ginyaqu-l-Lughét, a lexicographical
work, 60.» 8, 106 » 4, 142 = 1, 145
ni, 1522, 1681, 82182, 617
w 1, 628 2 6, 628 » 1, 685
0 5.
Ghor, country of, 18 2 1, 22 9 2,
60, Glin 4, 68, 64 and n 2, 66
= 2, 68, 71, 7791, 81 and 22,
The name is also wntten Ghir and
Ghaur
Ghor, Kings of, 60, 617 4, 63. See
slao under the Ghori dynasty,
91. Ghori, fortress of,—in Ghaznin, 21
and n 3,
of Fhori dynasty of Dihli, 64, 68, 228,
Sim See ander Kings of Ghor.
Ghit, centre of a Turkish army, 439
#4, Also called Qil.
Ghir. See under Ghor.
Ghurjistin, same as Gharjistin (9. v.),
22 and n &, 63 » 1, 68.
@hurratu-l-Kemal of Mir Khusri, the
famous poet of Dibli, 134, 197 and
nl, 26
Ghuss, tribe of,—a tribe of Turke
61 and » 5, 65, 167 » 3, 291.
Giliu, a province of Porsia, 99 » 4,
Gilauri, note on, 308 n.
Gili, town, 250 anda 4 Called ales
Kili,
Gir, Mahk, gon of Malik Qabil
Khalifati, one of the Amira of
Sulgin Mubammad Tughlaq Shih,
315.
Girii, one of the poets of the time of
Sultan ‘Aleu-d-Din Khilji, 266
 indey

Girat Singh, Bai, Governor of Gwiliir, Gour, country of, 456 Read Gaur,
contemporary of Soltin Bublil aname of Bengal from its capital.
Lodi, 408. Goyi, or KaphaiyS, minister and
Girgin-i-Milid, ono of the chief agent of Ral Mildeo, oontemporary
warriors of Kai Khusrac in the of Shir Shih, 478 ends 7. See
Shahuémah of Firdausi, 116 and »» slao ander Kanhaiyi,
4and 5, 180 7 2 Grand Trnnk Road, the, $86 « 3,
Gisi, a place, 548 n 3, Grant Duff's History of the Mahrattas,
Gladwin’s Dissertations, 608 2 3. 265 n 4.
Glossary of Anglo-Indian Words, Vule Great Laris, town, 896 », 827 11,
and Burnett's, 495 n, 548 » 3. Called Bas by Bedioni.
Glessary on Mugaddasi, De Goeje's, Grecian Emperor, the, 167 1.
21722 Greece, 119 2 5.
Gobind Chand, saya,—one of the Gresks, the, 18 5 1, 6143, 7578,
Rijs of Hindistain at the time of 76% 1, 104." 2, 18351.
Sulfin Mabmid of Ghasnin, 36. Greenhill, Dr., 30 2 1.
‘Godi river, the, 222 n 3. Called Qnfith’s Fieuf and Zuleijha, 372
also the Gumti and the Kowah wil.
(g. »). thigird-s- Ahmar or Balphur, notes on
Goeje, de, Glossary on Mugqaddasi, 840 and n 2.
217 n 2, Gujarat. See under Gnjrit
Gog and Magog, Wall of, 191 » 2. Gujerat See under Gnyrit
Gommonly known as the rampart Gojrat, 9n 2, 13,17 n 4, 27 9 4,
of Sikandar. 28, 66, 71, 80, B55, 256.44, 267,
Gogra, the, 2223 Called also the 267, 274, 282, 283, 284, 285, 287,
Ghighar and Ghégra. $13, 314, 315, 324, 388, 834, 887,
Gohbana, a district of the N-W Pro- 816, 354, 357 and an 8 and 4, 379,
vinoes, 122 n 1 389, 450, 452, 464, 456, 472, 833,
Gokultish, one of the Amirs of Babar, 634, 559 and n 8, 567, 607, 635
441. The name ts al@@ written Guyarit,
Golins, Dictionary of the Arabic Gnyjordit and Guzerat
Language, 509 « 5 Gulangabin, confection of rose and
Gonds, the,-a tribe of Hindiis, 433 honey, 148 and » 4,
and n 4. Gulbarga, town, 311 and n 6.
Gonor, a place at 24 miles from Dihli, Gulistén of Shaikh Sa‘di of Shiriz,
Zin 4. 187 n 2, 467.
Gorakhpir District, 409 » 5 Gulistios Suyyids, the,—a family of
Gorgang, the capital of Khwirazm, Saiyyide, 584 2 3.
eallod Jarjan by the Arabs, 23 » 1. Gul-y.Yaeuf, » red flowor withost
Sce under Gargin odour, 620 2 1
 Index. li
Gulnar tree, called Also Narwon, 172 Girkhio, or universal king, heredi-
n 8. tary title of the Kings of Kars
Gulgand, confection of roses, 452 and Khitii, 10803.
n 2. Girkhin of Qera Khyk, the con-
Gulrukh, the pseudonym of Sa}tin temporary of Sulfin Mubammad
Sikandar Lodi, 426. Khwirasm Shih, 71 2 7.
Gumi, the, 22253, 829n 3. Called Gashtisp, an‘ancient King of Irin,
also the Godi and the Kowah. 35 n 3,
Gungina, fortress of, one of the Gighwedra, a term of Prosody, 609
dependencies of Malot, 437 and and a 1.
07. Gusarate. Ses ander Gujrat.
Gardispir, town, 383 1 8 Guzerit, town of, 28 n 2, 71 238.
Gargin, town of,—the Jarjiin of the Guzerat, province of. See under
Arabs, 37 17, 88, 117. Bee under Gajrat.
Gorgang. Gazerat, peningala of, 27 « 4.
Girgan, a surname of the great Timir Gusida. See under the Tarikh-r
and & title applied to the sons-rn- Guzida
law of » Mughal Emperor, 103 2 3, Guzr-1-Ganjina, a ford on tho Jamna,
858 and » 1. 406 2 6
Gorgion, & chetriot of Miwat, 134n 1], Gwiliir, 26, 81, <}, 04, 129, 288, 239,
366 # 246, 248, 268, 272, 278, 276, 277,
Gurgia-i-Milid, one of the chiof 288, $49, 36), 362, 377 and n 4, 378,
warriors of Kat Ebuerau in the $79, 381, 384, $85, 886, 387 and
Shah-ndmah of Firdaun, 116 and n %, 391, SOX 408, 410, 414 and
an 4 and 5, 180 12 nS, $19 and an 3 and 6, 422 nn 2
Curiz-gd@h, a term of Prosudy, 627 and 9, 423 n 5, 427, 432, 433, 443,
and n 4. 445, 459, 474, 489, 490, 491, 493,
Gurpiatin, 43 x 4, for Gharyatan(q v ) 408, 499, 512, 529, 530, 538, 540
Gurkan, o Mongol title, 103.23. See 642 he fortress of Gwiliar 1s
under Gurgin calied also Kalewar

——

H.
Habib Badiont, Shaikh, one of tho } Haliba Hah, “hr, grandson of Mir
notable men of Badéon at the time Sayyid Jamale-d-Din the trad
of Hiniyan, 000 Lionist, 459,

Habth Khan ‘Taghnyt or Taghichi, one Habsii, omgmal name of Saltan

of the Afghan Amirs andor Sikandar Glyy iva-d Dia Muhammad Sam
Ahtu Sur (qe), 342, 594 i ‘hart, Hn 2
 hi Index

Habili, Rai, of the Amire of Sultin Havétu-l-Quiab of Aghi Mobammad

Mubarak Shah of the Sayyid Biqir Majlisi, 110 a» 8 and 4,
dynasty of Dibli, 888 2 3, 148 ».
Hadah, Shaikh, a learned physician Haibat Ehin A‘yam Hamiyin of
of Bihar in the time of Sher Shah Libor, 400. See under A‘sam
anc Teicm Shah, 621 2 4. Homiyin Haibat Khan.
Hadéyan, a Magnawi in Hindi relating Haabat Khan Jilwini, a subordinate
the loves of Lirak and Chanda, of Sultin. Sharg of Baiina, 414,
333 1 6, Hasdaribad, town,—capital of Baidar-
Hadi, son of al-Mahdi, the ‘Abbiside Gbad Decean, the Nigim's domi-
Khalifah of Baghdad 75 n. nions, 299 n 8,
Hadi Sabzwiri, Haji Mulla, anthor of Haidarabad Deccan, the Nigam's
the Sharh-+-Manziima, 181 n 2. dommions, 299 2 3
Hodigatw-l-Hagiqat ua Shari‘atu-f. Hardar ‘Ali, a common name among
Tarigat, otherwise known as Fakhri- the Shi‘ah, 604
néraah, the moat celebrated work Haidor-1-Karrir, a name of ‘AJi ibn-
of the famous poet Sanai, 35 n 1, Abi Talib, 93 9 4, 207,
56 n 2, 57 and
» 1, 60, Haidar Khan Chaghta, 553. Bame
Hifig, the famous Persian poet, 100 as Haidar Mohammad Khin Akhts
26, 101"1, 12123, 15196, 412 Begi (¢ v).
nl, 487 6, Haidar Khin the Amir of Oadh, one
Way Nigim of Badion, Imam of of the Malika of Sultan Ghiyisn.d-
Islem Shih, 535. Din Balban, 184 7 4.
Haft anddmn, the seven members of Haidar, Mirza, the Mnghil, one of
the body, 165 2 2 the Amira of Humayin, 463, 468,
Haft Aurang, 0 somes of soven poems Hadar Muhammad Khiu Akhts
by Maulané ‘Abdao-r-Rahmin Jami, Begi, an old servant of Humiyin,
2721, 597 and n 6, 598. Bee under
Haft Jizh, seven metals melted toge- Haidar Khin Chaghta.
ther, 32] and » 2, Haidar Sulsan Osbak-i-Shaibini, §92
Haft Khwin, the seven great labours 29
of Isfandiyar in the Shah-namah of Haidar Tini—or
Firdaasi, 116 » 3, 291 and 9 1 Haidar Taniz', a poet of the time of
Haft Paskar, a poew of Shaikh Nigami Humiyiin, 622, 623, 624,
Ganjawi, 298 n 4. Haimiie Baggil, 500% 11. See under
Haft rang, a variety of the Khiri Himin Baqail.
flower, 173 n 8, Haimin Baggil, 600211. See under
Houitu-l-Havwén, « work on natural Himin Baggil,
history, 1081, 16701, 171 82, Haiyira, 632 » 9, for Daulat hin
178
» 4, 191
n 3, 352 «1, Ajyara (¢. v.).
 Indez. hii
‘A *

Havyétu-l-Hawwénat, See under the Muhammad Toghlaq Shah, of Dibli,

Haidtu-l-Haiwén, 310 and 1 1.
Hajaru-l-Hatyyah, the Bezoar stone, Hijib-1-Buzurg, one of the Amirs of
W7 a 4, 138 2. Buljin Mas‘id Ghaznawi, 43 and
Haji Bargs'l, a court officer of Sultan n 6,
Mahammad Tughlaq Shah, of Dihli, Hajib Shaibini, one of the Amirs of
311, 316. Sulfén Mae‘id Ghaznawi, 43 n 5.
Haji llyis, ruler of Lakhnanti, con- Hijipér, a district of Bangala, 469.
temporary of Sultan Mubammad Hajj, the Pilgrimage to Mecca, 176,
and Sulfin Firos Toghtaq, assames 176 n, 480
» 6, 623 and n 5.
the title of Sultan Shamea-d-Din, Hajjty ibn Yisuf as-Sagafi, Governor
809, 324, 327. of ‘Iraq and Khurasin under the
Haji Khalfa,~ or Umayyad Khalifahs, 12 and nn 1
Hiji Khalifa, author of the Kazh- and 2, 490 and = 6,
fu-g-Funin fi Aemé’s-l-Kutubs wa-l- Hakim Abi Nagar ‘Abdu-]-‘Azis ibn
Funin, 64, 33 21, 34" 9, 35 Mangiir, the celebrated post ‘Asjadi,
n1, 4923, 56" 2, 73.21, 18122, 17 3.
Wink, 22102, 222 n 1, 270 nm Hakim Ansnuri, a famous Persian poet,
land 4, 27221, 4271, 428 nn contemporary of Firdausi, 17 » 8.
2,3 5and 6, 467" 2, 521 1 5, 633 Hakim Farrukhi, a famous Persian
a i, 571 7 9, 624 nn 8 and 9. poet, contemporary of Firdausi, 17
ay) Khan Alwari, 553. Same og n3
Haji Khin Sulsani, Governor of Hakim Firdausi, the celebrated
Alwar (q. v.). author of the Shah-nama, 17 n 3.
aji Khin Sulféni, Governor of See under Firdausi.
Alwar, one of the Amira of Shir Hakim Khigini Shirwan), the famous
Shih and his enccessors, 475, 542, Persian poet, 339 1 4
543, 546, 647. See under Haji Hakim Sanii, a celebrated poet of
Khin Alwari. Ghazni, 35 n 1, 56, 57.
Jiyi, Khwije, « general of Sulgin Hikim br-amn-lih, Abn-l-‘Abbas
*Aliu-d-Din Khilyi, 265 » 6 Abmad ibnu-l-Mustakfi billih,
Haji Maulé, one of the alaves of Egyptian Khalifah of the House of
Mahiku-l-Umara Kotwal (q v }, 260 ‘Abbas, 310 and n 2, See the next.
and # 2, 261. Hakim bi-amri-liah, Aba-l-Fath Abi
Haji Malla Hidi Sabzwiri, author of Bakr ibn Abul Rabi‘ Suleimin, sixth
the Sharh-1-Manzéma, 181 n 2. of the Egyptian Khalifehs of the
Hay: Ninb, Mahk, one of the Amirs House of ‘Abbis, 327 and n 6.
of Saltin Qutbu-d-Din Ehilji, 286, See the above,
Haji Said Sarqeri, the envoy of Halejun, one of the Malika of Sultin
the Egyptian Khalifah to Sultin Mubammad Tughlaq Shah, 309.
liv Indez. ~

Haliki Khan, grandson ot the Hamida Bini Begam, the Queen.

Chingis Khin, 145 and n 2, 236. consort of Humiyiin and mother
Haldi, township of, 409 and » 7 of Akbar, 560, 566, 568.
Halghit, a place, 887 » 3. Hamidu-d-Div, the Amir of Koh, one
Halin, the,—-a river of the Panyjib, of the Maliks of Sulgan ‘Aliu-d-Din
856 n 1, Khali, 261.
Halka of elephants, or & hondred Himido-d-Din ‘Umar ibn Mahmid
elephants, 54) Balkhi, 76.12. See Qasi Hamid
Halkhiyat, town, 423 2 6. of Balkh.
Hamadin, « oty of Perman ‘Tray, Hamin, Malik, Governor of Badion
anciently called Ecbatana, 30 7 1, under the Saayyid dynasty, 306
583 21. ail,
Homadin, o district of Persian ‘Iriq, Hamir Dev, Hai of Rantenbhor,
302). grandeoa of Rai Pithora and con-
Homal, the sign Aries, 195 2 8, 626 temporary of Sultan ‘Alau-d-Din
and 2 7. Khali, 257 ond wn 8 and 7, 203.
Hamaenh, Freytag's, 287 2 1. Homra, Mahk, Governor of Ripari
Baimi Tambin, or Jahi Yatmam of tinder Maanad-1-‘Ah Khir Khin
Bukhari, a poet of the time of (q v ), 877.
Hamiyin, 618 and n 5 Hamza of vzefat, remarks on, 545 and
Aarid iba ‘Abdu-r-Rabuin a Trad. nid, 5164
tioniat, 139 x 5 Hamei, Math one of the Armra of
Hamid of Balkh, Qazi, a celebrated Muburak §hah of the Saiyyid
writer and poet, contemporary of dynasty, 387.
Saltan Mu‘zzn-d-Dia Mahammad Hamzah, son of ‘Abdu-linh abno-z-
Bin Ghiri, 76 and n 1. Gubarr, 287 n 2.
Hamid Khan, the Shagpi-Khal of Hundd, a Unedu Masnawi, 353 2 6
Sultana Ibréhim Lodi, 439 Sev Chandaban,
Hamid Khan, Foz re Momlahar of Nandal, Mirza = See under Hindal,
Dihii, under tne Smyyta dj nasty Handiya, 3 town on the Narbada in
491 and nn 4 and 4, #2 aun! the Central Provinces, 617 and
n4 nD, 521) Called alten Hindsya,
Homid Lawiki, one of the Awira of Hanuite sect of Sunni Muslin,
Sultan Mubiao.ad Lughlay S4ia, fuuuded by Aba Hanifah, 57 4 1,
302, 514
Hamid Lod, Shakh, first rcaler of Haukayat, town, 428 6,
Maltan, 19 nb fangi, datrivt and town of, 37 an!
Hamid of Sanval, Shaikh, the com- n 2, 7UVand «1. O8 and » 2, 244,
anentator, coulemporary of Hurd. $22, W23, 324, 326, 864 n 5, fortrudw
yun, 604 of, £3), $33
 Indez. lv

Hanzi Bhati, Rat one of the Amira Werumin, a fortress on the frontier
of Mubirak @hih of the Saiyyid of Egypt, 321 ahd n 4.
dynasty, 388 and 1 3. Hirin ar-Ragshid, che ‘Abbis: Khali-
Hanwantgerh, fortress of, 422 » 6, fah, 74" 3, 76 n, 288.
424 » 2. Hasan, son of ‘Ali ibn-Abi Télib,
Haqiaiqi, takkallug or poetical name second of tre twelve Imima of the
of the poet Khagani, 683 n 4, Bhi'ah, 15125
HRaramain-i-Gharifain, the two sacra Hasan ‘Ali Khards, Maulini, a poet
cities of Mecca end Medina, 583 of the time of Hamiyin, 687.
n 6, Hasan of Baneila, Shaikh, father of
Haran :bv Mohammed al-Khiki ash- Shaikh ‘Ala: Mabdi of Basins,
Bhirizi, author of a Muntukhabu-t- 607.
Tawarikh, lini. Hasan Bariwar-hacha, fayonnte of
Harand, a country of Hindistan, 446 Saltén Quybu-d-Din Ebsljt wha
and » 10 gives lum the title of Khaeri Khan,
Harawi, 8 native of Harat, 35 n 2. 274, 290 See under Khusri Khan.
Rarcaran, a Hindi Prince, foundor of Hasan Barvabacha, 290. Same as
Banghar, 71 n 2 the above (y uv}
Mardat, Governor of the fortress of Hasan Dihlayi, Mir, a famous poet of
Mirath at the time of Sultan Mal. Dih.i, contemporary of Mir Khusri,
mid Ghagnawi’s invasion, £47 1. J15 1, J87, 188, 245, 269, 270 and
Hardwar, city of, 88, G44 2 7 n 6.
Hari, another name of the city of Hasan Ghaanavi, Saryyid, a poet of
Harat or Werlt im Khorasan, 35 the tyme of Sulfin Bahram Shah
and 4 2 Ghaznrwi, 36 and 5 8,
Harid, a country of Miadustan, 445 Hasan Jaldser, Shaskh, King of
n 10. Khurasér, G33 4]
Hariri, the celekaated anther of the Finsan Karthai Sayyid gererally
Magamut, 248 kuown as Tasae hanga, afcrwards
Harp] Dec, Ra: of Deogir, conts m- ‘All d Vin ueiman Shah, Snltin
pry oof Solu Qurbn-d-Din of de Deets S00 See under
Kuilp, 283, 280 » 1 Hasan kin gu
Uaranna, a town ww the provivee of Hasan King 9 ontermparary ef Salen
Miwnt, 129 22 Matamrad Lug! laq Shah, 209, 310,
Bar Singh Dov,—or $14,927 Sve under Basan Ka-
Harangh Rai, Raji of feawa and th alt
Kawthar, contemporary of Khir Hain Kouk 810) Same ac Hasan
Khan of the Saayyind dinasty, 316 Rinse, 1}
and n 4 950 and 4, 36) aed nu | Ussen bitin Aewits, of the Rite.
Zand 8, 877, 377 gun ! (Mat oom of the \tnire
Wi Index.
of the Lodi dynasty, 998, 443, 444, Hatkin, town, 428 « 6,
447, 470. Hatkint,—or
Hasan Khan, an impostor of Miwat Hatkinth, ehief town of the Bhadi-
who pretended to be the Hasan war district, 408 n 1, 428 and » 4.
Khin Miwiti mentioned above, 447. Hatkint, tribes of, a clan of the
Wasan Khin, Governor of Rapari Bhadauris, 408 and n 1.
under Masnad-i-‘Ali Khigr Khan Hatnipiir, town, 266 and » 4, 267 and
(q. v.), 877, 387. ni,
Hasan Khin Siir, father of Shir Shah, Hatniwar, town, 266 n 4, 267 n 1.
461 and n 5, 466 and n 7, 467 Hauz-1-‘Alai, an artificial leke at
Hasan, Kotwal of Ghaznin under Dihli, constructed by Sultin ‘Ala-
Sultin Mandid Ghaznawi, 48. See u-d-Din Khilji, 204» 3,
also under Abii ‘All Hasan. Hauz-1-Khdgg, a reservoir at Dibli
Hasan Maimandi, Vazir of the Ghaz- constructed by Salyan Firiiz Tughiag
navides, 35, 47 » 6. Shah, 294, 380, 344, 347 and an 2
Hasan, Manlina, a learned man of the and 8, 348 » J, 356 and n 5.
time of Babar, 449. Haza)-+-Musamman, a kind of metro,
Hasan, Mir, son-in-law of Sultin 606 wa 4 and 5.
Firoz Tughlaq Shéh, 338 Hazér Diuiri, a name of Mahk Manik,
Hasan, Shaikh, a famous surgeon of the slave of Sulfin ‘Aliu-d-Din
Panipat, 366 n 3 Khilji, 251 and na 8 and 7, 256,
Baran Zinyini, Bhaikh, Shaikhu-l- Called aluo Kafr Niub.
Mashéikh, a famous Saint of Lahor, Hazir Sutin palace, at Dibli, 273,
383 and n 6. 285, 288, 289, 290.
Haghf, the last and most severe stage Hazira, Mausoleum, 397 and n 4,
of the fever culled Diqq, 320 2. Hazramant, a province of Arabia,
Hasht Bihight of Mir Khosri Dehlavi, 262 «1.
the famons poot, the firat poem in Hazrat A‘la, Tay Khan Karrini, ruler
his Khamsa, 134 and n 3, 142 : 3, of Bengsl, 540. Seo under Tay
269 » 5 Khan Karrani.
Haghw, a term of Prosody, 606 n 4. Hazrat 1 ‘Ali, » title assumed by Shir
Alastiniwar, town, 206 n 4 Bhah, $61 n 10
Hatanpur, district, 267 n 1. Hagrat-1-Mugaddas Ssiyyid Rafi‘ud-
Hitm Khin, Malk Ikhtyyaru d-Din Din Safwa, of Balkh, 445,
Sanbal, one of the Amirs of the Heavens, Nine, 142 9 1,
Khilji dynasty, 272, 291. Helmund, called also the Hendmand,
Hitim Sanbali or sambhah, Mayan, a a river
of Syutin, 15.9
learned Doctor, 42%, 506, 545 Hendmand, called also the Helarund,
Hiam of Tay, the type of Arab a rivar of Sipstin, 15 0
weneroaty, 127 Ueruclen, 586 a.

Herat, district sad town of,—in
Khurésin, 17, 22 » 2, 380 3, 34
end an 3 and4, 85 aud n 2, 36
aud 0 4, 48,
48 n 4, 7124,7881,
361, 009 » 5,
Herd of grace, a name of rue from ita
supposed efflozcy in exorciam, 617
wi.
Herbelot. See uttder D’Herbelot.
Herodotus, the Greek Historian, 28
ai,
Hersopolis, Gulf of,—the
Gulf of Sues, 169 9 1
Hesydrus, the,-the river Sutlej, 28
a3.
Bidayah-s- Fiqh, the, 428 and » 5.
Aidéyat, spiritual guidacce, 507 and
a &.
Hiddekel, the river Tigris as called
in the Bible, 394 « 5
Hijés, province of Arabia, 287
« 8,
608, 512,
Bikmata-l-lebriq, Phtlosophia dlu-
mination, 181 a 2.
Fils, name of the fifth arrow in the
geme of mau, 369 «1.
Himichal, mountain of,—~between the
conutry of Chin and Hindistin, 307
aud 1 3,316 See the Himilays.
Himalaya, the, 7081. Seo also the
above,
Himir Kacbhan, Malik, 226. See
ander Itimar Kachhan.
Himir Garkhs, Malik, 227.
under Itimar Sarkha.
Himan Baggfl, the Hindi General of
‘Adli, OU and «= 11, 501, 587, 54],
G48, 548, 553, 552, 653, 655, bu?
a9. Called also Huméu,
and Baimie,
&
Indew, lvii
Hind, 86 « 9, 70, 486, 501. See ander
HindistEn and India.
Hindal, Mirsi, 458, 458, 450, 408, 464,
465, 559, 560, SOT and » 10, 574,
$78, 679, 580, 586, 567.
Hindal Mubammad Ghih, 587. Same
as Mirsé Gindil.
Hindaan, town of,—-in the Jeypore
State, $95 « 3.
Hindawiys, town on the Narbada,
617 nd
modern Hindiya or Handiya, a town on the
Narbedi, 517 and n 9, 621.
Hindi Beg Qichin, Amirn-]-Umari,
one of the Amirs of Humiayin, 455,
457, 471.
Hendé Castes, Sherring’s, 312 » 7.
See under Hsadi Tribes and
Castes.
Hindi dynsaties of Malwa, 384 » 5.
Hindi Mythology, Dowson’s Diction-
ary of, 168 n 2.
Hinds Tribes and Castes, Sherring’s,
3I2 0 7, 38423, 483 a 4, 65709
Hindin, town in the Jeypore State,
395 n 3, 541, 553.
Hindi, the, 19, 21 «4, 22 and},
24, 34, 76", 70% 2, 95, 120, 122
a 1, 186 » 8, 163 n 2, 200, 235, 236,
256, 291, 302 » 2, 306 w 2, 309n I,
856, 350, 374, 384 0 5, 404, 432,
448, 476, 478 and «7, 484." 1, 523
a 5, 549, 565, 565, 635 2
See Hindastan, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19,
20 and « 1, 23, 25, 26, 27, 2s, 2,
32, 36, 37, 42 2, 44, 47, 48, Gl,
52 and = 1, 63, 56, 60, G1, 62, 63,
64, 66 «1, 69, 70, 72 and «4, 77,
Hamio 78, 78, Bl, Sd und 4, 87, 88 n 3, 96,
DB, 141, 187, 191, 195, 197, 205 « 2,
 wiii Indew.

219, 23%, 233, 286, 249, 250, 252, Hutory of Gujerat, Bayley’s, 17 0 4,
254, 255, 273, 297, 305, 807, 310, 71n8, 3660 6, 918.95, 357" 8,
816, 821 827, 38C n 8, 338, 848, 4526, 454and an 1 and 7, 455
845, 861, 858, 859, 375, 877, 378, nw, 458 » 6.
984 n 8, 385, 420, 491, 427, 436, History of India, Elpbinstone’s, 20
443, 445, 445, 455, 456, 464, 466, 24 Bed under Elphinstone,
468, 474, 475, 477, 479, 480, 481, History of Kashmir, 8 Bee under
482, 486, 489, 405, 496, 408, 499, Tarikh-s-Kaghmir,
. 504, 507, 521, 522, 524, 527, 529, History of the Mahrattas, Grant Doff's,
533, 584, 599, 548, 547, 549, 559, 265 n 4.
562 684 3, 588, 591, 595, 596, 604, Hisabra-d-Din Zafar Khin, one of
611, 617, 618, 622, 624, 632, 637 the Mahke of Sulfin ‘Aléu-d-Din
See ander Hind. Khnlyi, 247 2 2,
Hindistani Amirs, 444 Hodal, townsbup of, 547 and an 4and 5.
Hindistini models of poetry, 426 and Honey, notes on, 148 n 4, 685 9 10,
ni 586 #
Hindiastani Muslims, 356. Hoatang, Sultia of Mélwa, otherwise
Hindwin, town in the Jeypore State, called Alp Khan, contemporary of
396 andn3 Called also Hindun Mubirak §hab of the Saiyyid dy-
Hisham ibn ‘Abdu-]-Malik, of the nasty, 863
9 2, 384 n 6, 385 « 3,
Umayyad dynasty of Khalifaha, | 398, 804 and » 1.
1391. Woshangab&d District, in the Central
Highim ybn al-Kalbi, an Arab His- ! Provinces, 517 n 9.
tortion, 742 2. ; Hoshiarpur, town, 380 n 2, 39} » 5,
Hisar Firozah,—or House, People of tho, -~ des endanta
Hisdr Firizah, a fortress and town | ot the Propheta family, 632 n 1
founded by Firne Shah Tughlag, | Had ibn Khalid, the prophet acut to
325 n 3, 326 n, 829, 364, 419, 4:30, the tribe of ‘Ad, 263 »
466, 594, 896, 597 Called also , Haddth. explanation of the corm
Hissar or Hisstr Firozah ln4,2n1. lid07
Hisir-1-Naa, fort of, 186 } Hadeth Dheti, explanation of the
Hissar, town of, 87 n 2, 825 0 3, 426 0 | term 2m 1
See ander Hisér Firtizah Huduth Zamaw, explanation of tbe
Hissir Firoza. Seo under Huisir t term 2nt
Firtza |
Haghes, Dichonary of lslem, 2 2 5,
Hvatowe des Arabes, Caussin de Perce- | AF n4, NS 41, 150 n 2, 151 n 6,
val, 1211! i
I
166 n 1, 157 » 2 176n, 189
4 2,
History of the Caltpho, Jarrett'a, 15 ln 4d, An 205 0 1, 216 n, 303
n4,17n 2,182), 2002, 571 22 n4, 320 u 4, 35> 4, 86801, 369n3
See under Perkhu-l Khulafe S72n 2, 39806, 42008, bn 9,
 Indea.
445 26, 446 n 8, 46002, 279 WB, | 382 n 4, 3889, 38455, 885 n 3,
480 n 6, 481 5 8, 485 ml and S380 ne S cnt & 88902, 40848 6,
%, 488 nn 5 and 7, 510 » 4, 522 » 6, #9 "5, 410 4, 419 n 3, 422
n 3,
671" 1, 572265, 601 n, 608 n and 423 25, 438n 4, 4875 8, 445" 2,
a8, O180, 622n 3, 623 0 1, 696n2 454 n 6, 466n 6, 486 n 6, 646 nn 3,
Haw, 2 febulous bird of good omen, 4and 5, 54725, 659 2n & and 7,
5742, 68n, 60 and 8, 77, 177, 560 n 8, 508 1 10 685 « 6.
571 and n 8. Hunter's Indsan Empire, 32 2 1.
Humayiin, Emperor of India, 82 n 3, Hirvie, the women of Faradiee, 251,
449 n 8, 464, 455, 456, 457, 458, 485 andn 8.
450, 400, 461 and » 3, 462, 463 464, Hosein, son of ‘All ibn-Abi Talib,
465, 471, 472, 474, 530, 55, 560, third Imim of the Shi'ah, 161 n 6,
561, 562, 563, 565 anda 6 56521, 200, 205 ond 2 1, 481 and » 9, 622
566 and » 13, 567, 5668 and n 6, 569, and pn 8, 623 and n I.
670, 671 and » 8, 572, 673 and n 1, Husain ibn ‘Ali ibn Maikil, one of
574, 675, 578, 579, 680, 681, 682 the Amirs of Sultén Mas‘ud Ghaz-
and #« 7, 583 and n 8, 584 3, 585, nawi, 36, 37 17, 38
687, 588, 660, 591, 592, 594, 504 Houeain Arghiin. See under Shah
and 7 6, 595 and «8, 596, 597» 6, Husain Arghiin.
508, 600, 601 and n 9, 602 and nz, Husain Bagri the Wazir, Khwaja, of
604, 606 a 3, 608 and #5, 613, 618, the Amirg of Sultin Ghiy divn-d-Din
619, 622, 628, 626 a Balban, 220 » 2
Humiyiin, name of a palace at Dib, Hoasain Farmah, Miyao, of the Amirs
344, 246. of the Lodi dynasty, 435
Humisin Khiin, son of Muabeuimad Husain Ji}wini, Rai, one of the Amirs
Shih gon of Sultén Firoz Tughlag, | of Islem Shah Sir, 494, 495, 541,
34%, 847. Succeeds to the throne 542 and n 14, 646
nnder the title of ‘Alun d Jnn Hagan Khon Ghiteéi, one of the
Sikarlar Shah Aucre of the Afghan Sur dynasty,
Humiin Baggal, 500 and u Ti, 501 542, 548
Ses under Himun Haaan Khén, son of Khin-1 Jahan, of
Honter's Imperial Gazettem of Inscio, the Amirs of Suljan Bahlal Lodi,
82n1, K3n 2, Bnd, Wn d 121 406
0812521, 13401, 185 21, 356 , Husain Khan, son of Mabmid Shargi,
4, 257.47, 265 nn Zand 4, 266 | of Jaunpir, Wt 1 5, 405 Bee
4, 2939 n 6, 200 an 2 awd 3, 311 aude: Husain Sharqi.
#$, S139 6, 82on3 38047, 346 | Husam Khin, Mirza, one of Amira of
45, 855 n 1, 880 9 8, 62 nn 1 | Hamirin, 574
and 2, 364 nn 2, 2umt 4. J6a 2 8, Husain Khan, aon of Qaam Khin, of

100 » $, 377 an 3, 5 and G, dsun 2, | the Amire of Humayun, 589

iz Index.
Bussin Khin, son of Suljin Sikandar Husimu-2-Din Mariwar, Malik, of
Lodi, 481 and « 1. the Amirs of Gaijin Quibe-d-Din
Umain Khin, ‘Umdate-l-Mulk, of the Khilji, 285, 280.
Amirs of Suitin ‘Aliu-d-Din of the Husimu-d-Din ‘Twas—or
Baiyyid dynasty, 401, 402. Husimu-d-Din Ebilji, Malik, 86 and
Husain Kharmil, one of the Amire of #« 8, Eventaally becomes Salgin
the Ghori dynasty, 67 and n. Ghiyiqu-d-Din ‘Iwas (gq. v.).
Husain, Malik, Taju-l-Mulk, uncle of Hasima-d-Dia 0l-Muwaggini, Manii,
Sultin Jalélu-d-Din Knhilji, 229, euthor of a commentary un the
231. Miftehu-l-'Uliim, 428 « 2.
Hossain Nigimu-}-Mulk, son of Amir Husima-d-Din Tarmadi, Shaikh, 158
Miran, one of the Amirs of Sulti. « 2.
Firos Tughlaq, 383 » 2. Hushyar, Malik, of the Amirs of the
Husain Qadsi of Karbeli, Mir,—a Sayyid dynasty, 396, 998,
poet, 628 and » 6. Hat, the Zodiecal sign Pisces, 195
Husain, son of Ghihbeg Arghiiu, 660 n2,
a8. Same os Mirsk §hih Hosain Huwa, name of the Almighty, 603
Arghin (¢. v.). a 6.
Husain Ghargi, Sultin, son of Soltin Hogail,
a tribe of the Arabs, 28« 1.
Mabmid of Jaunpiir, contemporary Hwen Theapg, the Chinese Traveller,
of Sultin Buhlil Lodi, 404 and » 382 « 4.
5, 405, 406, 407, 408 and
n 6, 409 Hyades, the, ad-Dabardn, 367 » 8.
and n 8, 415, 416. Hyarotis, the,—the river Révi in the
Husain Zargar of Qandabir, Qézi, 420. Panjab, 28 » 8.
Hosaino-d-Din ‘Iwas, Mahk, 86 and Hydaspes, the,—the river Jhelam,
#8 See Husdmu-d-Din ‘Iwaz. a3.
Hosainu-d-Din Ughal or Ughul Beg, Hyderibéd of the Deccan, 271 # 6,
ruler of the Doab st the time See Haidarabid,
of Saltin Qutba-d-Din Aibak, 81 Hydraotes, the,~-the river Ravi in
and sn 2 and 8. the Panjab, 23 » 8
Hosimu-d-Din Abirija, the Mustaufi, Hypanis, the —or
one of the Maltks of Saltin Mubam- Hyphasus, the,—the mver Bish in the
mad Toghlaq Shah, 308. Panjab, 28 1 8.

bak, sonbriquet of Saltin Qutbu-d- Ibn ‘Abbas, uncle's son of the Pro-
Din of the Slave dynasty of Dihii, phet, 199 » 3.
77n2. Be Aibak. Ibn Arsalin, a relative of Sualtin
Thak, clave of Sultin Qutbu-d-Din Mabmid of Ghasain, 38 and
Aabak or Ibak of Dihfi, 89 n2
 Index.
Thn Agir {Aggie} Jazari, the Arab Tbrihim, Abraham of the Scriptures,
Historian, author of the Xémilu-t- 80206. See under Abraham.
Tawarigh, 87 « 8, 624 and n 6. Tbrihim, one of the guards at the
Iba Baiftir, author of the Mujraddét, palace of Sulsin Qutba-d-Din Eyilji
146.96, 17305, 178 «2 and an? of Dihli, 289.
and 3, 168 an 1 and 4, 550 a1, Ibréhim Khin, son of Qatb Ehin,
627 » 2. one of the Amirsof the Wali of
Iba Batata, Travels, 67.71, 127
0 4, Bangile, €70,
22103, 22801, 265 0 5, S728, Torahim Khu, sou of Ghisi Khin
307 n 4, 311 2 5, Sir, one of the cousins of Sher
Tho Mangal, the Arab Geographer, GhEh, 599, 541, 542, 54S, 544, $45,
901. ° 546, 547, Assumes the title of
Iba Khaldin, the Arab Historian, 151 Saljin Ibrahim (9. v.).
a4, 18721, 181982, 101 9 2, 217 Ibrahim, Malik, son of Saiyyid Hasan
a 5, 244 6. Kaitbali, feofee of Sultin Mubam-
Ibn Khallikin, the Arab Historian, mad Tughlaq Shab, 309.
Gn8, 12381, 8051, 3501, 6n38, Ibr&him Lodi, Saltan, son of Sultin
42nnland8 61 2, 55953, 69 Sikandar Lodi, 430, 491 n 1, 483
a1, 73981, 7402, 1400, 15126, 434, 496, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442,
152 « 2, 167 2 3,198
52, 27 001 443, 444, 467 and a 6, 468, 470.
and 2, 853 «5 1, 481 = 6, TbrShim Mirsi, son of Suleimin
Ibn Kulgim, one of the pocts of the Mirsa of Badakhgbén, 551
Mu‘allagat, 100 = 4. Ibrahim, the Saiyyida-s-Salajin, ibn
Tbn Makila, the Histoman, 6 » 8. Sulfin Mas‘id ibn Mabmid Ghas-
Ibn Mulyim, the asnassinator of ‘Al nawi, 6), 52, 53 and «, 64 andl.
ibn Abi Talib, 207 « 6. Tbrébim Shth Ghargi, Sultin of
Tbn Kutaibah [Qutsibeh], an Arab Jaunpiir, 861, 363 and » 3, 364 and
author, 287 « 1. » 8, 875, 396 n 3, 393, 390, 408.
Ibn Said, the Arab Geographer, 17 Thribim §harqi, Sultin of Jaanpir.
nd See the above.
Ibn Serapion, the Arab Geographer, Ibrahim Sur, grandfather of Sher
871 «3, Ghéh, 466.
Ibn Sind (Avicenna), 539 « 1. Ibrahim Sar, Sultan, $42, 648, 549,
Ibn ‘Umar, the island of,—an island 550, 552, 553, 554, 502,597. See
of the Tigris above Mosul, 634 « 8. ander Ibrahim Khan, son of Ghazi
Ibno-l.‘Amid, a celebrated Arabio Ehin.
writer, 198 » 3. Tdtedd, a term of Prosody, 606 » 4,
Ibua-l-Majib, aathor of the Kéfiyah, Tdria, Mahk, Governor of Rohtak for
a famous treatise on Grammar, Mahmid Shth of the Tughlag
428 2 6G, 167 2 2. dynasty 365 a 5, 375,
lx I ndek.

