Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Studies: Maguni Charan Behera Editor

Maguni Charan Behera Editor
Shifting
Perspectives in
Tribal Studies
From an Anthropological Approach to
Interdisciplinarity and Consilience
Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Studies
Maguni Charan Behera
Editor
Shifting Perspectives
in Tribal Studies
From an Anthropological Approach
to Interdisciplinarity and Consilience
123
Editor
Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies
Rajiv Gandhi University
Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh, India
ISBN 978-981-13-8089-1 ISBN 978-981-13-8090-7 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7
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Dedicated to
My Parents
Late Ananta Prasad Behera
Late Satyabhama Behera
Acknowledgements
Academic pursuit for the sake of academics is a very challenging enterprise. It is

more challenging when the exercise falls into a new venture and attempts to
broaden the scope of investigation beyond conventional boundary; the conventional
scholars, without any concrete reason, find it contradicting or interfering in their
territory of knowledge. In a time when names sell, and academic grouping delivers,
the quest of individual scholar without bearing the stamp of any brand university as
his/her alma mater or work place fights against all odds to gather articles of thematic
relevance and get it published.
However, sincerity and commitment have their own rewards. There are scholars
beyond ‘regimented scholarship’ who truly love to promote the cause of academics.
I take this opportunity to put on record my deepest sense of gratitude to all of them.
It is from amongst the members of this group of academic lovers that I have got
immense support in several ways while preparing this volume. It is often the
recommendation of some scholars that helped me to contact new scholars for their
contributions. All of them owe me obligations. I wish I could acknowledge the
contributions of all of them here!
However, I would like to put on record my highest sense of gratitude I owe to
Professor Jumyir Basar, Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies, Rajiv Gandhi
University; Dr. Lijum Nochi, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics;
Dr. Kasi Eswarappa, Assistant Professor, Department of Tribal Studies, Indira
Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak; Dr. Rajanikant Pandey, Assistant
Professor, Tribal Studies, Central University of Jharkhand, Brambe, Ranchi;
Ms. Jombi Bagra, Assistant Professor, English, Government College; Doimukh;
Mr. T.K. Nath, Assistant Registrar and Mr. K.B. Pradhan, Steno, both from Rajiv
Gandhi University for their help in many ways. I am thankful to Dr. Md. Nasir
Ahmad of Tata-NIN Centre, Hyderabad for his initial correspondence with the
Springer.
I sincerely acknowledge the help I received from Dr. Dignata Hati Baruaha,
Assistant Professor in Political Science, North Lakihmpur College, Lakihmpur on
whatever matter I approached him.
vii
viii Acknowledgements
Two papers in this volume are reprints for which necessary permission is
obtained from the respective editor(s), publishers and author(s) as applicable. I am
grateful to all of them. Due acknowledgement is placed in footnote of the title page
of respective papers.
I take this opportunity to put on record my highest sense of gratitude to all the
contributors to this volume. Without their cooperation and contributions it would
not have been possible to bring out this volume in one piece. I am grateful to all
of them.
However, the editor is not responsible in any way for the arguments, discussions
and opinions expressed by the authors in their respective papers.
This volume is peer reviewed. Papers included in this volume were reviewed by
experts in the field and sent to the respective authors with comments, observations
and suggestions for improvement. The editor is grateful to the reviewers for their
comments and authors for revisions and improvement.
The editor is also grateful to Springer for timely publication of this volume.
Maguni Charan Behera, M.A., Ph.D (Economics)

Contents
1 Rethinking Perspectives in Tribal Studies: Anthropology

and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Part I Indigenous Dilemma

2 Culture: The Indigenous Account . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Alan Barnard
3 Confluence of Hindutva Protagonists and Indigenous Religious
Reform Movements in Northeast India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Soihiamlung Dangmei
4 Indigenous Knowledge and Value Systems in India:
Holistic Analysis of Tribal Education and the Challenge
of Decentralising Control . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Malvika Gupta and Felix Padel
Part II Inter-Community Space

5 Rajas, Adibasis and Their Goddess(es) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Uwe Skoda
Part III Contextual Analysis (Case-based Studies)