"Ida-lengha, the festival of Sacrifice, Tkhtiyéru-d-Din Altiniyah, one of

the chief of the Mubasmadan the Malike of Sultin Ghameu-d-Din
feativals, 393 = 6. Tyaltimigh, 121 and an 6 and 7,
‘Tda-l-Fitr, the festival following the 122 and n= 1 and 2.
fast of Ramagin, 392 » 6. Igbtiyaru-d-Din Bog Birlis, Malik,
‘Idu-]-Qarban, samo as ‘Tdn-l-aghi one of the Amira of Saltin Ghiyiig-u-
(q. v ), 392 and » 6. d-Pin Dalban, 186 and n 5.
"Idu-]-Kabir, or the great festival, » Tkhtiyira-d-Din Itkin, Malik, one of
name for ‘Tda-l-aghi (7 v.), 3822 2. the Amusa of Sulfin Shaman-d-Din
‘Idn-3-Saghir, a name for ‘Idu-!-Fitr Tyaltimigh, 123, 123 9 1,
(q 0), 382 » 6.
Tkhttyfru-d-Dm Ranbal, Malik, one
Tguorance, Time of, the ages preced- of the Amira of the Khilji dynasty,
ing the advent of Islim, 441 » 2 272, 201.
Ihdad, apecial ceremony of mourning Ikhtiyiru-d-Din, son of Shiiyiata
by widows, 302 2 2, Khin, otherwise Sulsin Jalalu-d-
Thénat, miracle contrary to the inten- Nin Kbn)ji, 227.
tion of a prophet, 626 n. Tkhtiyirn-¢-Din Tangras, Malik, one
Ty, town of, 476 and n 5. of the Amira of Suithn Shamau-d-
Tima‘, theological term, 636 n 2 Din Fyultimisgh, 146 2 5,
Tk, town of, 476 5 6 Ikon, the Elixir of life, 340 n 2
Ikdala, a fortress of Bangila, »fter- (lahabés, the modern Alluhabnad,
wards called Azidpir, 324 and n 6, otherwise called Prayig, 416 nud
329 and n 1. n5
Ikdala, the islands of, 32921. Same Nihpir, one of the dependencies of
place as the fortrees of Ikdila (q v ) Rantanbhir, 410 and a 3
Ikhlas, name of a Sarah in the Qur'an Mak Khan, son of Bughra Khin,
See under Siratn-1-Ikhlis called Tak-i-Nasr, King of Miwa-
Iihrajat, in the sengo of taxes, $16 Tiu-n-Nabr, 1622, 20 and an 8
anda lL, and 4
Tkht:yér Khan, one of the Amira of fink 1-Naar, King of Mawaran n
Mahmid Shih of the Taghlaq Nahr, 162 See the above
Shahi dynasty, 366, 380 Tléq Sirtag, name of @ place, 560
Tkhuyir Khin, grandson of Mahk n 8
Daulat Yar of Kanpila, of the Midighis, frat of the Atabaks of Agnr
Amira of the Taghlaq dynasty, 363 baijin, 158 » 3.
Ikhtiyir Khan, Governor of Simina Thanpir, town of, 410 » 3,
ander Kk 7r Khan of the Saiyyida, Iltichpir, town of, 237
O65 2 4 Hlammnati, s sect of philosophers
Ikhtiyiru-d-Din, a servant of Sultan called [ahriqiyah, Is] n 2,
‘Alin-d-Din Khilyi_ 249, ‘Tain lema'dni wel baydn, 426 » 2
 Index. lsiii
“

Ilmia Beg Ulagh Khin, brother of Imimiyah, a sect of Shi‘ah Muslime,

Sulfin ‘Aliu-d-Din Ehilji, 283, 289, 872 « &.
240, 241, 248, 947. Hoe aleo nnder Imims of the Shi‘sh, Twelve, 572
Ulugh Epin. and # 6, 625 » 3.
‘Thraw-l-baydn, 428 2 3. Imima and Baiyyide of Omin,
‘Tlenu-l- igh. See under Figh. Badger's, 187 » 2.
Nl shudan, to become aubmissive, 874 Iman, Faith, 877 2, 636.
n 6B. Tminibad, town of, founded by
liyis Wiaji, Malik, contemporary of Bulgin Ibrihim Ghaszawi, 58.
Sulfin Mabammad and Firoz Shah Impersal Gusetteer of Indias, Hunter's,
Tughiag, assumes the title of 362 10, 82201, 3 and 4, 8828,
Balin Shamen-d-Din se ruler of 80 0 4, 85 na 4and7, 131 n 8, 125
Lakhnanti, 300, 324, 827. nn land 3, 18401, 165 «1, 218
Ilyas, Ehwija, contemporary of n 3,221 "3, 25604, 26727, 266
*Adli, 541. unZ and 4, 26624 29895, 200
Ilyas, Malsk, of the sisvos of Firoz nn Zand 3, 3ll na 3 and 6, 318 95,
Ghib Tughiag, 852 aud n 6 325.1 3, 33027, 38125, 846n 5,
‘Imad Khin Karrani, of the Afghin 355 11, 3007 8, 362 nn 1 and 2,
Malike of Bangala, 540, 541 364 nn 2 and 8, 365 «8, 366« 8,
‘Tmido-d-Din, Maulana, translavor of $77 nv 8, 5 and 6, 380 # 2, 882 # 4,
the Répd-tarangini into Persian, 383 n & 38445, 285 2 8, 886 an 8
Bn %. and 6, 289 » 2, 408 n 6, 409 n5,
‘Imada-)-Mulk, = ocourt-servant of 410
n 4, 419
w 3, 422 28, 423
» 5,
Bultin Jalatu-d-Din Khilji, 239 437 n 8, 4452, 45406, 466
2 6,
"‘Imadu-}-Mulk, one of the Mabke of 486» 6, 517 1 9, 540 an 3, 4 and 6,
Abi Bakx Shab of the Tughlag 547 2 5, 559 an 5 and 6, 560 2 8,
dy nasty, 343, 344 598 n 10, 635 2 6.
*{madu-}.Mulk, Malik Mabmid Hasan, In‘dm, reward, 596 2 6.
of the Amirs of Mubarak Shah, Indari, town, 305.
$87, 884, 389, 390, 391, 892. See Indarpat, township of, 325.43. Ses
also under Mabmid Hasan under Indrupath.
‘Imidu-l-Mulk Sartez-2-Haltini, India, 12, 13,17 n 4,204, 28, 43,
Malik, of the Amirs of Sultan Sin, l4in 1, Qn 4, 2650 8, 390i,
Mubammad Tughlag Shab, 302, 312 and 7, 363 2, 41141, 420
$14 and « 2. nS, 44 Ut, 590 25. See also
Imam, Priest, 368.22, 472 aud » 7, under Hiud and Handastan.
572 6, Iudia, Map of, in Keith Johnson's
Imam Bukhari, the velebrated author Atlas, 419 » 6, 420 # 6,
of Sabiho-l- Bukhari, a collection of lodian Atlaa, the, BE n 4
authentic traditions, 6 and 7 3. ' Indian Empire, Wanter’s, 3é nb.
 laie
Indien Medical Gasetie, the, 686 =.
Indor, fortress of, 385.
Indra, the Hindi god, 204 » 4.
Tndrapath, a township outside Dibti,
204 and wn 4 and 5, 205 and» 9.
Bee also Indarpat.
Indraprastha, original name of the
township of Indrapath (q. v.), 204
a4
Indri Karnfil, pargane of, 424 and
a3.
Indus, the, 20 n 1, 28 » 8, 6701,
7292, 128 andn 8, 249, 820
» 5,
358, 358 x 6, 436, 465, 529, 560» &,
567, 691, 592, 599.
Infidelity, the origin of ‘addwat in
rehgioas matters, 576 9 5, 577 5
Introduction to Ancient Arabsan
Poetry, Lyall’s, 99 » 6.
Iqbal Khin, chief cavalry commander
under ‘Agam Hamayin Shirwini,
434
Egbal Khan Malloo, one of the Maliks
of the Firiz Shahi dynasty, 129 » 2,
351 and n 6, 354, 856 and » 5, 357,
350, 360, 961, 362, 368 and n!
See also under Malloo Khan.
Agbél Khén, called Rabmatn-Hahi,
one of the Amire of Islem §hih,
527.
Igbilmand, tho Mugbul, invades
Multan in the reign of Sultin
‘Aléu-d-Din Khilji, 262 and » 3.
Iqbal Mudbir, the name which Mir
Ehosri gives to Iqbaélmand, the
Maghul, (q v ), 252" 3,
Tytim Khia, one of the Maliks
of the
Firts Shihi dynasty, 885 » 7,
Fate’ grants of land, 687 and « 7,
597,
Indez.
‘Iré, name of a certain piece
at the
game of cheas, 479 and # 7.
‘Irik. > Bee under ‘Iriq.
Tram of the Colamns, « fabulous city
in Arabia, 361 = 6, 362 n, 268 n.
Tran, the native name of Persia, 80,
180 » 2,
‘Iriq, country of, 18 5 1, 15, 61, G4,
91, 205" 1, 279 n, 287 n 3, 810,
443, 455, 458, 466, 481, 504, 505,
568, 572 » 3, 572, 575, 578, 624,
632.
‘Iraq, Persian, 30» 1.
Travati, name of the Rivi in Sanskrit,
23 » 3,
Irshad, spiritual gaidance, 507 aod
n 5.
Irghdd-1-Qéz2, the, 521 and n 6.
‘Iai, Jesaa Christ, 207, $69, 373%, G38,
‘lei Khin Hajjab, one of the Amira
of Shir Ghih, 473, 486, 489, 513.
‘lea Khan Lodi, Governor of Patiali,
a cousin of Solfin Bahlal Lodi, 412
n 2, 418
‘Isa Khia Niyazi, one of the Amirs
of Shir Shih, 486, 487, 488, 489,
492, 493, 404, 541.
"Ica Ehin Sir, one of the Amira of
Islem §hah, 495,
Teaao of the Scriptnres, 488 n 5.
Ipabah, the,—a biographical diction.
ary of the Sahabah or Compamons,
872 a1.
Teaiah, Book of, 474 2 1,
Ipfahin, district and town of, %) and
= 1, 86, 173 », 370 2. See also
ander Ispahin.
Isfandiyar, of the first dynasty of
Persian Kings, 103 » 2, L6G
2 3,
175, 321 » 1.
 Indez. Inv
*

Isftrklu, a towh of KhurisEn in the 493 and # 8, 4065, 408, 400, 590, 501,
neighbourhood of Nishipur, 50 508, 504, 505, 506, 618, 514, 516,
2. 517, 518, 519, 620, 21, $32, 528,
Isfrir, a city of Khurisin, 50 and 524, 625, 526, 527, 528, 629, 580,
«= &, 682, 533, 534, 535 anda 7, 586,
Iahig, one of the palace guards of 537, 538; 541, 542, 583, 588 and
Suljin Qotba-d-Din Khilji, 289. «1, 503. Bee also under Salim
‘Inhq-Nameh, ono of the poetical Shih
works of Hakim Santi, 56 » 2. Jema‘il (Ishmael), 139 » 5, $92 9 6.
Ighraqi philosophy, the, 161 and Iamié‘l Fath, one of the Amirs of
s 2. baondreds of Duulatabad, rebels
Iskandar Saltén Osbek, of the Amirs against Saltin Mohammad Tughiaq
of Hamiyin, 463, 692 and - 1, Shah, 814.
594. IsmaTi Khin Lihini, one of the
Iekandar Sar, Sulgin, 543, 596, 597 Malika of Sultan Sikandar Lodi,
See under Sikandar Sir. 413 and 2 3.
Islam under the Arabs, Oaborn’s, 157 Ismail] Khin, son of Saljan Sikandar
n 2, Lodi, 431 and » 1.
Istim Kbin, son of A‘sam Khan IemBil Malik, ons of the Mahke of
Hamiyan Qhirwini, of the Amira Mubirak Shih of the dynasty of
of Scitin Ibrahim Lodi, 433, 434 the Ssiyyids, 391
Islim Khan Lod:, called also Suitan Tami‘il, son of Sultin Nasiru-d-Din
Ghib, Governor of Sihrind under Subuktigin, 16 and n 1,
Kbrgr Khan of the Sayyid dynasty, lemi‘il Safawi Husmmni, §hib of
380 an 3 and4, 383 2 11. Persia, 449, 570, 572 2 8.
Islam Khin, Mubashir Chap, the Temu-i-a'zam, the most holy name of
Vasir, one of the Malike of Mubarm- God, 603 » 6.
mad §Ghah ibn Firos Shah, 345, Isné ‘Ashariyah, called also the Ima-
346. miyah, a soct of the Ghi'ah, 572
Islam Khio (Islem Shieh) Sur, son of a 5,
Shir Shah, 498 and » 12 Tepahan, same as Iefahin (¢.0.), 90
Islam Shih, son of Shir Shih, called nil, 3421, 582 2,
ulso Jalem Shéh (q.v), and Satin Tarael, 303 x 2
Shah (q v.), 456, 477 and n 5 Taraelites, the, 169 n 1, 802 » 2,
Islands of the Blest, the, 150" 1. Isriil-i-Beghi, chief of the Tarko-
Idem Khan Bar, afterwards Islem mane at the time of Sultan Mas‘id
Gbéb (q. v.)}, 485. Ghasnewi, 88 and » 3. ‘
Inlem Shih, son of Shir Bhéh, of the Ishidré), miracles performed by iafi-
Afghan Sir dynasty of Dibli, 486, dels, 625 and » 6, 626 n.
456, 487, 488, 460, 400, 401, 492, istigh far, formals of, 651 and a 3,

9
Ixvi Index.

Ietihgaér, power of recollection, 427 and ‘Issn-d-Divw Balband-Kaghts

an 6, Khim (q. ¥.).
Iafila§ain-I-Funin, the, 4 n 1, 604, ‘Isen-d-Din Bafban-{-Bovarg, or the
Bin, 1423" 1,145 » 1, 1622 4, 168 elder, 124, 125, 120. See the
a 1,198 01, 374.0 5 and 7, 614% above,

2, 625 n 6,626. Full name Kagh- ‘Iszu-d-Din Bulban-i.Kashli Khin,

ghaf Ip{slahati.l-Funsr.
Ietigamat, a term of Astronomy, 874
nf,
ttawah, district and town of, 894 and
n 4, $46 and 1 4, 347, 350 » 4, 360,
362, 879, 880, 381, 386, 391, 403,
one of the Malike of the Shamsiyah
Sultana, 124 1 8,180. See under
‘Izen d-Die Kashli Khia.
‘Izgu d-Din Tyas, one of the Malike
of the Ghamsiyab Sultans, 120 and
»&. Called also ‘Izeu-d-Din Ka-

|
405, 410 and n 4, 415, 451, 448, 444, bir Khim Ayis (q v.).
468, 647, 556, 592 Called also ‘Izzn-d-Din Jini, one of the Maliks of
Etiwah (q v.). Salsin Shamsa-d-Din lyal-timish,

|
Htimar Kaokhan, Malik, one of the 7 and » 8.
Amirs of Sultin Ghiyisa-d- Din Bal- ‘Iseu-d-Din Kabir Khin Ayas, Malik,
ban, 220, 226. 08 and » 2 Bee under ‘Issu-d-
ltunar, the Mughal, one of the Gen- Din lyks.
erals of CLingis, Khén, 188 and 1 I, ‘Izau d-Din Kashli Khin, Malik, 181,
189, 222 132 and » 4, 133. See andor ‘[szn-
Ttuamar Surkha, Malik, one of the Bab d Din Balbun-1-Kaghli Khan.
bani Amirs, 227, 228 ‘Izzu-d-Dia Khéhd Khani, one of the
Tyal-tamish, Soltan §hameu-d-Din poets aud munghs of the time of
Abn-1-Mozaffar, of the Slavedynaa- Firoz hah, 332 and » 2.
ty of Dihli, 70 2 1, 88% 8, AO, 96, ‘lazu-d-Din Mebammad Salari, one of
321 and”4 Sen vnder Shamau- . the Malika of the Shamayah Sul-
d-Din fyal-tumish jane, OS a 2.
yal-trmish, organ of the name, 88, ‘Izau-d-Din Tughé Khan, one of the
89 and nt Malka of the Shamsiyah Sultina,
zad Vor, fifth son of Nultin Mas‘ud, 325,
sen vf Galton Mabmid Ghaznaw, ‘t7zud-Din Yaby$, 4'zame-l-mulk,
$412 oue of the Mahke of Sulfan Mabam-
[zhar-+ maugmar, 606 and n 9. mad Tughiag Shab, aS, 3u8,
‘Jzzu d-Dm Katban, Mahk, one of the ‘acu } Mulk, Mahk ‘A4lin-d-Dio
Mauks of the Shamsiyah Saltans, Khafi or Jani, one of the Mahke of
124 und $, 120, 180. Called also | ouljun SLameu-d-Dia Jya)-éumish,
‘lenu d-Dio Balban-s-Buzarg (q.¥), | Us and » 3,
 Index. as
levii

J.
.

Teba) Saar, a kill near Mocca, 140 n, Téhiriyi, uncle of Khueri Khin Bara-
158 a 1, war, the favourite of Sulu Qutbu-
Jabhin, town, 353 5 6. ad-Din Khitji, 289.
dacoh, the Patrinrok, 802 « 2. Jabjar, town, 351,
Jacut, See ander Yaqit. Jahjar river, the, 325 2 3, 326
Jéegir, land held in fief, 120 » 8. and”, ;
Ja‘far, the Barmocide, Wazir of Hi- Jahtara, name or a place, 414 and
rin ar-Rashid, 286. n 3.
Ja‘far Khwindi. Sev under Shah dai Chand, a Zeminddr of Chartili,
Sa'far Khwindi. ot the time ef Suijin Tbrihim
Ja‘far Sadiq, one of the [ming of the Lodi, 431 » 4.
Shiab, L104 4, Jai Chand of Jaanpir, 364 0 3.
Ja‘far, aon of Sulaimin it, ‘AN ibn Jai Chand, Rai, Governor of Qananj,
‘Abdo-llah ibn al-‘abbas, a prince contemporary of Sultan Shihaba-d-
of the 'Abbisides, 74 » 2. Din Ghiri, 70
4Jiff, a tribe of the Arabe, 6 x 3, Jathin, the,—or Oxug, 27 and nL, 37
daghar Beg Saljiiqi, contemporary of a7, 38, 71, S70 27. Called alas
Suljan Maadud Ghoznawi, 40 0 4 the Jihin(g uv}
dahingir Beg the Mughiil, one of the Jain architecture, 635 1 6
Amirs of Huntyiin, 459 Jarpal 1, raler of Uindurtin, courem-
dJahingir Quii Beg, one of the Amis porary of Suljan Mahmid Ghaznawi,
of Humiyin, 461. 15, 48, 19 anda 2, Wanda4d, 22
dahin Name, a palece and a fortress n 6,
at Dibli, 348, 845 anda 1, 36¢ and Jaipal 11, a0n of Anandprl, grandson
«1, 361 and @ 1,386 and «1, of Japa I, the ruler of Hind, 24,
4

Sahinpesih, one of the three catics 22and » G, 26.

of Dihli, 361 « 1, 366 0 2. Seipér, district and town of Rajpata-
Sahin Shih, Amir,ome of the gererals
of Timir, 355 2 6. | na, 93 vw), 12014
See under Jeypore.
12902, 20002,

Fkhi Yatwin, of Bukhiri, a poet of Jawalmir, district and town of Raj.

the trme of Humiyin, 618 and n 5.
628, 622.
ahi Yatmiyin, 618 55. Same as Jabi
Vaitmin (¢. v).
Jéhi-i-Yatminin, 618" 5.
Jthi Yatmin (¢ w.).
Jahiliyat, or time of Ignorance, the
pro-IsHimio age, 08 « 6, 441 1 2
Jahr Dev, the Riji of Narwar, 129
eada é See under Chabar Ajari.
putana, 298 and n 7, 465, 662, 563,
667 w 1.
Jajarmi, one of the poeta of the time
of Sulfin Jalala-d-Din Khilji, 245.
Same as Jaynagar, called also Jajpir, capital
of Orissa, 86, 125 » 3, 186 and n 6,
209 and m 2, 829 and a 6, 330,
ae
Jijppur, on the Bartarani in Orisen,
126n3 Same as Jajuagar (y. "'
 Ievili Index

Jald, baldness of the fore part of the Jalélu-d-Din Jani, Malik, one of the
head, 516 and n 2. Malikes of Sultin Naviry-d-Din Mah-
Jalilibis, called algo Arail, a town mud Shih of Dihli, 182,
near Allahabad, 415 » 4, Julalu-d-Din Kisini, Q4zi, one of the
Jalal, greatness, 615 and n 6, 616 Amirs of the Shamaiyah dynasty,
Jalil of Badaon, Mirin Sniyyid, one 12422 See the next
of the learned men of the time of Jalalu-d-Din Kishini, Qari, 198, 284
Sultan Sikandar Lodi, 427, See the above.
Jalil Bhim of Agra, Malla, contem- Jaliln-d-Din Khilji, Sultén, whose
porary of Shaikh ‘Alai, 615 and n 3, name was Mahk firoz and has title
616 Shaytsta Khan (4 +), 185, 226, 280
Jalil Khan Jali, one of the Amirs of and al, 281, 239, 240, 248, 244,
Bhir Shah, 486 n 7, 489 n 0 245, 347 and n, 248, 240, 507, 525
Jalal Khan Jilwini, one of the Amirs Jalala-d-Din Mahmad Diwau, Khwaja,
of Shir Shah, 486 and n 7, 489 and one of the Amira of Humiyin,
nO 685 and » 4
Jali] Khin Lodi, son of Mabmiid Jalilu-d-Din Mangburni, Sulfan, aon
Khin of Kalpi, one of the Aimrs of of Snitin Mubammad Khwirozm
Sultan Sikandar Lodi, 422 and an Shab, 91 and un 1 and 2.
4 and 5, 437 Jaléla-d-Din,aun of Sultin Sbaman-d-
Jalal Khan Lihini, eon of Sultan Mu- Din yal tamaxh, 124 125, 181
hammad of Bihar, #58, 409, 470 david Din, Sulsin, eon of Saltan
Jalal Khin, son of Sultio Mahmid tikundar Lod, 430
unde See
Sharqi of Jannpir, 404 n 6, 405
dalil Khin Miwati, contemporary of |
| Jalal Khan, son of Svhin Sikandar
Jalilu-d-Din, Bultén, tatin “assumed
the Saryyide of Dihli, 375, 391
Jalil Khin, son of Shir Shab, omginal
| by Mohammad Khiin Sur, Governor
of Bangala (4.1 ), 552
name of Islem Shah Sar, 456 457 | Julala-l Haqy week Shar’ wad Din
Jalil Khan, son of Sulsiua Sikandar
| ul-Bukhaa, Shakh, a famous Sniy-
Lodi, 423 and 1 2, 480, 42] und n 3,
432, 453 || yu, Bat
Julimukh, sol temple of, in Nagar
Jalal Thim of Agra, Malla, §15 2 J kot, 331 a4
616 Seo Jalal Bhim Jilandhar, town wh $42,482 1.1n 4,
Jaiali, townstnp of, 41], 412 n 2 3 SH aad aS » OOS and aa 6 and
Jaliln-d-Daulat, title ot Amir Muham 7 of a

mad, yonuge: sun of Sultan Wil- Valesar, town of 343 4 3, 346 n §,

mud of vhaznin, 29, 33 i777 and n 6, 47 n 5
Jalélu-d-Uin Broz ghi, Anitun, 507, Jilun Bhatt. Rai, Governor of the
525) Same as fultin Jelilu d-Din fort of That, at the time of Tumat
Khily, (¢ v) inv weon, 355 aud nv 4,
 “ Fuulex. six
Tilor, fort of, 262, 2665, Jamilo-d-Din Mubammad al-Ufi or
Jalwur, town, $79 » 3. ‘Anfi, author of a Tazkira and
Jim, a town of Khnrisan, 38 0 2, other works, $3 » 1.
W2n1, Jamilu-d-Din Sadr Astaribidi, Mir,
Jim, the raler of Thaths, 833 and contemporary of Hurmayiin, 626.
a6, 833 aud n 4, 692 19. Jamilu-d-Din Yégit, the Abyssinian,
Jamé‘at, technical sense of, 626 and Chief Amir under SultSn Razsiyah,
nm 2, 120, 121 and # 2
Jamél Khin of Dihli, one of the Jami, Molla Niru-d-Din ‘Abda-r.Rah-
learned men of the timo of Baltan min, the celebrated author and
Sikandar Lodi, 427, post, 92 and m 2, 270" 4, 272 and
Jama) Khén Mufti, Miyan, one of the n 1, 429, 588. Called also by tho
learned men of the time of lelem title of Maulawi Mekhdimi ‘Any
Shah, 5086. Jami'w-l-Akabdr of Shaikh Sadiq, 139
Jami! Khin Sarang-Khini, one of » 6.
the Amirs of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, Jéms'u-l-Hikdyat of Mubammad Ufi
479. of Merv, 29 n 1, 33 1 1, 220,
Jamil Khin, one of the Amirs of ddiav‘'u-r-Raghidi, 8% 2 See the Ja.
Saltin Sikandar Lodi, 466, 467. ms'u t-Lawdiikk of Rashidu-d-Din.
Jamal, Shaikh, a poet of the time of Jams'u-t-Tawarikh of Rashida-d-Din,
Sultan Sikandar Lodi, 426 and # 2. Sn2, 738 = 2 807 n4. See che
See the next, Tarikh-+-Raghidi
Jamali, Shakh,—or Jamnua, the, 343, 354, 355, 856 and nn
Jamali Kanbawi of Dihli, Shaikh, 1 sud 5, 357, 360 3, 364, 377 n 6,
une of the greatest of the ‘Tlama 3K5 n 3, $86, 387, 394, 396, 406,
of the timo of Solan Srhandar 408, 439, 444, 551, 555, G10 Bee
Lodi, 411 and » 10, 429, 465 and aleo under the Jumnaand Jamuna.
n 9. Jamshid, ancient king of Persia, 108,
Jamala-d-Din Abi ‘Omar ‘Usman bic 176, 201, 405, 454, 559, 613
‘Umar, commonly known as [buu-l- Jammoo. See under Jamin.
Hijib (q.v.}, 488 a 6, 467 8 2. Jammi See under Jamin.
Jamilu-d-Dia of Hinsi, Shaikh, a Jann, kingdom of See Jamin.
celebrated saint, 322. Jami, river of,—the Jhelum, 356
Jamalu-d-Din Iefahani, the poet, con- al.
teruporary of Khigini, $39 » 4. Jamin, country of, 19.2 2, 349, 355
Jumaiu-d-Din, Mir, the traditionist, nl, 358 2 6, 388, 88421, Called
contemporary of Babar, 449. also Jammoo, Jammu and Jami
Jamélu-d€-Din Mubaminad, surname Jamuna the, called also the Jann or
of Balmiu Siwaji, the poet, 571 Jon and the Yamuni, 2373 See
and 0 GO, AF 2 1. under the Jamua and the Jumna.
 ixx Index.
Sandi (Innaidi), the Wazir Nigimu-l- Jasrat Khakar,~ or
Maik, of the Amirs of ulin Sham- Jasrat Khikar, son of Ghatkhi Khi-
wad-Din Iyal-timuh, 90, 98, 120 kar, contemporary of the Saiyyids,
and 21. 881 and #5, 382 and an 2 and 6,
Janhir, fortress of,—in Jaunpiir, 416 888 and » 8, 384n, 390 and #4,
and n 2, 416 1 4. 391, 389,
Janjihah, one of the two tribes in- Jasrat Shaikhi, 382 andr 6. Same
habiting the Jid hills, 128 » 38 as the above (q v )
Jannat Aghiyani, invades Himdnetin, Jatéaménsi, Sanskrit name of the nard
547 or Indian Sprkenard, 374 n.
Jannatabid new name of Gaur the Jats, the,—a tribe of the Hindiia, 29
capital of Bangila, so called by and » 4, 121, 122 n 1, 120 8 2.
Humiyin, 82 4 3, 458 Jauhar, essence, 397 x 3
Janoha, a tribe of the Mindiis, 500 Jauhar or Jahar, a rite of self-eacri-
Jarpinir, fortress of, 455 and nl fice, 307 and na 1 and 3,
Jani, town, 379 1 2 Jauhar, Malik, one of the Amirs of
Japhet, son of Nonh, Gl a 5, 147 0 1, Sultia Mabammad Tughlaq Shih,
231 814,
Jirin Manghii, the country of Siwie- Jauharan, w term of Muslim theology,
tn, 249 and x 7, Olt an 2,
Jarrett's Jin t- Akbari, 13 0 1,140 4, Jaan, the,—a name of tho river Jam.
17.1 4,233,256, 27n 4, 284 na, 23 n 3, 24n4. Called alao the
2. 3tn3, 36n 10,480 1,52 n 2, Jon (q vc}.
62 22,657 1,609 nu Zand 5, flan Jannin, original name of Sultin Ma-
3, 7244, 760, 81 2 2,42 nn 3 and hammad Taghlaq Shih, 229 n 2.
6, 840 2,671, 9) n 2, $20 2,95 Jaaninpiu, ongin of the name Jnun-
n 5,124 2 4, 128 3,129 n 2, 130 pir 320 "2
al, lsd nonda 8, 14221, 1937 Jaunpur, town of, 1835, $29 and n 2,
1, 236 12, 24802, 219065, 2640 848 2 10, 359, 361, 383 and » 2,
W 265 an 2 and 5, 266 2 4, 304 n 4, 864 and 3, 387 n 2, 400, 408 and
330 0 8. 33275, 357.23, 380 n 2, n 7, #04 and n 2, 408, 409 and n &
884 9 3, 410 n 4, 415 n 7, 416 nn 8 All n 2, 413, 414, 415, 417, 420 and
‘and 13, 317 1 7, 420% 5, 422» 3, m8, 430, 444, 445, 446, 451, 456,
425 n 2,439 n 2, 5360 6, 516 1 7, 457, 469, 487, 471 and «1, 477,
557 n 3,573 2 4, 547 n7, 589 n 4, 508, 552,
590 n 5 Jansii,—or
Barrett's Htstor of the Calipha, 12 02, Jausah, a villnge on the bank o!
1504 1772, 1803, 202,671n2 the Ganges, 459 anda 4, 462 and
Jartauli, a famena city of Mawia, 386 n3,
end 7 5 Jaus, 585. Sea ander Jauzu mani.
 Indez. ixxi

Jaushar, the headvand tail of Draco, #6, 12872, 855 n 1,302. Culled
162 and n 4, 193 and #1, also the Jhilam.:
Jausy magil, or Datura, a narcotic and Shilam, river, the, 44 "6 Seo the
intozicant, 535 and p 3. Jhelum.
Java, 303 n. Jhilam, town of, 389, 390
duwahu u-l-Khamea, the,~name of a Shilam, # District of the Panjab, 437
bovk, 459 n 2, nB&
Jawilamakhi, au dol temple of Na- Thosi, & town near Allahabad, 415
garkot, 831 and n 9. n4
Jawilapiy, for the ford of Miapur on Shunjhoi, a town in Rajpucina, GY
the Ganges, 131 » 1. n2
Jandnghar,—or didjer, the,—the moi vahju, 825
Jawdngul, left wing of a Tarkish na.
army, 439 » 4 Jigili, Aba Muhammad ‘Abdu-1-Rah-
Juudri, the amall variety of millet, main, the Khatib of Samargand,
649 and n 14 159 2
Jawazahr, the head and tail of Draco, Jthaéd, holy war in defe ve of Talim,
162 and n 4, 198 and 2 1. 204 and 1 4, 356 1 4.
Jaszari, Ibn Asir, author of the Kuini- Jihdds, the two—, 191 n 4
lu-t-Tawdrikh, 624 n 8. Jthddu-l-Akber, or the greater war.
Jazirat Ibn ‘Umar, an island of the fare, 191 n 4,
Tigris above Mosul, 624 2 6 Ivhddu.1- Agghar, or the lesser warfare,
Jernaslom, 1061 2, 151 6 2, 368 n 1, Wind
613 x, Jihin, the,—the Oxus dé 45 2, 166
Jeauita, the 130% 1 and 1, 203, Catled aso the Jaa-
Jews, the, 30 n 1, 279 n, 600 n 9 bin (7 v)
Jeypore State, the, 395 0 3. See Ji Ji Anigah, wet-nurce of Ponce
under Ja:pir. Akbar, 503 n 6
Jbiban, town, 879 » 2. Probably Jvtaudér, an attendant to ran beside
Shain fq. v ) in tended. the hoise, 60d and » .
dhiw, a cy near Rantanbhor, better Jude, u Turki word in the senae of
known 08 Naushahr, 387 and n 1, imu os reward, Sud n 6,
259, 283, B78 andn 2, Called else- Ju, 593 n 0
where Chhiin (¢ v.). Jirm, the sepatate members of the
Jhayhar, town of, 326 n 3. body, 630 n &
shalawan, a diatrict of Balichiatin, 48 Jirm-1-Qamar, rasa of the moon, 630
n 4. and # 6.
Sholam; the,-~ or Jetal, avn imagmary divreion of the
Jhelum, the, one of the mvers of the t
ddm, 499 2 3,
Panjib, 19 0 4, 23 2 3,44 0 6,89 | Job, Book of, 198 x 2, 640 u 4,
 Irxii Indes.
Jodhpir, a city of Rajputina, 379» 1, Jumlain-2-Mulk, chief fingnoo-minister
612, 563. of the State, 626,
Jodhpir State, in Raiputén’, 370 Jumns, the, 34an4 and 4, 122n1,
ni, 220, 227, 228, 231, 335, 244, 325
John, 8t., the Gospel of, 146 « 6. and 38, 826 andn, 82726 See
Jomanes, the,—a name of the river also under the Jarona.
Jumnn, 24 7 6. Jini Khan, or Jinin Khin, Governor
don, the,—a name of the river of Shamsibid under Sultén Mab-
Jamuna or Jumus, 24 and n 4, mid Sharqi, 408 and nn 4 and 5,
25, 641. See also the Jaan. 404 n 2.
Jones, Sir William, 76 #. Jina Shah, or Jinén Shih, Zhdén-s-
Joseph, the Patuarch, 89, 115 and Jahén, son of Mahk Qubul, one of
n 2, 217. the Malike of Sultin Firoz Shah
Joshua, the son of Nun, 373 n, Tugblaq, 383, 336 «5, 337 1 7
Journal of tho Asiatic Bociety of Junaid, the famous Mubammadan
Bengal, 186 1 6, 191 7 3, 824» 6, Saint, 69 2 1.
825 23, 826, 546nn 1, 3 and 7, Janaid Birlas, Sualjin, of the Amirs
609 n 3 of Bibar, Governor of Karra und
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Manoikpir, 439, 446, 464, 469.
1672, 8F nn), 47" 2, 5971, &7 Junaidi, the Wasir Nizamu-l-Maulk,
n 1,108n 1, 109 » 4, 116 and x 3, of the Amire of Suljin Shamau-d-
l4ln4, 330607, 479" 7, 571 Din Tyal-timigh, 90, 08, 120 and
n2 ni.
Jad hills, the, 228 and n 8, 185, 186, Jundi (Jonaidi), the Wazir, 120 and
221, See also under the Koh-1- nl See the above.
did Junibi,—or
Jia tribe, the,—one of the two Junioi Badakhshi, Manlané, the enig
tiibes inhabiting the Jid halls, 128 matist, ono of the poets of the
n 3. time of Humayin, 605 and » 5
Juhar or Jauhas, arte of self-sacri- Jupiter, notes on the planet, 78 and
fice, 397 n 1, 422, 476, n 2, 161 n 4, 15404, 630 2
Juki Bahadur Uzbaki, one of the Jureah canal, the,—a canal leading
Amirs of Mirzi ‘Askari, 568 » 1. from the Sutle), $25 2 8
Jildha, a weave:, 528 n 1, Jorjén, the capital of Khwarazm,
Juldé, a Turk: wyord in the sense of 23.21, 34" 2,629%5. Called also
sn‘am or reward, 596 n 6. Gargang.
Julqa, & dale, 438 n 7, Jarjin, Sea of,—the Caspian, 158
Jahus Casar, 7C 1, nil.

—_—
 Tndea. ixxiif
‘
x
Ha‘bah, the, 12.42, 07 n 4, 868
» 1, Shilji, 251 and an 8 and 7, 286.
584, 685, 613, 613 2, 624, Called aleo Kifiir Naib (q. v.).
Kabak, 623 and n 1. Kafer Nail, called Hazlr Dinist,
Ka'batain, the Tompies of Meccy {
| name of Malik Manik, slave of
and Jerusalem, 141 » 2. | Sulfan ‘Aliu-d-Din Khilji, 251 and
Kabir, Amiru-l-Umara Mahk Mubi- nan 3 and 1, 265 and » 1.
rok, of the Amira of tho Tughlaq Kahf, Sératu-l-, namo of a Chapter
Ghihi dynaaty, 842 and 9 1. in the Qur'an, 207 n 1.
Kabir Khan Sultani, one of the Kahfu-d-Daulet wa-l-Islim, one of
Malika of Sulfin Shaman-d-"in the titles of Suijin Makmid of
lyal-timizh, 98 and » 2. Ghoznin, 29
Kibal, territory and town of, 130 1, Kihi, Maulana Qasim, a poot of the
l4n8, 461 1, 49, 182 n 6, 359, time of Humayin, 584 and an 1
888, 890, 435, 486, 443, 446, 414, and 3, 601,
485, 466, 600, 501, 530, 659. 667, Kahi Kabnli, Miyin, 68492. Same
B68, 573, 675, 576, 678, 679, BNO, as Maulana Qivim Kahi, see the
G61, 582 and n 7, 584 end n 3, G45, above,
§90, 591, 604, 617, 618, 632, Kahwar, town of,—now known as
Kachha, one of tho forda of the Shamsahad, N -W, P., 877 aud 2 8,
Jamnn, 406n6 Cnrilled stan Kicha Kiabiiz, one of the ancient Kings of
Kachhan, Mahk, called Ttnnur or Versa, 43 2 1, 216.
Mimar, one of the Amirs of Saltan Kui Kris, bon of Mu‘izzu-d-Din Kai-
Ghiyésn-d-Din Balban, 220, 226, Qubad of the Balbani dynasty, 227,
Kadbe name of a country, probably 230% 1, Same as Sultin Sham-
Garha-Katankna, 433 n 3. su-d-Din Kai Kida,
Kacthar, the district of Rahitkhand, Ka: Khusran, one of the ancient
1814, Called alao Kaithar (y v ), Kanga of Persta, 116 4
Katihar, and Kaithal (q v). Kai Khnuerd, son of sultin Muham-
Kaj, 615 » 5. riad, eon of Ghiytsn-d-Din Bathan,
Kanr, a Non-Maalim, 576 1 6, 677 n. 213, 219, 220 n 2, 222, 224 He
Kényah of Ibnn-l-Hajb, a famous was called by the title of Khnsra
treatias on Grammar, 428 and n 6, Ehan.
467 and » 3. Kat Qnbéd, Saltin Mo‘izza-d-Din,
Kafeh ‘Ali, & common name among son of Sultan Nagra-d-Din Baghra
the §hi‘ah, Go4. Khin, of the Balbani dynasty, 185
Keftan, cutting or cleaving, 615 nand nil 213, 219, 220 and n 2,
ni ° 22) 224, 2800 1
Kifir Haziy Dinéri, name of Malik Kniqub-|. one of the ancient Kinga
Mauik, slave of Snijan ‘Alau-d-Din of Perein, 595

10
Lrziv Index.

Kaigqobid, son of Suljao Muhammad, Kalinir, town of, 496, 437. See also
under Kalinor.
gon of Ghiyasu-d-Din Balbar, 218.
Kairwin or Qurawin, the eucient Kalén want,—or
Cyrene, in the province of Tams, Kaldg-rat, w» Hindi word meaning a
167 th Se
singer or musician, 667 and » J.
Keithal or Katil.al a village in the Kala Pabir. See under KU Bhir,
neighbourhood of Dibli, 121 6, brother of Sikandar Sir,
181 and n 6, 204" 6. Kalapini, the,-~—a rivor tying between
Kaithal, the country of Kathu the Jumpa and Ganges, 360 ond
(gq. 1), 886 and n 9. n 8, 886 » 8 Cnlled also the
Kaithar country, the d.strict of Kali Nadi or Kalini (y v).
Rehilkhand, 185 and» 2 336 and Kalércha), mountains of,—the moun-
nn Sand 9, 3599nd14 S65 376, tains of Sirinor, 307 n 4.
\ 977, 379, 980, 394, 883, 857 Called daldwant, &® winger or magicun, bo7
algo Kaethar (q »), Katibar or ni. See Kaldn-wat,
Kateher and Kaithal. Kal Chandar, governor uf tho furtresy
Kaithar, the riven of, 387 of Mahawun on the Jon, as she
Kaitharia, the, 185 and » 3. time of Mabmid of Ghazuin's inva.
Kaiumonrs (or Kaikaia), non of Sultan ation, 24 and n 5.
Mo‘izzo-d-Din Kayubid of the Kilewe, fortress of, 95, 2b8 . 4,
Balbani dynasty, 230 0 1. Bamo as the fortress of Gwuli,
Kniwin, the plaret saturn, 582 1. 1 Kali, the goddess, 494 7 1,
Kuyuk, the hook in the game of qabac Kalichar, for the fortress of Kalinjar,
andazi, 621 1 6. 451 n 4.
Kawi Khatri, a protéye of the Mabi- Kalidasa, the famons poet, 95 n 6
rok Shahi family, 303 and n 8, 394 Kali Kabuli, Miyan, 684 1 8. Soe
Ka‘, or Cakes, ompgin of the pape uf ander Kahi Kébuii.
Ka'ki (g vj, 9203. Kalkavartta, town, 24 » 6,
Ka‘ki, a name of the famoug saint | Aalitah and Damnah, the famonc
Khwaja Qutbu-d-Din Cs, 92 n 2 book of Fables, 56.
KOla Bhar Shaikh Mommad Farma- Kulvnah, the Muhammadan cred,
li, nephew of Sultdn Buhlul Lod, 446 and n 6, 447.
4ll n 2, 413 113 Kah Nadi, the, 360 « 3, 878 n 1,
Kala Bhar, or Kali Pabir, brother ox Called also the Kalépini (¢ v),
Sikandar Sir (q. v.), 544 and 7. 1. and the Kalhni (q. v.}
Kalan Bog, Khwaja, one of the Amira Kihadi, the, 378 n 1. Same as tha
of Babar, 439, 448 453, 455, 456, Kali Nadi (q v.).
462, 465. Kalini, the—a river between the
Kalinor or Kilinor, fort of, 305, 324, Jumna and Ganges, 360 n 3, 875 4
883 and n& see algo Kalinir. 1, 386 aud 8 See the Kal: Pim
 Index. laxy
‘

Kilinjar, fortress of, 25 and n 5, 36, Kamila-d-Din Sadr-3-Jahin, Qizi,—

36, 36, 451, 471 and 8, 491 n 5, ono of the Qazis of Sultin Mubam-
482, 486. . mad Tughlaq Shih, 318.
Kali Pani, thea name of the river Kamfélu-d-Din Sifi, one of the Malika
Biih, 261, 886 » 8 See the of Saltin Qatba-d-Din Ehilji, 201.
Kalin. Kamfilu-d,Din Solaimin, son of Far.
Kuh-Sind, thea tributary of the rokh GhEb of Kibui, 182 » 6.
Chambal river, 885 » 8. Kamily-].Mulk, Malkn-gh-Sharq, the
Kalpi, district and town of, @75, 293, Nith-t-Laghkar, one of the Malike
894, 408, 409, 411 2, 414, 4227 of Mubirak Shih of the Sayyid
4, 428, 490, 481, 443, 446, 463, 526, dynasty, 893 and » 1, 395, 396,
641, 549, 640, 552, 555 897, 398.
Kaiwal Khan, one of the Malika of EKamingar, Maulani Zainu-d-Din
bultis Mubirak Shah of the dyras- Mubmid, of the Nagshba di
ty of the Suyyids, 384. Shakhe, 688 and n4
Kamal, Rai, governor of Talarndi Kamil ji-t-Tovikh, — or
08223. Same as Kamilo-d-Vin Kamailu-t-Tawarikh of Thu Agiv Sazari,
Mubin (q. 1 }. a genetal Hirtory, 624 and s 8,
Kamalud Daulah Sherzid, Sultan, Kamkhdb, 688 3 4,
son of Sulfin Mas‘id, son of Lura- Kamrin, country of, 83.
bim Ghaznawi, 65 and n 2. Kimran Mirzi, brother of Humiyiia,
Kamilu-d-Din, @ protégé of Muham- 458, 456, 462, 464, 465, 494, 500,
mad Shih, son of Sultan Firoz 601, 602, 608, 667, 674, 578, *79,
Ehah, 336 680, 681 and » 35 682 and xn 7, 643
Kamialu-d-Din ‘Ali Shab Quraish:, and n 8, 684 and x 3, 585, G36,
grandfather of Shaikh Bahaa-d-Din 588, 606 » 3. .
Zakariya, 183 n 2. Kimrio Mirzé, grove of,—outade
Eamita-d-Din Garg,—or Lahor, 494
Kumalu t-Din Kark, Malik, one of Kamrid, country of, 84 and » anda
the Amire cf Snaltin ‘Alan-d-Din 1, 86, 87, 185.
Khuji, 265, 267, 282 Kanbhiyat (Cambay), icv Gnayurit,
Kamaln-d-Din Mubin, Malik, one of 911 1 8, 454 and w 6,
the Amirs of the Firiz §hohi dy- Kanbi, Shaikh Sami‘n d-Din, one of
nasty, 362, 862, 382, and n 7. the Ulami of the time of Sultin
Kamila-d-Din Naab-1-Leshkar, 893 Sikandar Lodi, 411 and » 9
and n lt. See nnder Kamilu-l Kandama, fortress of, called also
Malk., Gandaba, 28 » 4
Kamain.d-Din, Qéyi-one of the Kandarkhi, townehip of, 646.
Qizis of Suljan Nagru-d-Din Mab- Kandha, ono of the Malika of Sulsin
mid Gbab of Dili, 128 1 Husam Sharyi of Jacnpir, 416 1 9.
Ixxvi Index
Karathil, mountaina of,—the monn-
Kingra, town, 231 » 8
tains of Sirinor, 307 » 4.
Kangi Khatri, a profcgd of the Muba-
8, 396. Kara-Kanks, or Garha-Katauka,
rak Ghahi family, 393 and
of the names of Krneh- country of, 438 and n 8.
Keubarya, one
na, 478 7 7. Kera-Katanka, country of, 433 and
+3, 654. Called also Garha Katan-
Kanhaty3, minister and agent of Ria
Maldeo, the ruler of Nagor ond ka (g v)}
Jaunpir, 478 and x 7, 479 and «6 Kori Khifai, tha, 108 2 8,
Kanhar Dev, governor of the fort of Kaiamanians, the,—a sect of false
Jilor in the reign of Suljin ‘Aldo- relhigiometsa, 30
a-Din Kinlyi, 265 Karamat, « anracle perfarmed by a
Kani, a co, 87 n 1. pious person, 625, 626 n.
Kani, name of a place, 548 2 3. Karan, Rin, of Guyjerat,—contempo-
Kanai Khatri, 393 » 8, Soe under rary of Saljau ‘Alaw-d Din Kbilyi,
Kajwi Khatri 255, 256

Kanpilah, town of, 81 anda 4, Ih Karaau mver, the, 860 8, 386 2 8

and n 1, 363, 877 and n 4. 3-4, Same as the Kala Pani or Kahni
407. (qr)
Kanaa, Raji, of Mathra,—tho enemy Kariwin, a province of Central Asia,
of Krishna, 24 1 6. 43a 4,
Kint, town m the Sbhihjahanpir lie. Kathala, town of, 205 and n 1, 481
trict, N..W P , 64 and a 8. wn 8, 622 vn 3, 623 1 6
Kinthar, country of, 185 2 2, Bee Kardi7, a district lying between
Kaithar Ghizna aud VWinduatan, 66 and nL
Kan‘it, one of tha fords of the Gau- Karona-l Mulk Aulind, Mabh, bro.
ges, 416 sod ne 3. ther of Shams Khan Auhadi of
Kint-o-Golah, country of, 548 and Barina, 878
n 8, 698 and 1 8 Kaimat (Qarmat), foander of the
Kanya, or Kanha.), minister of Rat Karmatian sect of Mualim heretics,
Maldeo, 479 and n 6 alal
Kanz-1-Figh, thea work on Muliam Karmatians, the,—an heretical sect
madan Law, 515 founded by Karmat (Qarma'), 21
Kapak, tho Mughu, mvadeq Malton and n J, 68.
in the ren of Sultan ‘Alan-d-Din Karnal, town of, 121 1 ® 32h n 8,
Khali, 252 and » 3 826 n, 327 n 3.
Rapanak, a felt garment, 628 1 1. Karnama, record of deeds, 605.
Kepithala, the villago of Kaithal Karnémah-i-Balkk, one of the worke
(q v), 1212"8 of Hakim Sanai, the famous poet,
Karachi, 67 » 1. 56 2 2,
Karachi district, 660 2 8. Karpattar town of, 85 0 1,
 Index, lexyil
Karra, district and\town of on the Katehr, country of 408 n4, Bee the
river Ganges,” 125 and n J, 129, above,
221 and n 3, 229, 231, 282, 236, Kath, catechu, 902 n 8.
237, 288, 239, 241, 248, 247 n, 249, Katiba-bazh, 687 and nv 3.
258, 328, $29 and n 3, 380, 835, Kiatibi, a poet of the time of Sultia
841 91, 340, 411 » 2, 615 and x 7, Jaléja-d-Din Khilji, 245.
432, 438, 434, 468 Eatibal, » village in the vicinity of
Karra Mamkpir, district of, 411 2 2, Duhli, 121 and a 8.
Karrini Afghins in Bungila, the, Katihar, country of, 181 s 4. See
541, uuder Kaithar.
Kas, fortress of, 67027. See under Katit, one of the fords of the Ganges,
Kash, 416 and x 3.
Kasam Kir, samo as the town of Katli, original name of Khén-i-Jahan
Shamaibid, 232, Malik Magbil or Qubil (q v.),
Kash, fortress of, otherwise kuown $37 n 7.
es Nakbshab in Mawariu-n-Nahr, Katoch, the Riyput kingdom of, 883
670 and « 7, n 4.
Kashghar, country of, 443, 448, Kangar, name of a river 1n Paradise,
Kashif, enigma on this name, 450, 3n 3, 485 and n 2,
Kashli Khan, title of Mahk ‘Izzu-d- Kawal Khin Ghakkar, one of the
Uin Batbau-1-Buzurg (q v \, 130 Amirs of Jalem Shah, 490, 491.
Kasbmiz, 8, 20, 22, 26, 36 and x1, Kawiran, the,-—or
3H1, 383 n 2, 465, 495, 498, 5U0, Kawira, the,—a tribe of the Hindis,
530 aud » 5, 589, 122 and » 1, 231 and » 5, 498.
Kashmir pass, the, 22. Keith Johneon's Royal Atlas, 437 n 7,
Kashmir §hdls (Shawis), 589 and n 7. 419 » 6, 420 n 6, 667» 1, 6570
Kashiniris, the, 22, 465, 495, 500. a7.
Kaghshd/, a celebrated commentary Kelardjek, mountains of,~—the moun-
on the Qur'an by az-Zamakbehari, tains of Sirsnor, 307 n 4,
2821. Keranh, town, 420 » 6.
Koghhay ipfidhdty-l-Fundn, 4 n 1, Kerboli, town of, 205 and n 1, 481
6n4, Bin, 14301, 14501, 162 8, 622 n 8, 623 n 6.
a 4,168.2 1,193 0 1, 374
nn 5 aud Kesh, a town in Bokhara (Mawariue
7, G14 n 8, 625 2 6, 626 n. n-Nehr), 670 » 7.
Kaiah, a bamboo shaft, 537 » 2. Ketu, one of the Daityas in Hindi
Kateaba, one of the dependencies of mythology and in astronomy the
Patna, 415 » 3. descending node, 163 » 2,
Kateher; the district of Rohilkhand, Khaberin, a district of Khurésio,
186 » 2, 369 n 4, 408.
n 6. Bee 43 n 2.
under Kaithar, Knat.—or
Yexviiiiti Inder.

Khomirtigh, commander-in-chief of
Kaif, « district and town in Khore-
6. Khwirasm at the time of Soltin
aan, called alo Khawif, 609 n
-d-Di n, oneof the Malmid Ghasnawi, 33.
Ehifi, Shaikh Zainn
Babar and Khambit (Cambay), 454 6, Bee
poets of ue time of
Khambhat,
Hamiyin, 609 and «5
paint, Khambha, the pool of Mahadeva, 266
Ehifi, Yanu-d-Din, a famone
n 4, 454 6.
600 1 &
Khambhit, a port of Gajerit, 256 n
Ehnibaria, tho, 214.
z 4, 454 6.
Khoirdbad, a town built by Salta
52 Khamea of Amir Khuars, a collection
Tbrahim Ghaznawi,
of five of hie works, 269 and n 5.
Khoro-d Din Ehin, Mak, one of
the Amira of Khur Khin and Mu- Khamea of Shaikh Nigitni, 269» 5,
208 n 4.
barak Shih of the Say yid dynasty,
Kbamigh, Malk, » name of Malik
380, 390
Asado-d-Din 1bn Yaghrash Khin,
Khawn-d-Din Tubfa, Malik, one of
uncle’s son of Sultin ‘Aliu-d-Din
the Amira of Mubarak Shah, of the
Saryyid dynasty, 386 Khbihji, 283.
Khewurin, @ cemetery at Baghdad, Khan, title of the aubordmate princes
69 nl of the Chaghatai and other Chin-
Khojand, a town in Khurisbn, 38 gisi lines, 146 n 2
wd Khanazdd, o slave born in the house,
pKhiki, anthor of eo Muntekbabu-t- 3941

Vows, lin l. Ehnndhér, fortress of, 445

Kbolifa, Amir, prime minister of Khandi Rai, brother ot Rai Pithira,
Baber, 451. the ruler of Ajmir, 69, 70
Kholifahs, the Four nghtly-guided Khin-i-'Alam, governor of Miwat,—
Zand n 6, 128, 1512 3, 166 and one of the Amirs of Bultin Sikan-
n2,626n1 dar Lodi, 419 and # 2,
Kbalifahs of Bughdéd, the, 17 Khiv-i-A%am, title of Saiyy:d Kbio,
Khalil, Shaikh, of the doacondante of son of Sayyid Salim—one of the
Bhakh Farid Gany-i-Bhakkar, con- Amice of Mebirak Shia of the
temporary of Sher Shih, 460, 482, Saiyyid dynaaty, 396.
Exhilgkol, town of, 355 nn 1 and 3, Khin 1-Buzorg, Qiin-1-Moulk, Bultin
Khils Kotali, town, 855 # 1. Muhammad, aon of Salgia Ghiyé-
Khalj, etymology of the name, 230 sn.d-Din Balhan, 217
and n 4 Khin-i-Ghisi, Suljin Mabammad, son
Ehaly, son of Yifis, sou of Nib of Sultin Ghiyiqu d-Din Balbau,
(Noab), 231. 191.
Khal), tribe, See under Khalj. Khin-i-Jah§n, one of tho Amira of
Ehallikin. See under Ibn Khallikin. Sultin Bublil Lodi, 406, 407.

A
Rhin-i-Jahix, Husain Khin, ibn-i-
Bhin-i-Jahbin, one of the Amirs of
Bulgin Bublal Lodi, 407, 411, 416.
Called Khin-i-Jahin Lodi.
Rhdn-i-Jahen Jina or Jinin
eon of Mahk Qubil or Maqbi!,—
one of the Amira of Sultin
Bhih Toghlag, 833, 386 and n 6,
887 and n 7.
Zhao-1-Jabin Lodi,—one of the
Awirs of Sultin Bohlil
411, 416.
Ehin-i-Jabin Lodi,—one of the
Amira of Bulfin Ibrahim, son of
Sultin Sikandar Lodi, 435.
Ebin-i-Jabion Lihani, Governor of
Ripri,—one of the Amira of Sulyan*
Bikander Lodi, 430 and n 7.
Kbin-i-Jahio, Mahk Firis
Wazir, son of Malik Taju-d-Din,—
one of the Amira of Sultin
@hah, 842 and » 2.
Khin-i-Jabin, Mahk Qabil
bal, the Vazir,—one of the
of Suljin Firos Gbib, $24, 829, 893,
337 n 7.
Khin-i-Jahin, Malik Sarwaru-]-Malk,
~-one of the Amirs of the Saiyyid
dynasty, 306. Gee under
ra-}-Mulk.
Kbin-i-Jabio, Malik Shihik Birbak,
one of the Amirs of Sultan Ka-
qubad Balbani, 221.
Ebén-i-Jahin, the Vazir, 836. See
under Khin-i-Jahan Jana Shak.
Kbin-i-Jahin, the Vasir, 333. See
Khio-i-Jabin Malik Qubil.
Ehan-i-Jahin, the Wasir,—one of the
Anyra of Buljin Fires §pih, 342
and » 3,
Index. Ixxiz
Khin-i-Zhinin Bairim Ehiv, one of
the great Amirs of Humiyin, 447.
Seo under Bairkim Khin.
Khin-i-Khivin, son of Danlat Khin
Shah, Lodi, 485 and n 9, 456, 437
Ehin-i-Khanén-i-Dibti, one of the
Firos Amirs of Bulgin Sikandar Lodi,
411 "7.
Khin-i-Ehanin Farmali, one of the
Amirs of Sultan Sikandar Lodi,
Lodi, 407, 411 anda 7, 412 n 3, 414, 416.
EBhbin-1-Khinin Farmali, one of the
Amirs of Suitin Ibrihim, son of
Bultén Sikandar Lodi, 434,
Ehin-i-Khinin Husimu-d-Din Bari-
war, brother of Khasri Khin Bara-
warbacha, 290, 203, 296.
Ehéa-i-Khanin, son of Sultin Jalila-
‘Ali, the d-Din Kho)ji, 231, 282, 233.
Kbin-i-Ehinia Lihini, ono of the
Firos Amira of Sultin Sikandar Lodi,
419.
or Maq- Ehao-1-Khinin, Malik Buhlil Lodi,
Amirs afterwards Sultan Bublil, 402,
Khio-1-Khanién Mon‘im Khan, one of
the great Amirs of Hamiyan, 663, -
Khin-i-Ehinin Sarwini, Governor of
the fort of Ranthanbir, 476.
Garwa- Bhin-:-Shabid, Sultin Mubammad
ibn Sultin Ghiyigu-d-Din Balban,
187, 188 and n 3, 199 » 8, 205 1 3,
219, 220 and » 2.
Khin-i-Zaman ‘Ali Qali Shaibéni, son
of Haidar Sulsin Osbek-i-Shaibini,
one of the Amurs of Hamiyin,
692 and» 9, See under ‘Ali Quli
Khan.
Khaupa!, 2 township in the Doab,
Wi nl.
Khens, a Chinese Emperor, 853 » 1.
ioux Indea.
Khathai, the country of Xhitd
Khinwah, a township fu the vicinity
of Baiana, 649. (Cathay), 148 9 4, 147 5 1.
Khatib, Al-,—the Historian of Bagh-
Khinzida race, the rulers of Miwit,
866 », 808, 447. dad, 17 » 8.
Khatibpir, town of, 889 8.
Bhiqin, title of the supreme sove-
Khatiro-d-Din, Khwija-i-Jahin, one
reign of the Moguls, 145 2 2, 282
and x 6. ‘ of the Amira of Bultin Kaiqubad
Khiqsn Manichihr, Shirwin §hih, Balbani, 220, 222,
patron of the poet Khiyini, 5838 Khatra, country of, 408 » 4
w 4. Khntri family, the,—protégés of the
Ehigini, the famous Persian poet, Mubirak Ghahi family, 803 and » 3,
187, 339 n 4, 688 and n 4, 584 2. 397,
Ebiqini Ghorwini, Hakim, 389 n 6 Khaff, meanings of the word, 615 n 5,
Bee the above. Khett-i Babari (the Babari script),
Khéra, brackish water, 845 n 2. invented by Emperor Babar, 450.
Khartbibad, City of Ruin, 893. Khatto, a village near Nagor, 357
Kharis, Maulina sean ‘Ali, one of nw 8.
the poets of the time of Huméyin, Khaulah, wife of ‘Abdu-llah ibnu-s-
687. Zabsir, the Khalifab of al-Hiyiz,
Bharazat, shell for polishing, 620 9 1. 287 » 2.
Bhisi, brackish water, 345 n 2. Ehowif, a district and town in Khu-
Exbir v-‘Aqrab, a name of the planet risan, 609 n 5.
Mars, 195 2 1, Khawaft, Zainno-d-Din. See under
Ehiryis, a sect of Mubammadan Khiafi
heretics, 157 and » 2 Khavwinrtj, the,—a sect of Mubamma-
Mhar-s-Mughaslan, a thorny tree, 624 dan heretics, 157 n 2.
nl, Khowarqu-l-‘Adat, meaning of the
Kharigar, conntry of, 468 # 2. expresaion, 424 4 9
Kharki, the elnef of Kaithar et the Khawigpir, a dependency of Rolitas,
tame of Sultin Firoz Shih Tughiaq, 466, 468, 512.

|
$35 vu & aud 7 Khawass Khin, one of the Mahks of
Ebutiny, a villego near Samargand, ; Saltan Sikander Lodi, 418, 419.
on J. Khawnes Khin, servant of her hah
Khas, a fragrant grass, 411 9 b. of the Afghin Sir dynasty, 457,
Hhes Khos tatties, 411 2 1, 468, 474, 486, 487, 488, 489, 492,
Khege-1-Khail, Chief of Cavalry, 439 498, 494, 495, 512, 625, 537.
Khatumpir See under the town- Khiwind Naqshbandi, Khwaje, con-
ship of Kira Khatampir, temporary of Babar, 446.
Khati See under Khita Khazdinu-l-Futsh, known alo sa the
Khataui musk, 426. Turikh-.-'Aldi, 262 aud » 1, 266.
 Index ixxxi
s
KaAih, the befel in the form it is offer Masnad-i-‘Alt Khigr Khin, of the
ed for sale, 303 ». ‘ Baiyyid dynasty, 978.
Kh)j, the,—-a Terkish tribe of Ghir, Khizr Ehan, son of Mubammed Khia
Bl x 2, 88, 88 wl, 18), 23001, Ganria, Governor of Kor, assumes
231. the title of Snitin Mubammad
Khilji, eon of Suifin Mu‘izzn-d-Din Baldadar, 556.
Mubammad Sim Ghiri, 69. Khizr Khan Sarak, one of the com-
Khilyi, Réo, Governor of tho fort of manders of Shir Shah, 474.
Bhat at the time of Timir's inva- Khur Khwija Khén, one of the Amirs
sion, 355" 4 of Hamiyan, 501.
Khijji Soltins, the, 75 Klnzrébid, a name of Chitor, 258.
Khiljia, the, Sce under the triba of Khocarea, the, 128 a 1. See the
Khil) Khikhars
Hheng bed, or the white idol, one of Xhondi, Shoh Tahir, one of the poeta
two euormous images 10 Biman, of the time of Humiyiu, 626 9 6.
46n1, See under Shah Talor,
Hherad Nama, ove of the works of Ehboozdar, town of, 488 4 Bee
Maulana Jini, 272 2 } under Kuadar.
Ehiri, a tlower, 173 and n 8, Khor, otherwise known as §hams-
Khita (Cathay), country of, 125, 148 ibad, 384 and n 4
and nv 4, 170, 172 0 2, 282 n & Khorasan. See under Khurtsin
Khitit, tha Afghin, Mahk,—one of Khadadid, name of an elephant of
the Amir of Sultin Firoz Shih Bultin Mahmid of Ghaznin, 25 and
Paghtay, 335 n3
Khrtot Kings of Turkastin, 7) and n 7 Khudadad, brother of Jalil Khan —
Karr, the Prophet, 02 a 2, 267, 282, : Jilwini, one of the Afghan Amire
372 and 2 3° 478 n, 455 andn 1, of Islem Shits, 490.
Khigr Khan, von of Sultan ‘Aliu-d-Din Khudawands-1-Jahbin, title of Shih
Khitit, 255, 256 wo, 267 aud» £, Lurkau, mother of Rukno-d-Din
zoe 472, 376, 276, 2s, 284, vas Fires Shah, son of Bulgin Sham.
Kiwi Khen, Masnada ‘Ah, abn aad Din lyal tivngh, 9 a1
Mathu sh Sharq ibn Malik Sules- Khudiwandzada Qiwamu d Din, one
min,—firet of the Saiy3id dynasty of the Amira of Saljan Mubammed
of Ihhii, 395, 343, 362, 358, 359, Toghlag Shah, 314.
36, 962, 363, 364, 366 and 2 4, Khikha: Ri:, Chiet of Kaithar, con-
876, 376 378, 379 and 4 3, 380, temporary of Bultin Firos Ghih
band n 3, 38h, Ibs and «4, 305 Tughlny, 335 and » 5,
410, 400. Khukhars, the,—a tribe of the
Kowr Khan, Rayyid, son of Malik Hindus, 67 aud n 8, 72, 89, 121,
Mubérsk,—one of the Amua of 129 aud D 1, 335.

II
Ixzxxii Indea,

Ehulafi.e-Rishidin, the rightly-quéded | Khusrit, an ancient king of Persia;

Khalifaha, 8 and x 6 136, 216,
Khai Ganw, one of the dependencies Khustii, Amir,—one ot the Amirs of
of Lakbnanti, 416, Babar, 437.
Khulif, mguification of the word, 176 Khusri, Amir—or,
al. Khbuerii, Mir, the famous poet of Dih-
Khumak, meaning of, 155 n 3. hi, 6 ands 2, 134and n 4, 187,
Khinzi, Bibi, Malika-i-Jahéa, chief 187 aud 2 2, 188 2 6, 196 and # 1,
wife of Bultin Husain Ghargi of 107 2 1, 205 n 2, 216, 232, 222, 223,
Taunpir, 409 and n 2 232, 245, 247 », 251, 252 ard x 3,
Kharan, Shukh, one of the Hindia- 256, 264, 206, 267 n 1, 260 and
tini Amirs of Balmr, 444, 446. a &, 270 and an land 6, 271 and
Khuiisin, 1201, 1303, 1401, 15, n 4, 273 nn Band 4, 274 n 1, 275
IGandn 2, 2701, 29 nnd2 6, 32 and» 1, 208, 301, 339, 340), 4565,
nl, 34n2, 85 nn land 2, 4221}, 610 2 4, G11 a, -
45n 2, 49, 61, 62n1, 5508, 5921, Khusri Dehluvi, Mir, tho noct. Sco
62, 64, 65 12, 282, 167038, 250, tho above
27211, 305, $10, 220, 321, 353, Khuertt Khan, Basan Bariear hiecha,
413, 449, 660, 588, 609 n 5, 632 the favorite of Sultan Qutba-d [rn
Khurram, Malik, tho Vakildar,—one Khilji, 274, 288, 281, 2h5, 286, 267,
of the Amira of Sultin Jalata-d Din 288, 289, 280, 201, 292, 208, 204,
Khalji, 242. 205, 260, 297
Khurram, Muahk, Zahire-l-Juydsh, Khueri Khau, son of Sattan Ghia.
one of the Amirs of Sultén Muh im- d Din Balban, 219, 220 and n 2,
tad Laghlag Shah, 302 See ander Anikbosin
Khushanjar, Malik, 390 « 3, Seo Khas atid, town of, 380
Malik Khashkhabr, Klinsri-v-Sha'sraa, Prince of Poets,
Shushkinbr, Mahk, the slave of tule of Mit Khusra the famons
Mahk Sikandar, the Gevernor of poot of Dshh, 200
Lahor under the Saiyyide, 390 and Kausré-o Shr of Shaikh Nuinn
n3. the poct, bemmg onc of his Khanh
Khusran Ghazi, Saltan Mrizeo-d-Din 295 n4
Mohammad Sim Ghori, 75. HKAuens, un echpes of the moun, 163
Khusrau Mahk, son of Kbusran hah, al.
the last of the Ghuznevide dynuaty, Khutbah, pubhe prayer in tho nome
14, @2and 23, G3 and wand 1 I, of the sovermgu, 3a 8, 15 und «3,
64 2 1, 66, 67. R3 and n 3
Khosrau Shih, son of Bahram Shah, Khatpur iow n, 3 and 23,490 and no
Ghagnawi, G1, 62 and nn 3 and 4, Khutud, Bibi, chief wife of Sultan
63a 1, G4 and = 1, 67. usuin Gharg!, of Juaupis, 4 ¥» 2.
 . Iudee. hexsziil
aii's, 2 isibe of the Avwbs, 26.2, Ehwiraam, Bea ofthe Lake Aral,
aniiy, the capital of Jhilawin in 15341, .
nm, 432 6. Ehwéarasmians, the, 71, 90.
Kbhwija Amir, one of the Amirs of Khwirasm @hah, ‘Abbis ibn Mimén,
Baber, 446. raler of Khwiresm at the time of
Khwaja Biyazid, oldest son of Salfin Saltin Mabmid of Ghasnin, 83.
Bublal Lodi, 401 5 ¢, 410 01, 414. Khwiragm Ghih Alton Taah, an officer
Khwije Ghiyés Vasir, Saimin Siwe- of Suljin Mabnid of Ghasnin whom
ji'n Qapidch in his honoar, 605, he appoints governor of Khwirasm,
Khwijn Haji, one of the Generals of 23.
Suljin ‘Aliu-d-Din Khilji, 265 0 6. Kbwirazm §hibi dynasty, the 28 » 1,
Ebwija-i-Jahin, Malik Abvisd Alyis, Sia,
one of the Malike of Sultin Mu- KEbvribad, or Khairibid, ia the Pro-
bammad Tughlaq Shih, 804, 309, vince of Multin, 389 » 4, 403,
313, 315, 323 and « 3, 328, 54a,
Khwaijn-i-Jahin, Malik Khatira-d. Kibir, an enigma on this mame, 635
Din, one of the Amirs of Suitin and n &.
Ma‘iene-d-Din Kaiqubid of the Kioha, fort of, in the vicinity of
Balbani dynasty, 220, 283. Dihlt, 864, See the next.
Ehwijo-i-Jahin, Snltinu-sh-Sherg, Kicha, a ford on the banka of the
one of the Malike of the ‘Tughliq Jamnn, 396, #6 anda6 Bee the
Shahi dynasty, 368 and n 9, 359. above.
Khwaja Khir, a ford on the river Kikar, the Acacia Arabica, 336.2 10,
Jamna, 220. 650 wl.
Khwija Ehigr. See ander Khist, Kilan Rai, the Raji of Putiili, con-
the Prophet temporaryof Sulgin Sikandar Lodi,
Kbhwija Mu‘agam, ome of the Amira 413 » 8.
of Humiyan, 568. ii, town ef, 250 aa 4 and 5, S11
Bhwaja Rashid Vasiv, Mir Suiyyid and #5.
Za-\-figir Ghirwhni'e Qayidah in Kilaghari or Kilikhari, a snbarb of
his hovour, 608. Dehli, 98 and n 3.
Khwandgie, title ef the Salgin of Kilaghari, Polace of, on the banks of
Rim, 480. the Jumna, called also the Ma‘izzi
Khwinack, Shah Tahir, one of the palace, 220, 237, 228, 220, 231.
poeta of the time of Homiyin, 624 Kilakhari. See ander Kilighari,
endn6. See ander Ghah Tah. Kimyd, Alchemy, 244 and » 6.
Khwindi family, the, 624. Kings of Ghasni, the, 16 » 2.
Bbvirasi, a conmtry on both banks Kinge of Labore, of the Ghamivide
of the Oxus, 23 and nl, 27 001 Dynasty, 13 » i
and2, 29, 71, 90, 133» 2. Araya, a huge elephant, $64.0 1.
ixxxiv Iudez,

Kinkateh, fort of, one of the depend- Knight of thé Seven Places, the seven
encies of Malot, 437 % 7. laboura of Isfandiyir, 108 and 2 2.
Kini, 411 » 9. See under Shaikh Koela, called also Kola, country of,
Gami'n-d-Din Kaubi. 231
Kiran, Rai, rolex of Bhinganw, con- Koh, town of, 361,
temporary of Suljin Bublil Lodi, Koh-1-Jehoud,—or
408 and n 5, 404 2 2. Koh-i-Jid, the mountainous region
Kiri, fortress of, 44 and 2 8. between Ghasna and Lahore, 16
Kirmin, province of, 78 and n 3, 91. and 1, 126n 8. See also under
Kisi's, Al-,—the celebrated Gramma- the Jid bills.
rian and Reader cof the Qur’éa, Koh-1-Qéf, = fabulous mountain
3021, round the world, 485,
Kishan, son of Basndev,—worshipped Kohpéya-{-Sanbix, the Kumion hills,
by the Hindis as 4 divinity, 24, 186 a1.
28, K6ki, the Bani of Malwi, coutem-
Kishan Rui, the Raja of Patiah, con- porary of Salfin ‘Aliu-d-Din Khilji,
temporary of Saljan Sikandar Lodi, 264 and » 4.
413 2 8. Koka, the Raja of Malwa, contem-
Kishii Khin, title of Malik Chhaja, porary of Saltin ‘Aléa-d-Din Khilji,
brother's son to Saltin Ghiyaga-d- 264 n 4.
Din Balban, 227, 229, 230, 282, Kol, fort of, in the province of Agra,
See also unde: Chhayu 70 and n 4, 98, 221, 368, 379,
Kishla Khan, title of Boahr&m Iba Kol, pargana of, better known as
(qv), the adopted brother of Mawis (q. v ), 481 « 4,
Sultiin Ghryiisa-d-Din Tughfaq Shab, Kola, called alee Koela, country of,
2097, 323 n 8 281.
Kishwar Khin, son of Kishli Khan Koonbha, or Kauhaiyé (q v.}, minis
Buhiam one of the servants at the ter of Rai Mildeo, 478 n 7.
Court of Sulfin Tiroz Shih Tugh- Koorban festival, the, 488 0 5. Bee
lag, 323 2 3 under 'Idu-1-Qurbin,
Kiara, tho Chosroes, title of the Kings Kor, country of, 556,
of Persia, 145 and n 2 Kora, town in Fathpar district, N -W.
Kisti, foid of, 48 and x 9. P, called also Kira Khatampur
Kiuladu-l-Milal + aen-Achal, Cureton’e (q 1), 486 » 6,
223 Koram, for the connt:y of Kobram
Kittah Beg, one of the Amie of (qv), 8901
Babar, 45r Korin See under the Qur'an
Kizil Arsion, sou of Hdiz's , one of Kordn Sale'y, 499 1 5
the Atabaka of Avzarb:' iu, 158 Kornish, a mode of salutation, 601
a3, and » 7,
 Inder. ixxxv
a

Kos, a meastre of length, 182 « 8, Kiki, a Zaminddr of MiwSt, contem-

Kota, town of, 387 anf ns}. Oslled porary of Saigin Firos @hih, 887
also Milikota. anda 8 See the next,
Kotda of Miwit, 344 and 7, 345, Kika Chihin,—or.
347, $62, 881, 38421. Called also Kakie Chauhan, s Zaminddr of Mivwit,
Kotla and Kitila (q.v ). $37 ands 8. See ander Kiki.
Kot Karor, fort of, 188 » 3. Kaki, Haji Mohammad Khin, one of
Kotla, village of, 853. See also Ko- the Amira of Humiyiin, 578, 581,
tila of Miwit. 586.
Kofié, a Bindi word meaning ‘s small Ku Ki, the song of the dove, 144 and
fortress,’ 844 » 7. al.
Kotwhl of Dihli, Maliku-]-Umeré Eul Chand, governor of the fortress
Fekbra-d-Din, ono of the Amira of of Mahiwnn, 24 » 5. See Kal
Sultia Ma‘izsn-d-Dia Qaiqubad of Chandar.
the Balbani dynasty, 220 an 2 and Kul Ohander Khikhar, one of the
3, 227, 220, 288, 2602 3. servants of Saltén Muhammad
Kowah, the 329 » 2. Same as the Tughlagq Shah, 300.
Gumti, whioh is also called the Kalindrine of Ptolemy, same as Jilan-
Godi (¢.v.} dhar, the original capital of the
Krighna, the god of the Hindiis, 24n Ri)pit kingdom of Katooh, 882
6, 478 « 7. n 4,
Kroh, from the Sanskrit krosh, o Eullah, a hat worn by men, 120 and
measure of length, 69 5, 183 n 7,
n 8. KuUivat of Shaikh Sa‘di of Shiraz,
Eroea, an ancient messure of length, 187 2 .
482 n 3. Kumion hills, the, 186.» 1, 885, 379,
Krogh, 60." 6. See under Kroh, 885 489, 490, 495.
Kooh, province of, $1. Kinch, one of the tribes between Ti-
Kadahna, for the town of Lidhitna, bet and Lakhnauti, 83 » 4, 84 »,
363 2 3, Kun fakdna, meaning in the technical
Kifah, in Arabian ‘Irig, 13.1, 207 language of Sifi philosophy, 105
a 6, ce
Kufr, infidelity, 876 » 5, 577 ». Kunti), town of, 814. See Kunti-
Kuhanbéyat, a well-known port of lah.
Gojrat, 256 and » 4 Soe under Kontilah, town of, the Kuntil of the
Cambay, Indwa Atlas, 61 8 4
Evil, need ase collyrium, 153 and Kinwar Rti,—or
a8, Kiérah, the ruler of Qanau; at the
Kubria, « country of Hindistin, 70, time of Sultin Mahmid of Ghas-
80, 132, 395, nin’s snvagion, 23 and # 4.
laxxvi Fades.

Kira Khitampir, township of, 496 Fiighk-i-Airi, « palace outside Dini,

and 2G, 489. See under Kora. 296 » 10.
Korkin, or Gurgin, a title applied to Kusi/, an eclipse of the snp, 168
@ prince who is allied by marriage al,
with some mighty monarch, 353 Kitila, town of, 858.24. Gee under
al. Kotila of Miw&s,
Kuadar, a town to the sonth of Bust, Kilam (Cuvalam), in the country of
the present Khusdir, 48 » 4, Ma‘bar or Coromandel, 265 a 6.
Kushk Sahsi, « palace in the Suburbs Knail Bigh. See under the Qisil
of Dibli, 295 and 9 10. Bigh.

Lddan, tesinous balsamic jaice, 182 Lahore, Kinga of, 19 1

and 2 1. Lahore, river of,—the Ravi, 128, 188,
Ladar Mahideo, Rai, ruler of Tilang, 190, 191, 465.
contemporary of Sulfin Ghiyiga-d- Lahori, a servant of the Maghi!, the
Din Tughlaq §hih, 297, 209. captor of Mir Khnsri, the famous
Laddar Dev, the Rii of Arangnl, con- poet, 196.
temporary of Snitin ‘Aléu-d-Din Liaorie, the 592,
Khilji, 265 2 & Laili, the mistress of Mnjniin, 620.
Ladhnar Mahadey, Rai of Tilang. See Lelio Manin of Manlin’ ‘Abda-r-
under Ladar Mahideo. Rahmin Jimi, 272 2 1,
Lahar,—or Lasli-o-Majnin of Mir Ehneri of
Eahayar, a town in the vicinity of Dihli, 269 n 6
Gwiliir, 423 and a 5. Lasli-o-Majnin of Shaikh Nighi, 2968
Lihor, See under Lahore, né
Lahore, 18 and 41, 151, 26, 36 Lak-Bakheh, the bestower of lakhs,
n 8, 37, 48, 64 and nn 1 and 2, 61, surname of Sultin Qutbu-d-Din
62 and » &, 63, 66, 67, 69, 72, 78, Aibak, 77 and n 4, 78,
79, 80, 81, 87, 881, 90, 91, 97, Lakbmia, Réi,—or
98 » 2, 123, 180, 131, 186, 187, 188, Lakminia, Rai, the ruler of Nadiyi,
196, 191, 199, 221, 305, 300, 332, contemporary of Snuigin Qutbn.d-
$47, 849, 358 and a 6, 359, 883, Din Aibak, 82 and 1 6, 83 #1.
389, 380, 481, 392 899, 435, 436, Lakhnan, 411 1 2, 471,
437, 442, 453, 456, 462, 463, 464, Lakhnauti, the ancient capital city
465, 490, 491, 492, 493, 494, 580, of Bengal, 81» 2. 58 and n 8,
590, 592 and » 6, 594, 596. Tho 83 « 4, 84 n, 86, 87, 481, 91, 04,
name ig alee written Lihor. 125 and » 3, 193, 189, 185, 196, 216,
 Foden. Yxxavii

v8, 210-qnd'n 8, 381 n 8, 388, 289, y Leavis, Little—, townof, 896 «, 287 '

327, 280, 280, 240, 200, 801, 208, el, f

900, 384, 287, 696, 341, 340, 410. ‘L&ci Bandar, an ancient port of Bind,
Lakshman Sen, son of Ballil Sen, al,
King of Bengal, 88 1 4. Lirjal, mountains of, —the moantains
Lakshmaniwati, original name of of Sirinor, 807 5 4.
Lakbnasti (¢. v.), 82 9 8. Lit, {dot worshipped by the Arabs,
Lakbmeniya, Ril, the roler of Nadfya, 18.41, 110% 8.
831. See under Lakminia. Lotérf-i-Ghiydgi of Imém Bakhru-d:
Lamfi, Mabmiid bin Agmin, author Din Raszi, 78 and 9 1.
of a Turkish romance on tho loves Lasaras, brother of Martha aud Mary,
of Wimig and ‘Agri, 40 » 1. 198 » 8.
Lamghin, a town in the mountains Le Strange's translation of Ibn Sera-
of Ghasngh, 16 # 3. pion, 571 » 2.
Lamghinit, the general name of a Lathif EU-Ghcydthiyeh, 78 2 1. Gee
collection of places in the monn- under Lafdef-« Ghiydgi.
tains of Ghasnsh, 15 and 9 8. Leyden, Dr., translator of the oom-
Za'n, cursing, an clement of faith montaries of Babar, 421 n 8.
with the Ghi‘ah, 686. Libra, sign of the Zodiac, notes on, 76
Lane's Arabian Nights, 148 2 1. 02, 762, 14222.
Lane's Lexicon of the Arabic Language, Library of the Asiatic Beciety of
221,791,604, 1001, 14808, Bengal, 511 » 3, 609 # 8,
145 01, 14748, 151" 6, 162" 4, Life of Khwaja ‘Ali Shafranj:, Auba-
168n1,176 "1, 190" 5, 19496, di’s, ll4n 2%.
106 a 4,198» 2, 278n 4, 871 «5, Life of Mahomet, Muis’a, 87 0 4, 105
872n 2, 418 ni, 4240 0, 4280 9, n 3,149 n, 216 a.
429 n 1, 44103, 45727, 516" 2, Ligh, @ Tarki termination, 569 n 6,
627 a 8, 548 n 14, 614 « 2, 622 8 4, Lily, notes on the, 100 0 6, 101 2 1.
630 » 6. Linneonus, 100 « 4.
Lane’s Modern Egyptians, 177 2 4, Lion Dynasty of Orissa, called the
192 n 8, 608 « 3. Gajpati or Lords of Elephants, 125
Langihs, the tribe of, in Multin, 898. a 8.
Langana, & town at the junction of Lig, ligh, liq or Ligh, a Turki termi+
the Chiuiib and Ravi, 855 n 1. nation, 562 # 6.
Laqwa or facial paralysis, notes on, Lisina-!-Matk, author of the Nasthiue
226 » 5. t-Tawarikh, 154 « 8,
Lir, the country of, on the coast of Little Laria, town of, 326 n, 327 n I.
Gurerit, 17 » 4. Lisard, etory of a, 110s 8.
Larke, Great—, town of, 8326 ", 327 Lobdd, the,-a geographical work, 80
el. an, See also under al-Lubdd.
 laxxviili Index.

Loch Awe, 301 » 3. Lubbu-t-Zawdrikh of Yabyi iba

Lodi, Gheiky Hamid, first rmler of ‘Abdu-l-Latif Qaswini Dimighgi,
Multan, 19 2 6. 34, 49 and n 8, 51, 624 and n 0,
Lodi family of Afghins in Dibli, 408, Lubbu-t-Tawdrifh-t-Hind, 69 » 2,
411, 480, 448, 470. Lud, « village of Palestine, 279 #.
Lodi party in HindGstan, the, 407, Lidhiina, town of, 380 9 3, 888 and
400, 4122. See the above. an 2 and 8.
Logos, the, 374.7 5, Ludhiini District of the Panjib,
Lohar Kot,~or 580 » 6.
Lohkot, name of a fortress in Kash- Ludhiina river, the, 882.
mir, 22 and » 7, 26. Lidiina, See ander Lidhiana.
Lohri, township of, near to Bakkar, Ligh, a Turki termination, 569 » 5.
now called Rohri, 6569 and # 6, Lihini Afghans, the, 418 and nn 3 and
560. 12, 444, 470 and n 2, 587 and n 6.
Lomasd, a Sanskrit name of the Indian Luhrisp, an ancient King of Persia,
Spikenard or nard, 374 n. 36 » 3.
Loni, Malik, one of the Amira of Luhri, a township near Bakkar, now
Khyr Khan, first of the Saiyy:d called Rohri, 659 n 6.
dynasty, 375. Li'l, one of the fords of the Rivi,
Louni, 356 n 1, See under Lini. 383 2 10,
Love-lies-bleeding, called besten afris, Lini, a town near Dihli, on a Doab
629 21. between the Jamna and the Halin,
Lowe's translation of the Second 856 and a 1.
Volame of Badioni’s Muntakkabu-t- Liq, & Turki termination, 560 » 6,
Tawdrikh, 592 n 9. Lirak, the hero of a Magnawi in
Lower Bengal, 303 n. Hindi, lover of Chindl, 383. See
Lubéb, & geographical work, 36 n 8. under Chandiban.
See also the Lobab Lyall’s Introduction to Ancrent
Lubabu-l-Albdb, a Tazkira by Mubam- Arabian Poetry, 99 » 6.
med Ofi of Merv, 33 » 1. Lyre, the constellation, 630 » 1,

Ma‘add ibn ‘Adnan, ancestor of the Ma'bar, country of, (Coromandel),

Arabs of the Hijis, 12 1 1, 261
5 5, 265 and wn 6 and6, 288,
Ma‘érk, batile-fields, 622 and 286, 309.
a6.
Macsn, Mr. Turner, editor of the
Ma‘arri, Abn.]."Ala’ Al- —, a famous Ghéh-namoh, 88 = 1, 108 92, 116
Arab poet, 183 n 1. = 5, 178 n 3, 207 7, 485.0 8.
 Index laxxix
a

Macbeth, SHakespere’s, 115 n 4. Mahaban, a fortress on the banks of

Moachhiigaph, township in Jaunpir, the river Jon, 24 n 8,
al7 a4. Mahabat Khan, the Wali of Badaon,
Michin, conntry of, 147 and % 1, under the Firas Shabi and Saiyyid
Miohin. son of Chin, son of Juphet, dynasties, $75, 377, 879, 384 and
14721 n2. .
Miohiwira, an avoient city on the Mahabdat, religious love or worldly
banks of the Sutlej, in the Lidhi- affection, 576 n 5, 877 «.
Gna District of the Panjib, 380 Mahabharata, the, 185 n 1, 380 8.
2B 2, 418 n 9, 590 and n 5. Mahi Chin, country of, 147 2 1.
Madi, one of the servants of talem Mehideo,--or
Ghah, of the Afghin Sir dynaaty, Mahadeva, the chief of the Hindi
30, gods, 27 n 4, 256
n 4, 203.1 5, 454,
Madad-i-ma‘dgh, rent-free land, 424 n 6.
and a 8, 406 and ni, 500 and Mahakal, name of the idol temple of
n 8, 620, Vjaia, 98.
Madiin, the capital of the Sassanide Maham Anaga or,—
dynasty of Persia, near Baghdad, Miham Anka, one of ihe wet-nurses
672 w 1. of Akbar, 580 and n 6.
Madan Khin, or Qadr Khin, gon of Mahandiri river, the, 329 and n 7.
Sultan Mabmid Khilsi, of Milws, Maharashtra or Marhat, country of
399 al, the Marhattas, 265 n 4.
Madarin, name of a place, 99 » 2. Mahiwan, a township on the Jamna,
Madarsk, the sonrces from which are 444, Bee also the nort.
sought the ordinances of the law, Mahbiwnn, « fortress on the banks of
429 and n 1. the river Jon, 24and n3 See also
Madde, the cross line over the Alif the abows,
mamddhah, 634 and a 1. Mahdewi Shakh Mubirak of Nagor
Madhigarh, for the fortress of (q v), 516
Bandhigarh, 417 n 7. Makdawis, tho,—the followers of
Madrae}, for the fortress of Mandra- Shmkh ‘Aldi of Baetina (q. v.),
yal (q 1), 420" 5, 520
Magadh, an ancient kingdom of Mahdawiyah, the—s sect of Muslim
Hindistan, 82. 1,182.23 heretics, 626 and n 8.
Magblati, Malk,—one of the Amira Mahd.-1-‘lriq, sister of Sulfin Sinjar,
of Sulfan Jalaln-d-Din EKhilsi, 238. aud wife of Soltin ‘Aléa-d-Din
Maghrib, Sea of,—the Atlantic, 153 Mas'id, con of Sulpin Ibrehim
nl. Ghaznawi, 65 n 4
Magrans, the, 500 » 5. Mahdi, the promised, 420 and » 8,
Magio, notes on, 151 » 6, 459 « 2. 608, 512, 618, 5614, 516 and n 4,

12
xe Index.
626, 517, 620, 528, S7L and nn 1 and #1, 16, 18 ands 1 and,
and 2, 589. 17, 18, 19, 90 aad n 4, 23 and an 2
Mahdi Khwija, Saiyyid, one of the and 3, 24, 36, 26, 27 anda 4, 28
Amirs of Babar, 440, 444. ands 4, 80 and n 3, 30 and n 2,
Mahdi, son of al-Mangir, the ‘Abbi- 91 n, 82 and «1, 88 and « 2, 88, 36
side Khalifah, 75 1. a6, 44,4503, 60, 64 and a 1, 09
Mahdi, Mir Saiyyid Mubammad of n 7, 72, 286, $10, 865 1 8,
Jaunpir, 420 and # 8, 421. Mabmiid of Gajrét, Sulfin, oontem-
Mabdida, Amir, for Amir Mnjdid, porary of Islem Ghih of the Sir
son of Sultin Mas‘id ibn Mahmid dynasty of Dibli, 588, 534.
Ghaxrnawi, 44" 1. Mabmid Hasan, Maliqu-eh-Sharq, one
Mah-dum, a kind of bird and a pi- of the Malika of Mabirak §hth of
geon, 162 and n 8, the Saiyyid dynasty, 393 and a 11,
Mabfil-shikan, or the assembly router, 886, 387,
a title of the famous controver- Mabmid ibn brahim Ghasuawi
sialist Nigimn-d-Din Auliyé, 71 Saiyyida-a-Balitin, 54 3,
a2. Mahmid Khan, the son of ‘Adil Ebin,
Mabjauli, a village in the Gorakhpir son of Shir Qkih Sir, 477 and s 2,
District on the banks of the Gan- 490.
dak, 409 and n 6. Mabmid Ehin, son of Ghiyigu-d-Din
Mabligarh, township in Jaunpir, 417 Tughlaq Shih, 207,
and n 4 Mahmiid Ehin Lodi, one of the Maliks
Mobmond Gasnavi, 667. See ander of Sulgin Sikandar Lodi, 414s 2,
Mahmid Ghaznawi. 422 n 4,
Mebmiid, one of the servants of Islem Mabmid Khin, gaandson of Saltin
Gbih, of the Afghin Sir dy nasty of Nipru-d-Dio of Nilwa, 484 0 6,
Dibli, 680 Mabmid, Khén-i-Khinin, son of
Mahmid ibn Asmin Lamii, santhor of Saljin Jalila-d-Din Knhilji, 281,
a Turkish romance on the loves of 232, 298.
Wamu and ‘Azm4, 401, Mabmid Khulji, Saljin of Malwa, cou-
Mabmiid of Badion, Saiyyid,—brother temporary of the Lodi dynasty in
of Saiyyid Muabeammad, governor Dihli, 398, 899, 426 anda 4, 426,
of Badion nnder Sulfin Firos 432, 433.
Shih Tughiag, 335 » 6. Mabmid, father of Mir Khusri, the
Mabmid of Bihar, Sulfin, 485 n 7, celebrated poet of Dihli, one of
See under Sultin Mubammad of the Amirs of Sultin Moabammad
Bihar. Tughlaq Shah, 269 » 6.
Mabmid Ghaz.awi,or Mabmid Mialwi, Sulgin, 280. See
Mabmid of Ghoznin, Sultan, son of under Mabmad Khijji, the Suljan
Sultin Nigru-d-Din Sabukiigin, 13 of Malwa,

Malmid fbn Mibammad ibn 84m ibn
Husain, 78 See Ghiyigu-d-Din
Mabmid, son of Ghiyiqa-d-Din
Mobammad Sim Ghiri,
Mabmid Silim, a servant
‘Aliu-d-Din Kbilji, 248,
Mabmid @bih, 196 See Sultin
Nigira-d-Din Mabmid §hih ibn
Shameu-d-Din Iyal-timigh,
Mubmid Ghib, Salfin, tbn-i-Mubam-
mad Shah ibn Firoz
Tughlaq Ghibhi dynasty of Drhii,
348, 349, 860, 361, 364, 356, 357,
356 » 6, 361, 363, 368, 964, 365
and n 5, 366 and » 5,
368, 869, 370, 375, 876, 380
Mabmid Sharqi of Jaunpir, Sutin,
contemporary of Saltin Bubiil
Lodi, 402, #8 and an 8 and 7, 420
n 8,
Mabmid, Sulgin, son of Saltin Sikan-
dar Lodi, the roler of Patna, 470,
471 and « 1,
Mabmid I, Sultan, 420 - 8. Bee
Sultiu Malmiid Shargi of Jaun-
pir,
Mabniud Tarmati, Malik, one of the
Amira of Muhmid §hah of the
Firos Shahi dynasty, 363,
Mabmid tby Tughiag Shih, for Sultin
Mubammed ibn Sulfiu Ghiydgn-d-
Din Toghlag Shah, 135 0.
Mabmid Zibuli, a name
Mabmid of Ghasnin, 17.
Mahnahb, s emall town between
ward and Saraxhs in Khorisia,
48 and » 2.
Mahoba, district of, 335.
Mahomed Qaum. See under Mubam-
toad ibu Qisun as-Seqafi
Inden. xei
Mahometaus, the, 80
9 6, 6251, 190
a3, Bee also under the Mubem.
madans aod the Muslims.
Meahtah, a small town in Khoriain,
of Sultin 48 9 3,
Mahord or Mathra, a sacred city af
the Hindis, 24 9 6.
Maihana, » small town between Abi-
werd and Ssrakks in Khordsio,
480 3,
Shih, of the Matupiri, town of, 877 » 5, 386 9 8,
414 n 18,
Mainpiri District, 386 # 8.
Mainpiri Ohauhins, « tribe of B&j-
367 and n, pits, 414.0 13.
Mawr, Al-, & game of the ancient
Arabs, 369 » 1.
Maithili country, the, 286.
Majbaristin, province of, 84 and
an 6 and 7.
Majdid, Amir, son of Salgin Mas‘ad
ibn Mabmid Ghasnawi, 44 2 1.
Mayhaali, a village in the Gorakbpar
Distriet on the north bank of the
Gandak, 409 a 6.
Muyma‘u-l-Bahrasn of Shaikh Nasif,
oontuming hie Magémdt, 360.» 1. -
Mayina‘u-l- Fugahd, Lives of the Posts,
17 an 1 and 8, 85n1, 8824, 46
n 6, 58 w, 54.an 1, 2 and 3, 66 nn 2
and 8, 73 « 1, 76 9, 78
» 3, 08 xn 2,
8 and 4, 106 n 6, 1843, 185 n,
of Saljin 165 03, 1871 2, 270% 6, 271 5 4,
207 n, 208 w 4, 33004, S41 nn 1
Abi- and 2, 571 « 9, 682 », 584 9
Majuiin, the bero of the romance of
Lavli-o-Majndu, lover of Lali,
620.
Makhdum ‘Alam, the Governor of
Huyipir, one of the Amira of the
xii Indez.

Wali of Bangla, contemporary of 149 a, 151» 2, 168 9 1, 176 2,

Gher Shih, 469, 470. 216 n, 278 2, 868. 1, 420 and » 8,
Waekhdim Gangghakar, Ghoikh Feri- 443, 450, 480 and nn 1 and 5, 604,
de-d Din Mag‘id, 132. See under 507, 508, 682, 683 and n 4, 565 and
Ganj-i-ghakker. nn 1 and 6, 600 » 0, 634. See
Mekhdim-i-Jahéniyan Sayyidu-s-82- Mecca.
@at Sheikh Jalaln-l Hugg al- Mnkrfin, provines of, Of.
Bukhiri, 376. Makila. See under Ibn Mikiila.
Makhdima-i-Jahiu, mother of Suitin Malabar, 484 n 1.
Mubirak Shih of the Baiyyid dy- Maldoir. See under Mulayayzr.
nasty of Dili, 392. Malinwah, township of, 508 n 10,
Makhdima-i-Jahin, mother of Sulfin Malain, a hall fort in the Panjub, 508
Mabemmed, gon of Ghiydeu-d- Dia and » 10
Tughiag Shih, 303. Maliwah, township of, 508 n 10
Makhdima-l-Mulk Mulla ‘Abda-lleh Maluydgir, the yellow sandal, uses of,
of Suljanpir, Shaskhu-l-Ielém and 484 n 1.
Sadru-9-Sudér under Islem Shih, Malayalam or Malabar, 484 1 1.
506 and » 2, 518, 514, 615, 517, Mialdeo, Rai, the raler of Niyor and
518, 519, 621, 623, 526, 584 Jaaupir aud Rij’ of the kingdom
Makhbdimsida-1.'Abbisi of Baghdad, of Marwir, contemporary of Sher
Q@piince of the House of ‘Abbis, Shah and Hamiyin, 476, 477, 478,
the Khalifabs of Baghdad, 211 and 479, 562, 563, 564 and n 6, 565 2 1.
Bn 4, 322. Malfizdt-..Timeri, the, 855 a0 1 and
Mokhdiimzida-i-Baghdadi, Prince 4, 356.» 5, 358 nn 2, 4 and 6, 366
Ghiyiga-d-Din Muhammed, 311 a 1, 386 n 8.
m4. Same as the above (q v ). Malgarh, fortress of, 600 - 8
Makjsan-s-Asréy of Shaikh Nivimi, Mulhab, name of a place, 258 and
being one of hus five worke called n4.
collectrvely HKhamea-s-Nizgémi, 298 Mahk Ahmad, son of Amir EKhusri,
n 4, 449 and 2 2. the famous peet of Dibli, 839, 840
Makhaanu-l-Adwiyah, a work on med:- Maihk ibm Anas, foonder of the
eme, 41" 2, 10121, 1084, 117 Maliki School of Mubammadan
a4, 1182, 1722, 18204, 452, Jurupradence, 18 n i, 609 1.
434 1 1, 535 » 2, 55001, 586 n, Malik al-Aghtar, one of the Geverals
627 n 2. of ‘Ali abn Abi Tahb, the foarth
Mokhzanu-l-Asrér of Shaikh Nigimi, Khalifah, 167 2 2, 158 n.
238 1 4 Ses under Makhzan-s- Mahk Chhayi. See ander Chhaji,
Asyrar, Mahk Shah Saljiqi, Sultin, of the
Makke, city of, Band» 4, 21 n 1, Baljigi dynasty in Khuriain, 38
51, 56, 110 4, 111 #, 133 n 2, n 4, 40, 65 aud
n 3.
 .

Index, xen

Malike-i-Johém, denghter of Sultin Amira of Sulsio Firos §hth ‘togh-

‘Aliu-d-Din of Badéon, 406 Inq, 885. ,
Malke-i-Jahin, the Queen-consort Malika-sh-Qharq - Mubirak §bih
of Sulina ‘Aléa-d-Din Khily:, 272. Qaranqal, the roler of Jaunpir,
Malika-i-Jahin Bibi Khinzi, chiet 860, 361.
wife of Suljin Husnin §Shargi of Mahika-gh-Gherq Suleimin, son of
Jannpiir, 409 and n 2. Mahk Marwén-i-Daulat, of the
Malika-i-Jahin, the Queen-consort of Amira of Firoz Shab, 335 and a 4,
Sultan Jalilu-d-Din Khilji, 287, 352, 375
244, 247 2, Malli, the,—a people of the Panjab,
Mahk-s-Jahia, mother of Nasirn-d- 880 n 2.
Din Mahmad Shih, son of Sham- Malloo Khin, brother of Sirang
en-d-Din Iyal-timigh, 181. Khin, one of the Amira of the
Malighalid, Melancholia, definition of, Firoz Shibi dynasty, 849 and ~ 10,
Sand n 3, 350 and . 3, 351, 354. See under
Moilikota, town of, $87 n 1. Iqbal Khin Malloo,
Maliku-l-Kalém, or Lord of Elo- Malla Khin, Governor of Milwi, one
quence, a literary title, 134 of the slaves of the Khilji Sultans,
Mahku-!-Kalim Fakhra-]-Malk ‘Amid 475.
Tilaki (Lamaki), 99 anda4, Seo Malot, in the Jhilam District of the
‘Amid Limaki. . Panjib, 437 and n 8, 438 and
Mairku-t-munajyjimin, of Prmce of a7,
Astrologers, 622 and n 2, Maliita, district, 349.
Mahka-l-Umara Fakhro-d-Din, the Milwa, or Milwah, 95 and n 4, 120,
Kotwal of Dihli, one of the Amira of 264 and » 4, 274, 292, 313, 879 » 2,
Suljia Mu‘iszu-d-Din Kaaqubid, of 384 » 6, 885 n 39, 898, 399, 492 n 3,.
the Balbani dynasty, 220 na 2 and 8, 428, 424and n 4, 425, 432, 433,
227, 229, 260 and n 2, 261 aud n 4 454, 474, 475, 492, 495, 654.
Maliku-gh-Sharq ‘Imaida-i-Molk Mab- Ma’min, Al-, the ‘Abbamde Khalifeb,
mid Hasan, one of the Mahka of 157 a1.
Mubirak Shab of the Sayyid dy- Man, a weight, 723 4,
nasty, 383, 386, 387, 392. Man, Raji, the Governor of Gwialiér,
Malika-sh-Sharq Kamilu-i-Mulk, the contemporary of Satan Bublil and
Vasir, one of the Amira of the Sultin Sikandar Lodi, 410, 414 and
Bayyid dynasty, 895, 306 n 6, 432 and n 7.
Mahku-sh-Bharq Mabk Sikandar, Manit, an idol worshipped by tho
Governor of Lahor under Shaikh old Arabs, 28 and» 1.
‘All of Kabal, 389. Mandigar,—or
Muliku-gh-Sharq Marwin-i-Daulat, Mandigarh, a town in the duwtrict of
called Nugrat Ehbin, one of the Agra, 552 and » 12.
zeiy
Mangiker, 588.4 12. See the above.
Mandalayer, a fortress on the weatern
bank of the Chambal, 420 # 5.
Mandiwar, fortress of, 930 1, 393,
326,
Mandewi, nawe of » place, 820 # 2.
Mandili, town of, 926 and # and n %
Mandir, town of, 455.
Mandlisr, town of, 420 a 5.
Mondla Gash, one of the two chief
fortresses of the province
Bindhi, 417 » 7.
Mandler, town of, 420 n 5, 482 2 2
Mandriyal, fortress of, 420 and « 5.
Mandsir, a dependency of Milwi,
“4
Mandi, town of, 98 » 1, 472 and« 6.
Called also Mandawar.
Mandii (Mandili), town of, $26 and »
and = 2.
Mandir, fort of, 93 and nl.
Mandwar, town of, 93 » 1.
Manér, or Munér, a town on the
banks of the Ganges, 62 and n 1.
Mangela, a Tarki word signifying
advance guard of an army, 602 n 6
Mingarh, fortress of, 500 and » §,
627 and n 2.
Mangburni, Soltén Jaliln-d-Din, son
of Sultan Mohammad Khwérazm
Shih,—the Jast of the Khwirazm
Shibi dynasty, 91 and #1
Manghalgi, advance-guard of anarmy,
502 n 5.
Mangail, fort of, variously called
Walaj and Bajj, 34 » 7,
Mangia Khan, nephew of Sultin
‘Alia-d-Din Khilji, 259,
Mangia Khan, infant son of Sultin
*Alau-d-Din Khiln, 289.
Index.
Mangiteh, the Mughil, one of the
Generals of Ohingis Khin, 126 s 1.
Mini, Mirsi, or Mirsi Amini (gq. v.),
a poet of the time of Hamiyén,
587 and 9 9.
Mani Mald, a treatise on gems, 681 ».
Mani}, one of the blank arrows in
the game of matsir, 300# 1.
Manijeh,—or
Manishe, daaghter of AfrisiySb, one
of of the hervines of the Shdh-ndma,
116 » 5, 180 and « 8.
Manik, Malik, « tlave of Sultin
‘Aléu-d-Din Ehilji, 251.
Manik Deo, Bai, the Raja of Dholpir,
contemporary of Sultin Sikandar
Lodi, 419 and n 4.
Manikganj, pass of,—in Gujrat, 318.
Minikpir, district and town on the
Ganges, 221, 261, 248, 267 n, 326,
411 n 2, 415, 468.
Manikpir, ford of, on the Ganges, 385.
Mankbarnin, for Sulfin Jalélu-d-Din
Mangbarni (q. v.), 01 # 1.
Minkot, a fort in the northern hill-
range of the Panjab, 498.
Manoarpirr, town of, 98 » 1.
Mangabat, use of the word, 627 » 3
Mangala, in Turki the advance-guard
of an army, 592 # 5.
Min Singh, Governor of Gwiliir,
41476, 482and « 7. See ander
Raja Mén.
Mangir, Al-, the *Abbaside Khalifah,
Tan 2,
Manpir, Saiyyid, one of the Generals
of Amir Muhammad, son of Sulfin
Mahmid Ghasnawi, 46.
Mangir, son of Bultin Maudid Ghas-
naw, 48,
 s
Inde. xcv
Sansie thn Wah, of the dynasty of Marhiys,—or ’
the Sémfnis, the Kings of Khuri- Michira, town of, 18 anda 3. Bee
sin and Miwariu-n-Nahr, 13 1, wader Mirhara. .
léandn 1, 16 and n 3. Maria, sister of Martha and Lasarue,
Mansir fbn Sa‘ld, Khwilja, 94. 108 « 2,
Manyéesh, or Al-Mangirah, old capi-
tal of Sindh, 36 and s 10. and «1.
Mangirpir, town, 98, 890. Mizi gelah, fortress of, 4. Called
Managhihr Shirwin Ghih, King of also Mirikala (. v.).
Khurisin, pstron of the famous Mivikala, a frontier fort on the
poet Khagini, 583 » 4. Thilam river, 44 and #6, Called
Manighitri Dimaghini, Hakim also Mirkala and Miri galah (¢, v.).
Abu-n-Najm Abmad, a poet of the Mirikala, a pasi between Hiwal
time of Suitin Mas‘id Ghasnawi, Pindi and Attock, 44.2 6.
46 and n 4, Mézkals, on the Jhilam, 446. See
Magémét of ‘Amid Aba Nagr, Al- under the Marikala fort.
Baihagi's, 32 1. Markanda river, the, 330 » 7.
Mogémdt of Qisi Hamid of Balkh, Mér Muhra, a mineralof an emerald
76 nl. colour, 117 # 4,
Maqémat of Shaikh Abmad Ehatto, Mars, notes on the planeé, 2817
wurnamed Ganjbakhah, 356. a &
Maqémét-i. Hariri, 848, Martha, sister of Maria sud Lazarus,
Maqbil, Malik, 387 n % Same as 198 » 8.
Khin-i-Jabin Malik Qubil the Martyr Prince, the, 188
» 8, 100
# 3,
Vasir, of the Amirs of Sultin Firoz feo the Khin-i-Ghehid Sahin
Shah. Muhammad, son of Sultin Ghiyfy-
Mardhan Kot, or Bardhan Kot, a city n-d-Din Balban.
of Tibet, 84 9. Ma‘rif Farmali, Malik,—one of the
Margan, a Tarki word signifying ‘an Amirs of the Lodi dynasty, 444.
archer,’ 250 and n 6. Marv, a city of Khurisin, 35. See
Marghib, a slave of Bualjan Ibréhim under Merv.
Lodi, 444. Marwiin, Mahk, 885, $53. See under
Marhabi, Malik, slave of Iqbal Khin Marwin-i-Daulat.
Malloo uf the Malika of the Firoz Marwin :bnu-1-Hakam, a Khalifah of
Ghihi dynasty, 364 the Umaiyyad dynasty, 59.
Miarhara, township of, in the Doab, Marwan Daulat,—or
407 21. See also Marhira. Marwin-1-Daclat, Malika-sh-Gharq,
Marhat or Maharashtra, country of Nagira-]-Mulk Firts Shibi, Gover-
the Marhattas, 265 and n 4, 233. nor of Multin under Sultin Firoz
Marhattas, the, 383. Shah, 336, $52, 376.
xevi iindex.

Marwini, Walid ibn ‘Abdu-]l-Malik, Sultfu Mas‘id and Sulfin Tbrihim

the Umaiyyad Khalifah, 12 and » 2. Ghasnawi, 62 and n 5, G4 and » i,
Mirwir, the country of, 864 n 8, 465, 60.
476, 562, 568. Mas‘idi, the celebrated Arab Geo-
Mashhad (Meshed), the holy city of, grapher and Historian, 157 » 1.
in Persia, 569, 573 and n 8. Matar Sen Kahtariya, Rija, the ruler
Moghk, goat-skin bag for carrying of Sambhal at the time of the
water, 331 2 10 Afghin Sir dynasty of Dihli, 545.
Masih, Christ, 267. Mathow's Mighkétu-l-Mapadih, 150
Masihu-d-Dajjal, Antichrist, 490 # 5. m 2, 200 n, 203 n, $02
n 2, 413 21,
See also the next 509 2 8.
Masihn-l-Kazggib, Antichrist, 278 » 4 Mathi Khin,—or
Bee also the above. Mathin Khin, one of the courtiers of
Masvk, constant as applied to the Humiyiin, 624 and n 2.
pulse, 582 » 7. Mathra, a sacred city of the Hindis,
Mosnad-i-‘Ali Saiyyid Khigr Ehbfn, 24 and n 6.

the first of the Saiyyid dynasty of Matla‘u-l-Anwar, one of the poetical

Drhii, 852, 875, 876. See under works of Mir Khusri, the famous
Khigr Khin Masnad-:-‘Ali. pvet of Dihli, 270 and # 1.
Massagete, an ancient people of Mandi, Sultan, son of Sultin Mas‘id
Central Ama, 23» 1 ibn Mahmiid Ghasnawi, 87, 48, 45"
Mas‘id Beg, metre of,—a kind of 3, 46, 47 and n 2, 48, 49, 50 and 21.
prosodical metre, 426, Maulani Baqga'l, a learned man of
Mes'td Khin Ghilzai, ove of the the time of Babar, 449,
Afghin Amirs of Gher Ghah Sir, Maulana Hasan, one ot the contem-
542, 544 poranes of Shah Bibar, 449.
Mas‘id, Sultan, ibn Sultin Ibrahim Maulina ‘Imadu-d-Din, translator of
Ghaznawi, called by the title of the Réjd-tarangini into Perman,
‘Aléa-d-Din, 55 aud nn 2 and 6 8n 8,
Mas‘id, Sultan, son of Sultan Mab- Maulana §hihibu-d-Din the Enig-
mid of Ghaznin, 29, 80, 33, 34, 36, matiat, one of the learned men of
86 and #9, 37, 88, 42, 43, 44and the time of Babar, 449.
nn land 2, 45 snd nn 2 and 8, 46, Ma‘énat, a miracle performed by the
47 n 2, 60, 58 and n, 64, 61 n 5, ordinary behever, 626 ».
Mas‘id, Sultan, eon of Sultin Maudid Miawara an-Nahr,—or
ibn Mas‘id Ghnznawi, 49, 60 and Mawariu-n-Nohr (Transoxisua), the
nil. region beyond the rucr, 16 and n 6,
Mas‘td Sa'd Salman Jurjiini, known 20 and n 8, 27 nn 1 and 2, 20n 6,
sometimes as Hamadini, a famous 87 n 7, 167 7 3, 250, 368, 448, 570
poet of Jurjin, contemporary of a 7, 682
 Tudex, xovzi
Maiis, district in the Doib, 338 Melanoholin, Malzjhalid, definition af, t

« S, 481 and a 4. 6 and # 8.

Mawis,—or Memoir, Rennell’s, 120 5 2, 826 5,
Mawisii, « place at seven drohe from 827 » 8.
Badéon, $36 and » 1. Memows of Baber, Brekino’s, 421 « 8,
Masér, signification of the word, 271 48727, 489 00 4,6 and7, 440n,
and a 3, 448. n 4, 870 wn 6 and 6, 600 nb.
Masdakish, Al-, another name of Mendaki river, the,—in Gwalilr, 419
the heretical Btini eect of Ghi'ah and» 6. Otherwise known sa'the
Muslims, 22 and « 3: Medaki or the Agi.
Mashar Karra, Maulini, one of the Mengbirin, origin of the name of
poeta of the time of Sultio Firos Sutin § Jalélu-d-Din Mangborai
hth Tughlag, 341 and » 1. (q. v.), 91 2 1.
Mazhari, the poct, 84l1n1. Samo as Meon, the, tribe of the Rajpits iy-
the above (q ȴ.). habiting the province of Miwiat,
Maghar-:-Hindi, Qasi of Agra 365 1 8.
(? Karra), panogyrist of Firis Shih, Merenry, the planat, held te mls
B41 "1. See the two above. over intelligence, 690 n 3,
Misindarin,—or Merv, a city snd province of Khura-
Mazinderin, a province of Persia, ein, 1682, 1748, 2253, 88nI,
3221, 36" 3. 34 3, 35, 38, 49 and an] and 8,
MoCrindle's Ancient Indi, 364" 4, 5l a %, 56 n 8, 167 n 8,
Meeca. Seo ander Makkah Meshed (Mashhad), in Persia, 560,
Medaki river, the, 410 » 6. Othei- 573 and n 3.
wise known as the Mendaki or the Methora of Pliny, same as the town
Asi. of Muthra (q. v.), 24" 6, *
Modes, tho, 801 1 6 Methoras of Arrian, same as the town
Medical and Surgical Reporter, tho, of Mathra (¢. 9), 24n 6.
586 n. Mévat, district of, 129 » 3.. Bee
Medina, the City of the Prophet, 12 under Miwat.
nl, 7in, 106" 1, 149 0, 156
n 6, Moyuard’s Dictronnawze de la Perse,
15851, 215 27, 279 n, 443, 480 802, 3502, nul, 2andd, 46
#1, 556 9 6, 00 n 0 a}, 50 n 2, 573 4 8.
Aledwient and Mecca, Burton’s Palgrym. Mhow, @ town of Ceutral India, 995
aye to, 97 n 4, n 8.
Mediterranean, the, 167 n 4, Miapir, a ford on the Ganges, 131
Mobran, the,—the mver Indus, 96 und * 1.
2 10,6741. Nich, 83, See andes Mij
Mebregan, the seventh month of the Mochael, the Archnnyel, 53 and » 3
Porman your, 166 aud « 1, AMiflah, theo

18
* gevtti inden.

Mifthu-l'Ulim, of Birijued-Din Abi Mir Basan, son-in-law of Sulgin

Ya'qib Yiisaf fbn Abi Mabummad Shih Toghiaq, $88.
fbo ‘Ali ae-ikkiki, 428 and n &. Mir Hasan Diblavi, a famous p
Mihafea, o kind of litter, 457 = 7. Dihij, contemporaryof Mir X)
Mibir, town of, 123.08. Qalled also 116 #, 187, 188, 265, 86Q, 27
Mirhira (¢. v.). né.
Mibr, name of the sun, 160s 1. Mir Jamila-d-Din, the traditi
Mihe, an ancient king of the Persians, contemporary of §hih 1
108 » 1, Sufawi, 440,
Mibrajin, Day of, 166.7 1. Gee Mir Khond, the Historian, oo
under Mibrgin. porary of Humiyin, 27 # 8, 4
Mibrin, the,—the river Indus, 86 Mir Khusri, son of Amie Ma
#10, 67 #1. Saifu-d-Din, the famous pc
Mihrgin, the seventh month of the Dihii,96 and a 2, Wandn
Persian year, 166 and » 1. and #4. See nader Khusra.
Mibrgin, a great feast of the Per- Mir Saiyyid Ehin of Jaunpér
sians, 10691. n 8.
Mshrgan-i-‘amm, 166 2 1. Mir Salyyid Mubammad of Jan
Mrbrgdn-t-khdge, 106 » 1. eon of Mir Saiyyid Khéa, o
Mij, one of the tribes between Tibet the great walia, 420 aud a 8,
and Lakbnuacti, 89 and « 4, 849. and a &.
Mil, the bodkin or style used for Miz Baiyyid Muhammad Miz
applying kuhl, 168 2 8. 646.
Milat wa-n-Nshal, of agh-Bhahrastini, Mir Suiyyid Na'mata-lh Rasili
Oureton’s edition, 22 n 9, 157 n 8. poet, contemporary of [slem |
Milwat, town of, 488 » 7, Called 633 and » 7, 534 and a 4,
also Malot (g. v.). Mir Saiyysd Rafi'n-d-Din Safa
Minas, s trite of the Hindis, 866 Hj, contemporary of Ghee |
» 8, 476 and n 5, 479, 613, 614,
Minhiju-s-Sirdj, author of the Jaba- Mir Saiyyid Gharif, a distingwi
qat-i-Napri, 88 » 1, 08 5 6, 128.9 8, aathur, 660,
127 na | and 2. Mi'réj, or the Ascent, necturnal .
Mir Abu-]-Bagi, ope of the mont dis- ney of Muhammad to heaven,
tingnished of the learned men of a2, 20296
the time of Humiyin, 465, 660, Mirak ibn Hasan, the Vakil, o
678, the Amire of the Ghamavide
Mir ‘Adl, an officer of justice ander nasty, 48, 40.
the Sadr, 546 n 7, 610 n. Mirak, town of, 406 n 9,
Mir Abhor, Master of the horse, 234 Miran, Amir, one of the Malid
end » 6, Sultin ‘Firos Gah, 923 » 2
 Index. xcil
“
Witin Gady ‘WAth-1-Arg-l-Mamilik, a Murgal, a weight for gold and sitvet
profagéd of thé Mabirak Q)ahi fami- and alao a coin, 19 2, 33 and
ly, ‘RDB, 804, 396, 897. ni. ‘

Mirin Baiyyid Jalil of Badion, one of Migqal,-or

the learned men of Hindiatin, 427, Migqalat, shell for polishing, 690 and
Mirac,—or ale,
Mirath, fortress of, 24." 1, 845, 958 Miprd', hemuatich. a term of Prosody,
w 3, 85Y, 406, S97, 606 n 4.
Mir'at-é-Jahén Numd, an historical MiwSt, distriot and town of, 129 and
work, 60 # ¥. n@, 134 and 1, 185, 337, 343,
Mir-i.Kde, Buperintendent of Roads, 344 and » 7, 345, 850, 858, 869, 365
41. and 0 6, 366 n, 876, 881, 385, 601,
Mirsi Handl},or 398, 419, 447, 498, 489, 537,
Mirsl. Hindal, 458, 458, 450, 462, 484, Miwatia, the, 417,
465, 659, 560, 567 and » 10, 674, Miyin ‘Abda-llah Niyasi, a Niydsi
578, 579, $80, 586, 597. Afghin who ad-pted the manners
Mirzi Husain Khan, one of the Amirs of a Mahdi, 508, 609, 510, 612, 616,
of Hamayin, 574 520.
Mirai Kamran, brother of Hamiyin, Miyin Abu-1-Fath of Thanesar,—a
458, 456, 462, 464, 465, 494, 500, learned doctor of the time of Ielens
801, 502, 603, 607, 574, 678, 579, Ghih, 613,
$80, 581 and » 8, 582 and n7, 688 Miyin Bahwa Lihini, Govorncr of
and i 3, 584 and » 8, 585, 58A, Buaifna, one of the Amira of Ielent
588, 608 » 8 Shih, 518 and « 4, 519.
Mirek Marad, con of Shih Tahmisp of Miyia Bhoh, the Vazir and chief of
Pormia, 572, 678 and n 1, $76, 676. the Amirs of Suijia Sikandar Lodi,
Mirst Pic Mubarmmad, grandeon of 452, 435
the grent Amir Timit, King of Miyin Hatim Saubali or Sambhali, a
Kherisin nnd = Mawaré-an-Nohr, learned Doctor of Hinddstin, 488,
$53, 363, 955. B08, 545.
Mirsl Yidgir Nagir, one of the Amira Miyan Husain Farmali, one of the
of Humiyin, 462, 463, 463, 485, Amirs of the Lodi dynasty, 435.
860, 561, 562. Miyan Jamil Khan Mufti, ono of the
Muhk, or Mask, notes on, 172 » 2, Chiof ‘Ulama of the time of Islem
Mighkatu-l-Mogabth, Mathew's, 58 » 3, Shah, 606
160 « 2, 191 n 5, 19083, 2002, Mayan Kalior Kahi Kabult, one of the
2790, 202
0 6, 293 n, B02
n 2, B56 poets of the time of Humayun, 584
a4, 41201, 449
0 8, 609" 8, 671 a3 See under Kahi
© 1, 685
0 10, GOL a, 03 and
# 5, ! Mayan Liadan, one of the loarned men
i
613 », 625 » 5.
t of Hindiatiu, 7
 6 Intlea.
MiySn Shalkh of Gwiliir, a learned Ma‘allagtt, the,—seven well-koown
doctor, 427 poems of the Jihiiyas99
, 2 6, 100
Miyin §baikh Abn-)-Fath, son of 4
Ghaikb-allahdiyah of Khairibad, Melons, enigma, 456 5 7, 605 and
oontétaporary of Badéoni, 546. n&,
Miyan Tinsin, the well-known musi Mutiwiyah, first Khalifah of the
cian, dovtemporary of ‘Adli, 557. House of Umalyyab, 187 » & 158 9,
Miyin Yahya Paran one of the gen- Mu‘agam, Khwija, one of the Amirg
erals‘of Sikandar Sir (q v), 647. of Humisin, 568,
Miyin Yabya Tiran, governor of Mv'azgin, the oriet of the hoar of
Sambhal, one of the generals of prayer, 472 aad & 6, 600 and n Ce
Bulsin lbrahim Sir (9. v), 545, 546, GOL an.
Miyini Afghins,the, 654, Mubatyyin, a book on the Banifite
Misén, the constellation Libra, 142 Theology, 450 and # 7,
n Mubérak, Malik, one of the Amirs of
Modern Egyptians, Lane's, 177 n 4, Sultan Jalflu-d-Din Khilfi, 938,
192
2 8, 412 0 1, 508« 2. Mubirakibid, a city on the Jamas,
Moghnla, the, 60,1088, See under $98 and a 7,
the Mughils, Mabirak Kabir, Malik,—one of the
Mongir, town of, 468, Amira of tho Tughlag §hibi dy.
Mongol dynasty of China, the, 358 pasty, 342 and # |
nl, Mubirnk Edin, eon of Saltin ‘Alin-g.
Mongols,the See under the Mughils, Din Khilji 272, 278. Gee Salgin
Monor poor, fortress of, 93 n 1, Qntba-d-Din Mabirak §bah.
Moon, Sphiting of the, miracle per- Mabirak Ehie Aubadi, of the Aubadi
formed by Mubammad, 110 » 4 family ef Bains, 3¢-
Moradabad, in Rohilkund, 364 n 4, Mubirek Edis, son of Babidar Niner,
Moradabad istrict, N -W. Provinoes, one of the Amire of the Firds Shabi
546 2 6. dynsaty, 860 and » 5,
Moro, « peacock, 503 and n 3,
| Mubirnk Khan Lihini, Malik,one
Hobambique, 454 9 7, of the Amirs of Sultin Buahlal Lodi
Moses of the Scriptures, 372 and 8,
400, 418 and n 18,
' 378 2. Mubdrak Khia, oon of Malik Raji,
Moaul, capital of Mesopotamia, 61 one of the Amirs of the Firts Shahi
1»
5, 804.5 5, 62428,
dynasty, 349,
Musiyyidal Malk Sinjari, Khwajs,— Mabirak Khio, Gover
nor of Sambal,
onof ethe Amit of the Ghori dy. ’ contemporary
of Boltin Hasan
nasty, 74and n 1,77 0 1, 80. | Bharqi of Jaonpar, 406 9 8
Mu'AUZ, name of the seventh srrow Mubarak Kotwal one of the Amirs of
in the yate of matsr, 369 9 1. the Sayyid dynuaty, 308.

Mubirek
of Nigor, Ghetkh, father of
Ghaikh Abul-Fag! ‘Allimi, 481,
B16,
Mubkrakpar, 306.
Mabvtrak Qurangal, Malik, assumes
the title of MubirakGhih as ruler
of Jannpir, 900 and « 1,
Mublirak Ghih son of Sultan ‘Alu-d-
Din Kpliji. ‘See under Saljin
Qotba-d-Dia Kbiiii.
Mabirak Gbih, son of Sultin Buhtil
Lodi, 408.
Mubirak @h8h, son of Masnad-i-'Ali
Khir KhSn, of tne Bsiyyid dynasty
of Dibli, 100 2, 307, 361 and » 3,
889, $88, 884, $85 and » 8, 386, 387,
388 and « 2, 880, 390, 891, 392, 393,
304, 395, 396, 396, 400 and », 403,
Mablrak §héb, Saltino-sh-Sharq,
Qarangal, raler of Janapir. 360 and
w 1, 061, 968.
Muddrak GhAb, an historical work by
Yaby§ ibu Apmad Sirhindi, 10 0 2,
67 sod nf, See noder Tariis-1
Mubdruk Ghahi.
Mubiriz Kin, one of tho great Amira
of the. Firds Shahi dynuaty, #75.
Mabéris, Malik, one of the Amira of
Mubarak Ghih of the Saiyyid dy-
nasty, 886.
Mobisis Kio, son of Nigim
Sir, ascends the throne with the
title of Mabemmad ‘Adil or more
commonty ‘Adii, 495 and » 4, 635
andan @and 7, 536. See under
‘Adli.
Mubeshir Chap, islim Khin,
Vasir, one of the Amie of tho
Firds Ghahi dynasty, 344, 845.
See ale under Islim Khin
Index. oi
Mubachgbir, one of the Sirdars of
SakSn ‘Alén-d-Din Ehitjl, 278,
Mubin, a commentary by Shaikh
Yainn-d-Din on the Mubcaiyyia
(q. v.), 450 and « 7.
Mufarrib Saltini, Malik, governor of
Gujrét under Sultin Firos Shah,
894 and « 3, 387,346. Seo under
Farhatu-!-Mulk,
Mufiz, Al--—the man in charge of the
arrows in the game of maw, 368
al.
Mufti, a law officer who gives fatw%s
or legal decisions, 317 and n 6.
Mughesida, for Ummu-ghailés, a
thorny tres, 850 and n 1, 624" 1.
Mughasyyir, variable as applied to the
pulso, 533 ».
Maghals, the. See under the Mughiils.
Mughirah ibn al-Abnef Yesdibsh or
Yesdezush, ancestor of Imim
Bukhari, 6 0 3.
Maughig of Hansi, Qazi, one of the
most learned men of the time of
Suitin Jalila.d-Din Khilyi, 245.
Mughni ft-sharhs-l-Mijas, Sadidi’s
commentary on the Mijas in Medi.
cine, $1 9, 320 a.
Mughal Road from Agra to Allahabad,
458 n 6.
Khia Muagbulpar, popular name of the town
of Ghiyagpér, 238.
Maghils, the, 126 and « 8, bzw and «
1, 120 0 9, 138, 145 n 2, 196, 187,
188, 190 = 3, 102, 106 and = 1, 206
0 2, 307, 230, 282, 286, 249, 250 and
the nw &, 251, 262, 264, 956, 258, 261,
264, 293, 293, 305 n 8, 323, 333,
335, 350, 363« 8, 44), 454, 403, 404,
409, 471, £74, 486 n 6, 503, 543, 652,
 oli Indea.

66M, 676 n 1, 692, 893 and » 9, 618 Muhamniad of Badion, Sayyid, one
of the Malika of Balgin Firox Ghth,
ai.
836 and a 6.
Mohajirin, ‘the,— Meccan Mnelime
who emigrated with Mohammed, Mubammad Babidar, Solinof Kor,
215, 216 ». 656andn3 Gee Kbisxy Khin, eon
of Mujammad Khin Gauria.
Muhammad, the Prophet, 2 n 5, 390
4 and6,4,1201, 1881, 460, Mnbamm.d Bakhtylr Ghéri, Melik,
87, 59 and sn Band 4, 74" 2, 97
one of the Generals and slaves o?
DB, 106 a9} and 8, Bultin ~Mu‘isea-d-Din Mubammad
n 4, 105 and
110201, 3 and 4, Il) 9, 1398 8, Sim, 61 and # 2, G2, 83 and an §
147.49, 149 n, 156 n 5, 15821, and 8, 84 and =, 86 anda 1, &.
194, 201 8 2, 207, 216», 264, 202 See tho next,
n 6, 303 n 4, 868 n 1, 369.2 3, 876, Muhammad Bakhtyér Khiljt, Malik,
412 0 1, 490 2 8, 446» 5, 678, 474, 8183. Same as the above (g. r.).
480, 488 n 6, 490"5, 505
x 6, 619 Muobammed Biqi Majlisi, enthor of
and n 4, 672, 577 , 685 n 10, the Haydtu-I-Quldd, 110 « 8,
689, 696, 602 n 7, G22 and n 8, Muhammad, son of Behl Khin, Sultin
626n 1, 627 and x 3, 631 n 1, 633, of Qananj and the eastern districts,
636. contemporary of Sultin Ibrahim
Nobammed ibn ‘Abdn-liah ibn al- Lodi, 448. Same ag the next (¢ 1).
Hagan fon al Hasan ibn ‘Ali ibn Mubammad. son of Darya. Khin
Abi Tahb, 74 n 2 Lihani, Saitin of Bihiy, originally
Mabammad bn ‘Abdu 9-Samad, one culled Sihir Khéo or BahSdur
of the Amira of the Ghaznivido Khin, 485 and » 7, 436, 468, 469,
dynasty, 44. Samo as the nbove (¢ v.).
Muhammad ‘Adil, commonly known Marammad Farmali, Shaikh, known
as ‘Adli, of the Afghan Sir dynasty as Kala Bhar, nephew of Sutin
of Dinh, 495, 536 Seo under Buhlal Lodi, 411 » 8, 419 » 13,
Mabirizs Khan, son of Niuam Khan até
Sir and algo under ‘Adii. Muhammad Ghang of Gwanar, Shaikh,
Mubammad ‘Adil, of the Tughlag contemporary of Bibar, 415, 459.
Shit dynasty, 274 See under Muhammad, eon of Suitia Ghiyisu-d.
Mukammad ibn Toghlaq Shih and Din Balban, 187, 190 n 3, 205 and
also under Malik Fakhro-d-Din n 2, 913, Called the Kheni-
Juni, Rozarg, the Ehin-i-Ghazi, the
Muhammad ‘Anfi, aathor of the Khin-i-Shahid and Qain-i-Malk.
Jamv'u-l-Mikayat and Tazkivatw sh- Mulammad Ghori, popular name of
Bhu'ard, 220. See Muhammad {( fi Sultfin Mu‘iszu-@-Dio Moabammad
Muhammad ‘Aziz, Mulli, one of the Sim, who ie alec known ag Bbibé-
Amira of Hamayun, 460 aud n hu-d- Din Ghori, 65 n 3.

.
Mubewmet Gokultiih, ons of
Amire of B&bar, 411.
Mabammed iban-!-Hasan, the famous
jurisconsult, 90 9 1.
Mavammad Heeqs of Igpahin, Mirsi,
othe post kaows an Zarif, 683 n.
Mubasmed Humiyin Mirsé, eon of
Bibar, 480, 449, 444, 446. Seo
aundec Humbyin,
Mohammed Humbyta Pidighth,
Emperceof Hindéstin, 450, 451,
458, 454, 472, 500, 503, 520, 580,
506, 608 aud a 5. See the above
and also under Hamiyin.
Mabamined, eon of Iidwghis and his
sucosesor as Atabak of Agerbaijin,
166 » 3.
Mubarmmmead Kiln Aubadi, ruler of
Baidna, contemporery of Muldérak
Bbah of the dynastyuf the Sa:yyrds,
906, 387 avd a 4
Mubamamad Ehin, son of Galtin Firos
Ghéh Tughlag, 834, 336, 887
Nigiru-d-Din Mubammad Ghah, aod
sleo Mubammad §hab.
Mubammed Khin Gauria, the ruler of
Kor, contemporary of ‘Adli, 666,
654.
Mubammad Khin Kaki, Haji, ove of
the Amire of Hamiyin, 678, 581,
686.
Mabammad Khin of Nagor, contem-
porary of Sulkin Sikandar Lodi, 433
and w il.
Mohameed Kbda, grandson of Sultia
Nagira-d-Diu of MGlwa, cantempor.
ary of Bali ‘Bikandar Lodi, 433,
434 and # 6.
Mubamued Ehin Gélu, one of the
Amize of Humiyin,
618 and 2 7,619.
Indes. citi
the Mobammad hin Ghersfu-d-Dia
Ughli Tekii, Vasir pf Sakin
Muhammed Mirsé of Khurésin, 608
and a 6.
Mulemmad Kheu Sir, assumes the
title uf Buljadt Jalilu-d-Din as
Governor of Bangila, 653,
Mabammad Khan Sir, governor of
the ceuntry of Chaand, 408, 480.
Mohammad Kbhin Takis, Vasir of
Sultan Mubacimad Mirsé, ruler of
Eborietn, 560 and » 6.
Mahumiuad Khan, son of Zirak Khim,
Guveruur of Simina ander the
Batyyid dynasty, 397,
Muhammed Khwarasm §hih, Sultin,
of the Khwarazm Bhihi dynasty of
Khorasan, 71 and » 7.
Muhammad Lodi, Sulfin, son of Salis
Sikandar Lodi, 444, 47101. Bes
aleo ander Mabmid Lodi.
Mubammad, younger son of Suite
Hee Mahmid of Ghazzin, 29, 38, 84, 44,
45 and ne 2 and 3, 46, 47 » 3.
Muhammad iba Mabmud, the Khalj,
feudatory of Kushmandi, ancle of
Muhammad Bakhtyés, 81 » 2.
Muhammad, eon of Sulfin Mas‘id iba
Mabmid Ghasnawi, 44 and « 1.
Mubammad Mogeffar Vasir, one of
the Amirs of the Firts §hihi
dynasty, 351.
Mubamemad pur ‘Asis, Mulli, one of
the Amira of Haméyan, 400# 1.
Muhammad Qnaadabiri, Hiji, the
Hustonan, XO # 3.
Mubammad ibn Qasim a¢ Bagals, the
conqueror and firat governor of
Sind, llandn &, 120 2, 13 9 end
al, 186 0 6.
 viv Inden

ibnu-l- Mupammad ‘Adil aad also utder

Mubemmad = ibnu-]-Qisim
Ulngh Khbu.
Muanabbih, governor of Sindh, 86
Mubammad Tarilq, the Mughal, of
#10.
founder of the the royal house of Ehurisin, oun.
Mubammad Sim,
Ghori dynsaty of India, 10 » 2, 74, temporary of Sultin ‘Alia-d-Dia
Ehilji, 260 and n 10, 853 and 9 2.
496,80. See Ma‘issa-d-Din Mubam-
Mubammad Off of Merv, aathor of a
mad Sim,
Tagkwre, SBandal. See Mubam-
Muhammad @h&h, Mir, leader of a
mad ‘Aafi.
bend of robbers in tho reign of
Mubarmad Yabyn, 608.
Balin ‘Aléo-d-Din Khilji, 202, 263.
Mabammad Yamin, Sultin, the ruler
Muhammad Shib, of the Maghal dy-
of Khorisin, 00 » 4, 138 « 1.
nasty of Dili, 25 » 6.
Mubammad Shab I., son of Ahmad Muhammad Yarghari, Mullé, one of
Shah, Sulgin of Gajarat, 357 » 8. the Amirs of HumSyin, 460 » 1.
Mabammad §hih ibn-i-Farid Khan,
Mubammad Zaitin the Afgh$u, one
of the Ssiyyid dynsaty of Dubli, of the Afghin Amurs of Babar, #46,
305, 397, 398, 899 and # 7. Mubemmad Zemin Missi ibn.i.
Mobammad Shah, son of Sultin Firiz Badi‘a-s-Zausn Mirsi ibo-l-Saitia
Bhah, of the Tughlagq Shihi dynasty Husain Mires, contemporary of
of Dibli, 887, 838, 341, 342, 343, Humilyiin, 461, 462, 466, 458, 461.
844, 345 and sn 2 and 3, 346. Mubammadabid, the town of Nagur-
‘See under Mubammad Khan. kot, 381.
Muhammad §hib, son of Mabwid Mubammadabad, a efty built by
Sharqi, Sultin of Jaunpir, 403 and Sulkin Mubammad Shih iba Firos
» 8, 404 and » and n 2. Shih, 346, 347.
Mohammad, son of Sultin Sikandar Mubammadaue, the, 271 5 6, 302 » 3,
Lodi, 444,471 1 Seo also under 412 nl, 6159, 466 0 6, 665.05,
Mabmid. 523 n 6, 635 16. See also ander
Mubammad Sultin Mirsi, Khwaja, the Mahometaus and the Muslims.
one of the Amirs of Bibar, 437, Mubhamra, for Matmars. See §Shi-
488, 440, 444, 458, 462, 463, 464, hab-i-Mutmara, the poet, 09 aad
574, a2.
Mahammead Tughlaq Shih, Suljin, 87 Muhar or Muhur, acoin, 806 and
n 1, 2695, 27landn6. See the i.
next. Muharram, annual ceremonies of the,
Mubammad, son of Toghlaq Shih, 628 and a 1.
the second of the Tughisq Shishi Mabnaggab,—
ur
Aynaaty of Dibli, 290, 297 =, 80), Mahageabe-d-Din = Nigaena-leMatk,
, 909, 815, 318, 321, 322, 323 and Khwajé, Wasir of Sulgin Ragsiyab,
#3, 827, 329
5 2,331. Hee nuder 120, 123-0 3, 134.
 Indez. ev

Mubra-+-Mér, the Resear stone called 131 and» 4 128, 128 and » 3,
in Arabio Hajare-l-Hatyyah, 117 134, 186,
aé Mu'isea-d-Din Kaiqubad, Sulpia, ibn
Muhur or Muhar, a opin, 306 and = 1. Sukin Nigiru-d-Din iho Sulfin
Maid Jijarmi, one of the poets
of the Ghiylyn-d-Din Balban, 9230 and
time of Sain Jaliln-d-Din Kpilji, w 2, 22) and« 9,.228, 2238 and » 1,
M46. 226, 226, 227, 328 and n 4, 220,
Ma‘id of Tarkhin,
author of a Turkish 345. See also under Kaiqubad. .
romance on the loves of Wimig Ma'issn-d-Din Mubammed 68m
and ‘Asri, @ # 1. Ghisi, well-known under the title
Ma‘in Wiig, Maaliné, 500. of Sultin Qbihibu-d-Din Ghiri,
Ma‘iee-d-Dia Chighti, Khwiji, « 1043, 63, 64 and 23, 66 and
famous eaint, 70 and n 3. Bee n 2, 66.2, 67 andn, 68,71, 72,
under Mu‘ina-l-Haqq. 78 and n 3, 74, 75, 76,77 end as
Ma‘tnu-d-Din Basan Obighti, Khwaja, 1 and 3, 78, 79, 80, 61, 53 = 3, 85,
70" 3. Bee the above. 86, 88, 90.
Ma‘ne-d-Dio, Shaikh, greodeon of Mu‘issu-d-Din Toghral, Governor of
Maalkni Ma‘in Wiis, Qégi of Lihor Lakhnanti, 186. See under Tugh-
under Hamiyén, 690. ral.
Ma‘ou-l-Heqq wa-d-Din Ajmiri, Mojihid Ehin, one of the Amirs of
Khwiji, 490. Same as Mo‘inu-é- ‘Adili, of the Afghan Sir dynasty,
Din Chishti, (¢ v-). 557
Mu'ina-l-Moik Mirin Sadr, 895. See Mu'jamu-l.Buldén of Yiqit, a Geo-
under Miria Sadr NU&ib-i-‘Ary-i- graphical Dictionary, 8 a 2, 263 #,
Manilit. . 476 a 5.
Muir's Life of Mahomet, 97 = 4, 106 Mujawwof, hollow or weak, 901 and
a2, 140 4, 216 a. al,
Ma‘issi palace, the Kilighari palace Mijes, a work on medine, 5» 3,
(q-¥.), on the banka of the Jamusa, Si, See under al-Mughai.
at. Mujil, the man in chargo of the arrows
Ma‘issi Sulina, those of the slaves in the game of massir, 369 2 1.
of Suitin Ma‘iseu-d-Din Sim who Mojiru-d-Din Abinji, Mahk, one of
attained sovereignty, 87 n 5. the Amirs of Sultin Mubammad
Mu'issiyeh Kiugs, the Amira of Taghlaq Shab, 305.
Soltin Ma'issa-d-Din Bim Ghiri, Me‘juch, a miracle performed bya
87, 00. . prophet, 626 s.
Mu'iseu-d-Din Aba-l-Hirig Sinjar, Muytahsed, higheat title among Muslin
8508, See under Sinjar. divines, 636 n 2.
Ma'‘issa-d-Din Babrim §hih, son of Muytag-1-mugamnan, a kind of metre,
Bulgin GShamsu-d-Diu Iyal-timigh, 607 fk.

lt
evi ‘ Indez.

Mukabir, w stubborn disputant, 614 Munbr, town of, 82 and #1. Alse
and x 6. written Manér.
Man'im Ehin, Khfn-i-Khinin, one
Mukhdlafat, opposition, 576 » 5.
of the great Amirs of Humiyan,
Mukhlis, a servant of Malik Pakhra-
@-Din Silébdir (g. v.), 808.
662, 865, 687 and » 2, SOL.
Makhhy Khan, brother of Sultin Munpsf, one of the bigh officers of
Lbrshim Shéb Shargi, of Jannpiir, the State, 497
386 and 1 7, Muntakhabu-t-Tawérigh of Badboni,
Mukktagar, of Sa‘da-d-Din at-Tafti- ll and n 1, 882, 462, 447, 478, 497,
sini, 428 n 8. 645, 579, 610, 682,
Mokhtasys Khin. brother of Sultin Muntakjabu.t-Tawérik of Haran tha
lbiabim Shah Sharqi of Jaunpir, Mubammad al-{haki ash-§hirlal
886 and 2 7, lial.
Muléfidah, the, a sect of Maslim Maqaddasa, a title of the town of
heretios, 73.» 2. See the next. Ij, 478,
Mulhidah, the, another name of the Mugqaddasi, the Arab Goographer,
Bitini sect of Shi‘ah Moslima, 22 217 #2,
28 Bee the above. Muqaddamadda, « slave born in the
Mulla Muhammad ‘Aziz, one of the house, 334 and » 1.
Amirs of Hnmiyin, 460 and x 1 Magaddam-zéda of Kabul, 601.
Mulmul, the bodkin or style for ap- Muqam-i-Salmin, in the desert of
plying AuAl, 153 n 8 Arghnu between Bushire and
Multéo, 12, 19 and 5, 20 and x 4, Shirit, 572 «1.
21, 28, 29, 44, 60, 66 and nn 2,3 Mugarrab Khin, tithe of Maqarrabu-!-
and 6, 69, 783, 80 andn il, 87, Malk, one of the Malike of the
80, 95, 98 and n 2, 120 and n 8, Firts, Shihi dynasty, 8468 and » 7,
128 and x1, 129, 130, 132, 1832 , 849, 350 and = 3, 851, 954.
and » 2, 187, 188, 189 n 1, 190 n 2, Mogarrabo-]-Molk, Malik, 346, $48,
197, 198, 190, 2u, 213 217, 219, See the above.
220 and n 2, 221, 222, 226 229. 232, Maybil, the servant of Ehwaje-i-
233, 246, 244, 247 and anand n 4, Juhan adeb-s Vaar of Gujrat, 319.
248, 249, 252, 284, 202, 293, 297. Mugbil Khan, Malik, one of the rv
298, 304, 325, 335, 343, 852 353 tamers uf Mubérak Shah of the
and # 8, 355, 358, 362, 363, 376, Raryyid dynasty of Dihli, 386,
387, 888, 349 und wn 2 and 4, 390, Muqim Haraw1, Khwij4, Diwan of
492, 398, 399, 402, 427, 404, 543 the household of Babar, 9 4 9, 68 #.
Multan river, the, 29, Mugfs', holder of @ 91{', 996 7 2,
Maltanis, the, 804 Marad, Shih, eon of Shth Tahmisp
Mimmpir, fort of, other ine called of Persia, 672, 573 aud x 1, 675,
Patani, on the Ganges, 218 576.
 Tudes. ovii
Murajjab, Al-—a tile of the mouth Mustengir billéh, the ‘Abbiside Khali.
of Bajnb, 441 « 8. fah of Baghdid, 68 0 8, 9452, $11
Margad, son of Ghaddid ibn ‘Ad, eo n 4. .
king of the ancient Arabs, 263 s. Muatung, village in the neighbour-
Murtasg§, the chosen, « title of ‘Ali ibn hood of Quetta, 567 = 9.
Abi Talib, 74, 629 and « &. Mutarafiz-i-ghali, a fanatical heretio,
Mis§ al. Hidi, the ‘Abbiside Khalifah, 626 and - 4.
1S 9. Ma‘tasim billih, oighth Khalifah of
Muy‘ab, o traditionist, 18 1. the House of ‘Abbas, 671 n 2.
Muebal, name of the sixth arrow in Mujawwal of Sa‘du-d-Din at-Tafté-
the game of maisir, 8609 1. sini, 425 and 2 3.
Maphaf, meanings of the word, 615 0 6, Ma‘tazid bi-lithi Abi Bakr ibno-l-
Maghtarik of Yigit, a Geographical Mustakfi bi-llin, sixth of the
work, 16 # 6. ‘Abbisi Khulifabs in Egypt, 327
Musk, votes on, 1/3" 2. «6
Mugla sdijian, meaning of the ex- Mathra or Mabuor&, a sacred town of
preasion, 296 » 3. the Hindis, 24n 6.
Mashm ibna-].Walid, a poet of the Mutmara. See §hhib-i-Mutmara,
Coart of Hariinu-r-Rashid, 74 » 2. the Poet.
Muastim theologians, 614 n 2. Mattra, District of, 184." 1, 846 n.
Muslims, the, 83, 120, 143 » 8, 150 Mattra, town of, in the Dob, 877
a4 176 n, 101 end «3, 196 and a 6.
an Sand 6, 204, 295, 266 1 4, 361, Mowoarzini, Maulé Huaimy-d-Din,
968 a 1, 877, $86 1 3, 387, 309, 395, author of a commentary on the
428 wn 4, 482, 477, 453, 508 #5, Miftady 1\Ulam, 428 2 2
514, 522 and wn 6, 550, 565 and a 1, Mu'vad Beg, one of the Amire of
576.05, 577 «, 600 5 0, 61287, Humayun, 574
603 0 6, 625 nm 6, 626 and w 6, 636 Mugffar, Mahk, Governor of Gujrat
a2. Seoalso ander tho Mubam- under Sultan Mabanimad Taghlag
madaus and the Mahumetara. Shah, 314.
Mugtafi, the Prophet Mubammad, 59, | Moyaflar Khan, nephew of Shaikh
74, 475. ‘Al tale: of Kabu), 389, 390, 392.
Magalé Fermali, one o1 toe Afghin Maaffar Shih of Gujtit, contem-
Amire of Hindistaa, 444, porary of the Firuz Shihi dynasty,
Magtafalbid, paryana of, 596, 383 « 2
Moustakfi bi-Nihi Abo-r-Rabi Sulsi- Moyaffarnagar Dietrict, 378 1 1.
min, third of the ‘Abbasi Kpalifahs Morsam, Khwiji, one of the Amin
iu Egypt, 327 a 6, of Humayén, 566
 i Indee.
Nabadwip, another name of Nadiya,
old capital of Bengal, 63» 4.
Nabih, of the tribe of Quraigh, kiflea
at the battle of Badr, 76 # 2.
Dev, Rai, Gover nor of Arankal
Nader
under Sultin ‘Aliu- d-Din Khilji,
265 and # 4.
Nadim, foster-brother of Humiyin,
664 and an § and 9
Niadiri-i-Samarqandi, Maalané, one of
the poets of the time of Hamiyiin,
611, 613, 618, 616 and » 2.
Nadiya, once the capital of Bengal,
Sl a2, 8224 Called also Nidiya.
Noafahdiv-l-Une of Mauliné ‘Abdu-r-
Rabmia Jimi, 270 and » 4, 609.»5
Nafa'vu-l-Me'dgr, Lives of the Poets,
616 a 4, 618 s 5.
Héfe, name of the foorth arrow in
the game of mavwir, 340 5 1
Nafe, the soul, 194.8 3, 14501.
Nofeu-l-‘Aql, the reason or diserimi-
nating faculty, 145 » 1
Nafeu-l- Hayat, the breath of life, 146
ei.
Nafeu-n-Nafeqah, the reasoning facal-
ty, 145 .4°,
Nagar Cott, fortress of, 30% 5.
Nagar Kot.
Nogar Kot, fortress of, 20n §, 831,
841, $42, 495. Alen called Bhim-
nagar and Kot Kangra.
Nagaur,—
or
Nigor, city of, 124, 120, 190, 251,
357 » 3, 379 and w 1, 423, 428, 477,
568,
Neher F.., nephew of Himin Baggil,
the Hindi Genaral of ‘Adli, 558
wn6 and 6
N.
Naharwili, a city of Gujrit, onfied
aleo: Patan or Patten, 28 and = 8,
71 and n 8, 80, 256 and = 4 388.
Nithid, name of the planet Venus in
Persian, 138 and # 8.
N&hir, a Hindi General in the service
of Sultin Mas‘id ibn Mabinid Gina.
nawi, 36 and « 9.
Nohedn, Mare and Saturn as the two
stars of ill omen, 217 8 8.
Neby (Tubfa) Tija-l-Mulk, one of
the Malike of Khigr Khin of the
Saiyy:d dynasty of Dibli, 376 and
a Z.
Nii, fortress of, 68n, 640m1 and 9.
Nésb of the barids, 286.2 1,
Naib-s-Shathsdda, Malik Sadhi Nidir
(q. v.), 378.
Nuib Malik,<or
Néibu-l-Malk Kafie, tithe of Malix
Mink, the slave of Sultin ‘Aléa-d-
Din Khilji, 251 and = 7, 252, 256,
365 and wn 1 and 6, 267, 268, 271
n 6, 272, 278 and al. Called
also Hasir Diniri.
Nails, Paring of, 139 9 5.
Narimin, one of the heroes of the
Bee héhnéma, 35 » 2, 78,
Nawsin or Nisin, first month of the
Jewish year, 108 n 4
Najam-i-Sini. See Najm-i-Glui
Najdtu-r'Raghid of Badioni, 611 and
D 2, 600 end 2 8.
Najm, An-, the Pleiades, 680 n 4.
Naym Shih, one of the Awmira of
Shib temi‘il Safawi of Persia, 670,
Najm-i-Awwal, one of the Amirs of
Shah Iemé‘l) Safawi of Persia, 570
and 2 5.
 Indea, ols
%

Wajm-i-fanl Yefahan?, one of - tus Neqghbend, a weaver of Namjhébs

Amira of Ghih Ismail Safew! of
Persia, 870 » 5.
Najmu-d-Din, Seiyytd,
Malik Sikander of Libor (q. v.},
380.
Najma-d-Din Abi nase. the yadra-]-
Mult, Wosir of Snitin ‘Aldo-d-Din
Mas‘td Shib of the Ghamsiyah
dynnaty, 194,
Najma-d-Din Basan, Shaikh, 270 a 6.
Same as the famous poet Mir
Basan Dihiavi (¢. v.)
Najmu-d-Din ‘Umar bin ‘Ali Qaswini,
anthor of the Qhameipah, 427 » 1.
Nekhebab, fortress of, in Khurisin,
870, Otherwise onlled Knsh.
Nima-i-Kpirad Afs4 of Badioni, 06
and a 6,
Na‘mat Khitin, wife of Qutb Khin
Lodt (gq. v.), 428 aud a 2.
Na‘mat Rosi!li,—or
Na'mato-lth Basali, Mir Asiyyid,
one of the poeta and learned
of the time of Islem Shih Sar, 633
and « 7, 634 sod « 4.
Nimi, son of Muhammad,
Baljin Mabmid Ghasnawi, 47 and
a 8.
Nandi, the R&ji of Kilinjar, contem
porary of Soltin Mabmid Ghas.
nawi, 25, 26.
Nandana, « city on the mountains of
Batnith, 23 and « 6, 138 and # 8.
Nandanpour, 198 » 8.
Nandana (q ¥v.!.
Nagir, the email groove on the date
stone. 406 « 10.
Naggdre,a kind of drama, 143 0 3
Naggh, ornamental figures, 588 « 4.
adorned with figures, 588 « 4.
Nagehband, Khwaja Bahin-d-Din, of
regent of Bokhiri, a famous saint, 688 2 4.
Nagghbacdi, Khwijé Kbiwind, con-
temporary of Biber, 446.
Neqgbbend! School; the, 568 » 4,
Ragghbandi Ghaikhs, the followers of
the renowned saint Khwijs Bahi-
ad-Din Naqshband of Bokkira,
688 24,
Narain, town of, on the banks of the
river Barsuti, 69 and » 4.
Niran-Kos, town of, 96 2 4,
Narbadl river, the, 617 « 9.
Narcissus, notes on, $78 and 2 8.
f Nérdin, a perfume, 146 = 6.
Narels, a place in the neighbourhood
of Dihli, 31 = 4.
Nargis or Narjus, the poet's narcissus,
378 « 3.
Narkila, town of, 186 and « 4.
Narma Ghirin, the Maghal, brother
men of Qatlogh Khwaja (q v.), 805
Nirnili, Diatrice of, 85 and » 4
Narnaul, in the province of Miwit,
eon of 36558 See the two next
Narnol, capital city of the dutrict of
Niwit, 129 9 2, 365 and 9 8, 3965,
406.
Narnia}, district and town of, 3665,
406. Gee the two above.
Nersingh, Rii, 361 «2 See Rai
Harsingh.
Same as Nerwon the tree called Gulndr, 172
and tn 8.
Narwar, fortress of, a dependency of
Mila, 120" 4, 190andn 1], 422
and ae 3 and 5.
Narwar, Sarkir of, 130 2 1.
 ex Index.

Masaf, 2 town of Kburfsin, called Nigira-d-Dian Husain, the Amirdé«

also Nakhshab, 570 « 7. Ghikir, one of the Maliks of Suitin
Ne'sh Le'dear, the Chariot or the Maiisse-d-Din Mebammad Sim
four stars composing the body of Ghiri, 74.01.
the Great Bear, 108 # 2. Nigira-d-Din IsmiTl Fath, Solgin,
Nagib Khin Teghichi,—or 814, See Ismi‘il Fath.
Nagib Khin Toghiji, one of the Nagira-d-Din Kbueri Khln, the
Amirs of the Afghin Sir dynasty favonrite of Sultin Qutbn-d-Din
of Dihli, 542, 598. Kbilji, 200. See Kbhusri Kbin
Nasib Shah, Governor of Bangla, Hesan Bardwar bacha.
contemporary of §hir Ghih and Nisira-d Din of Lakbnanti, Sultén,
Humiyiin, 457. contemporary of Suitin Ghnyign-d-
Nasibin, a town of Mesopctamia, 61 Din Taghlaq bib, 900.
ab. Nigiro-d-Din Mabmid I., Suzan, sor
Nasikha-t-Towdrikh of Lisinu-1-Mulk, of Sukin Ghamsu-d-Din lyaltimigh,
154 #8, 01, 128 2 3.
Nasir Khan Afghan, one of the Amira Nigirn-d-Din Mabmid IT., Sultin,
of the Afghin Sir dynesty, 592 son of Suljin Ghamen-d-Din lyal-
Nasir Khin Libini, one of the Gene- timigh,of the Blave dynasty, 124,
rals of Sultin Ibrihim Lodi, 434, 125, 126 endn 8, 127 andn 1,
444, 446 and «1 184, 135 » and » J, 136, 139, 187.
Nagribéd, in the Jodbpur State, Nagirn-d-Din Mabmud §hih, ibn i.
Riyputéna, 879 » 1. Mubammad §bih, of the Firts
Nigiri, a poet of the time of Salfin Shthi dynasty, 348, 85028. Sea
Shamen-d-Dia Lyaltrmish. 92. under Mabmid §hih.
Nisin-d-Din Abo-l-Khar ‘Abdu-Iiah Niépra-d-Dinof Milwa, Saltin, con-
Bayiwi, Qizi, 6 » 4. See under temporaryof the Lodi dynasty of
Baiiwi. Dibli, 428, 424.
Nagira-d-Din Ahmad Khatto, Shukg, Nigra d-Din Mabammad Humiyin
surnamed Ganybakbeb, 357 3 Pidwhih-i-Ghisi, 451, 569. See
Nagira-d-Din Bughré Khin, Sultén, under Humiyin.
son of Snltén Ghiyésn.d-Din Bal- Népro-d-Din Mabammad Shih, son
ban, 135 and » avd n 1, 186, 187, of Suitin Firog Shah Toghlag, 224,
218, 319, 220 n 2, 221 n 3, 222, 228 337. See ander Mabammad Shab.
and 7 1, 224. Nigira-d-Din Mabammad Shah, Sul-
Nasiro-d-Din Bughri Shin, 219 » 1. tan, 36E See Tater Khan, son of
See Nigira-d-Din Paghri Khin dafar Khia.
Nagiru-d-Din Chirégh-1-Dihli, Shaikh, Nigiro-d-Din Mabemmad, Malik, son
contemporary of Sulftin Firoz Suah of Shamen-d-Din Iyaltimigh, 87
Tughlag, $22, 323, and - 2.
 Index.
Migieu-d-Din Nowe) Ghth, son of
Fath Kpin, son of Snitin Firos
Ghih, 350. See under Nugrat Ghih
Nasirn-d-Din Qsbiohab, Saljin of
Sind, one of the slaves of Sultin
Mu‘issn-d-Din Bim Ghiri, 79 and
® 3, 80, 3 and » 1, 90 and # 3.
Nigirn-d-Din, son of Ghamen-d-Din
Jyal-timish,94. See under Nigiru-
a-Din Mabmiid,
Nagirn-d-Din Bubuktigin, roler of
Kibol and founder of the Ghasni-
vide dynasty, 18 and n J, 14 and
wt, 16.
Nagira-d-Din Tesi, Khwaja, » cele-
brated mathemetician and §hi‘ah
divine, 5777
Nigira-l-Haqq, a title of kings, 161.
Nagiro-]-Mulk ‘Adil Khan, one of
the Malike of the Firax §hihi dy.
nasty, 354,
Naser-1- Tair, the ooustellation Esgle,
821 and # 3.
Naarain.i-falak, the constellations
Kagle and Lyre, 630 » 1
Nograt Khan, 129.5 2 See Nusrat
Khan, son of Fath Khin and grand-
eon of Saljan Firs Shah.
Nograt Khan, one of the Amire of
Saljén ‘Aléa-d. Din Khilyji, 240. Sea
ander Noyrat Khan Julisari.
Nasea-tih of Bangala, Shaikh, uncle
of Shaikh ‘Alsi of Baiina, 507.
Sith, one of the Chiefsof Hind under
Sultan Mas‘ud sbn Mabmid Ghas-
pawi, 36" 2.
Naubat, music played daily by a band
at stated hoors, 498 and n 8.
Nanros, the greatest fenst among the
Persians, 106 a |.
ext
Navghahr, & name of the town of
ShEin (g. v.), 257.
Naughahra, the town of Nowshers,
465 and n 2.
Naughirwin, Chosroes 1., son of
Kobed, King of Persia of the Sas-
sanide dynasty, 46 and n &, 163.
Nawéfil, voluntary prayers, 488 » 7.
Nawir wife of ol-Farasdaq, the
famous Arab pout, 287 0 2.
Nawies, a same of Bikhpil, the
grandson of Jnipii, contemporary
of Saltin, Mapmid of Ghasnin, 30
nd
Nagar Shaikh Jili or Jama‘Sii, one of
the court officers of Humiyin,
GOl and a 8.
Nasarenes, the, 307.
+Négimao-d-Din, Maulini, one of the
Amirs of Shir Shah, of the Afghan
Sir dynasty of Dihli, 482 and » 8,
Nisuki Marighi, the Poet, contem
porary of Sultin Mo'iszeu-d-Diz
Bim Ghiri, 75.
Nebula of the Pleiades, 630 » 4.
Nehbroala, a city of Gujrit, 28 9%
Same as Naharwala (¢. v.).
Nellore (Nilawar}, town of, 265 « 6.
Neriman le Pehlevin, 35% 2 See
ander Narimin.
Newa Kishore Press, 487 2 6,
Ney, Marshal, 167 « 2.
Ney Elias, Téribh-v-Raghidi, 305, 464
n 8. Gee ander Elias sud Ross.
Nim Bani (Najm-i-§Sani) Ipfahini,
one of the Amirs of Shih Ismé-il
Sufawi of Perma, 570 » 5.
NibdA, warriage contract, 622 and « 5,
Niliwar (Nellore), town of, 265 9 6.
Nile, the, 210,
oxii Indew.

Nim trea (Melia asadirachta),
« 3.
Nomak, meanings of the word, 408 » 2.
Wrmata-llak of Baiina, Saiyyid, one
of the learned and holy men of the
time of Sultin Sikandar Lodi, 424
Nimrod, 154 = 8, 207, 284. See alec
ander Nimrid.
Nimroy, territory of, 18 « 1, 39.
Nimrid, 155 =, 176. See also under
Nimrod.
Nisin or Naisin, first month of the
Jewish year, 108 » 4.
a celebrated Persian
Nisiri Tani,
poet, 622.
Nisipur,—or
Nishipir, a town of Khurisan, 1623,
34, 36, 42anda 1, 4301, 50" 2,
64" 1, 683.
Niehtar, a lancet, 504.
Nitas, Sea of,—the Black Sea, 158
nl.
Nuodr, 495 2.
Riyal Tigin Amir Abmed, treasurer
of Saltin Mas‘id ibn Mabmid
Ghasnawi, 36 and
nx 6, 8 and 9.
Niyisi Afghine, the, 402, 689, 406,
407, 408, 499, 500, 506, 518, 820,
535.
Nyém, a governor, one who orders
and directs, 612 » 1.
Nigam, the water-carrier who rescaed
Humayin from drowning, 461 and
#&
Naim, a youth mentioned in the
poetry of Manlind Nédiri-i-Samar
qandi (q.v.), 611.
Kigin's dominions, the, 290 » 8,
Nizim Asteribédi, a master in astro:
nomcal poetry, 621, 626.
120 Nigim Khin of Bailina, one of the
Amir of the Lodi family, 443, 445.
Nigim Khan, eon of Suljin Bubiil
Lodi, afterwards Buijin Sikandar
Lodi, 411.
Nigim Khio, son of Hasan Khin Sir
and full brother of Shir §)8h, 467
» 6, 468, 495 and # 4.
Nyjm §hih Babri, ruler of the
Dakkan, 625 and « 8, 635, 666. See
also under Nigimnu-l-Malk Bahri.
Nigim Shibi dynasty of the Dakkan,
633 n 6.
Nigimi, nom de plume of Khwaja
Nyama-d-Din Abmad, author of
the Tabaqit-i-Akbari, 10, 45 and
al.
Nuyimi—or
Nigami Canjawi, Gheikh, the famous
Persian post, 8601, 11482, 174
ne 2 und 3, 360 » 6, 306 and n 4,
Nyimu d-Din, Molik, nephew of
Maliku-1-Umar& Kotwal of Dibli
(q. v.}, 220 and « 3.
Nigimu-d-Din Abmad, father of
Maulind ‘Abda-r-Rabmin Jimi,
272 «1.
Nigamo-d-Dia Abad, son of Khwaja
Magqim Herawi, author of the
TJabagdt-+-Akberi, 92, 108, 45
a 1, 62,
68 », 669
5 6, 580
2 5, 685
a7
Nigima-d-Din Abmad Ilite ibn Abi
Yisaf al-Mafarrasi, namo of the
celebrated post Nigimi, 286 » 4.
Nigimn-d-Din ‘Aliqa, Malik, Wasir
of Balin Mu'issn-d-Din Kaiqubid
of the Balbeni dynasty, 290, 321,
223,234. See also under Nigimu-l-
Maik ‘Aliga.

4
Nigimea-d-Din Aullyi* son of Abmad
Dinyil,—the Prince of Holy men,
71 » 2,236 and n 9, 260 sod n i,
267, 269 2 5, 270 and n 6, 271 an 1
and 4, 284, 801, 610 and
2 4, G11 4.
Nighmu-d-Din Baghii Malik Shah, the
Tarkomic, contemporary of Sulfin
Mas‘id Ghasnawi, 89.
Nigima-d-Din Malik &bth, the Saljiiq,
41. See under Malik §hih
jiqi
Nisimn-d-Din of Ondh, Malik, one of
the Amirs of Sultin Firos Qhih
Taghlaq, 384.
Niginsa-l-Anliyi, 236 and «3.
as Nigimu-d-Din Auliy$ (¢. v.).
Nighma-l-Mulk ‘Aliqa, Wazir
Sulgin Ma'issa-d-Dia Kaiqubid of
the Balbani dynasty, 222, 224, 226,
230.01. See also ander Nigima-d-
Din ‘Aliga.
Nigimo-l-Mulk Babri, King of tho
Datken, 523, 634, 635 and
See also ander Nizgim Shih.
Nigimo-l-Mylke Basain, son of Amir
Miran, one of the Amirs of Sulzin
Firos Shah, 333 and » 2.
Nighma-l-Muik Jandi (Junsidi), Wasir
of Saltin Qhaman-d-Dm
timigh, 90, 98, 119, 180.
Nigima-)-Molk Jundi (Junaidi), 130.
See the above.
Nigime-!-Mulk of Kerra, Malik, one
of the Amirs of Sulgin Mubammad
Tagblaq Shih, 311.
Nigimo-l-Maik Muhaggaba-d-Din,
Wasir ef the Ghamsiyah Sulgins,
120, 228, 123 and « 3, 124.
Nigéme-t-Towdrtdad of Baigawi, 1088
34m 7, 51,
15
Indet. okili
Nigdeet-Towartld of Nigiata-4-Din
Abmad, more commonly known as
the Jubagdt-i-Aavari, 10 and a 8.
Nosh of the Scriptures, 61 9 5, 154
a2, 10891,
Noldeke’a Bettrilige sur Kewntnise der
Poets der alten drade, 9 » 6.
North-Western Provinces of India
218.»&, 87798, 410 4, 46606,
Sal- 646 an 8, 4 and 5.
Northern Asia, 191 # 3.
Northern India, 28 « 3.
Noshiba or Nishaba, image of, 881,
332 vn.
Same Nowshera (Nanshshra), town of, 465
and # 2.
of Nida Bahidur @hdh, Governor of
Sanir Ginw, contemporary of Sul-
tio Ghiyign-d-Din Toghlag Shih,
209, 300
Nédii,—or
Nédiy, old capital of Bengal, 83 and
« 3 24 Called sien Nadiya (¢. v).
Nuh and Patal, name of a place, 359.
See also ander Nih Patal.
Nib ibn Lamak, Noah of the Borip-
tures, 154 anda 2, 556. Bee also
onder Noah,
I[yal- Nab, son of Mangiix, son of Nab
Sémini, of the dynasty of the
Saminis, the kings of Khorisin
end Transosiana, 14 n 1, 15 and
a4,
Nuh Patal, a ford on the river Jamna,
386. Goe sleo Nah and Patal.
Nuh Seprhr, one of the poetical works
of Mir Khuari, the famous post of
Dibli, 278 = 3, 274 9 1.
Niahini, for Labgai (7. 7.), 41808.
Néhini Afghins of Bains, 548.
 criv Index.

Nakbivi, for Lihini (q. v.), 413 and Saiyyid dynastics, 364 and « 1,
an 3 and 12. 300, S01.
Nukkbatu-d-Dahr of Dimazhqi, 147 Nusrat Ehin Jalisari, one of the
n 3. Maliks of Sultin § ‘Aliu-d-Din
Nambers, the Book of, 802 = 3. Ehilji, $47, 268, 2605 256, 956,
‘Abdu-r-Rahmin Jimi, 268.
Waru-d-Din
Mullé, $3.2, 272n1. See under Nusrat Khan Karkandis, 364. See
Jimi. under Nugrat Khin Gurgandis.
Vira-d-Din Mohammed Ofi of Merv, Nagrat Ehin Libani, one of the
33 11. See under Muhammad Ofi. Generals of Snuitjin Ibrahim Lodi,
Nishib ea, »mage of, 331,
or Noshib 461. See under Nasir Khan.
332 2. wugrat Khin Malika-gh-Sharq Mar-
Nograt Jalisari, Malik, 247. See uo- win-i-Daulat, one of the Maliks of
der Nusrat Khin Jalisari. Sultan Firoz Shih, 885 and « 1,
Nugrat Khin, son of Fath Khan, son $76.
of Sultin Firoz Shah, 360, See Nusrat Khakhar, Malik, one of the
under Nasrat Shah. Amira of Saltan Mabmid of the
Nugrat Khin, son of Ghiyasu-d-Din Firas Shibi dynasty, 358 n 6
Tughlaq Shih, 297 Nugrat Shah, Sultin, son of Fath
Nosrat Khan Gurgandiz, one of the Khin, eon of Sultan Piroz Shih
Mahke of the Firis §hahi and Tughlaq, 850, 951, 362, 354, 359,

O.
Ochus, father of Perysntis, woe of 297 n, ZH ns, 38202, 33004
Alexander tho Greal, 382 n. 507 » 2. 533 an Lond 6, S71 0 9,
Old Dibli, 366 2 1, 472 584 n end n 3, 63371.
Sloag Beg, the royal aavronomer, Oriental Proverbs, Roeback’s, 87 » 2,
198 n 2, Sinl, 21802, 244065, Win 3,
Omar Khayyim, the celebrated Poet, Orientals, the, 147 x 1,
144 nl, 4740 1, Jriesa, 125
9 3, 290 52, 471 and » 8,
Onyx, notes on, 147 n 8. 554
Oody pur, called aloo Udhafar, towa Oabaka, the. Bee under the Ozoaxks.
of, 12, la 2 Osborn’s Islam under tha Arabs, 167
Ooabuky, Abi Mansir, 4717 See n2
under Abii Mansiir Zangi, Osrishna, » town beyond Samarqand
Opium, notes on, 161 and n 3. in Transoxiana, 59 » 1.
Oriental Brographical Dietonary, Oudh, 81, 67, 9%, 125, 191, 222 and
Beale’s,32 n 1, 88 9 1, 38 n 4, 53.0, 3, 236, 230, 243, 311, 312, 829 n 2,
54 nw 2, 65 nm 3, 5805, 236 n 2, 334, 349, 415,
 Index. oxy

Owl, the—the
type of fl-omen, 58. | Ozyartes, father of Rozena,, wife of
1, 157 and vb 1, 191
# 3, Alexsuder the Great, $81 9 10,
Oxus, the, 15.8 5, 83 1, 2700 Land | Osbaks, the, tribe of the Tarka, 570,
2, 61 a & See also uuder the 582, and % 7, 5U2 and «9, 627 aod
Jaihinand the Jipin. #7, Beo the Osbaks.

P.
ibandh Khabrak,~-or Panjib, the, 78 and » 3, 90, 128, 217,
‘Sbasdbh Khazak, one of the Amir 888, 389
» 2, 391, 487 » 8, 646,
of Islem Shab, of the Afghin Sir 462, 461, 406 n 6, 481, 402, 498,
dynasty of Dihli, 405 and « 5. 505, 518, 520, 523, 580, 534, 542,
Pidham, town of, 377. 643, 559, 590 n 6, 584, 596, 695 »
Fadmiwati, name of a place, 329. 10, 601.
Padsahr, the Besoar stone, called Pao) Bhaiya, or the five brothers, Amirs
Hajare-l- Hasyyah, 118 2. of the Afghin Sir dynasty of Dibli,
Paik ov Park, a ronner, 802 and # 3. 644, 547
Pak Patan,—or Panjgah, town of, 622.
Pik Patten, tho town of Ajidhan, Pan) Gany, ono of the poetical works
133 4, 3d6 » 1, 362 n 2, 363 », 520 of Mor Khugru, tho famous poot of
nw Dihh, 2090 5
Pakhdwa), o large kind of drow, 657 Panyoad nver, the, 68 « 3,
and # 3. Panna, town and district of, 416 " 6,
Palam, town of, 811, 351 and » 10. 417 and as 5,6 and 7, 483 9 3.
Pilhaupir, for tho town of Ushpir, Pagtar, township of, 659 and « 7,
410» 3. 560.
Palmer's Qur'dn, Hin 4, 216 », $72 Panwirs, thea clan of the Rajpits,
wi, 519" 7. 384 and x 3.
Yalwal, township of, 647 and # 5. Parak, the star Canopas, 1526. - -
Pan, or betel, W3 a. Param Talio, name cf a place, 329.
Venchhns rover, the,—in Magadh, 8 Farama Dov, one of the KRayas of
al. Tindustin at the time of Mahmid
Panduah, town of, 325 n 3, 820. of Ghazain’s iuvamon, 29 1.
andés, family of the, 205 # 5. Parbati, tho,~—a tributary of the
Paneali, tuwa of, 81» 4 Chamba! nver, 385 n 3.
Panipat,-~or Purihan Dev, Hat, contemporary of
Pinipath, town of, 21.8 4, 343, 351 Rolie Firos Shih Toghlag, 828
362, 354, 866 and n 8, 301, 430, and x 9.
408, 692, » 0, GU0 n 5, Paring of pais, 139 » 5,
orvi Indee.
Paris, 67 » 1, 298 » 1, 265 0 5, 372 », Patifli, town in Aliganj tahei] Mak
31 a 6. District, N.-W. Proviness, 81 and
ParahSdar, for Parshéwar (q.v.), 501 n 4, 185 and s 1, 318 and n 8, 418
nd. and« 10. Gee the above.
Parshwar, halting-place of, 501 and Patitah, town of, Bl 9 4
n4. Patna, town of, 829 1, 415 and a 8,
Parshiwars, original name of the 416, 417, » 5, 670, 471, 485.
town of Peshawar, 45 « 5. Patna, for the town of Thatta, 408
2 7,
Parshir, the modern Peahawar, 48 Patta, name of a place, 416 » 6.
and n 5, 66 and « 6. Pattau or Patan, » city of Gujerat,
Parysatis, wife of Alexander the 26 and n 2, 71 and » 3.
Great, 382 n Pattan of the Panjab, the eame as
Pashala, town of, 683 and = 3. Pik Pattan or Ajidban, 620 and
Patal, town of, 359, # 2.
Patal, a mat, 618 n 2. Pétur or Patar, & dancing girl, 383
Patan or Pattan, a city «f Gajerat, a 6, 406 and » 4
anciently called Naharwile, 28 and Pétur basi, a kind of entertainment,
n 8, 71 and # 8. 332 and # 6.
Tatan-1-Panjib, the same as Pik Pavet de Courteille, Dichonnaire
Patan or Ajidban, 153 n, 520. Turk-Orvental, 91 2 1, 215 an bt
Patar or Patur, a dancing girl, 332 » and 5, 240 » 6, 25026, 2589 5,
5, 496 and n 4. 250 22, 292 n 3, 313 0 3, 825 vn 2,
Pitar, name of @ place, 559 n 7. 3535 1, 36407, 424.53, 489 nn 4
Pathan Kings of Dehis, Thomas's, 64 aod 7, 40 n, 46496, 468 n 2, 494
13,7702, 8323, 87 0 1 and6, 27,4979 1, 54321, 568
n 6, 509
8821,9145, 210 n 1, 126 « 4, an
6 and 6, 574 » 6, 578.99, 640
135 n 1, 269 en 1 wad 2, 307 n, 310 a 5, 502
n &, 596
n 6,
un 2, 311 24, 325 21, $26 n, 327 » G, Payik, for the town of Prayag (gq. v.),
337 4 4, S344n7, 345 0 4, d16
n 5, 415 "5
347 93, 351 on 4, 9 and Al, 352 . Poysk, a runner, 302 2 8,
n%, 359.24, 366 nn land 4, 379 Perceval. Bee under Canssin de Per-
a7, 40071,
5656 n 5, 616 21. ceval,
Pathna, for the town of Panna, 417 Persin, 33.01, 4605, 11995, 141
n 6. n 4, 209
= 3, 233, 421, 618 « 1.
Pathiri, Rai, Governor of Ajmur, Persan Game of Chess, 103 2'1,
contemporary of Suljan Mu‘izzu-d- 116 a, 479 9 7.
Din Muhammad Sim Ghuri, 69, 70, Peraan Grammar, Platt's, 646 n 1.
257 and # 3. Persian ‘Iray. 30 2 1.
Piuuala, town of, 993, 13404, Bee | Permana, the, 35 n 2, 43 0 1, 93.9 4,
the next. 10423, 108 » 4, 160.01, 1708,
 5
Index, exvii

175 9, 108 n 8, Boa4, 25806, Pirey, Govesnor

of Ghastm, 14.9 1,
280 a 3, 476 « 5. Piswoa, the Tyrrhenian, inventor of
Parsico-Latinum Lenigon, Villers, the rostrum, 29 » 5.
410 4, Pithora, Riu, 267 and n 3, See un“or
Pertab, Rai, one of the Maiike of Rai Pathira of Amir.
the Saiyyid dynasty of Dibli, 401 Prydda-t-apli. or‘ original pawn, at
a3 Chess, 114" 2.
Perthas, son of Gas the son of Japhet, Plagne, bubonio, 524 and » 1.
61 « 5, Plato, 181 1 2, 590 » 7.
Poshiwar, 18, 48x 6, 86 1 G, 126 23. Platt's Gulistén, 187 » 2.
Philosophers, Four kinds of, 151 Piatt's Pernan Grammar, 546 » 1.
at Pleiades, the, 198 and n 2, 867 # 3,
Phoenicians, the, 104 0 2. 620 and n 4.
Phthisis, 319 and a 4, 320 a. Phny, 23 1 3, 246.2 6, 894.9 6,
Pilband, a stratagem in the game of Polo, game of, 417 n 8,
Chess, 114 - 2. Pompei, 119 » 5.
Pind Didan Khan taheil, Shilem Dis- Poni, town of, 384 n 1,
trot, Panjib, 487 » &. Portagal, 643,
Piadir Khulji, Malik, called Qedr Portuguese, the, 454 » 7.
Khén, one of the Amira of Sultin Postin, a sheepskin coat, 617 and n 4,
Mubammed Taghlaq Shib, 803. 616 D1.
Pongal, the Science of Musio, 332 and Prayag, the ancien¢ name of Allah-
a4 abad, 415 and a &,
Pingala,—or Prayer, five stated times of, 147
Pingalaniga, the inyeator of Hindi nv

Prosody, 332 n 4, Prinsep’s indian Aniigreties, 18 « 1.

Pir Maammed, Mirai, grandeoa of Proceedings of the Amatic Society of
the great Timar, King ot Khorasan Bongal, 559 » 3.
and Mawari-an-Nabr, 352, 358, 855, Pronneata, oracle of, 413 2 1.
358 n 8. Proicgoménes d'Itn Uhaldin, de
Pir Mohammad Khin, Governor of Slace's, 1523 » 4, 157.n 1, 181 n 2,
Balkh, contemporary of Hamiyin, 191 4 2, 217 n &, 244 2 6.
G81, 582. Ferot.gemenes des Tables Astronomegnes
Pir Roshan, name of Bayasd Angir. a'Oleug Bey, 168 0 2,
foundor of w Sufi sect, 68 0 5 Pe nody, Ranking’s Elementa of Arab
Virrks, a ford on the mver Ganges, and Perman, 607 2.
377 ant nl Proverbs Avabum, Freytag's, 187 11,
P.ran, one of the companions of 435 n 3, 607 9 3, 580 0 1,
Afrdayib, m the Shdh-ndme
Furdgasi, 169 2 2,
of
| Proverbs,
2181 2, 266
Roeback’s,
0 6, 301 » 3,
57 2, 589 1,
 ‘exvili Index.

Palme, Book of, 486 « 4. Piranmal, son of Sithadi, one of the

Chiefs of R&i Ben, contemporary
Ptolemy, 364" 4, 882 7 4.
of Sher Shih, $76, 476 and n 3.
Pufak or Tufal, a long tubo for
throwing balls, 159 * 2. Punficationa enjoined by Muham-
madac law, 608 « 2.
‘Pahi, s ford on the Ravi, 383 aud
n 10, 384% 1, 992. Pusghakdl,—or
Pipd of the Hindis, 484 0 1. Pughkat, the rainy season in Turki,
Punjab. See under the Panjab. 825 n 2.
Puliy-Sirig, name of a place, 569 Puttyaly, for the townahip of Baitali
and » 8. on the banks of the Ganges, 36U
Purdnas, the, 293 7 &. n 3.

——

Q
Qian, title originally given to the Qabil Qiwamu-!-Malk, Malik, one of
supreme sovereign of the Moguls, the Amira of Saltin Muhammad
145 0 2. Taghlag Shah, 34, 315
Qiin-1-Molk, title of Sultan Muobam- Qabal Sarbardadd:, Mahk, one of the
mad, son of Saltin Ghryisu-d-Din Amira of Sultin Firoz Shih Tngh-
Balban, 187, 189 and n 1, 217 laq, 328 and n 1.
Qaini, the famous Perman poet, 253 Qabul Toraband, Malik, one of the
n6 | Amirs of Sultan Fires Shah Tugh
Qabaz, a tume worn by men, 126 f dig, M28 nd
nif. Qahulpura, a qaarter of Bardon,
Quba Khau Gang, one of the Amirs 335
of Humayiin, 597, Qadan Khan, or Qadr Khin, son of
Qabeq, & gourd in Turki, 621 2 4, Sultin Mahwud Khiljys of Mulwa,
622 and #1. 309 21.
Qabay andazi, the game of, 621 1 & Qadar Khan, King of Tarkiatin,
See the next 159 2
Qabaq baz?, a game of the ancicnt Qad-r Khan, the son of Mahméd Khan
Tukomanus, who used to hang up of Kalpo, one of the Amira of the
a wooden gourd as a mark for , Firez Shtheand Bagyid dy ansties
archery, G21 » 4 Seo also the 375, 356
above, 1 Qadw billihe Abu-l‘Abhis, Ahmad
Qabil, Mahk, Goverror of Badaon thn Tehayabn al Muqtadie Khaliah
under Sultan Firoz Shih Tugldag, | of the Hoase of ‘Abbas, 17 and
335 ; 22, 29 andn 2.
Qabii Khalifati, Mahh, 316 Qadirs, the Persian post, 485.
 Indez. a
Oxix.
‘
Qadr Khin, son of Snitin Jalilo-d- and 4, 24,25 2 4,70, 114s2, 125,
Din Khilji, 281, 244, 247 « and 312, 329 n 2, 346, 847, 348. 360,
n 6. . 361, 302, 583, 364, 404 and n 5
Qadir Khin, son of Suljin Mabmid 409, 413, 431 and a 4, 434, ,
Shilji of Melwa, 399 and « 1. 444, 452, 403, 472, 540, 668 n 6.
Qadr Khin, Malik Pindar Enilsi, the Bec Qannagj. +
ruler of Lakhnauti, one of the Qanan), river of, 463,
Amirs of Sutin Mubammad Tugh- Qanay), Sarkar of, 410 n 4, 638.
laq Shih, 302, 308, Qandshar, 16 n 3, 17, 458, 455, 456,
QEf, Koh-i-, a fabulous mountain 462, 406, 560, 667 and » 9, 568,
round the world, 485. 560, 673 and n 1, 574, 675, 578,
Qényah, the rhyme, w term of Pro- 588 and nr 6, 590, SOI.
sody, 141 » 8, 607 and « 8. Qannau) Sve under Qananj.
Qo’, Al-—, the promised Mahdi, Qéndn, a Geographical work, 14.1 3,
671 9 2. 174,
Qairawin, the ancient Cyrenu, in the Qanan fi-f-Tibb, a work on medi-
province of Tunia, 167 and # 4. cine by the celebrated Ibn Sind
Qaiser or Cawar, 145 upd x 2 (Avncnna), 533 and x 1,
Qaiurin, probably al Khaicurau, a Qarubeg, vue of the Amirs of Mubirak
comotery ut Baghdad, 69 1. Rhah of the Sayyid dynasty of
Qalandars, a sect of derveshes, 234, Dihti, 285, 290.
235. Qaricha Beg, the Governor of Qan-
(alij Khan, son-in-law of Changiz dahar, contemporary of Wumiy un,
Khon, 240. 00 antl un 2 mee dee under
Quiz, a wword in Turks, 230 and «a 4 Qurtets Alon and Quirdcha Khan,
Qual, maditcation of the word yaw » Qurachn Aban, 500 n 2, Same es the
(q-t }, 280 and nn 4. above (yt)
Qamaru-d-Din Qiriuea Timur Khan, Qaruchal, another name of the monun-
ene of the Mahks of the Shamsiyah : tau of Himachal (q. v.), 807 and
dynnaty of Dihh, 125 0 4 7 4 ,
See alzo the next
Qanbar Diwana, one of the Amira of r Qaryal, the mountain of, 307 n 3,
Humayun, 697, 508, 599, 600. d05 2b See the above.
Quinurgha, a hontiug ground in Turki, + Qaura Khita {Cathay}, 71 2 7, 103
258 n 5. a3
tdi, the Arabic Dictionary of Qurémitah, heretical sect uf the, 22
Firuesbads, 176 n 1, 148 at | ou8
Qauaj, Sun as the tuwn of Quaan, { Qariqash, Maha, ene of the Amury
(at) {oof the Shami ch dynasty, Lug
Qonnuj or Quaaj, tho Hinde eapatat Qara Qunhs, une of the Amis of
of Northern Ludi, 23 and na 2 : Babar, 1.
 Indew.

Qarghan, Naib of the King of Khara
ein, contemporay of Sultin Muham
mad Toghlag Shih, 320.
Qarn, an uncertain period of time
443 ands 1.
Qarricha Khin, contemporary of
Qtsi ‘Abid, one of the posts of the
reign of Sultin Firis Shih Taghlag,
$41 and » 2.
Qisi Ayir, contemporary of Sultin
Ghiyan-d-Din Balban, 217,
Qasi Baizawi, author of the Anwérs-t+

Humiyin, 686. See under Qariohe Tansii and the Negdmu-t-Tawaertkh,

Beg and Quracha Khan. 6 and n 4, 34, 45, 52, 02, 63. See
Qirin, the Korah of the Scriptures, also noder Baigiwi,
249. Qizi Hamid of Balkh, « celebrated
Qighin, a district and town of Persian writer and poet, 76 and n I.
‘Iraq, 30 » 1. Qazi Khan, Ziaa-d-Din, a court officer
Quaidah, a form of poem, 608 and of Sulfin Mnbérak Shih of the
a3. Sayyid dynasty, 288, 289, 290.
Qisim Husain Sultan Usbeg, one of Qizi Mughie of Hinal, one of the pneta
the Amirs of Humiyiin, 463. of the reign of Sultan Jalala-d.Dio
Qiam Kahi Maolina, otherwieo Khilyi, 248.
known as Miyan Kali Kabuli, one Qizi Urdi, of Sultin Jalalu-d-Din
of tha poets of the time of Huma- Khilji, 234,
yin, 617, 584 and nn 1 and 8, Qazwini, author of tho Aréru-l-Bilad
601. and the ‘Ayd’sbu-l-Matdligat, 27
Qiisim Sanbali, Malik, one of the n4, 28 n, 7992, 178 » 4.
Amirs of the Lodi dynasty of Dibli Quilah, the direction in which Mas.
431 n 4, 443 lims torn on prayer, 368 n 1, 613 5.
Qasr Bagh. a palace in Dibh. 126 x 3 (idah, arrows used for gambling,
Qasr-1-Safed, a palace in Dibli, 82 369 # 1.
n 2, 183 Qdam, explanation of the term,
Qassi, called also Saqif, founder of Lx 4, 153 27.
the Arab tribe of Saqif, 12 2 1. Qirtn, Malik,—or
Qafardt-1-Navdn, converted into Qirin-i-Timir Khin, otherwise called
pearls, 10& n 4, Timir Khan Qari Bex, one of the
Qardar, an Amir of the Ghaznavide Shamsiyah Malka, 125 and n 4
dynasty, 48 and nw 3 and 4. Qirénw-s-So'dam, ea celebrated poem
Qazi, an officer of justice under the by slir Khueri, the famous poet
Sadr, 610 n of Dihli, 185 9, 221 ond n @, 222
Qizi--Charkb, the planet Japiter, and n ], 228 and a.
363 and 1 3 Qipcpu-l-Anbiya, Lives of the Pro
Qazi of the heavens, the planet phets, 295 n 3.
Jupiter, Su3 ard a 3. Qupa-1-Salumdn wa Absdl of Maul 0
Qiv. ENishipar satereed, 638, Jimi, 273 21,
 Indes. exzxi

Gif’, o distelot, 996 « % ‘ Qilinj ov Oolic, notes

on, 40 = 2.
Qit'ch, a term of Protody, expiana- Quizam, the Opsan, 107.‘
tion of, 608 and « 3 Qariohs Khin, contemporary of
Qkimir, the thin pellicle which covers Hamiyio, 681 anda. See also
the date-stone, 496 » 10. under Qarichs Beg and Qarriche
Qiirds, exudation from species of Khia.
mountain pines, 182 and « 4 Qoraigh or Qoraish, tribe of, 2= 5,
Quodm, the stay or support
of any- 210
« 4, 287 = 2.
thing, 614 2 1. Qur'in, the, 2nn2, Band4 3 ant
Qiwim Ehin, one of the Malika of and7, 4 and an 1 and 2, 5 sud
Khigr Ehin, theo first of the Saiyyid 1,6 nn 2, 2 and4, 1821, 261,
dynasty, 384, 376, 360. 80 0 1, 61,68
= 4, 632 2, 102 and
Qiwimau-d-Din Ehudiwandzids, one a 4,106"2, 11004, 11891, 115
of the Amirs of Salgin Mubammad = 2, 1268, 127, 1285, 143 1 8,
Tughlag Shih, $14, 144n 2, 14792, 160 20 1 and 8,
Qiwizna-]-Mulk Malik Qebil or {5B neudnl, 169 n 5, 175 n 4,
Magbil, one of the Amirs of Sultin 18842, 191 n1, 1B4nn 1 and 4,
Muhammad Taghlaq Ghih, 804, 315, 201
9 2, 207 an 1 and 4, 2120 7,
Qiyima-l-Malk, one of the Malike of £160, 21882, 249 23, 261 n 6,
Sakiu Mo‘isen-d-Din Kaiquoid 362 n, 270 a, 248, 202 » 6, 811,
Balbani, 220, 224, 319 2 1, 321 0 5, 331, 833, 366 n 4,
Qizil Binh, the,—or 368 a 1, 369 x 1, 872 an 1, 2 and 8,
Qisilbighes, Red-caps, 48 n 2, 480, S7Ba.n, 89206, 412 2 1, 420 » 6,
570, 672 and 0 8, 573, 674, 576, 446 and = 5, 44987, 450, 481 «9,
676, 678, 593 = 9, 627 5 7, 485 an 2 and 3, 49623, 610 and
Qoraigh, tribe of. Gee undor Quraish. a6, GIL end «6, 614, 516, 516,
Qubbata-\-Ialim, « title of tho city 517 n 8, 51D
a 7, 52306, 5240 9,
of Multan, 133 « 3, 22 » 6, 547 9 14, 565 2 6, 564 n 3,
Qubal Néib Vasir, the Khin-i-Jabin, 577 9, 579 anda&, 596 1, 08
one of the Malike of Guitio Firoz a 6, 615 and n 6, Gaz 2 1.
Ghih Tugblag, 394. Qor'in, sevon mansis or divisions of
Qudsi, Mie Mnesin of Karbala, tho the, Gal.
post, O23 and « 6. Qarchi, armed soldier in Turki, 216
Queen consort of Humsyan, 568. See a 3.
Samide Bint Began. Qurra Qamiar, one of tha Maliks of
Quette, 607 « 9. the Khilji dynasty, 201, 293, 205.
Quicksilver, odiled Abu-l-Arwah, 340 Qurit u, an armed aclder, 215 and
a2. n 3,
Qal, contro of an arwy iv Turki, 439 Qurann-» Sundul, a powon 17! 1:
a @ Callod olev Qhel. Qutes, the Tibetas yak, oid) 1,

16
exxii Indes.

Qutb Khan, ono of the Amirs of the Quiba-d-Din Mabmid bin Muhammad
Saiyyid dynasty, 401 » 2, Rasi, author of the Gharh-i-fham-
Qutb Khic, one of the Amirs of the siyah, 427 0 1.
Wali of Bangala, contemporary of Qutba-d-Din Meblrak Shih, Suiin,
Shir Khin Sir (q v.) 470. son of Suljam ‘Alda-d-Din Khitji,
Qutb Khan of ItGwah, one of the of the Khilji dynasty of Dibti, 278,
Amirs of the Lodi family, 443 274a0d» 1, 276, 2829, $83, 986,
Qutb Khan Lodi, cousin of Sultin 260, 290, 291, 208 and x 8, 207.
Buhtal Lodi, 403 n 7, 404 and an 2 Qutbu-d-Din Shab, the son and sno-
and 5, 405, 406, 407, 408 and » 7, ceesor of Majammad Shih I, son
423 and » 2. of Abmad §bab, Sultin of Gujarat,
Quib Khin Nazb, one of the Amirs of 357 #3.
Shir Shih, 476, 486, 488, 480, 490. Qutbu-d-Din, Saiyyid, §balkha-).
Qutb Khin, son of Shir Khan Sir Islam of Dibli under the Sham-
(q v.), 457, 463, 472 siyah Sultins, 128 and « 6, 132.
Qupb Miair of Debli, called after Qatbu-d-Din, eldest son of Subin
Quitbu-d-Din Oshi (¢. v.), 123 n 5. Shamen-d-Din lyal-timigh, 98.
Qutbiyah Amirs, the Malike of Saltan Qutba-d-Din Oshi, Khwaja, the
Qutbu-d-Din Aibak (g. v.), 90. famous saint, 92 and n 9, 123 and
Qotbu-d-Din Arbak or Ibak, Sulfin, aS.
slave and adopted son of Sultin Qutho-l-/Alam Shaikdy Rukna-l-Hagg
Ma‘izzu-d Din Ghiri, 70, 72, 77 Qurawls, Shukbu-l-Islim under
and n 3,78 and2 38,79 andn 3, Sultin Mabammad Taghlaq Ghih,
» 2, 82 and » 2, 86, 87,
80, 81 and 304 and n 4,
88 n 1, 89, 90. Qatbu-]-Maghayikbi-l."Igim, Bhnikh
Qutbu-d-Din Bakhtyar shi, Khwaja- Bharafa-d-Din Muniri, a famous
-Khwajagan, a famous saint saint, 416 and « 13,
known as Ka'ki, 92 and n 2, Iz Qutlogh Khén, one of the Amirs of
and n 5. the dynasty of Suljin Shomen-d
Qutbu-d-Din Hasau, Mahk, one of Din Iyal-timinh, 181, 188 and 5 4.
the Amira of tho Shamayah dy- Qutligh Khin, one of the Maliks ai
nasty, 124 fultin Mabammad Toghlug Shal
Qutbu-d-Din Hosain ibn ‘Ali Ghurs, $00, SL, 812, $13,
ono of tho Shamsiyah Malks, 123 Qutlegh Khin, Malik Pagla-l.
n 3, Halk, ane of the Amira of the
Qutha-d-Din Tkak. See undur Qotha Firuz Siti dynasty, 351 and «2
ad-Din Arbak Qotlagh Khin tho Vazir, Qi
Qutbu-d-Din Lak-bakhsh, or hewtapry Sama-d-Din, one of the Aprue ul
oF lakhs, a name of Sultay Qutbu d- Sultan Hasan Sharqe of Jawnpus
Din Aibub, 77 and a 4 WA, buT

GQuitugh Khwije, he Mughol King of | Qutlaq Khwijs, the son of Dai, the
Ehurissn, 805. See also ander
Qutlug Khwaja.
Qutlng Khan, brother's aon of Sultin
‘Aliu-d-Din Kpilji, 250,
Raves of the North-Western Provwnces
of India, Elulott’s, 122 + 1, 814.47,
3R4 4 8, 406 wn 1, 415 9.
Redal, for Roh, a name of Afghinis-
tan, 466 » 5, 493 = 6,
Rethanpir, a city of Guyerit, 280 2,
71a 8,
Radif, in Persian prosody the name
given ton syllable or word follow-
ing the rhyme, 141 « 2
Radif, in Prosody a ietter of prolonga-
tion before the rowi, 607 and a 4
Rafi'a-d-Din Safawi of 1j, Mir Saiy
yid, Harrot-i-Mugaddas, oontem,
porery of Sultan Sikandar Lodi,
485, Td und m 6, 479, 513, 514.
Rangs, ur beretic, « term apphed to
any of tho Shi'ah sects, 156 » 1,
604 and n 5, 626 2 6.
Raf;, heresy, 626 and a 6
Rahvbe, # canal or aqueduct,
n &,
Ruhka'e, for Rahabs, a canal,
a6
Rahab river, the, 131 aad n 2, 281,
261, 277, 370, 409.
Rahim Dad, Khwaja, une of thy Amine
of the Lodi dynasty, 45 and a 5.
Ruhman, Sntatu-r—, a chapter of the
Qur'an, 218 » 3.
Rabmate-tdéhi, a term apphed
wusver, 627, 623 1.
ladez. oxzii}
Moghn! King of Khurisin and
Sree abe, contemporary of
alin ‘Aliu-d-Din Epilji, 250 and
* 1, 258, 906,
p:
Babmata-lithi Iqbal Khin, one uf the
Amirs of Islem Shih of the Afghin
Bir dynasty, 527.
RGhz, a kind of flower, 143 0 8.
Rabo, « Hindi mythological monster
end in Astronomy the ascending
nodo, 163 n 2,
Rai, the ancient Ebages, district
end town of Porsian ‘Iriq, 30 aud
nl, 45,7821
Bhi-i-Rinyin, title of Randhol, the
anole of Khoara Khan Baréwar-
bacha, 290.
Bai of Bérinagi, the contemporary of
Saltin Firoz Shih Taghing, 329.
Ru of Dholpir, the contemporary of
the Lodis, 410, 419
Rai of Gwatur, the contemporary of
the Saiysids, 381, 484, 398
Riis of Jaynosar, the, 320 » 6.
459 " Rai of Satgarh, the contemporary of
Sultan Firoz Shah, 329 and 2 6.
459 Ri: of Seriagar, for Rai Sir (q + ),
300 53
Ba: of Telinga, the contemporary of
Baltin Qutbu-d-Din Kinlji, 286
Ra Bhim, the chief of Jammoa, con-
temporary of Mubarak Shab of the
Sayyid dynasty, 335 wad +. 3
Rai Firoz of Tilanndi, contemporary
to s of Mubarak Shah of the Saiyyid
dynasty, 362 and «3 and 2, 390
exxiv Indez.

Bai Jai Chand, Governor of Qanauj, RAji of Jaisnlmir, the contemporary

contemporary of Sultan Ghibiba-d- of Homayin, 562.
Din Ghiri, 70. Rajis of Jami, 19 = 2.
Rai Jaljin Bhati, Governor of the fort Raja of Kedba (? Garha-Katanks),
of Bhat at the time of Timir’s in- the contemporary of Sultin Ibri-
vasion, 355 and » 4, him Lodi, 483 » §,
Rai Karan of Gayerst, contemporary Raja of Mandriyal, the contemporary
of Sultin ‘Al§u-d-Din Khilji, 256, of Sahin Sikandar Lodi, 490.
356. Raja of Nagarkot, the contemporary
Rai Lakhmaniys, Lakhmia or Lak- of Sultin Firoz Shih Taghlag, S81.
minia, the ruler of Nadiy8, con- Bajé of Qannuj, the contemporary of
temporary of Sultin Qutba-d-Din Sultan Mabmid of Ghasnin, 36
Aibak, 88 and » 5, 88 2 1. Raji of Rohtis, the contemporary of
Rai Pathira, Governor of Ajmir, oon- Shir Shih, 457.
temporary of Sultin Mu‘izeu-d-Din Raja of Thatta, tho contemporary of
Ghiiri, 69, 70. Sve alao Rai Pithora. Salsin Bohlil Ludi, 408.
Ri: Pertab, one of the Amirs of tho Riji Dahir, contemporary of Mabam-
Saiyyid dynasty, 401 « 2, mad Qisim, the conqueror of Sind,
Rin Pithora, 257 and 8. See under 123" 2, 18 9.
Rat Pathira. Rajt Kansa, of Mathra, the enemy of
Rai Sanir, 860%. See Bai Sir. Krishna, 24 0 6,
Rai Sar, the Governor of Chandiwar, Réjé- Tarangins, an historical work in
contemporary of Khigr Khin of the Sanskrit
85 ,8,168 "1.
Sans vid dynasty, 377, Rayab, Malik, the Governor of Depal.
Rai Ben, c utemporary of Shir Shih, pur ander the Saiyyid dynasty, $83
475, nll,
Ri Sir, ther —r of Baitili, oontem- Rajab Nidirs, Malik, the Governor of
porary of}! “iraz Shahi dynasty, Multén onder the Saiyyid dynasty,
340 and n 3 387.
Hu Unar, ¢> i ™porary of Sultan Raj Ga « y,
town on the banks of the
Firoz Shih, 242 2 6, Gangien, 404,
Rai Vikramiyit of Uyain. 95, Rajiwa, » canal leaditg from the
Rauseen, for Risarn or the two towns Jamna to Hissdr, $25 w 8, 326 2.
of Ris, 327 x 1. Réjpotana, @9 a 3,296 27, 870
Raji of Bheerbhoom, 320« 9, 9 I,
419 9 3.
Raya of Danguys { Bundelkhand), the
Rayp the, it
13 0, s,
$05 0 6, 383 9 4,
contemporary of Mubammad Shah
38
n 3,4
387 0 1, 414.013,
of the Mughui dynasty, 25 » 6,
Raji, Matik, one of the Amirs of tho
Raji of Gwiliir, the con
Firds Sh&hi dynasty, 349,
of the Lodis, 419, 432,
Riajiri, town of, a0.
 Idder.
Rakat Chandan, thored Sendal, 164
al
Rim, a Riji of Hindistin, contem-
porary of Sultin Mas‘id ibn Mab-
mid Ghasnawi, 87.
Rim Chand, the roler of Bhatta,
contemporary of the Afghin Sir
dynasty of Dihli, 658, 664,
Rim Chandra, the Raji of Deogarh,
271 = 6 Same as Rim Deo
(g.v.).
Rim Deo, Rai of Deogir, contem-
porary of Saltin ‘Aléu-d-Din Khitji,
237, M7 a, B51 07, 256, 271 2 6,
288. fee the above.
Bamal-i-mugamman, a kind of proto
dial metre, 607 n.
Bamiyana, the, 8 « 2.
Ramgher, « fortress in the province
of Agra, 70" 4,
Gana, village of, 964 7 7.
Rani, the Governor of Amerkot, con
temporary of Humiyiin, 566,
Rani Savki, one of the Amirs of the
Lodi dynasty, 444, 445, 446, 462,
470.
Randhol, Rai-i-Riuyin, the uncle of
Ehears Khin Bariwar, the fevour-
ite of Balgin Quibu-d-Dia Ehilji,
280, 900.
Rang, » cluster of globular bolls, 621
«2.
Ranking’s Elements of Arabie and
Permen Prosody, 907 w.
Rantanbhor,—or
Rantanbbar, fortress of, in tha pro-
vince of Ajmir, 02 and 0 4, 120
and
pn 4, 139, 296, 257 and an 1,
$ and 7, 268, 260, 261, 962, 410,
425, 475, 478, 486, 628, 597,
Ranthanbhir,
fortress of, 02 and « 4.
Same ap the above (4. 0.), °
Rinin the Black, a slave of Sith Pal
(q. v.), 896.
Bio Khilji, Governor of the fort of
Bhat at the time of Timir’s inva-
sion,865 and n 4. :
Rio Zorawar Singh, sleo known as
Ripar Ser, foander of the town of
Ripari, 377 » 6.
Ripar Sen, 377 6. feo the above.
Ripari,—or
Rapeci, district and town of, 877 and
nan 4and §, 387, 404, 407, 413, 480.
Ragib, name of the third arrow in
the game of mau, 968 5 I.
Raggée-i-falak, or the dancer of the
aky,a name of the planet Venus,
188 2 8.
Ris, town of, 326 0, 327 and n 1.
Risain, the two towne of Raa, $26»
827 nL
Reghid Yasir, Kheija, minister of
the King of KhurSsin, 605.
Rashidkot, fértrees of, n the northern
hill-range
of the Panjab, 498.
Reshidn-d-Din, author of the Jams-
*w-t-Tawarikk, 307 = 4, 353
9 1.
Rata, village of, 864 and a 7.
Rathor tribe of Rajpits, the, 384on
Zand 3.
Ravzate-p-Saff, on historical work,
62 and a 3, 121" 1.
Baverty's Jabagdt-t-Népirt, 13 « i,
16 an Lend 2, 16 an 1 and 2, 19«
2,200 2,231,201,
81s }, 33
wu 2, 3501, 37 2 6, 38 an 1 and 3,
42. n 3, 43." 8, 44-0n Gand S, 45 5
8, Bak, 47 a1, 0 4, O08 1, 55
an Zand 460 an 1 and 2, 62 »
 C&xvi j Index

4, 63 0 8, 66 nn 1, 2 nnd
6, 67 25 1 Red Palace of Siri, at Dihli, 200 2 7
and 8, 69 nu 2, Sand 4,70x 1 and 261, 260 1.
3, 71 an 1,6, 6 and 7,728 1 and Red See, tho, 169 9 1.
4, 73.02, 77» 2, 78 0S, 70 » 8, 80 Redhouse, Mr., 89 « 1.
4, 81 an 3, 3 and4, 82 wat
nn Band Redhouso’s Turkweh Dichonary, 875
$ and 4, 83 an 1 and 8, 84." andna al,
1 and 2 85 ww 1, 2 and 4, 86 # 2, Reinand, O¢ugraphie d’ Aboulfeda, 27
87 wn 1, 3 and 3, 90201 and 2, nan 1 and 3, 902 and 2 1, 84.021,
OLa1, 93 2, O42 2, 05 98, 98 nn 2 and 3, 36.8 2, 67" 1, 7128,
2 and 5, 190 +6, 121 a»6 and 7, 147 1, LOT nm 4, 265 n 5, 307
122 nn 1, 9 and 3, 128 an 2, 3 and n4.
6, 124
n 9, 125 an 8 and 4,127
2 2, Rennell, 22 » 5,60" 2, 8001, 93"
128 nl, 120" 4, 19081, 18144, and #1, 128 2 §, 120.2
2, 188 » 6,
132 2 1, 19521. 325 = 3, 326 n, 827538, 344 7,
Ravi, the, one of the five rivers of the 855 n 1, 3635 8, 864.0 4,380 n 2,
Panj&b, 23 n 8, 67 », 128, 188, 190 382 4 2, 41547, 417 "7, 4192 6,
and # 2, 855 1 1, 388, 384 =, 389 420» 5, 423 n &, 530 2 3,
and n 2, 892. Rewi, town of, 417 n 7.
Rawal Pindi, 44 # 6. Rewa State, 417 n7
Riwar, Fort of, in Sind, 12 » 2, Rewari, a town in the province of
Rawi, the essential letter im the Miwit, 206 1, 337,
qafiyah or rhym:, 607 nn 3 und 4. Reyy, #0 a Ll Same town as bu
Rayét-i-Ala, title of Saryyid Khuyr (q- 2%).
Khan, the firet of the Saiyyid dy- Rhagw, ancient name of tho town of
nasty of Dihli, 376 and » 1. Rai (qv), 80n1.
Rizi, relative adjective from the town Rhages, capital of the provinoe of
of Rar, 30 n 1. Rhagiana, JO n I.
Riazi, Abi Bakr Muhammad ibn Zaka- Rhayiana, the provinca of Rai w
riya, known as Rhazes, the famons Persian Jrig. JO 1
physicran, 30 # 1. Bhazey, the famoug physician, 80
Riazi, Imam, 73. See under Fakbru- nl See under Raz, Albu Bakr
d-Din Razi, Atabammad ibn Zekariyo
Rarvviyah Khatin, Sultan, oldest Rhetyee pee et Prost tes tangues de
daughter of Sultin Shamsa-d-Din COrneut Mave man frarcia de
Tyal-irmish, 98,119, 120 and * 8, Tassy, 428 2 2 68 nn 4 ond 9
12] and nn] and 5, 122 and nn | 606 0 2, 607 nt OK 8
and 2, 294 and nf Rikss, town of, 34 x 1
Red-caps, the, a name of the Tarke- Rababah, the bag wu which the arrows
manny of Garm Sit, 48 and a 2. Were putin the vain of mvs
See ulsu under the Qzil Buxh I 309 01
 Index. oxxvii

Riba, w fortified sjatiin on on Rohtes Gharqi, in the Ghabibid

dis-
enemy's frontier, 44 0 6, 108 trict of Bengal, 406 » 6. °
23. Rohtiagarh, in the Ghahibid district
Ribit Amir, name of a place in of Bengal, 466 « 6.
Seiatin, 48 and w 1. Homans, the, 18 «1, 76 2, 104 « 2,
Richardson's Persian Dictionary, 214 494 2 7.
nu, 215 2 6. Romans, Epistle to the, 474. 1,
Redf,a letter of prolongation before Romo, 119 # 5.
the raut of a rhyme, 607 n 4. Rook, the castle at chess, 505 and 2
Rig Veda, the, 293 x 5. Rookn Khan, for Akat Kbhin the
Ry'ai, motion of a star in opposition nephew uf Sultan ‘Alsu-d-Din
to the movement in the normal Ehilji, 259 » 6.
direction, 874 n 7. Rose, propertios of the, 148 2 4,
Bing of ‘Ali, possessed of magical Rosen weig-Schwannan's Diwan Hayis,
proporties, 505 and n 6, 121 23.
Bing of Solomon, 205 = 4, 606» 6, ‘Roshan, Pir, foander of the Roshaniy-
559 and n 2. yah Bect (9. v.), 58 » &.
Righwati, poetical name of Mir Roshan Beg Koka, one of the Amirs
Saiyyid Na‘matu-llah (g.v), 838 of Humiyin, 565.
ni, 68424 Roshaniyyah, or the Enlightened, #
Riswin, the door-keeper of Paradise, Saft eect founded by Biyazvid An-
194 aud n 8, 251, 601 qari, also called Pir Roshan, 68
Rocky Citadel, the, or Shakr-i-Nau, #6,
on the banks of tho Jumna, 231. Boss. Soe under Elias and Rosa.
Roebuck's Orientel Proverbs, 579 2, Rostrum, an ancient inatrumont of
68 a 1, 218 n 2, 24¢ n 6, SOL war, 20 » &.
n3 Roxdna, wifo of Alexander the Great,
Roh, a namo of Afghiniutin, 466 and 831 n 10.
n 6, 493 and ad Royal Asiatic Society, Journal of the,
Rolulkhand —or 16n 2,331,472, 6921, 87 n
Rohilkhund, district of, known also 1, 103 n 2, 109” 4, 115 nandn3,
as Kaithar, 183 1 2, 35024, 364 181 « 4, 330 = 7, 479.2 7, 671
a4, n?2
Rohri, town of, 550 2 6 Rabab, a atringed inatrument like a
Rohtak, town of, 72.2 2, 222, 351, guitar, 367 7 5.
364 365, 375 Buly, Four kinda of, 25 " 2.
Rohtaa, fortrow of,—in the Panjub, Ruby Palace, at Dili, 260,
457, 406 9 6, 468, 472, 474, 193, 495, Rue, re efficacy in cxerciom, 617 2 1
301, 504, 592 Itub, the vital princyple, Lid a 2,
Ruhtaw Bihar, Garbir of, INe 0} 1h a,
 orxviii Indaz.

Rih or Roh, a name of Atghinistin Rim, Sea ofthe Mediterraness,

466 and n 6, 499 and » 6, 520. 153 9 1,
Ribéni, a learned man of the time of Rim, Sakin of,-title of the Salting
Bulfin Shamso-d-Din Iyal-timish, of Turkey, 480.
93 and n 2, Bimi Khin, the Artillerist of Haml-
Riin, a village of the dependencies of yiin, 456 and » 7.
Lahore, 54 and n 2. Rin, a place near Lahore, 54 # 2,
Ruja'-+-kaukad, an astronomical term, Rina, a village in Nisipir of Khuri-
874.27. See under Rrj‘at ain, 64" 1.
Rukh, the cheek andalso tho castle at Riui, Aba-l-Faraj, o celobrated poot
chess, 605 n 2. of the time of Sultsn Ibrahim Ghas-
Bako Khén Afghin, one of the Amirs nawi, 63 9, 4 and n 1.
of the Sir dynasty, 598. Ripar, town of, 362 and 91, 880 and
Rukn-+-Yaméni, tho south corner of an 2, 382 and n 8.
the Ka'bah, 97 and a 4. Raqaiyyah, daughter of Mabammad
Ruknu-d-Din Chanda Wazir, Malik, and wife of ‘Usman ibn ‘Affan, 80 « 4,
one of the Amira of the Firis Rishana, wifo of Alexander the
Ghahi dynssty, 841, 248. Great, 382 a.
Ruknu-d-Din Firox §hEh, Sal{in, son Rustam, the famous hero of ancient
of @algin §hamsu-d-Din Iyal- Trin, 16 » 3, 89, 124, 116 0G, 117,
timish 97, 98, 99, 118. 127, 180 » 2, 181 and = 1, 199, 207,
Bukau-d-Die Ibrihim, son of Suljir 294, 548
Jalilo-d-Din Khilji, 244, 247 and » Bustam, one of the Generals af the
andn 5. See also under Qadr Khin. Great Timir, 358 a 6,
Ruknu-d-Din Quraishi, Sha:kh, eon of Rasildir, Baiyyid, one of the coart
Sheikh Sadro-d-Din ‘Anf and oficers of Sultin Firoz Shih
grandaon of Shaikh Bahau-d-Din Taghlaq, 324,
Zakariys, contemporary of the Basil, poetical name of Mir Seryyid
Baltana ‘Alau-d-Din and Qufbu-d- Na‘matu-llih, one of the pocte of
Din Khilji, 248 and n 2, 284, 304 the rcign of Islom Ghéh, 533 and
and # 4, a7, S34and a 4,
Ruknu-d-Din Toghral Beg, founder of Ruasilpir, the fortress uf Shameibal,
the Saljigqiyyah dynasty of Khors- 472
sin, 42.3, 6125 Buewai, disgraced, 490,
Bukou-l-Hag 7 Qurarshi, Shaikha-)- Ruttanpoor, for the town of [ahpir,
Islam, 304 and » 4. Samo aa 410" 8.
Boknou-d-I'in Qarasghi (9. v.). Ruztth, Persian nome of Salman al
Rar, country of, 545 = 7, 621 Firs, 672 «1,
 Index. OXX1LX
“
4
8.
Sa‘idat Khin, commonly known as Sadat Mahideo, Rai of Acankel, one
"Abdo-r-Rughid Salgini, one of the of the contemporaries of Snaifin
Amira of the Firis Ghibi dyuasty, Geiyiga-d-Din Tughlag Bhih, 297
349, 350 and a 8. Sadhi Nidir,—or
Be'idat Ehin Birbek, 8608 8 Same Badhi Nidira, Malik, one of the
as the above (g. v.). Amure
of Khizr Khin, firat Sultin
Badd, reviling on religious grounds, of the Saiyyid dynasty, 378 and
when justifiable, 577 ». n 8, 379.
Sabetghar, a fortress in the province Ba‘di of Ghiriz, Shaikh, 187 and
of Agra, 70 n 4, "2.
Sabit-bin-Jibir 0]-Fahmi, commonly Redidi, author of al-Mughai fi Sher.
known as Ta'abbnta Gherran, a dvL Mayas (q.0),508, 81, 42,
famous Arab athlete and warrior, n3, 10381, 148 24, On 4,
627 a 3. 320 n, 582 n 7, 583 ws.
Sab‘a-l-Magbini, the first chapter of Sedpil or Sidh Pal, grandson of
the Qur’in and also the seven Kanjii Khatri, « protégé of the
manails or divisions of this book, Mabisnk Shihi family, 393 « 38,
6al. 34, 295, B07.
Bechan’s Aldtrint, 179 4 22 0 6, 23 Sadr, a term of Prosody, explanation
a2, 760, 7992, 95" 5, 10in 8, of, 606 = 4.
106 « 4 131 «2. Sadr, highest officer of justice, 600
Sacred Books
of the East, 110
n 4. 6,
Bacy, De, Anthologr Grammatrcale §adr-s-Jahan, Chief Judgo, 523
Arvabe, On 4. w 5,
Ba‘'d, an auspicious planet, 630 and Sadr Jahan Gajriti, the Historian,
as Zand 3. 300 « 3.
Se'd Falefi, the poct,— one of the Sedr-s-bull, Chief Judge, 523 » 5.
«x itemporaries of Mir Khasri, 208. Sadr-s-mustagil, Jadge-plenipoten-
Sa'd ibn Salmin, Khwaja, father of Vary, 609 and x 6
the famous poet Mas‘id &a'd Sadru-d-Din ‘Arif, Shaikh, son of
Salman Juryini, 63 2 5, 55, Shaikh Bahau-d Din Zakariya, 133
Ba'd-1-Akbar, name given to Jupiter a 3, 24802
by astrologers, 70 « 2. Sadeu-d-Din Maltini, the Shasddju-l-
Ba'd-i-Manyagi, one of the pocte of Iedam onder Soultin Firoz Shah
the reign of Sullin Jalala-d-Din Trghlaq, 824,
Kht}j:, 215, 246. Sadra-}-Mulk Najpma-d-Dio = Abi
Sa'ddn, name of Jupiter and Venus Bakr, the Waszir of Sultan ‘Alin-d-
as the two auspicivus pluncts, 690 {
Din Mas‘ad Shih of the Shamstyah
i dynasty, 124,
nz
17
caxy Index.

Sadru-g-Suder, Chief Judge, 506, 523 Sa‘id Ebin, brother of Ayam Huma-
and n 5 yin of Labor, one of the Amira of
Sa'do-d-Din at-Taftizin, anthor of Shir Ghib, 401, 493, 498.
the Mufawwal, 426 2 3. Ba‘id Khén Lodi, one of the Amirs of
Sadiq, Sheikh, author of the Jaéms‘v- the Lodi dynasty, 434.
l-Abebar, 139 1» 5. Ba'id Sargari, Haji, envoy of the
Sef, a hill n the vicinity of Mokkah, Egyptian Kbalifah to Solin Ma-
hammad Tughlaq hth, 310 and
279 2.
Safdar Khan, one of tho Amirs of nl.
the Firis Shahi dynasty, 344. Sa:dea or Saiyyids, title of the dos-
Safder Khan, one of the Amira of cendanta of ‘Ali ibn Abi TSlib,80
Suljin Sikandar Lodi, 419 and « 1. n 6.
Safedar or Safidar, tbe white Popler Saifi, author of a treatize on Prosody,
or Abvle, 494 and » 6. 183 91,
Saffron, notes on, 4! n 2. Saifu-d-Din Kiji, fendatory of Hansi,
Suftdar, the white Puplar. See un- one of the Malike of the Shamsiyah
der Sasedar. dynaaty, 08 and « 2, 120 » 2,
Safik, one of the blauk arrows in the Saifu-d-Din, Malik, son of Malik
gnimo of Mazsir, 369 n 1. Nigima-d-Din the raler of Oudh,
Say-1-falek, the dog of tho sky, 498, one of the Amire of Saltia Firox
anda 5. Ghih Toghiag, 334.
Sagur, town of, 304" 1, Ssifa-d-Din Siri, brother of ‘Alia-d-
Saka'if fi-l-Kalam, a treatise on Meta- Din Hasau the king of Ghor, 60.
physics, 427 1. Saru-l-Ubdd da-1.Ma'dd, ono of the
Sahar, Sa. air of, 410 7 4 works of Hakim Sanai, 56 » 2.
Sahiranpir, hills of, 334 0 7. Sayyid, appheation of the term, 80
Sanbu-z-Zanj, ‘Ali 1bn Mubammad, a6, 030 4.
of the family of ‘Ali, raises @ revolt Sniyyid Bukhari, a Mabammadan
at Basra, 358 2 3. saint, 80" I.
Sahihu-l-Bubhavi, the famouse collec- Saiyy:d Khan, Khin-i-A'sam, soa of
tion of authentic traditions by Saiyyid Salim of Tubarbindsh, 388,
Imam Bukhiri, 6 n 3. 308.
Sahsaram, a dependency of Rul.tas, Sayyid Mansir, ono of the Generals
466, 468, 471, 454, 533 of Amir Muhammad, son of Sultén
Saher, or moruing meal on a fast day, Mabmid Ghasnawi, 46.
Vina Baiyy:d Rusitdar, one of the Court
Sa, the--one of the principal officers of Suitin Firor Shah Tugh-
atreams of Oudh, 22¢ n 3, lug, 328
Sa‘id Khan, one of the Amirs of Sul- Satyyid Seiim of Tabarhindsh, one of
fav Sikandar Lodi, 419, the Amira of Khigr Khan of the

Saiyyid dynasty, $88 and an 1
and 2,
Saiyyid Zide-i-‘Alewi, Ghih Nabsa,
grandson by his mother’s side of
Sultin Qhamsa-d-Din Yyal-timigh,
200 and » 7, 961,
Salyyida-s-Sidif Selyyid Silim of
Tebarbindah, 3889 1. See ander
Salyyid 88lim,
Salyyidu-e-Balitin Sni{in Ibrahim
iba Maa‘od ibn Mabasid Ghasnawi,
61,62. See under Ibribim.
Baiyyids, the descendants of ‘Ali, 60
a.
Bajdah or Sydeh, « proetration
prayer, 612 « 8.
Sobbd, a dish madeof wheat four,
neat and tinegar, 208 « 5.
Saketh, a township in the Sarkir of
Qananj, 410 « 4.
Sakib, for the township of Sakit, 410
nd
Sakina, town of, S77 and a 4.
Sakit, a town in the Etah District
the N..W. Provinces, 377 = 4, 407
al, 410 and a 4.
Sakit Singh, the Rii of Itiwa, con-
temporary of Sultan Buhlul Lodi,
40a 4 ‘ and 7.
Sakita, town of, 377 9 4,
town of Sakit.
Sakkar, fortress of, 423,
Sakpat, for the town of Bakit (¢ 0),
4lOn 4
Sakti, a female deity, 20 a 5.
Sai wood, 609 and # 13,
83) Mastin, fur Shil-o- Masting, two
villages near Quetta, 587 » 9
Si) Wahesanéo, for Gbil-o- Mastang,
two villages near Quetta, 567 » 9.
Judew. exxzi
Salimiin and Absil, Story of, one uf
the poetics! works of Maalini
‘Abdu-r-Eeabmin Jimi, 272 # 1.
Balafin-s-Jaqigi, trae kiogs, i.¢., the
prophets, 148 » 1.
Salafin-+-majisi, so-called kings, «.¢.,
the kings of the earth, 143 and » 1.
Siibihan, the Raji of Patna, one of
the contemporaries of Sultlia Sikan-
dar Lodi, 416.
Seldi, a Moghul commander, attacks
Hindistin in the reign of Saltin
‘Aléa-d-Din Ehilji, 240 and 2 5.
Sale’ Koran, Preliminary Discourse,
in 21 n 1, 167 0 2, 490 n 6,
Salim Chishti of Fathpir, Shaikh, the
famous saint, 488, 508, 635, 600.
Sali Shih, eon of Shir Shih, of the
Afghin Sir dynasty of Dibti, 447,
490 and n 4, 494, 495, 497, E00,
502, 525, 526, 627, 588. See ander
Islem Shih.
Salim of Tabarhindah, Saiyyid, one
of of the Amira of Kloer Khin of the
Saiyyid dynasty of Dibii, 388 and
an 1 and 3.
Salima. same as the Sarsati, a tribo-
tary of the Sutlej, $80 and nx 4
Bee the Silmpiz, village of, on the south
bank of the Gandak, 409 6.
Balpiigiyah dynasty of Khuriein and
Miwaiso n Nahr, 85 on 1 and 3,
$8 n 3, 42 22, Sin 2,55 n 8, GL
2p 5 Seo also the next
Salyiqs, the, 33 8 1, 4201, 45 and
a2,61,167 213 Sea the abore.
Salm, one of the sons of Faridin, of
the snewnt kings of Perma, 435
and n 2
 OXAERs Index.
a

Balmin al-Firsi, called in Persian Sami'n-d-Din Kanbawi,—or

Riszbih, one of: the Companions, Sama'n-d-Din Kanbi of Dihli, Shaikh,
572 and » 1. one of the greatest of the ‘Clams
Salmin Siwayi, a famous poet, pane- Ghokhs, contemporary of Sultin
gyrist of Amir Shaikh Hasan and Sikandar Lodi, 411 and # 9, 430.
his son Suljin Awais Jaliyer, 571 Sami‘n-d-Din Qnitlagh Khin the
n 9, 605, 683 and 2 1. Vazir, one of the Amirs of Sultin
Balt Range, tho, 19 » 4, 128 » 38. Hatain Sharqi of Jannpiir, 408.
Bala, Shah Muhammad Khfn, one of Sambal, See under Sambhal.
the Amirs of Humiyin, 618 and Sambalaka, the town of Sambhal as
n 7, 619. called by Ptolemy, 964n 4.
Sam, one of the heroes of the Shdh- Sambast, town of, 386 n 6.
nama, 72, 178 2 2. Sambhal, district and town of, called
Bim Mire’, brother of Shah Tahmisp aleo Sambal, Sanbal and Sanbihoal,
of Persia, 458 and n 8, 455. 335 and » 8, 351, 364, 875, 395,
Samak, the fish which bears the 396, 408, 415, 418, 419, 426, 431 n
Earth, 152and n 2 4, 435 and 4 6, 443, 444, 451, 495,
Baman, ancestor of the Simini Kings 525, 545, 647, 548, 500 n 5, 597,
of Khurisin, 72. 598, 604.
Simina, town of, 132, 186, 221, 243, Samir, Rii, Governor of Itéwa, con-
$05, 310, 828, 330, 834, 338, 342, temporary of Khigr Khin of tho
843, 352, 355, 860, 362, 864, 365 dynasty of the Saryyide, 380 5.
and n 6, 378, 382, 390, 391, 392, Simirah, otherwise known as Surrn-
396, 398, 399, 138, 595 man-ra’é or Bimarri, io ‘Iriq, 571
Siamania, the, a dynasty of Kings and » 2,
in Khorasiu and Mawardu-n Nahr, Bamnin, town of, 571 2 &
1321,1401,16n 2, Samothala, a place twelve ki vhs from
Samar, the Mughiil, one of the gene- Lahore, 349
rala of Chingiz EKhin, 188 nz 1 Samandar, name of the Bang Mati
and 2 when it enters Hindustan, 84 4
Samarqand, town of, 6 3, 2721, Samvat era of Vikramadity’, 95 and
59 n1, 159 n, 310, 359, 445, B70" 7, nS
Sarnarqandi, author of the Sharh-s- $an‘é’, capttal of Yaman in Arabia,
Saha'sf on Metaphysics, 427 n 1, 262 n.
Samarra, also called Sarra-man-rai, Sani, Hakim,—the celebrated poet
a town in ‘Iriq on the Eastern of Ghazm, 35 - 1, 56, 57.
bank of the Tire, 5911, 571 2 Sanam or Sannim, town of, 138 7 I,
Sama‘u-d-Din, a pr tégé of Maham- 236, 310, 830 n 7, 438.
mad §hih, son of Sultin Firoz Sanbal, town ef, 376. See Sambhal,
Shah, 388. Sanhal, Sarkiér of, 495.
 Index, oxzxiii
Banbal, a tribe of the Alghins, 500. WhEhI dynasty, 349, 858, 958, 965,
Banbhal. See under the town of . 886, 362, 380 and a

Sambal. Rareng Khin, one of the Afghin

Banbis hills, the Enmiion hills, 186 Amirs of Baber, 444.
al, Gérangpir, town of, 654,
BSanchi inscription, the, 16 » 1. BSarastu, township of, in the neigh-
Sandal wood, notes on, 484 and n }. bourhood of Sambhal, 585.
697 and » 3, Saraswati, the, 390"7. See under
Sandila, district of, 349. the Sarauti river.
Sang Surikh, on the ronte between Sardar, town of, 336 » 2,
Ghasnin avd the Panjib, 78 and Sardérs in front of the throne, 497.
a 3. Siregh Kotwil, an officer of Sultin
Sauir, Rii, of Bait&li, contemporary Mabmiid of Ghasnin, 22.
of the Firdz §hthi dynasty, 360 Sargdawiri, a ford on the Ganges,
n 3. 877. Soe also under Sarkdawiri.
Sénki, R&ni, one of the Amira of the Siri,—or
Lodi dynasty, 444, 445, 446, 452, Sariyah, a town of Tabaristin. 36
470, and n 3,
Santipir, for the town of Shikarpir, Sarja river, also called the Sari (q. v.),
487 and n 2. 221 n 8, 223 » 3, 223 ne
Sankot, for the fortress cf Siiikot, 49 Barkir of Allahabad, 416 » 3.
and a fi, Sarkar of Higsir Firozs, 430.
Rannim or Sanim, town of, 138 # 1, Sarkir of Qananj, 410 n 4, 538.
236, 310, 330 n 7, 485, Sarkir of Sahir, 410 9 4,
Saqif, called alao Qaasi, foander of Sarkar of Sanbal, 495.
the Arab tribe of Saqif, 12 « 1. Sarkara of Hinduatan, 495, 406.
Saqif, « tribe of the Arabs, 12 n 1, Sarkdawiri, town of, 311, $13.
28 9 1. aleo under Sargdawiari
Sagirla/ or Ssqlaf, a ailken ataff bro- Sarkés, in Gujarat near to Abmad-
ended with gold, 543 and n 3, abid, 357 a 4.
Bar, Ri, Governor of Chandawnr, Sarkhas, a city of Khurisin, called
contemporary of Khixr Ehan of also Sarakhs, 43 and nn 1, 2 and 3,
the dynasty of tho Sayyids, 377. v1
Baracens, tho, 635 » 6. Sarkhaira, canal, $27 2 3.
Sarakhs, a city of Khurisin, also Sarkhech, vear Ahmadibid, 857 » 3.
called Sarkhos, 43 and aw 1, 2 and Bee the following.
8,71 . Sarkbe},—or
Siran, town of, 406 and a 4, 417. Sarkhoz, in Gajnrat near to Abmad-
Birang Khin, the raler of Dipalpir, thad, 357 and an 8 and 4.
one of the Malika of tho Firis Sar Mansi, 595.
crxxiv
Sarmest Khin, the Afghin, one of the
Amirs of Ielom Ghak of the Afghin
Sir dynasty of Dihli, 601, 534
Sarmast Khtn Sarbani, one of the
Amirs of ‘Adli, 538.
Sar Salthi Kotwal, an officer of Sultin
Quiba-d-Din Mubarak Sbhth, son of
‘Alin-d-Din Khilji, 275 and « 1,
277.
Sareati, a fortress in the hille of
Kashmir, called also Suraati and
Sarsuti (q.v.), 36 and % L.
Sarsati river, called aleo the Saras-
wati, and the Salima, 27 4, 69,
$24, 330 and nn 6 and 7, 382.
Sareati, the country south of the
Himilaya, aleo called Sarsati and
Sursati, 70 and n 1, 80.
Sarsati, fortress of, 293, 324, 397 and
#8, 355, 4042. Seo under Sar-
sati.
Bartez ‘Imido-]-Mulk, one of the
Maliks of Suljin Mubammad Tugh-
Jaq Shih, 302, 814 and n 2.
Bari river, called also the Sarjii
(q-v), 222 and » 8, 238, 230, 298.
Sarid, district of, 495 n 3.
Sarir, town and district of, 326 and
anand 7 2, 495 and # 3,
Sarwini, Khin-i-Khiuin, Governor
of the fort of Rantanbhir, contem-
porary of Sher Shih, 475.
Sarwara-1-Malk, one of the Malike of
Mabirak Shah of the dynasty of
the Ssiyyids, 399, 394, 305, 306,
397.
Sisin, founder of the Saasanide dy-
nasty of Persian Kings, 73.
Sassanide dynasty of Persian Kings,
45
Index.
Saseeram, town of, 186 » 1.
Satat Dev, of Sorath, a rebel in the
reign of Sultan ‘Alio.d-Din Kbiji,
264:
Satgina, country of, 387 and 2 8.
Satginw, district of, 803.
Satgarh, town of, 320 and n 4,
Safhiydt, superficialities, 504 # 9.
Satlaj, the, 23" 8, 70 «1, 190 and
a 2, 825."8, 326 ands, 880, 862
and an 1 and 3, 368 », 380
» 2, 381,
882 ands 2, $00" 5, 508. Called
alao the Satias and the Sutlej.
Satlaz, the river Satiaj (q.0.), 360
and n 6.
Sa, the rcof of a honse in Tarki,
494 0 7. °
Sater, 494 and » 7.
Satarn, notes on the planet, 217 a &.
Sauda, biaok bile, 5 » 38,
Saulajan, from the Persian Chaugdn,
a atick with s curved extremity,
Wal.
Saulajan, origin of the modern game
of polo, 417 # 8,
Saur, Jabal, a mountain near Meoca,
149 n, 158 2 I.
Sawidu-l-A‘dbam, meaning of the
expression, 6 » 4.
Siwa or Biwah, a city of Kharisini
572 9 0, 683 2 1.
Siwayi, Jamila-d-Din Selmin,,
famous Persian post, contemporary
of Shaikh Hasan Jaliyer and his
son Saljin Awais, 571 » 9, 606, 633
and n I.
Sawina, fort of, 364 = 6.
Bawis, district of, 476.
Sasiwal Khan, one of the Amirs of
Shir Shih, 475, 402, 406.
 Index. exxxv

Scherpour, town of, 82 & 1, 03 n. Ghéh, Imi, founderof the Shite

Bedillot’s Tables Astronomiques sect of Bani Muslims,
57 » 1.
#Oloug Bog, 108 « 3. Ghifi‘ites, the,—one of the four sects
Sehwin, in the Karachi district of of Bunni Muslims, 67" 1, 73 2 1,
Sind, 660 « 8. 614. See the above.
Belatéin, provines of, 19, 47, 50. Ghih ‘Abdo-l-‘Asis of Dihli, author
Beljaqa, the. Bee under the Baljige. of the Tubfa-i-[gnd-‘asheriyah,
Sepolohre of the Poets in Tabriz, 577 n,
called the Surkhab, 899 n 4. Ghab Abu-!-Ma‘Sti, one of the Amirs
Serdi Taliwari, a common name of of Hamiyin, 502, 594, 696, 507.
the town of Tariyan, 90 and » 1. Sbih ‘Alam, one of the Amira of
Seven labours of Isfandiyir, in th» Sher Shih of the Afghin Bar dy-
Eth- Nama, 108 « 2. nasty, 477.
Beven Places, the seven labours of Ghéh Hagan, one of Amirs of Baber,
Istaadiyir, 103 and - 2. SAB,
Beven poems of the Jahiliyat, called Ghib Hindal, 687. See under Mirsa
the Mu‘allagat, 09 and » 6. Hindil.
Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, 307 » 1. Shah Husain Arghun, Mirza, Govervor
Gewand Rai, or Sindhi Rai, the of Tatta, one of the contempora-
Hindi General of Solin Mubam- ries of Humiyin, 569, 560 and
mad, son of Sultin Mabmid Ghaz » 8, 561 and » 2, 562, 568, 567,
nawi, 84 and « 2. 580.
Ghad-i.Berdt, the fifteenth of the Ghah Iema'i} Safawi Hussaini, King
woath of Sha‘ban, 488 and n 5. of Persie, 449, 570, 572
» 8,
Ghiderwan, fortress of, in Khuréain, Shih Ja‘far Khwindi Dakkasi, a
588 a 4. Shitah divine, contemporary of
Gheddid fbn ‘Ad, a king of the Nigim Shah Babri, 624, 625,
ancient Arabs, 261, 262.1, 263 n, Shab Kiamris, 6584. fee noder
Ol and ns 8. Kamran Mirsa.
Shidi, a servant of Mabammad Khan Shab Mansir Birlas, one of the Amirs
Bar, Governor of the country of of Babar, 441.
Chaand, 465. Shih Mir of Agra, Saiyyid, one of
Ghsdi Khia, oon of Sultin ‘Aliu-d- the contemporaries of Islem Shih,
968, 272,,
Din Khoi 2°75, 278, 283 526.
Ghidi Kath, the Sar Salihi Kotwal or Ghib Mirsi, son of Mubsmmad
chief captain of Suljin Quibu-d- Zamin Mirsi, one of the Amira of
Din Xpilj375i,w 1, 283 and » 9. Humiyin, 452, 458.
Ghidi Nib-i-Kginn, Malik, tho Hajsb Shib Mubammad of Dibli, contem-
of Guigia ‘Alée-d-Dia Khilji, 274, porary of Gher Ghéb and Iglem
225. Ehib, 504, 605, 50u,
oxrzrvi Index.

Ghih Mohammad Farmuli, ono of the Ghahanchth Sayyid Zids-i-‘Alawf

Amirs of Ielem Shih, 490 and n 7, a descendant on the mothor’s side
588, 580, 540. from Soltin Ghamso-d-Din Iyal-
timigh, 260 and « 7.
Ghah Mubeminad Khan Sli, one of
Ghihbas Ehin Lihini, one of the
the Awirs of Humiyin, 618 and
n 7, 610
Amirs of the AfghEn Sir dynasty,
490 and a 4, 592.
Shih Muhammad §hihébadi, Mulli,
translator of the Hsstory of Kashsmir, Ghahik Birbak, the Khin-i-Jahan,
8x 8,
one of the Malike of Sultin Mu‘is-
Shih Murid, son of Gh&h Tahmisp zu d-Din Kaiqubid Balbani, 321.
of Persia, 672, 573 and #1, 575, Ghahik Wasir Khan, one of the Malike
of the Balbani dynasty, 220.
576.
Shih Najaf, grandson by his mother’s Shibin, Malik, kaown by the title of
Wafs Malik, one of the Amirs of
side of Sultin Shamsan-d-Din Iyal-
timish, 260 # 7. the Khilji dynasty, 384.
hah Namah Bee under the §hah- Shahin, Malik, one of the Amirs of
nama the Firis Shahi dynasty, 344.
Ghz" Rukh, grandson of the Grent Shabjahinpir District, N.-W. Pro-
Timir, Sultin of Persia, 618 2 1. vinces, 646 n 3, 698n 9.
Ghih Tahir Junaidi, the poet, 624 Bhahna-i-Shahr, City Constable, 401,
a6. Same as the next (q v.). Shah-nama of Firdausi, 22 n1, 88.2 2,
Shah Tahir Khoudi,—or 103 » 2, lid nS, 178.2 8, 180 4 2,
hah Tihir Khwandi Dakkani, one 207 n 7, 321 n 1, 435 n 8,
of the poets of the time of Huma- Shah ndma, Atkinson’s, 82.2 1, 116
yin, 624 and » 6, 625 and n8, n 5,178 82, 18082, S218 1, 435
626, 632, 635, 636 a 2.
Ghab Tahmasp, King of Persia, con- Shai-néma of Badr Shishi tho poet,
temporary of Humiiyiin, 453, 455, 321
456, 466, 569, 570, 572, 624. Ghalinawaz, on the eastern bank of
Bhéh Turkin, mother of Solgan the Ravi, 353 n 1
Roknu-d-Din Firoz Shih ibn Sham- Shihpur, Shah Mubammad Khan, one
sa-d-Din Iyal-timish, 98 1. of the Amirs of Humayin, G18 n 7.
Shahib. See under Stnbab. Shahrastinia al-Milal wa-n-Nrfal,
Ghihibad, dietmct and town in 157 n 2, 158 n.
Bengal, 330 1 7, 334, 439, 466 Shahr-i-Nuu, on the banks of the
n 4, Jaman, 231.
Shahibu-d-Danlat. Seo under Bhiha- Shabr-i-Sabs, in Bokhiri’, 570 » 7.
ba-d Danolat Shikrukdi, a coin firat opined by Ehih
Ghohabu d Din, See under §hihe- Rukb the Saghul Suljin of Pers,
bu d-Din Ont
 Index. OREXVIi
s

Ghehra-t8h, brother of ‘Ainu-1-Mutk Ghaikb, son of Malik Marwin Daniss,

Moltint, one of the Amirs of Balfin Governor of Multin ‘under the
Moajammed Teghlaqg Ghéh, 811, Firis Ghihi dynasty, 876.
ats. Ghaikb Sa‘d: of Ghiris, author of the
Shihd Lodi the Afghin, one of the Guliustén, 187 and » 2
Amirs of Soltin Mubammad Togh- Shaikh Tibor, one of the Amira of «
laq Ghah, 305 and «1 the Lodi dynasty, 418,
Ghahside Fath Ehtn. Gee Fath Gbaikhi Khakar,—or
Khin, son of Sulgin Firoz Shih. Sheikbi Khikher, Malik, contem-
puthstda Fath Ebén of Herat, one porary of the Firis Ghihi dynasty,
of the Amirs of Buljin Mubirak 347, 349, 858 and» 6, 381 and a 5,
Gh&h of Jaunpir, 361, 398 and 2 2,
Ghihsida 9 Mubirak hin. Ase Bhrikban, the,—title of the Abi Bake
Mubirak Kin, son of Sultin and ‘Umar, the first two Khali-
‘Aléu-d-Din Khilji. fahs, 803 4.
QGhihsada Maobammad KEbhin See Ghaikhs, holy shrines of the, at Mal.
Mabammad Khtn, son of Suljin tan, 302.
Firos Qhah. Sbhaikhu-l-Hadiyah Jaunpéri, an
Shovkh, application of the term, 303 author, 4/8, 429
a 4, 604. Shackhu-l-Inlzm, 608,
Gheikh ‘Ali, one of the Amire of Gheatkha-!-Mashiikh Shaikh Hasan
Bibar, 441. Zinjani, a femous saint of Lihor,
Sheikh ‘Ali, one of the Amira of 883 and n 6.
Humiyin, 565 2 1. Gh khu-l-Nadiyah Jaunpiri, 429
Gheikh ‘Ali Maghul, the ruler of Ghatkhzida-)-Bostami A'zam Mahk,
Etbal, contemporary of Mnblrak one of the Amirs of Suljin Firoz
Shih of the dynasty of the Shih Toghlag, 328.
Saiyyide, 388, 880, 390, 391, 392 Shaukbsida Dim'shgi, one of the
Ghaikbh-allahdiyah of Ehairibid, 546 courtiers of Salin Ghiyiga d-
end » 1. Din Toghlaq Shih, 298
Bhakh Biyasid, brother of Mustafa Sbaikbzida-i-3im,—or
Farmali, one of the Afghin Amirs GSbakhztda-1-Jimi, one of the learned
of Biber, 444. men of the time of Sultin Qujba-
Shaikh Hamid, the commentator of d-Din Khilji, 264, 316.
Sacbal, contemporary of Humiyiin, Shakargony Shakh,—or
64. Shakkar Gan}, Shukh, 186 2, 271 98
Sheikh Gaann JIaliyer, King of 4 Bameans Shaikh Varida-d-Din
Khurisin, 683 « 1, Ganjshakar (9. 1 ).
Shaikh Khiran, one of the Hindustani Ghil, village of, in the neighbour-
Aura of Bibar, 444, 445. hood of Quetta, S67 n 9,
1k
exrxuxvili Index.

Ghal Maghing, village of, 607 » 9. Shamen-d-Dia of Bharaij, Qisi, one

Gbal Masting, village of, 667 and n 9 of the Qisgis of the Ghamsiyah
Shal-o-Mastan, two villages, 667 » 9. Sultana, 188. .
ShEl-o-MastEng, two villages eer Shamau-d-Din Dabir, one of the
Quetta, 567 n 9. poote of the time of Sulfin Nigirn-
Gham (Syna), 585 and 27 ad-Din, son of Ghamsn.d-Din Jyal.
Shama ilu-l-Muhammadiyuh, name of trmigh, 184 and # 8, 187 anda 8,
a book, 625 # 6. 217
Shamdna, a kind of marquee, 460 Ghamen-d-Din Dimaghini, Governor
and n 4, 497 n 1. of Gujrit ander Saltin Firos Shih
Shams Khan, uncle of Tatir Khan, Taghlaq, 334.
the gon of Zafar Khan (gq + ), 361. Ghameu-d-Din of Trig, Mir Saiyyid,
Shams Khan Aubadi, son of Aubad one of the contemporaries of Islem
Khan, the ruler of Baiina nuder Shih, 508.
the Firiz Shahi and Sayyid dy- Shamsa-d-Din lyaltimish, Sultin, of
nasties, 369, 380 and n 6, 378, the Slave dynasty of Dibli, 71 and
879, 885 and a 1. 1, 79, 80, 86, 87, 88 and» 1,
Shame Khin Lihani, one of the 90 aud » 2, 91, 02, 93, 96, 98, 120,
Amirs of Islem Shah, 492, 49: 126 and n 3, 184, 187, 260 and n 7.
Shams Khatiin, sister of Qutb Khan Shamau-d-Din Kaikéiis, son of
Lodi (¢ v), 4042. Mo'‘tezn-d-Din Katqubad, Sultan of
Ghamsabad, town of, 282, 311, 377 the Shamsiyah dynasty, 227, 229,
and n 8, 884 and n 4, 493 and an 230 and n 1.
4 and 6, 404 and n 2, 407 and 7], Shamau-d-Din of Lakhnaati, Sulfan,
415, 472 209, 324, 328 See onder Ilyis
Bhamsher Khin, one of the Amira Haji
of ‘Adii, 637. Shamau-d-Din of Mirhira, Qizi, one
Shame-i-Bird) ‘Afif, author of the of the Qigis of the Qhawsiyab
Tarikh-s-Firéz Shahi, 816 n 7, 323 Suljing, 123 and a 2
n 8, 824 " 2, $25 n 8, $26 n, 328 Shameu-d- Dio Mabammad Atka
nn 1 and 6, 3298201, 2, 3, 5, 6 Khin, son of Mir Yar Mabammad
and8, 880» 2, 332.6, 833 nn 1 of Uhazni, called the Ayam Khan,
and 4, 8872 7 one of the Amirs of Hamiyin,
Shoumsiyah, a famons treatise on 404 and n 5, 568 and n 6,
Logic, 427 2 1. Shamsu-d-Din Mabammad Sim Ghuri,
Shamsiyah Sultans of Hind,—of the title of Sultin Ghtyéga-d-Din Ghuri
family of Suljin Shameu-d-Din before hia accession, 65 n 2
lyal-timagh, 71 1 1 Shamao-d-Din Suleimin, soo of Malik
Shamsn-d-Din Altamagh, 71 See Marwan, one of the Malika of
under Shameu-d Din lyal-tinugh Suljin Firoz Bheh, 835 4 4
 Index. exxrix
Bhamen.i-Mulk, one of the Maltis Gharqi, Sultin Ibeihim Bhih of
af Mubjcak Shih of the Sniyyid Jaunpir, 886 snd wn 2 and 8, 287
dycasty, 800, 808, and » 4, 408,
Shagqd qu-n-Nu'mdn, « red flower, 143
Sharqi dynasty of Jeunpir, 400 and
3. #8, 413,
Shar’, agh, the asored canon of the Shag galle, surname of the post
Qur'in, én 1. Manichibri Dimaghini, 46 # 4.
Bhuref, a poet, 68 . Bhatiader, namo of the Batle} in
Sharaf of Baiina. See under Sulfin Sanskrit, 23 » 8,
Sharf. Bhoula, name of one of the mansions
Sbuafu ad-Din Muniri, Qutba-l- of the moon, 115 « 8.
Masharkhi-l-Igim, & famous saint, Shiyteta Khin, son of Qurra Qumir,
83 nt, 416 and a 18 one of the courtiers of Saltin
Bharafu-d-Din Musiib thn ‘Abdu-llah Qutba-d-Din Khilji, 291, 298, 306
as Sa‘di, Shaikh, 187 » 2 The aud n 3
fumona Shaikh ba'di of Qhiris Shiyista Khio, title of Firos Khin
Gharafu-l-Mulk Agh‘ari, one of the ibn Yaghrash the Khilji, afteroards
Amura of the Shamsiyhh Sultius, Saltin Julélu-d-Din Khilji (yg. v),
125, 226, 227, 228, 229, 280 and n 1.
&haran, town of, 406 n 4, [ 452. Shehr-i-Sabz, in Bokhir’, 570» 7.
Shorbatdér, preparer of bevernges, Shekel, a weight and a coin of the
Sharf See under Sharaf, Hobrewa, 25 » L
Sharhain-1-Miftah, two commentaries Sher Khin, one of the Amirs of
on the MiftéAu-l-‘Uladm, 428 1 2 Sulfiu Mu‘izsu-d-Din Kaiqnbad of
Shard-« Mangima of Hiyi Malle Hadi the Balbani dynasty, 226 and » 1.
Sabswiri, 181 n 2. Sher Khan, one of the Malike of
Sharh-t Nahju-l-Balaghat of ‘Abdo. Sultin Shamso-d-Dio Iyal-tumish,
Hamid bin Abi-l-Hadid al-Ha'ta- 180, 186, 187.
aili, 458.2 3 Sher Ehin, son of Islem Shah of the
Sharh-:.Sahdsf, a treatue on Meta. Afghin Sir dynasty, 534,
physics, 427 and n 1 Gher Shéh, the fret of the Afghin
dhorh-t-Ghamesiyah, a treatine on logic, Sir dynasty of Dihl, 26 » 6, 496.
427 and nl, See under Shir Shih.
Bharhu-l-Masdbvh wa-l-Manihy), one Bherpir, town of, 82 n 1, 93 a.
af the works of Qazi Duigiwi, 6.5 4, Sherring’s Hind& Tribes and Castes,
Sharif, Mir Saiyyid, w well known 812 n 7, 384 n 8, 483 5 4, 557 0 9.
euthor, 560. Bhersid ibn Suljin Mas‘id oben
Sherq, Saltin, Governor of Baidna, Tbrihim Ghaznawi, Sultin of the
sou of Buoltén Abmad Jinan the Ghasnivide dynasty, 55 und « 2.
First, 414 and an 6, 1] und 12 | Ghitahs, the, 3n 6, 23 n 3, 59n4,
oxl Index.

186 » 1, 187 «, $20 » 8, 671 and Babar, 440 and an 8 and

9, 480 and
#2, 572 end « 6, 576 0 5, 6772, al. ‘
004» 5, 625 and » 2, 628nn 4 and fhihiba-d-Din Hakim Kirmiai Jaun-
6, 636. piri, anthor of the Jabagdt-i.
Ehibla, a village in the dependencies Maudmdd Shahi, 250.
of Osrishna in Transoxrans, 59 » 1. Ghihiba-d-Din ibn Jemiln-d-Din
“Bhibli, a famous Mubammadnn Saint, Siutmara, known as Shihib-i-Mut-
59 and # 1. | mare (9. ¥.).
Sbihib, Manlind. See ander Shibi- Qhihiba-d-Din Nighipiiri Babjahi,
bu-d-Din the Engmatist. Mir, one of the Amirs of Humayan,
§hihéb, Mir, one of the Amira of 598 and = 5,
Homiyiin, 608 « 5. Ghihibu-d-Din Sulgin, Malik, ane of
Slpbib Khin. Bee Shihab Nilnr tho Amirs of Solfin Mubammad
Shihab Mohamra_ Badioni, for Toghlag Shih, 321.
Shihib-1-Mutmars, the poet, 99 and S)ihibu-d-Din ‘Umar, son of Sultin
n 3, ‘Alin-d-Din Kbilji, 268, 272, 278
Ghibib Nahir, Malik, one of the and 0 4, 374.2 1, 264
Awirs of the Firis Shahi dynasty, Oiihibo-p-faqib, a name of Maalink
351, 359 Shihiba-d-Din the Bnigmatiet
Shihab-1-Matmara, Maulini, one of (q v.), 450 91,
the poets of the rewn of Sulsin Shikarpir, town of, 487 and « 3,
Raknu-d-Din abn Shamsu-d-Din Biakebi, Manliné, a poet of the tine
STyal-tmish, 99 and n 2, 100 and of Humiyin, 453 « 7.
ni, 108, 113, 27l andn 2. S&hiq,darén, officers appointed to col-
Shihibu-d-Daalah Muas‘id, son of lect revenue from provinces, 407
Salyan Mabmid of Ghaznin, 20, 33, n 2,
35 See ander Sultau Mus'‘id Shir Kbin, son of Hasan Bir, after-
Shihébu-d-Danlah Maudid, son of wards Gbhir Shih, 466, 457, 456,
Sulgin Masid Ghaznawi, 43 » 7. 450, 460, 461, 462, 463, 464, 465,
See under Sultin Maudid 406, 467, 466, 460, 470, 471 and
Bhihébu-d-Din Abo-l-Muzaffar Ghori, n 1, 472, 475, 521, 541. Bee also
62, 63 and n 1, 64 snd n 2, 65 and vader Shir Shak
n 2, 66, 70, 72,188, Bee under Suir Shab, the firat of the Afghin
baltin Ma‘wsu-d.Din Muhammad Sir dyvasty of Dahli, 462 and
Sam. n§, 472, 274, 475, 470, 477, 476,
Bhihiba-d-Din Abroad Khin, one of 479, 480, 481 » 5, 482, 468, 484,
the Amira of Humiyin, 598 and 490, 402, 405, 490, SU0, 502, 504,
a 6, 226, 627, 635 n 7, 598, 542, 563,
Shibabu-d-Din the Emgmatia:, Mau- 64. Kee the above. The name
‘ind, o learned man in the trme of ia aleo written Sher Shah,
 Index, exli
o
Shiv-t-falek, the woneteliation Lao, Sidhiren Khatei, $05. See ander
406 » 6, Sldiran,
Shir-l-Khads, the Lion of God, a Sidi Macli, Salyyid, oputemporary
uame of ‘Ali ion Abi Talib, 03 2 4. of Galtin Jalila-d-Din Khilji, 238
Shir madar, foster-mother, 680s 5.
Siinia, the city of, 6 a 4, 88 94, # 2, 626.
(67 and a 2, 572 8 1. Sidra, the—or
Ghirgurh, the new name of Qanagj, Sidratn-]-Muntah®, the lote tree of
47a Paradise, in the seventh heaven,
Shirin, the wife of Khacri King 58 » 8, 150 aud « 2.
of Persia, 279 » 3. Siffin, a celebrated battle between
Shirin wa Khusrd, 8 poem of Mir ‘Ali and Mu‘awiyah, 157 2 2.
Khesri, the famous post of Dibli, Sshdm, arrows used in the game of
200 2 5 maiew, 369 and « 1,
Gbirk, polytheiam, 183 n 2, 625 n 6. Sibrind, town of, 330, 331 and #8,
Shirwin Shih Khigin Manichitr, $78, 380, 383, 383 « 11, 406, 487,
King of Persia, patron of the 488, 486, 498, 548. See also under
famous poet Ehaqini, 683 » 4, Sirhind.
Shiwar, town of, 369 and # §, 391, Bibra-1-Halil, lawful mage, 161 # 6.
302 aud n 6. Sipin (Jexartes), the, 16y «.
Shrines of the Shaikhe at Multén, Sihwin, in the Karachi district of
802. Sind, 560 a 8,
§buji'a-] Mulk, son of Saiyyrd Salim Sedah, @ prostration in prayer, 612
of Tubarhindyh (q v.), 388. n 3.
builkot, fortress uf, 49 and n 1, 66 Sipstén, province of, 16 a, 34.0 4,
and 2 7, G7 and 1, 436, 437, 465. 70» 2
Siln, town of, 425 2 2 Biz, a village in the provinee of
Bieshans, the, 76 n, Biystin, 70 6 2
bidaran or Sidhiran, son of Bangi Sikandar, a goneral of Mirsi Kaim-
Khatri, a protegé of the Mubarak ran’s army, 463,
Shahi family, 393 n 3, 345, 396, Sikandar, astled Zu-l-Qarnain,
Bu, Alexander the Great, 264, 265, 268,
Suldiq, Ap, title of Aba Hakr, ise 331, 425, 496, 441, 485.
first Khalifal, 59 and n 2. Sikandar, Rampart of, 191 and 2 2
sidh Pal, grandeon of Kajwr Khatei, Sikaudar-:-§ani, title of Sultia
u profeye of the Mubdruk Shahi ‘Alau-d-Din Ehilji, 264 and a 6.
faunty, 304, 385, 307 Bikandear Khin Oebek, one of the
Sidhan, Rw of Satgeph, contempor- , Awira of Huméydn, 698 anda 1,
ary of Suljin Firos Shah Tughiag, | 594, 595.
329 9 5. ' Sikander Khén, eon of §)h Mubam-
extlii Index.

mad Farmali, one of the Amirs of Sikri, another name of the tewn of
the Afghin Sar dynasty, 585, 639. Vathpir, 386, 445 and a 8, 497,
Bikendar Khin, Malik Ya‘gib, ons 488.
ot the Amire of Fires §hab Sil Hako bridge, over the Brahma-
Toghlag, 387, 388. putra, 84 1,
Bikandar Lodi, Sultin, aon of Suitin Sileilatu-g-Zahah, one of the works
Bublal Lodi, 411, 412, » 3, 413 and of Mauliui Jami, 272 » 1.
w 13, 416, 417, 418, 428 » 11, 424 Simak, the fourtcenth of the houses
and
n 4, 425, 426, 427, 420, 431 of the oun, 153 aud 9 2
and n 1, 482, 435, 444, 445, 466, Simakn-l-A‘sal, Spica Virginie, 158
470, 476. w 2,
Sikandar Malka-sh-Sharq, governor Simiko-r-Rimig, Arcturus, 169 4 8,
of Lihor, contemporary of Mobi- Simurgh, s fabalous bird, 178 na 2
rak Shah of the Saiyyid dynasty, and 4.
388, 390. Sind, 11 2 3, 12, 13 », 20, 29, 36 and
Sikandar, econ of Shamen-d-Din, 10, 80, 68 x 1, 81, 124, 187, 207,
Sultin of Lakhnacti, contemporary 465, 559, 560 n 4, 01546, Called
of Sultan Firoz Shah, 328 and « 6, also Sindh.
329. Rind, the,—-the aver 1:.duas, 128 2 8,
Sikander Sir, one of the cousins of 422 n J.
Shir Shih, assames the title of Sindh sev under Sind
Saltin, 542, 643, 544, 546, 547, 660, sindhis, the, 130,
559, 502, 593, 504, 505, 596, 597 Sindhu, name of the ladus in Sans-
Sikandar, son of Taju-l-Mulk Nah krit, 23 n J
one of the Mahks of Khir Khin, Siodasg,—the river Indas, 23 wn 8.
the first of the Saiyyids, 380 binjér, town of, in Mesopotamia, 55
Bikandar Tobfa, Malik, one of the n3, 7nd
Airs of the Saiyyid dynasty, 383. Sinjar, Alp Khién, wifo's brother of
Bee the above. Sultan ‘Alau-d Din Khili, 247.
S&skandarndma, one of the poeticul Sinjar ibn Malik Bhah Saljigi, the
wores of Mir Khasri of Dihii, last of the Saljug dynasty in
269 » 5. Khurésin, 65 and nn 3 and 4, 58,
Sskandarnéma, one of the postical Gl and » 5, 65, 167 and n 8, 170,
works of the celebrated post 291, Gus
Nigimi, 174 2 3, 206 « 4, 487. Sinyiri, Abi ‘Ali,—oontemporary of
&:kkah, currency stamped with name Baljén Mabmad of Ghasuin, 20,
of sovereign, 8 n 8, 15 and x 3. Bintir hitls, the Kymaon hille, 185,
Bikkaki, Sirijn-d-Din Aba Ya‘qib 186 » 1, 334 and a 7.
YGeuf, author of the Miftabu.i. S)pahin, same as Ispahin or Iepabin,
*Ulim, 628 » 2. 34 and a 1, 36.
 iudex. exiiit

Sipuad, rue, burned to avert the ovil Sirmir Bardir, hifia of, 120 n 1.
eye, 103n 3, 617 and n I. Bissoo tree, the, Dalbérgia sissco, 120
Bipar, Rai, Governor of ltéwa, con- n 2. .
temporary of Khisr Khin of the Sistan, province of, 660. See also
dynasty of the Saiyyids, 380 and under Seistin, Siwistin and Bijie-
n 6, 381, tin,
Siparak, a herb, 620 and » 2. Hiwalik hilkrahge, to the north of
Bipra river, the,—in Milwi, 05 » 4. Hindéstén, 70, 98, 132 n 4, 858 and
Stprak, a herb, 629 n 2. 6, 438, 695.
Siyld{, a miken ataff brocaded with fiwi Siyipér, province of, 425 and
gold, 648 n 3. n 2,
Bir, Bai, ruler of Bait&ti, contempor- Siw: o Siapar, province of, 425 n 2.
ary of the Firiz Qhihi dynasty, Siwistsn, province of, 91, 249 n 7,
$40 and 2 8 323 «See under Sistan,
Bird) ‘Afif. the Historian See unde: Biykhwin, fortress m the Karachi
Shame-1-Sirsy “Afif. district of Rind, 560 and « 8,
Birdju-d-Din Abi Ya'‘qib Yisuf bin Bryare-l'Arifin of Shakh Jamih
Abi Muabammad :bn ‘Ali as-Sikkaki, Kanbawi of Dihli, 450
author of the Mutddu-l ‘Ulam, 42 Siyapir, province of, 425 n 2
n2 Skent's Etymologseal Dictionary of the
Sirit, bndge across the fire of Holi, English Language, 150 » 2, 244 2 6,
11321 See also the next, 298 2 5, 548 n 8,
Sirat-i-Mugtagim, the hair-hko bridge Slane, De, Ibn Khalltkén or Prolégo-
over Hell, 872 and nz See alec ménes d’ Ibn Khaldén, 6 n 3, 12
the above. 8 11,3081, 367 1, 98 n 3, 48 nn 1
Birhind, town of, 331 n 3, 401, 520 and 3, 44.2 5, 51 2, 559 3,591,
592 and 6,694. See aloo under 74n 2,149n, 15l an 4 and 6, 152
Sihrind. n 2, 187 n1, 16793, 18149, 198
Sirhindi, Yahyi .bn Abmad ibn 0 2, 244% 6,287 nn 1 and 2, 3852
‘Abdo liah, author of the Taridj-s- n1,48l a6
Mubérak Shahi, 10 0 2, 67 0 £. Smith's Dictwonary of Greek and
Biri, one of the thres cities of Dihii, Roman Antiquities, 19 n, 20.0 6, 76
347, 2601, 205810, 311 » 5, n, 367 23
351, 861 n 1, 966 and n't, 396, Bmith’s Dicnemary of Greek and
Birinor, mountaims of, 10 the Roman Bugraphy, 46 0 5, 332 2».
Himaleyaa, 307 » ¢ Bunth’s Dietwonary of Greek and
Sir Mur,—or Roman Geography, 2351, 3001,
Birmiie, Inily country of, 120 and wn} 36 0 8, 304.0 5.
and 8, 131, 251, 324, 337, 538, $41 Soane, the,—or the Son, a tributary
Sirmir, town of, 326 n 2 of the Ganges, 83 8 1.
 ezliy Index.
Robbe Nath, or Lord of Beauty, name Sortes Virgrhone, 412 « 1.
of the idol of Somniit, 28. ~_— diferent methods of, 413
Boghdi, the, name of en ancient el,
people of Central Ania, 23." 1. Sot river, the, in Rohilkand, 4660 4.
Sobrib, son of Rustam, the famons Southern India, 265 « 2.
hero of ancient Erin, 408. Spider, story of a, 149 n.
Golimin (Solomon), 148 # 1. Sprenger's Life of Mulammad, 464 5.
Bolomon, King of Ierael, 108, 112, Srivana, a Hindi month, 37 « 4.
196, 148 and = 1, £05 and n 8, Stag, notes on the, 171 » 2.
206 2, 485, 605 n 6 Stambhatirth, tho pool of Mahadeva
Solomon, ring of, possessed of magic- under the form of the pillar God,
al properties,
206 « 3, 505 « 6, 256 n 4, 454 n 6.
650 and n 2. Stateira, wife of Alexander the Great,
Soms name of the moon in Sanskrit, 382 #,
7on32 Btatistscal Account of Bengal, Hunter's
Bomagraha, lucky things, 79 » 2. 125 2 8, 299 n 8,
Somauith,—or Stem, Dr., 884» 1.
Somanitha, south-west of the Penin- Steingass, Perman Dictionary, 142 2 8,
aula of Gujarat on the sea-shore, 159 2 8, 812.17, 32192, 466 7,
17 44,2724. Bee also the next 629 2 3.
Somnit,—or Sthineswara, the modern Thinesar,
Somnith, in Gnjarét on the ooast, 208 n 6,
17 and# 4, 27 and n 4, 28 andn4, Sthina, a name of Mahideva, 398 » 6,
266 See Somanath Strabo, the Greek geographer, 23 an
Bon, the,—or the Soane, a tributary 1 and 3,
of the Ganges, 82 » 1. Subah of Agra, 410 2 4.
Bonhér, town of, 407 and n 6. Subhén-Aliah, to express surprise or
Sonipat Bangar, district of Hindistan, astonishment, 515 7.
12801. [and = 6. Subdatu-l-Abrar, one of the poetical
Sonnergong, same as Sunirgiow, 186 | works of Maulina *Abdu-r-Rabmin
Sonpat,—or | Jami, 272 nm 1.
Sonpath, a city with a fortress north| | Subh-s-Kagub, the falee dawn, 116
22.
of Dibli, 21 » 4, 37 and n 8. ' Snbuktugin, Nigira-d-Din, roler of
Bontheimer's Idn Basfar, 146 » 6, 172| Kéoul and Ghasnin, 13 and n 1,
n 2, 173 2 and xn 2 and 3, 182 an 14 and wm 1 and 2,15, 10 and 9 1.
1 and 4, 464 n 1, 65071, Sueldt, a ulken staff brocaded with
Sorath, country of, 264 and » 6, 454 | gold, 643 » 8.
n 7, 465 | Sadr Khan, Governor of Agra, one ot
Soreth, penmmenuia of, 454" 7, Sume the Amurs of Suljin Sikandar Lodi,
as Sorath 419 11
 Faden. _ exly
Geer,
Gulf of 10001. 5 | Suleicain Qhih Akat Kpln, brother's
Gues, town of, 160 #1. son to Saltin ‘Aléa-d-Din Euiiji,
Bati Khin Yeu Asibachs, one of the 280 a 5.
courtiers of Buln Qatho-d-Dis Boleimin Ghih Lodi, Malik, one of
Xdilji, 901 and « 6, 208. the Amire of Mubarak Ghih of the
Bafi Wali Suaitin Kadimi, one of the Selyyid dynasty, 388.
Annirs of the Qisilbigh, 676 « 3. Gulindrine, the town of Jilandhar in
Sifie, the, 68 = 5, 19104, 8740 5, Ptolemy, 383 and « 4.
508, 613. Sulphur, notes on, $40 « 3.
Maghma or Sigmd, a Turki worl Sulfan, title, first assumed by Mab-
meaning « pole, 407 « 1 mid Ghasnawi, 16 0 3.
Suhé, « small ohecure star in the Salin of Ram, the Galtin of Tarkey,
Lenser Hear, 182 and # 2, 871 and 480.
n 6, Sultin ‘Alem, son of Saltin Sikandar
Gudus, a collection of pages, 615 a 5. Lodi, 451, 454
Sai Sibar, province of, 425 n 2. BSuljin Bahédur, raler of Gajrit,
Bakhpt) Nebes,—or contemporary of Humiyén, 453,
Gikhpé) Nabe, R&ji of Bind, contem- 453, 454 and n 4, 456, 466, 456, 686.
porary of Sukén Mabmid Ghas- Suljin Begam, wife of Mira’ ‘Askari,
nawi, 2andn4 See the next. 60.
Bikhpél-Nawisa §hih, grandson of Suljin Begam, sister of Ghih Tah-
Jerpel, 204. Same as the above misp of Persia, 670 and = 11.
(¢ v)- Sakin Hoshang, Aip Khan, the ruler
Buleimién (Solomon), 186, 559, 596. of Milwi, 368
n 2, 884.2 5, 385 3.
Sulermin Badakkshi, Mirsi, raler of Sultin Jansid Mirsd Birlaa, one of the
Radakhehin, contemporary of Hu- Amirs of Babar, 488 446, 468, 469
milyiin, 574, 660, 681, 585, Bultin Kot, fortress of, in the country
Bulesmin, son of Hasan Sir, and of Bhasiyana, 80 and as 5 and 6,
brother of Shir Shih, 468. Suljin Mabmid Ghasnawi. See un-
BSalomin Khin Karrini, one of the der Mabmid of Ghasnin
Amirs of Islem Shah Bar, 625, 540, Saltin Mubammad Mirsi, raler of
541, 556. Eburésin, elder won of Shah Tah-
Buleiman Khan, son of Khtn-i-hinin miap of Perna, 569.
Farmali, one of the Amira of Sul- Sultiupir, town of, formerly called
gan Sikandar Lodi, 438 and «11, Arankal,.299.
424 and » 2 SulsEnpér, on the river of Lihor, 465,
Baleimin, adopted gon of Malik Mar- 72, 508, 506, 613, B34
wan-i-Daulat, ove of the Malike Sultan Saiyyid Mahammad, came as
of Sultin Fior Shah, 835, 352, Muhammad Shah of the Ssiyyid
376. dynasty 10 2 2.
19
 ealvi
Sadie Gyih Kbughdil, the amir of
fimEni, one of the Amirs of the
Firts QL8hi dynanty, 963,
Saltin Shab Lodi, called Islim Khan,
Governor of Sihrind nader Khisr
Khin of the Saiyyid dynssty, 860
and 98,
Sultin Sharf or Sharq. Governor of
Bailina, 4l4 and xn 6 and
the next ’ Sipar, town of, 4x0.
Bultin Slarg, con of Sulgin Abmad
Jilwini the First, 414 and an 6, 11
and 12, See the above,
Soltivam, mater of Shit Tahmisp
Persia, 670 8 11.
Bokina-l-Maghiukh Nigima-]-Auhyi,
266,301. See ander Nigimu-d-Din
- Auliyé,
Baljina-sh-Sharg, raler of Bains
contemporary of Suljin Sikanda
Lodi, 414.4 8
BSulginu-sh-Sharq Khwaja-1-Jahin, one
of the Malia of the Toghlaq Qhahi
dynasty, $48 and » 9.
Bultinv-sh Bharq Mubirek Shah
Qarangal, ruler of Jonnpir, 860.
Sumbul, the spikenard of the ancients,
146 « 6, 373 and n 4.
Sambul-i-Hivdi, the perfamed
bal, 146 2 6,
Sumbul-:-Rimi, called also Nardin,
146 » 6.
Bimré Rijpite, the rulers of Sind, 18.2.
Sunirgim,—or
Suuirginw, on a branch of
Brahmaputra § E. of Dacca, 186
and 7 6, 200, 808, 909,
Bindbi Kis, the Hinda General
of
Suitin Mabammad, son of Sultin
Mabmid Ghazpewi, 94 and n 2
Indes.
Sunnah, the practice of the Frophes,
488
+. 7, 519 and n 4, 560, 626 and
nl,
Sunnatun mu‘akkodatwn, an anthentl-
cated treditionnl practice, 696 » 9,
Sunnis, the, 8 2 6, STandni, 60
n 4, 1561, 200n, 830 24, 420
18, 676.05, 60605, G25
0 8, 698
PF Sée an 1,2 and 6,
Supéri, the nut of Areca catechu, 308
a 6,
Sigmé cr Sighmd, a Targi word
of meamng a pole, 497 n 1.
Sir Afghans, the, 538,
Surasyyd, the Pleiades, 690 n 4
Surate, town of, 454" 7. See Sorath.
Siratu-l-Ibhlag, one of the chapters
of the Qor'in, 9 un 8 and ¢
Siratu-t-Kohf, one of the chapters of
the Qar'én, 207 a 1.
S#ratu r-Rahmén, one of the chapters
of the Qur’iin, 218 2.
Surgha, probably for Sighme @ Tarki
word meaning a pole, 407 » 1.
Seri, « flower, 1423 and » 8.
Sarkhib of Tabriz, called ‘the
Sepulchre of the Poets," 339 2 4,
sam. 564 x.
Suarkh bud, or Red idol, one of two
enormous tages in Bamiin, 46 21,
Surkh Kulih, or Red-eaps, name of
the Turkoming of the district of
Gann Sir, 48 and « ?
the Sarra-man-ra’B, or Simarri, a town
of ‘Irigq on the eastern bank of the
Tigris, 69 9 1, 571 and 2,
Sureati,
a fortress in the hills of
Kashmir, called also Sarsati snd
Sareuti, 36 « 1.
 Index exlvii
Bortag, liq, nameot > place, 660.18 Butlej, the. Gee ander the Satiaj
Suarir, town of, 326 n. Si-ul-qenys, description of tha di
Surusty, for the conntyy of Sarsuti seaee so called, 30 n 2, 514,
(qv), 801. Suyiji, Ae, aathor of the Térigiu-l
Sarya Ridhduta, Rargees, 143 2 2, Kavlafd, 1202, 16 04,17 a8 i
Sue, an town of Perasin, 332 n. al. '
Beene, the hily, notea on, 101 n 2, Sword of saree, Gaetor’s, 141 0 4,
Sagnn.s dadd, the white yvamety of the Sydenham Soviety, the, 8302 1.
ily, 102 9 1. Ayrin, 270 n, 585 0 7,
Basdni, the syrino origin of the word Buytyghii, a Torki word meaning
SRean or lily, 101 « 1. gifts of land, 424 n 2

Tr'abbata-nhaerin, surname of Sibit- nar 1, 2, 9 and 4,70" 3,7lan5

bin Jabrr al-Fahmi, the famons Gand 7, 72 nn 1,3 and 4, 738 0 2
Arab athlete and warrior, 527 and 7inl, 723, 7928, 80 un 8, 4, €
n3 and 6, 8! on 2 and J, 62 na Sand 5
Tebagal.wAkhor Shiki, On 2,82 5 1, B3nn 1, sand 5, ft aud aw 1, 88
Bin4 Seathe Tabagit 1-Akh oi. wl, S61, 8725, 8525,90 n Z
Tabegat 1 Akins, popula name of the St x 4,321, 9tand 23,93 an}
Tarikhes Nigdini of Khwiya Nimiing: and 2,48 n 2, 120 an tl, Zand &, 12)
4.Din Abmad, 0 1 2,100 3, 29 n, nut, 2ard 5, !22 an 1, 2 and 3
4501, 42 n 4,8224, 83 1, 121 123 nw Zand 8, 124.5 1, 125 0 B, Ue
» 7, 396 na 1 and 7, 569 n 4, 570 aa oi, Zand 3 127 and an 1 aod 2
an 2and Il, 672 2 7, 574 anl 8rn 1129 an ?, 3 and 4, 136
and 0, 5752 3, 4797, fR2 nan & n2 13) na I ann 4, 132 na i
and 7, 58625, 602n6, 692 un $ 4 and 6, td4 2 1, 185 » 1, 5H
and 9, 694 n 6 n 4
Tabaqat.-Mahmad Shahi af Shihatbo- Tabagat -Shah Juhani, 95 2 6,
4-Din Hakim Kirmani Jaunpiri, Tabsrined ch, fortress of, im Raypi
230 anda 3 tant 1G and n 2,69 nnd m 3, Bt
Tabagat-v-Népri, Raverty, 13.0 1. 14 and v3 12t and » 5, 120, 181, 229
on 1 and 2, 16 nn Land 2,27 0 8, 235, $88 and » 2, 369, 300, 881, 292
19n2.2n2,238n 1, 20 » J, 3t 393
1,928.39 98 2, 35 01.3813, 40 Tabar: *he colcbrated Arab Hiatorian
» 4 50n1, Sinl, 63n4, fo an2 8Gn 2, 74n2,
end 4,564 1, G0 an land 2,63» 1, Tal-aristan, & provinces of Persia, 3!
65 an i and 2,00 an 1, 2 and 6, 69 aaa Zand 3, 47, 73 0 2.
exlyjii Index

Tabariya, Sea of,—the Dead Ses, 158 andn6, 6235 and 9, 626, 688,
wi, 636, 636. *
Tuberrd, or enmit~, a techuicsal term Teahmisp, Ghth, the King of Persia,
in use among t .9 Ghi'ahe, 876 and contemporary of Huamiyin, 488,
nh 6, 677 n. 456, 456, 406, 469, 470, 624,
Tabarrdi, accursed, 677. See under Taf, a town in Hijéz, 19.91.
Taharrad Taj or red caps of the Qizilbash, 687
Tabl-i.'uld nawakktan, meaning of the a7.
expression, 498 2 4. Taj Khin, one of the Amivs of Sultin
Tabriz, town of, in Persia, 72 » 4, 878, Ibrahim Lodi, 470.
5840 Taj Khin Kerrani, one of the Amire
Tafa ut, takinga fa’l or omen from of Islem Shih, 525, S89, 540, 541.
the words of a book, 412 » 1 Taj-+-Khurssa, a red flower without
Tafsir-1-Madénk, a work on the odour, 629 8 1.
sources of law ordinances, 428, Tijike, the descendants of Arabs in
429 and 1 1. Persia, 66 » 1.
Tofeiru-l.Batgawi, a celebrated com- Tiju-d-Din, Malik, Secretary of State
mentary on the Qur'én by Qézi of Suitin Shamsn-d-Din Iyal-
Baizgdwi, 6 nn land 4 See ander timigh, 94, 97.
the dAnwdéru-t-Tanzil. Taja-d-Din, Malik, one of the Amira
Taftizan', At-, anthor of the Muftare- of the Toghlag Shahi dynasty, 394
acal, a commentary on the Tulkassu ' Taya-d Din, Mahk, feadatory of
L-Miftdh, 428 n 3. | Badion, one of the Amirs of the
Taghana, a falchion, 215 and » 4, Shamsiyah Sn)jins, 125.
Taghi, Malik, one of the Amirs of Tiyo-d-Din Bakhtyér, Malik, one of
Soltin Muhammad Taghlaq §hah, the Amira of the Firiz §hithi
814, 319, 320 S24 dynasty, 953 and n &.
Taghi Tigh), 324 See the above Tiyu-d-Din Nebv, Mahk, 378 2 6.
Taginadad, one of the chief cities of See Tiyn-]- Maik Nabv.
Garmuir, 65 and » 1 See alan an- Tajo-d-Din Tilagini, one of the
der Takinahiad Amire of Sultan Ghryign-d-Din
Tahir, Khwaja, Wazir of Sutin Mac- Toghiag Shah, 298.
did Ghaznawi, 47 Tiyu-d-Din Yaldkuz,—or
Tatur, Bharkh, one of the Amirs of the ‘aju-d-Din Yaidas, one of the Ma-
Lodi dynasty, 418, { ‘zai Sultine of Ghaanin, 77 = 1,
Tibr Jonad, the poet, 624 n 6 78, 79, 80, 88, 90, 91.
Same as the following, Ta-l-‘Arue, a colobrated Arabic Die-
Tahir KEhond:,—or tionary, 620 #9 1.
Talur Khwindi Dakkan’, one of the | Tajn-t Ma'égur, name of an historical
poeta of the time of Humiyan, 626 | work, 73 u 2, 8008
 Indes. exl
Tajwt-Malk Malik Susnia, uncle of Talwira hills of, ‘3% and 2i. 6
* Sulsin JalStn-d-Din Khilji, 291. the next, .
Tijn-l-Malk Nabv,--or Talwira,a village on the right ba
Téju-]-Mulk Tabfa, one of the Malika af the Clinib, opposite Ridsi, 3
of Masnad-i-‘Ali Khigr Ehin of a1,
the Ssiyyid dynasty, 876 and » Tamichi, brother of Binhbana BR
2, 377, $78 and n §, 879, 380. governor of Thathe under Sal
Takkallup, pootical name, 6383 and Firos Shih Taghlag, 839 n 4.
a 5. Pamghich, Amir, one of the alat
Takkmdr, a dart having no point, of Sulgin Qutbn-d-Din Aiba
S16" 4, 89 and x 2.
Takivibid or TaginibSd, one of the Tamim, a tribe of the Arabs, 2
chief cities of Garmsir, 84 and « nt,
&, 48, 66 and » i. Tamim Angiri, one of the comp
Toklé, « Turki word, meaning of, 569 nions of Mahammad, 18 2.
and n 6. Temmat,~—or
Talanbha, a fortress at the janction Tammuti-l-Kifdb, answering to @
of the Jhelam and the Chenéb, word Fines at the end of bool
35523, See ander Talumbs. 426 and n 4
Talaundi town of, 362, 362, 382 and Tammixz, a god of the Pheenician
n 3, 302. 1042 2.
Talbagks Nigor, Malhk, 295 end # Tamis, the fourth month of tl
2. Bee under Talbigha Nigori. Jewish year, 104 and n 2,
Telbaghs Yeghda, Malik, 206 n 6 Tanbi>, a kind of mandolin, 195 1 4
See ander Talbigha Yaghda. Taneshar, 22.21 Same as the ton
Talbighs Négori, Mahk, one of the of Thinesar (¢ v.).
Amira of ~ Sulfin Qotbu-d-Din Tungah, 92 and « 8, See under Ta:
Khilji, 286, 295 and n 2. gah and Tunka.
Talbighs Yaghda, Malik, one of the Tang-chaghm, or close-eyed, & nan
Ams of Sultin Qotba-d-Din of the Turks, 627 n 7
Kbilyi, 286 and a 5. Tang-phakar, & suger jar baring
Talbar, a town iu the Kashmir hill very narrow mouth, 1749 2,
tracts,383 and « 2, 364.2 1. Tanha,— or.
Ta‘limiah, a eect of Muslim horetics, Tanquh, a copper, silver or gold coi
culled also the Bktiniah, 220 3. 87 1, 92 and » 2, 306 and n 3, SC
Talthiqu-t-Miftah, at-Taftazini’s and n.
abridgment of the Miftdhu-l.' Diam, Tantra t-Musaddas, the world, 14
428 » 3. a2
Talpath, town of, 296 Taqin-d-Din Way Rabbani, Mexgdia
Taltib, name of a place, 266» 4 Ghaskh, 383
 ol Index
Tarkwari, later name of the town of Tarif}-+-Mas'ddi, the history of Sultia
Tartyan (g.0 ), 68, 79. Mas‘id Ghasnawi, 47 # 3.
Tariyan, on the banka of the Sarauti, Tarith-+-Mubdrak Shahi of Yubyi tho
69 and » 4, 79, 90,98. See ander Abmad tbn ‘Abd lah Sirhindi, 10
Tard wari. and 0 2, 67 and n 2, 222 and » 3,
Tarisii-i-charkh.--or 228 and an 3 and 4, 307, 315 and »
Tarisii-1-fulak, a namo of the con- 7, 916, 366 and nv 4 and 5, $08 1,
atellation Libra, 142 1 2. 400 2.
Taidi Beg,—or Ti ikh-s-Nigdmi of Khwija Nigima-
Tardi Beg Khan, one of the Amira d-Dia Abmad, called also the Jaba-
of Homiyin, 455, 664 and » 6, 566, gdt-s-Akbarl, 9 and n 2, 62 and
568, 591. ni 4, 63 n, 64 and » 1, 67, 504
Targhi Mughal, invades Hindiatin in Térigh-v-Reghidi, Elias and Boss, 69
the reign of Sultin ‘Alau-d-Din a 6, 1082 8, 1469 2, 2382. 5, 286
Khilji, 250, 251. n 1, 805n 8, 853 n 1, 464 2 8, 578
THik4, chronogram, 605 and » 10. n 8, 674 6, 876 8 1.
Téikh-s-'Aldi of Mir Khueri, the Tartkh +-Shir Shihi, 457 » 6
famous post of Dilli, 247 n, 251 x, Tarikh wSubukiigen, 36.0 6.
252n 1. Called also the Tarikh-s- Térikhu t-Khulufa of as-Snyati, 12
Khesdinwl-Futih (¢ v.} a2, See ander the History of the
Tarikh-s' Alfi, 28 n 4, 80 n 4. Calipha.
Térif§-t-Baddon?, another name of the Tarigu-t-Tahdgig, one of the works of
Muntakhabu-t-Tawdrii of Badioni, Hikim Randi 56 2 2
llal Taji band, a kind of poem, 62 and
Ta ikh-+-Forighta, 205 1 2, See ander ni, 19tn’
Firshta. T rkbain, town of 405 1
Parikh s-Firds Shahi of Shams i-Sirij Turkib-band, a kind of poetical oom-
‘Afif, 315.07 position, 196.2 3, 198 a 2
Tarikh +-Firtés Shahi of Ziia-d-Din Tarkila, town of, 186.
Barni, 184 2 1, 185 2, 189 nn 5 Tarma §hirin, contemporary of Sul-
and 6, 2205 2, 249, 261n 5, 264% fin Meabammad Taghlag §hiah,
1, 289 9 1,274.2 1, 295 5 10, 301, 316
815 and o 7. Tartary, Chinese, 145 » 3.
Tdrikh-s-Gusida, 82 5 1. Tarytq or Turtéq the Magbul, of the
Tarikh-s-Kaghmir, 8 and n 8, 600 and royal house of Khurdsdu, 35! 2, 253
a7. " 3.
Tdrifh-i-Hhasdvaw-l-Futth of Mir Taghhir kardan, to expose to public
Khusra, known also as the Térigh- nidicule, 22 » 4.
‘dla (gq. v.), 252 and « 1, Taphif, technical meaning of the ex-
266, pression, 615 « 6.
 Indea.

Trelj, one twenty-fourth part of a Taube (Repentance), formata of, teed

Gas, 380 9 8. , on occasions of sadden alarm aud
Tat&r, conntey of, 161, 171. peril, 653 and a BE.
Titir Ryn, Governor of Sambal, con- Tauhid (Declaration of Unity), for-
temporary of Sultin Hasnin Sharqi mals of, used on oopasions of peril,
and Saltia Buablil Lodi, 408 and 651 and « 2.
8. Taurdt, the Mosalo law, 4n 1 —The
Tivir Ehin, aon of Areiiin Ehin, Book of the Law, 206 «.
Governor of Lakimanati under Tauros, the oonatelistion, 367 un 8
Saltin Ghiyipga-d-Din Balimn, 185. and 4,
Titér Khtu, adopted son of Sulfin Taughib, an acrostic, 606 and a &
Ghiytgn-d-Din Tughlng Ghab, 299, Tausin, Moyin, the famous Hindé
$23 n 8, 328. musician, 557 and 2 1
Theér Ehtn Kalpi,—or Tavwallé, affection (as opposed to
Tike Khin Risi, one of the Amirs of Taburrd qv ), 576 5 &
the Afghiin Sir dynasty of Dibli, Ta‘wiz, an amulet, 116 1 4.
542 and n 7, 692, 503. Tayammum, ablutional ceremony per-
Taétir Khan Lodi, one of the Awirsof formed with sand, 201 and 2 2
Baultin Bahddar of Guyrit, 452 Togkira (Rook of Memors) of Shaikh
Titir Khan, gon of Sirang Khin, one Jomili Kanbawi of Dihli, 430.
of the Amira of the Firiz §Shibi Tozkira of Mabammad Dfi of Merv,
dynasty, 364. S8andal. See also under Tagks-
Titécr Khin Sicang Khini, ono of the rotu-ghe Shu‘ard.
Amira of the Lodi dynuaty, 443, 445 Tazkirats l-Mulak, an historical work,
Téitar Khin, aon of Zafir Khin, ove 33 « 2, 90» 3.
of the Amora of the Firix Shahi Tagkiratu-ch-Shu'eré of Muhammad
dyunsty, 352, 854 and « 8, 861. ‘Anfi of Merv, 33 and n 1, 221.
Titar Khurd, Mahk, Govornor of Tedjer, name of the river Tigris in
Laihor under Sultin Mnobammad the Zend, 394" 5S.
Tughlaq Shah, 909 Teesta nver, the, Bin 1.
Thtice, the, 191, 192, 221, 262 Teheran, crpital of modern Poruis,
atta, town of, 67 aod n 1, 187, 820 Sn I.
and n 6, 322, 333 and » 6, 333 and Telinga,—or
0 4, 381 and » 8, 408 and n 7, 464, Telingina, Kingdom of, 265 an 3 and
6559, 540, 562, 566 Called also 4, 286.
Tatthah and Thathab Ten Thousand, Xenepbon’s acoonnt
Tatthnh. See under the town of of the retraut of the—, 586 n.
Tatts! Thikue of the Hindas, 484 » I
Taw'am, name of the second arrow in Thales, the celebrated Greak astrone-
the game of marr, 869 0 1. mer, 367 an 8 and 4
 olii Tudex.

Thina of Bhim, a name of the fort- Tibat,—or

ress of Bhimnagar, 21. Tibbat, country of, 849, 183, Bee
Thinesar, town of, Si and n 4, 22 # also under Tibet,
1, 68 and n 4, 208 and # 5, 826 a, Tiberhind,--or
603. Tiberhindah, fortress of, 69.23. See
Thanessor, 2124 See Thinesar. under Tabarhindah,
Thaneswar, modern name of Thi- Tibet, 88 and a 4, 84 and a, See
besar, 21 na under Tibbat.
Thangir, fortress of, 80 n 4. Bee Tieffenthaler’a Description af India,
under Thankir. 19 n 2, 208 5, 2154 98" 5, 280
Thankar, or properly Bhankar, fort 2, 24an3 and 6,25" 5, 28 an 3
of, 7i n 2,425 and n3. See under and 4, 36 w« 10, 87 an 9 and 3, 66
Thankir. nn 8 and
7, 67.21, 69nn & and 4,
Thankir, fortresa of, in the territory 70 nn 3 and 4, 71 on 3 and
3, 80
of Bhiana, 80 nn 4 and 5. Called nn 1 and 6, 82n 1,06 » 4, i812 6,
also Thangir and Thankar (q ¥ ). 128 » 8, 129 wnt and2 180" 1,
Thar Yl, nephew of Himin Baggél 147 2 1, 1864 6,218 » 8, 328 x,
the Hindi General of ‘Adli, 558 and 256" 4,257 nn land 2, 965 n 4,
an 5 and 6. 813 » 6, 826 n 8, 8274 3, 865» I,
Thaths. See nnder the town of Tatta 856 9 1, 957 = 4, 864 an 4 and 6,
Theon’s commentary on the Alma- 866 », 880 n 2, 8832,
417 0 7,
gest, 76 n. 420 n 5, 423.2
3, 4256 0 4, 4540n 6
Thesaurus, Gesenias’, 304 » 5 aud 7, 456 » 6, 580 n 8, 559 » 6,
Thessalians, Epistle to the, 278 » 4. | 560 58, 500 n &
Thomas, Comms of the Esnge of Ghasna, | Tigin, Mahk, one of the Amirs
l6n 2,479 2. of Sultin Ghnylsu-d-Din Toghlag
Thomas, Pathén Kings of Dehis, 64 Shih, 298.
n 8,772 2,832"8, 87nn 1 and 6, Tigra, name of the river Tigris in old
88 nn 1 and 8, 80 "n 1 and 4, 01 Persian, 804 7 5.
nn 1 and5, 120 2 1,126» 3, 129 n Tigre, the, 69 n 1, 804 4 6, 624 n 8.
4, 185 n 1, 254 = 6, 269 nn 1 and 2, Mihérat, purifications enjoined by
807 «, 810" 2,311 n 4, 325 2 1, Mabammadan law, 603 and n 3
826 n, 827 n 6, 387 n 4, 8447, Tihéra, one of the Mountain tribé
345n 4, 346 n 6, 847 & 3, 851 nn 4, between Lakhnanti and Tibat, 64.0
9 and 11, 353 n 2, 859 n 4, 366 an Tijira, town in the province of
1 and 4,300 27, 400 a 1, 6565 6, Miwit, 366 n.
618 2 1, Tilki, town of, 384 nn 4 and 5,
Thornton's Gatetleer of the countries Tilak, the Hindi,—a General of Sql.
on the North. West of India, 667 nn tin Mas‘dd, son of Mabmiéd Ghas-
land 9
 Indep. eliti
%

Tang, called also Teling’ or Telin- Traditions of the Prophet, 856 » 4,

gina, coantry of, 261 » 5, 265 sud 515. .
nm 2, 207, 299, 300, 329. Trajan, canal of, 169 1.
Tilaundi, or Talanndi, town of, $52, Transoxiana, 1421, 151 8, 20 2 3,
262, 862 and n 2, 393, 27 2 2, 88, 58n 1, 357, 358. Bee
Tilok Chand, Rai, Governor of Khatra Méwari-an-Nahr.
(? Katehr), contemporary of Sulfin Travels of Ibn Bafetah, 87 n 1.
Husain §hargi of Jaunpir, 408 Tribea of the North-West, Eiott's,
4, 31227. See Bihote’s Races of the
Tilok, the son of Jye Sein, 36 n 9. NW. Piovunces of Indwa.
For Tilak ibn Husain (q ¥ ). Trabner, the London Pablsher, 76 2.
Tilak Chand, Rit,—Governor of Bak- Tachin, a town near Rantanbhor, 257
sar, contemporary of Suljin Husain nt
Bhargi and Bahlil Lodi, 408 and Tbra, for Tia (gq v ), 440 2.
n, Tada Bahadur Khin, the Governor
Timour. See under Timi. of Suntr Ginw under Sultin
Timir the Great, 363 and 2 1, 355 Ghiyiga-d-Din Tughiag Shih, 290
and an 1 and 3, 356 and an lL and Tufak, s pea-shooter, 159 and x» 2,
5, 357, 358 and nn 4 and 6, 360 Toghi Kbin Mahk ‘Izzu-d-Din of
n 8, 361, 366" 1, 448, 454, 594 Lakhnanti, one of the Malka of
n 3, 605 21 the Shamaiyah Sultana, 126
Timar Khin, the Mugbil, one of the Thghén, a falcon m Turki, 215 6,
Generale of Chingnz Khin, 168 1. Taghin the Ka'is, one of the Tark-
Timir Khin Qara Beg, known algo as bachas, raises an insurrection 1n
Mahk Qiran, one of the Shomaiyah the reign of Kinzr Khin of the
Malka, 125 and n 4 Sayyid dynasty, 379, 380.
Tippera District, 186 7 6, Tighanak, a kind of bird m Turki,
Ter, o kand of cambric or lawn and 215 05
also an arrow, 192 2 1. Taghdi Beg, one of the Amira of Sul-
Tirhut, 86, 349, 416. tan Maa‘id ibn Mabmid Ghaznaw),
Tirpauliya mosque of Abmadabad, 36, 37 1 7, 38, 48
§35 and 1 6. Tughlaq Khin, son of Fath Khan,
eryarah, a bad omen, 412 1 J. son of Saitan Firoz Shah, 338. See
ora o twsak, Turk: words smplymg | under Taghlag Shah
the acknowledging one ae nghtful ‘ ‘Tughlag Khin Ghizi-1-Mulk, after-
lang with doe formalities, 250 » 1. wards Sultin Ghiyigu-d-Din Tugh-
Toribend, Mahk, one of the Malks Inq Shah, 249, 250, 251, 252, Bee
of Sultén Firus Shih Teghlag, 328 { wider Ghi2i Mahk

al. | Taught: Shih See ander Sultin

Tradition, sx booka of, 626 1 1 Ghiyisu-d-Din Taghlag bah.
gn
cliv Index

Taghing Ghih, von‘of Fath Khin, son Talim or Tulloom, « village on the
of Bultér. Firoz Ghah, of tue Tugh- north bank of the Sutlej, 382 5 3.
lag Ghehi dynasty of Dihii, 324, $88 Tulatba, town of, at the junction of
aad a1, 341, 343. the Jhelam and the Chenib, $55
Toghlaqibid,*fortress of, 296, 397, and h 1, 880 andnm 2, 290, 292,
299, 300, 307 427
Tughlaq-Nama, one of the poetical Talimdi,—or
works of Mir Khusri of Dihli, 801 Tulindi, the village of Tulim g. v.,
Tughral, Govarnor of Bengal under probable origin of the town of
Sultin Ghiyiso-d-Din Balban, 135 Talaundi, 883 » 8.
«1, 186, 216. Talloom, a place on the north bank
Tughral Beg Abi Talih Mohammad of the Sutlej, 382 # 2.
Sbn Mikal vbn Saljig, founder of Tanis, the province in North Africa,
the Saljtgi dynasty, 42 and n 3, 167 n 4.
48,512,616 See also under Tir, one of the aons of Faridin, King
Togbril Beg. of anorent Persia, 485 and « 2,
Tughral Haji, an Amir of the Ghas- Tara, palsades or abattis in Turki,
navide dynasty, 47, 48, 50. 440 1.
Tughral, the Turkomin, 42. See Tirip, neme given to the collection
Tughral Beg, founder of the Sal- of countries situated beyond the
jigqi dynasty Oxus, 15 » 6, 86.
Tughril ibn Arslin the Suljiq, of the Turk Allah,—or
Baljigi dynasty of Khurasin, 298 Tork-i-Khadi, God's champion, a title
a4, of Mir Khusri, the famous poet of
Tughril Beg, founder of the Saljiiqi Dihli, 270 and « 5.
dyneaty, 858 Sea under Tugh- Torkin Khatin, called also Shih
ral Bog Tarkio, mother of Suljén Euknu-
Tabfa, Mahk, one of the Amirs of d-Din Firds Shih abn Shaman-d-
Khur Khin of the Sais 51d dynaaty, Din Tyal-trmiah, 08 aod n 1
376 and n 2 Turkbacha Sulfini, ruler of Simins,
Tuhfo v-Iena-aghariyah of Bhah 360, 362 See under Babrém Ents
*Abda-l-Azts of Dihli, 677 n Turkbache
Tuhfatu-?-Ahvar, one of the poetical Tarkbachas, the, 378, 388
works of Maulina ‘Abdu-r- Rahman Torkestin See under Turkistén,
Jimi, 272 2 1. Turki Dictzwnary Ser De Gourtenlog
Tuhfatu-l-'Ireyan of the celebrated Dachonnasre Turk-Orvental,
poet Khayani, 583 n 4 Tarkis, the, 20, 672 » 8 Bee the
Tilak ibn Husain, one of the Amira Turks
of Sultin Maid ton Mahmud Turkish Dretionary, iedhonae's, $75
Ghaznewi, 349 nt
 Index. ely

Turbish-Persign Dictionary of Fagla- Turquoise, notes op the gem, 680 and

ish Khin, 482 «2,575 01. See
under Faglo-llah hin.
Tarkistin or Turkestan, 90,71, 83,
80, 188, 185 », 158 0 6, 159s, 181,
206 1 6, 448 n 2, 584.0 8,
Tarkomins, the, 80, 35, 86 and n 8,
87, 88, 42, 43, 47, 46, 77 51, 590,
621 n 4
Turka, the, 61." 5, 85, 88, 121, 122
w 8, 182, 200, 500, 627 « 7. Bee
the Tarkis.
Turmazi Xofwdél, a kotwal of Dibli in
the time of Sultin ‘Alin-d-Din
Ehilji, 260.
Torner Macan’s edition of the
Néma, 88 » 2, 108 n 2, 116 n 5, 178
@ 2, 207 « 7, 486 - 2.
n &, 681 «.
Turrir, a city of Turkestia, 1500,
Tartiq the Mughal, of the roys! house
of Khorisin, invades Hindistia
in the reign of Baltix ‘Aliu-d-Din
Ehiji, 250 and 0 10, 253 and « 8.
Tas, » district and city of Khurisin,
$2n1, 42 and nl, 619 6, 71,
750.
Tizak, a Torki word meaning ‘right'
or ‘authority,’ 250 » L.
Titsak-t-Babori, called also Wagi'dt-i-
Babari, 4884 7,448 "4. See also
Memowrs of Babar,
Shah- Typho-Malarial fever, 820 ns.
Tyrthenian, Plswus the, inventor
of the rostrum, 20 « 5.

v.
‘Ubsid Rakiti, the poet, one of the Ujiainiah Rijas of Bhojpar, 195
contemporaries of Salgin Ghiytsu- al.
d-din Tughlaq Ghih, 208 and Olagh or Olaq, post-horses in Turki,
a 8. 202 » 3.
‘Ubsida-llah Khin, the Osbak King, ‘Ulema, application of the term, 308
582 2 6. a4,
Uolsh, the city of, 66 and an 8 and 6, Clég, post-horess, 203 » 8. Ses
70% 8, 80 and # 1, 90, 126, 130, under Oldgh.
132, 292, 293, 353. Ulug Bog, the royal astronomer, 152
‘Od, a mumcal instrament of the #8, 198 4 2.
Arabs, 146 9 1. Ulugh Beg, Mirsi, one of the Anire
UWdhifar, the town of Oodypir, 18 «. of Humiyin, 578. See aleo ander
Cditnagas, fortress of, 433 n 2. Ulagh Mires.
(fi, author of a Tazkira, 78.2. See Tlogh Khin Balban,133 See nnder
under Muhammad Offi of Merv. Ulogh Khia Ghiyisa-d-Din Balbax.
Ujain,—or Ulagh Ehin Fakbro-d-Uin Jink, eon
Uyjain, on the Sipra, 95 and n 4, 257 of Ghiyisn-d-Dia Toghlaq Shih,
a 1, 204, 384 n 5, 495 297, 208, 299, 800 and = 8, 801.
elyi Index.

See under Saltin Muhammad Togh- ‘Umar Khiin Ghihibu-d-Din, son of

laq Shih. Sultin ‘Allu-d-Din KBtii, 878 « 4.
Ulugh Ehin Ghiyigu-d-Din Balban, See under §hihibu-d-Din ‘Umar.
who eventually ascends the throne ‘Umar Khin §hirwini, one of the
of Dihlt under the title of Sultan Malike of Balin Bablil Lodi, 412
Ghiytmu-d-Din, 124 and » 4, 137, n 2.
128, 129, 181, 182, 184 a9 1 and 2, ‘Umar Khin, son of Sikander Khin
188, 184. Sir, 431 » 4.
Ulugh Khin Iimis Beg, brother of ‘Umar Shaikh Mirsi, second son of
Baltin ‘Aléu-d-Din Khuji, 247, Timir and the father of Bébar,
248 and n 2, 249, 250, 254, 265, 606 and » 1, '
266, 267, 268, 259, 261 aod n 6. Umayyah, Dynaaty of, the Khbalifahe
See also under Iimis Bog. of Damascus, 13.4 1, 481 58.
Ulugh Khan-i-A‘'zam, Mahk Ghiyagu- Umballa District, $62 » 1,
d-Din Balban, 181, 184 #1, See ‘Omdatu-l-Mulk, or Privy Councillor,
Ulugh Khan Ghiyasu-d-Din. 401.
Dilugh Khini canal, leading from the Umm Hini, danghier of Abi Tilib
Satlej, 825 n 3, 826 » and sister of ‘Ali, 105 and n 2, 150,
Ulagh Mirzé, son of Mahammad Ummahini. See the above.
Zamin Mirza, one of the Amira of Ummahdt, a acientifle term, 176 2 2.
Humiiyiin, 452, 458, 674. See aleo Ummu @haiddn, a thorny tree, &50
under Ulugh Beg. ni
Ulie, a Torkwh word mgnifying ‘s Ummno Kalsim, danghter of Mobam-
large tribe,’ 576.11 mad and wife of ‘Usman, the third
Uliabegi, ov chief of the tnbe,—a title, Khalifah, 69 n 4
675 » 1. ‘Umr Khon §hirwini, one of the
Ulis-1-Chaghté, 576 n 1 Mahka of Sultin Bubllil Lodi, 412
under the Chaghatai tribe. n 2.
Ulwar, distmot and town of, 134.2 1, ‘Umr Khin, son of Sikandar Khan
$65 n &, 366 n. Seo also under Sir, 41 n4
Alwar. ‘Umrah, the lesser pilgrimage, 175,
Ulwar See Ulwar V6 n
Diam, pluial of wmmatan, the fol- Unio, town of, 408 n 5
lowers of s prophet or a people of Unar, Rar, the ruler of Thathsh, con-
one religion, 373 aud v 3, *emporary of Bultin Firozs Shib
‘Umar, the second Khalifah, called Taghlag, 332 n 6.
al-Farigq, 3% 6, 59 n 3, 106, 303 n 4, United States of 4mericn, 586 n.
604 2 6, 625.2 3 ‘Unnab, a tree and ita fruat, 317 n 2,
‘Omar Khin, nephew of Salsin ‘Ali- Unguri, the famous Persian poet, 46
ad-Din Khahi, 259. nu 4,
 Faslon elvil
a

Unigerh, fortress ‘of, 422 and n 9, Oshi, Khwija Qutbn-d-Din. See

43. under Quibu-d-Din Oghi.
'Ugdb, an eagle or kite, 352 « 1. ‘Unmin, the third Khoelifah, called
‘Ugdd, the conatellation Ragle, 821 9. Zu-n-Nirain, 3 » 6, 59 » 4, 106 1 4,
*Ugdatu-l.Junsbiyah, an astronomical 168 n, 625 » 3,
term, 162 # 4. ‘Usmin, an Afghin of the time of
‘Ugdatu-r-Ra’e, an astronomical term, Islem Shih Sar, 405.
162 2 4, Usta ‘Ali Quali, the Artillerist of
*Uqdatu-gh-Qhimdliyah, an astrono- Baber, 489 and » 6.
mical term, 162 # 4. Ustid, the,—a title of Firdausi, the
‘Uqdatu-g-Zanab, an ngtronomical celebrated Poet, 461 and n 6
term, 162 4. ' Ustid Abu-I-Faray Bani, the Poet,
‘Unig or ‘Ariy, the last foot of the i contemporary of Soltin Ibrihim
firat hemistich, a term of Prosody, Ghagnawi, 53 n, $4 and a I,
0065 a4 ' Datad ‘Ali Qali, the Artillerist of
Useful Plants of India, Drury’s, 178 ‘ Bihar, 489 and n 6.
n 2, 308 », 560 u 1, 627n 2. " “Upirid, the planet Mercury, 630
Cehi, Khwija Bahiu-d-Djn, « famons and 238
preacher and learned divine, 78 ‘Uart, an idol worshipped hy the
and n 2. old Arabs, 110 2 8.

Vv.
Valley of the Ante, mentioned sn tho Vikramajit, Rai, eon of Rii Min
Qur'in, 840 n 2 Singh, Governor of Gwaliar, con-
Vasudeva, one of the deities of the temporary of Sulfin Ibrahim Lodi,
Hindus, 24 9 6 432
Venaog, one af the two ausmewus Vinea, a shelter under which to ap-
planets, 138 » 3, 630 n 2 proach the wails of a fortress,
Vibhat, name of the Jhelam in San- 494 1 7,
akrit, 23.» 3. , Vipisa, name of the Bith in Ban-
Vikramaditya, the Raji of Ujjain, akrit, 23 2 8.
font Virgil, Georg., 75 2,
Vikramijit, Rai, 95. Same as the ; Virgin, the,~once the title of the
above (q v.). 1 fort of Hansi, 37 n 2.
Vakramijit, “gon of Manik Vitasti, name of the Jhelam in San-
Deo, the
Raya of Gwahar, contemporary ofakrit, called also Vihat and Viyatta,
Sulsin Sikandar Lodi, 410 anc x Lt. { %@.
elviii Index.

Viyatta,”the river Jholam, 29 » 3. ) Vritras, the, alain by Indra with hile

See the above. \ thanderbolé, 304 2 4.
Voyages d Ibn Batita, 671, See | Vuller's Fersiso-Latinum Lesicon, 80
under Ibn Hagiteh. #2, 109n 4, 162 2 4, 173 an Sand
Vrindivana, town of, 34 " 6. 8, 102 n 8 313 "8,

WwW.

Wadi, a valley or desert, used in the , Walaj, fort of, called also Bajj, 94
sense of art, 567 and » 3 and » 7,
Whfi Malik, title of Malik Qhihin, | Wali, one who has attained to the
one of the Amira of Saltin Qutbu- knowledge of the Supreme Being,
ad-Din halyi, 284 §2 and n 8.
Wofi’i, one of the poets of the time | Wili of Bangali, the contemporary
of Humiyin, 609. of Shir Gbih, 469.
Waghd, name of one of the blank | Wali Qiz:l, one of the Amirs of
arrows in the game of massir, 369 Bébar, 441.
al. Walid ibn ‘Abdu-l-Malik Marwini,
Wahbibis, the 188n 2. one of the Umaiyyad Khalifahs
‘Woahida-d-Din Quraishi, Malik, one | of Damaacus, 11 n 3, 12 and an
of the Amira of Sultan Qatbu-d- | Yand 2,18 n.
Din Khilji, 285 and n 4, 2864 1, Walid sbno-r-Raiyyin, one of the
$90. | three chief lords of Ghaddid ibn
Waihind, on the western bank of the ; ‘Ad (q v.), 262 n.
Indus, 19 # 2, 20n 1. | Walid ibn Tarif ash-Shaibini, one of
Wais Sirwini, Khwijn, one of the | the Khawirij in the reign of
Amis of Ielem Shih Sar, 493 and | Hirinu-r-Rashid, 74» 2
a 7, 497. | Walss, holy men, 6278 See Wali
Waisi, one of the poate of the time | Wamig, hero of s Turkish romance,
of Homiyiin, 584 and » 4, 585. | Manin. See the next.
Wajiha-d-Din, Shaikh eon of Kamiiin- Wamig and ‘Asra, a Tarkish romance
ad-Din ‘Ali Shih Quraishi and | by Mabmid bin Agmin Lamii, 40
father of Shaikh Bah&a-d-Din
| al
Zakariya, 193 » 2
| Wamiq and'Asra, a Turkish romance
Wejiha-d-Din Qorashi, ore of the
Malika |
by Ma‘id of Tarkhin, 40 9 1.
of Sultin Qntbu-d-Din | Wagi‘dt-s Babari, calied sleo Tasak-+.
Khilji, 286 . 4 | Babari, 421 and n 8, 448 and n 4.
Wilé Mubammad Bathan, 161. Same |
Sen also under the Memoirs of
+

as Ginyisu-d-Din Bathan (q ¢ ) Riibar

cee.
 Indes, elix
a

Warangal, ancievé capital of Telin- Western Janna Canal, the, 825 n 8.

gina, 265 n 4. “Western Rohtas, 498,
Wardi, a kind of beverage, 81 n. Whinfleld’s Omar Khavwydm, 1440 1.
Wars, « herb need for dyeing clothes, Wiliyat-i-Panns, 417 and » 6. Bee
178 # 2. ander Panna.
Wigil, Malik, adopted son of Malik Wileon's Sanskrit Dictionary, 635
Mubarak Qavangal of Jaunpiir, 360 wf.
nl Works of Sir Willram Jones, 76 2,
Wisit, a town of ‘Irig between Bagra Wuzk', ceremonia! washings before
and Kifsh, 12" 1. prayer, 603 and n 7, 608 x.
Wassif, the Historian, 205 » 6.
x.
Wasir, at chess, 103 and a 1.
Wasir Khan Mahk Shahik, oue of the Xenophon’s Account of the Retreat of
Amirs of the Balbani dynasty, 220, the Ten Thousand, 586 n.

¥.
Yadava Kingdom of Deogir: in the Yabyi ibn Abmad ibn ‘Abdo-llah
Deccan, 271 » 6. Sirhindi, author of the Térids-+-
Yadavas of Wind Mythology, 27 14 Mudaiak Shahi, 10 w 2, 67 n 3, 223
Yedgir Nasir Mirsi, one of the n 2, 815 "7.
Amirs of Humiyin, 462, 463, 464, Yabyé ibn Bokayr, « traditionist, 18
4665, 660, 661, 562, 574, 677 », 578, nl,
§80. Yaby& ibu Terf'il, the head of the
Yafis, (Japhet), son of Nah (Nosh), Chightis, father df Shaikh Sherafa-
281. See under Japhet. ad-Din Maniri, 416 » 13.
Yaghrash Ehin, of the royal family Yabyi Paran, Miyin, one of the
of the Khil)is, 288 Amira of Sikander Sir (¢. v.),
Yaghrash Khilji, father of Suljin 547,
Jalatu-d-Din Kuilji, 230. Yahya Qaswini, Qisi, 64 and » 1.
Yahmit, name of the fish upon which See ander Yabyf 1bn ‘Abda-]-Lasif.
the world is said to reat, 148 n 2. Yebyi Taran, Miyin, Governor of
Ya how’, au mvrocation to the Moat Sumbhal, one of the Amirs of the
High, 146 and » 2. Afghin Sir dynesty, 545, 646, 547,
YabyS ibn ‘Abdn-l-Lajif Qozwini Yok of Tibet, 543 » 1
Dimishai, anthor of the Lubbu-t. Yakiakhi, Malk, one of the Amira of
Towdriih, 349, 49 » 3, 64 and Sultin Qutbn-d-Din ibn ‘Alin-d-
# 1, 694 and n 9. Din Khilji, 283, 284, 286 and x» 1
olx Tadez.

Yakesar, for Baksar, ov the left bank 06.01, 180 n, 166 1, 263
0, 476
of the Gunges, 408 # 5. nS, 57007.
See under Yigit, the Arab Yjqit the Abyssinian, Chief Armlr
Yikit.
Geographer. ‘ander Sultin Raggiyah bunt Salgin
Yaiae, w standard or ensign in Torki, Shamen-d-Din Tyaltimish, 190, 121
483 0 2. _ ond « 2,
Yamak, name of a city and oountry Yarhils, town, 589 » 2.
celebrated for the beanty of its Yasiri ibn Iyamghir, the Diwan of
people, 158, 159 ». Ghasnin under Suljin Mandid
Yaman, country of,-~in Arabia, 74 » Ghaznawi, 47.
2, 262 5 Yatmiyin of Bokhtra, father of the
poct JEbT (q. v.), 618 » 6.
Yamiu, Sulgin Mubammad, king of
Khuriain, 99 » 4, 138 9 1. Yaedi, author of the Zéfarndina, 347
Yaminah, wife of Solomon, 205 » 8. n 8, BEB 2 6.
Yamin-i-Amin-l-Mominin, title of Yazid ibn Maryad, one of the Gene-
Sultin §Ghamsn-d-Din Iynltimigh, rela of Hirinu-r-Raghid, 74 » 3.
88. Yasid ibn Ma‘iwiyah, second Ehali-
Yamina-d-Daniah Sulgan Mahmid thn fah of the howsa of Umaiyyah, 205
Napro-d-Din Ghaenawi, 15, 16, nJ,48landn 8,
17. See Sultan Mahmiid of Ghas- Yemen, conniry of,—in Arabia, 74"
gis. 2, 262 a,
Yamiou-d-Danlah Rukau-d-Dio Firdz Yezdezbah,—or
GhSh, son of Sultix, Shamsn-d-Din Yerdibah, the magian ancestor of
- Iyal-timigh, 97. Tmam Bokhiri, 60 $.
Yaminu-d-Din Mohammad BMasan, Yir ‘Ali, a common nante among the
foll name of Mir Khnusri, the | §hi‘ah, 604,
famous poet of Dihli, 96 2 2. Youle and Barnett’s u .csvary af Anglo-
Yawinu-1-Khnlafat, title of Sultan Indian Words and Phrases, 495 n,
‘Aléu-d-Din Khilyi, 254 0 6 543 n 8,
Yamuna, the river Jamna which 1s Yulme, a Turki word moaning ‘that
also called Jamuna and Jaun, 23 which hae lost ite hase,’ 482 5 2,
n8,24n4. Yinas ‘Ah, ona of the Airs of
Ya‘gib, Sikandar Khan, one of the Babar, 44!
Malika of Sultin Muhammad Tugh- Yieuf, Mak, one of the Amire of
lng Shih, 337 Sultan Mubammad Taghlag Shih,
Ya'qibo-l-Manjaniqi, an Arab writer, 808
149 2. Pasuf and Zelaskhd of Mauléni ‘Abda-
Pagut or ruby, Four kands of, 26 » 2. r-Rahmip Jimi, 32 2, 27201,
Yiqit, the celebrated Arab Geo- 588, SBD.
grapber, lfm 3, 16nd, 22 2 2, t Yaoufand Zulertda, Griffith's, 272 9 1

Yieuf ‘Asdard-Dandah, son of Suigin
Mahmid Ghacnawi, 20, 4602.
Yéeut Khin Anbadi, Malik, one of the
Amirs of the Galyyid dynasty, 805.
Yaout Sarir, Malik,-or
Yisaf Suriro-l-Mulk, Malik, one ot
the Amirs of Mabirak Ghih of the
Batyyld dynasty, 888 end » 3, 991,
$93. See algo the next,
Index. elxi
Yisnf, son of Barwera-l-Mulk, Malik,
: 396, See the above.
Yisnf Qadr Khin, king of Turkistaa,
27.
YGsuf Safi Aslbechs, one of the
Amirs of Salis Quiba-d-Din Ehil-
ji, 201 and # 6.
Yesbéghi, an Amir of a handred, 318
and a 8,

Zz.
Zabul, a name for the town of Zefer Khan Hisabra-d-Din, one of
Ghasnin, 16 and n 8, the Malike of Bultin ‘Alfa-d-Dis
Zabil, tho second degree of the fever Knhilji, 247 » 3.
called dtqq, 319 2 4, 820 n. Zafar Khan Ehilji, brother of Sulsin
Zibul, grandfather of Bostam, the ‘Aliu-d-Din Khilji, 239.
famous hero of ancient Iran, 14.7 8, Zefar Kbin ibii Wajiho-l-Malk,
Zabuli, wa name of Sultin Mabmiid of Governor of Gujrat, one of the
Ghaznin, 17. Malike of the Firis Ghehi dynasty,
Zabuistan, 14 n 8, SL. 346, 364 5 8, 361, 964,
Zafer Khin, one of the Maliks of Zafasibad, town of, 209, 312, 828.
Sultan ¥.roe Shih, 337 n 2 Zafar-Nama of Yazdi, an historical
Zafar Khan, Uuyeruor of Guyrit work, 347 n 8, 868 n 6.
under Sulfén Firoz Ghah Tughlag, Zaftur Ehin Farey. See Zafar Khin
888 und » 11, 884. Farsi, ,
Zafar Khin ‘Alli, 811. See Zafar Zahadb, water oozing from the ground,
Khin Badra-d-Din 459 4 5
Zafar Khan Badro-d-Din, called Zafar Zabbék ibn ‘Olwin, one of the three
Khin ‘Alii, one of the Maliks of chief lorda of Shaddid ibn ‘Ad
Bultan ‘Aléa-d-Din Khilji, 247 acd (q. 2), 262 n.
n 2, 260 and » 5, 2564, 258, 261, 311. Zehir, nom-de-plume of Zahira-d-Din
Zafar Khin Malik Dinar Harami, one Tahir ibn Mubammad the Poet,
of the Amine of Suljin Qutbu-d- $39 aud n 4.
Din Khilji, 288, 294, 285. Zehir Dihlavi, Qizi, one of the posts
Zafar Khin Farai, one of the Malika of the reign of Salgin Mabmid of
of Galtin Firoz hah Tughlaq, 336 the Firis Shihi dynasty, 867 and
na &. # 3, 375.
gafar Ehin, son of Suljin GhiySgu-d. Zahiro-d-Din Babar Pidighih, 435,
Din Taghlag Shib, 297 436. See under Bibar.
21
xii
ibiru-d-Din L&bori, Melik, one of
the Amirs of Sultin Firos §bib
Tughlag, 838.
thiru-d-Din Mubammad §béh Babar,
486,443, flee under Bibar.
shira-d-Din Tahir ibn Mubemmad
Firyibi, @ celebrated poet, oon-
temporary of EbhSqdni, 830 acd
2 4.
ahiru-l-Juyigh, Inspector of the
forces, 302.
sid ibn ‘Ali, one of the Imams of
the Shi‘ah, 604 » 5.
ain Khéfi, Shaikb, a learned man of
the time of Bibar and Humiyin,
448 and 1 3, 609 and » 6, 610, 617,
618.
ain Khin Niyizi, one of the Amira
of Shir Shih Sir, 491.
ain Khini, Shaikh, a learned man
of the time of Bibar, 448 and » 3,
Eee Zain Khafi
aina-d-Din, aathor of a commentary
on the Mubaryyi, 450 and n 8.
sinn-d-Din Khifi, Khwaja, a famous
saint, 609 n 5,
ainu-d-Din Khifi, Shaikh, one
the learned men and poeta of the
time of Babar aud Humiyin,
and n 5, 610, 617, 618.
unn-d-Din Mahmid Kamingar,
Maulané, one of the Nagshbandi
Shaikhe, contemporary of Humiyin,
588 and 1 4.
unu-l.'Abidin bin Najim, author of
al- Aghbah wa-n-Nagair, 6 » 4,
argah, sortilege by, 412 n 1.
kat or almegiving, one of the five
fenndations of practical religion,
L75n4
Index.
Zokkiratu-l-Qawdnin, an bistorical
work, 99 2.
Zakima, the pleotram with which the
chang wan played, 148 # 1.
Zal, father of Bussam, one of the
heroes of the Shdh- Nama, 176 « 9,
Zal, the son of Afrsyih, king of
Tirin, 410,
Zamakhshari, the celebrated author
of the Keshehd/, a commentary on
the Qhr’in, 28 # i,
Zamindiwar, coantry of, 601.
Zandkhan, as fortified town near
Sarakha, 48 n 8.
Zang, @ cluster of globular belle cav-
ned by dik-ranners, 621 » 2.
Zang-bastan, to acquire importance,
621 « 2,
Zangbér, Shth ofthe Moon, 621,
Zangi, Abi Mansir, brother of Abu-
1-Fazi of Bast, contemporary of
Sultin Maudid Ghasnawi, 47 and
n7
Zangi, Solsin Ma'izzo-d-Din Mubam.
mand Sim Ghari, 65 2 2,
Zanzibir,—the Night, 621.
of Zanzbér, Sultan of, adopts Saiyyid
aa his regal title, 303 4,
609 Zaradrus, the river Sutlej, 23 » 3,
Zarb, in Prosody, the last foot of the
second hemistioh, 606 # 4.
Zard cheba, tarmerio, 178 » 2.
Zarif, Mirsi Mubammad Hasan of
Isfahia, the Poot, 682 n.
Zanir,a herb used in dyeing clothes,
173 and 1 2.
Zebé, mother of Sultin Sikandar ibn
Sultin Bublil Lodi, 412 2 8.
Zend, of the Zoroastrians, 204
n5

ih Berni. See ander Fiiu-d-Die
Baral.
#a-1-Baral, Bee ander Ziiu-d-Dia
Baral.
Zili, the Persian poet, contemporary
and panegyrist of Sultin Malik
Shih Galjigi, 86 and 2 4.
Fian-A-Din, a court-servant of Suljin
Jalila-d-Din Khilji, 239.
#ihu-d-Din Barani,—or
Aiued-Din Barsi, author of the
Térikh-i-Firts Qhahi, 1864 9 1,
186 » 3, 168 an 1, 4 and 5, 219 » 8,
220 « 3, 28101, 22727, 23021,
347 wand un 2 and 4, 248 nn 2, 6
and 8, 8100 1,811 = & 812 n 7, 314
#2, 315 » 7,316" 6, 3902 6.
Ziéu-d-Din Ehajandi al-Firsi, the
Post Zilli, 88 » 4. See under
Ziti.
Ziku-d-Din Qizi Kbin, one of the
Amirs of Sultin Qutbu-d-Din Khil-
ji, 288, 289, 280.
4iku-d-Din Tukili,--or
Ziia-d-Din Tilaki, Malk, one of
Aairs of the Ghori dynasty, 69 and
n 3%.
Ziia-l-Mulk Shameu-d-Din Abi
one of the Malike of Sultan Firoz
Ghih Toghiaqg, 329 and
381.
Or. ZAKIR HUSAIN LIBRARY
Index. elxaii
Zier, « religions ceremony, $10 and
at,
Zinjint, Ghalkh Hasan, a famous
saint of Labor, 863 and # 6.
Zirak, o name of ‘Utirid (the planet
Mercary), 690 and » 9.
Zirek Khin, the Amir of Simins, one
of tho Malike of the Saiyyid dy-
nasty, 378, 870, 363, 384, 301,806.
Zirqta, name of « place in Khurisin
48 and » 3,
Zodiac, signs of the, 75 n 2, 76.
Zoriwar Gingh, Rio, also known as
Ripar Sen, founder of the old city
of Rapari, 877 « 5.
#a-bahram, in prosody a line of two
motres, 245 x 8.
Zubaidah Khitin, wife of Harinu-r
Rashid, 286, 287.
Zuhrah, the planet Veuus, 138 » 3.
Za-l-Fagar,~or
@u-l-Figir, famous sword of ‘Ali ibn-
Abi Tihb, 74 and n 9, 752, 106
nS.
the Zu-l-Figér Shirwini, Mir Saiyyid, a
famous poet of Pc ria, 605.
Zunnér, the belt or girdle worn by
Riji, Christians or Magians, aleo the
Brahmanical thread. 509 and n &.
1» 13, Zu-n-Nirain, title of ‘Camin the third
Khalifah, 69 sad n 4,