6 Participation of South Odishan Tribes in Naxal Movements:
A Contextual Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
K. Anuradha and Jagannath Dash
7 Politics of Maoism, Adivasi Human Rights Issues and the State:
A Study of Chhattisgarh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Rajesh Kumar Meher
ix
x Contents
8 Environmental Illness at Klity Creek (Thailand): A Karen

Village’s Quest for Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Malee Sitthikriengkrai and Nathan Porath
9 Rallying Around Sacred Natural Sites: Adivasi Mobilisations
in East-Central India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Radhika Borde
Part IV Space of Convergence

10 Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and Livelihood Promotion
of Tribes of Odisha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
S. N. Tripathy
11 A Content Analysis of Education Among the Scheduled Tribes
in Jharkhand: Emphasising Government’s Perspective and
Conscientiousness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
Binod Narayan and Utpal Kumar Chakraborty
12 Documentation and Digitisation for Access to Traditional
Medicine Knowledge in Southern Odisha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Rashmi Pramanik
13 Land, Property Rights and Management Issues in Tribal Areas
of Jharkhand: An Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251
Hari Charan Behera
14 Mining and Anthropology in Indian Industrialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273
Rajanikant Pandey
Part V Embryonic Synthesis

15 Epidemiology of Blood Pressure Among the Tribes of Odisha . . . . 291
Kanhu Charan Satapathy, Prasanna Kumar Patra
and Shyama Mohapatra
16 Mother Care Among Some Bathudi Tribal Women in Simlipal
Reserve Forest Area in Eastern India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Sutapa Mukhopadhyay and Ranjana Ray
Part VI Borderline Interdisciplinarity

17 Local Knowledge in Managing Upland Agriculture by the Adis
in Arunachal Pradesh, Northeast India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Prasanna K. Samal, Rajiv Mili and Mihin Dollo
Contents xi
18 Tribal Philosophy: An Epistemological Understanding on Tribal

Worldview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Heni Francis Ariina
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
Editor and Contributors
About the Editor
Maguni Charan Behera, M.A., Ph.D (Economics) from Utkal University,

Bhubaneswar, Odisha, has been pursuing researches on Tribal Studies from
mid-1980s. He has authored/edited/co-edited more than 30 volumes on
socio-economic and cultural life of tribal people from diverse theoretical perspec-
tives, primarily, in the context of globalisation. To his credit, he has about sixty five
research papers on national and international topics published in various national
and international journals/periodicals. He has presented about fifty five papers in
national and international seminars/conferences in the country and abroad. He is a
member of many professional bodies. Dr. Behera was a Professor of Indigenous
Culture Studies and Dean School of Cultural Studies, Central University of
Jharkhand before he joined as Director of Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies,
Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh.
Contributors
K. Anuradha SPREAD, Koraput, Odisha, India

Heni Francis Ariina Delhi University, New Delhi, India
Alan Barnard University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland, UK
Hari Charan Behera Sociological Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute,
Giridih, Jharkhand, India
Maguni Charan Behera Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies, Rajiv Gandhi
University, Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh, India
xiii
xiv Editor and Contributors
Radhika Borde Department of Social Geography and Regional Development,

Faculty of Science, Charles University in Prague, Prague, Czech Republic
Utpal Kumar Chakraborty Department of Sociology, A B M College,
Jamshedpur, Jharkhand, India
Soihiamlung Dangmei Department of Political Science and Human Rights, Indira
Gandhi National Tribal University, Kangpokpi District, Manipur, India
Jagannath Dash Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar,
Odisha, India
Mihin Dollo North Eastern Region Community Resource Management Project,
Shillong, Meghalaya, India
Malvika Gupta Department for International Development, University of Oxford,
Oxford, UK
Rajesh Kumar Meher School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi, India;
Civil Courts English Office, Dharamgarh, Kalahandi, Odisha, India
Rajiv Mili NIF-India, Guwahati Cell, Technology Complex, IIT Guwahati,
Guwahati, Assam, India
Shyama Mohapatra P.G. Department of Anthropology, Centre of Advanced
Study, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, India
Sutapa Mukhopadhyay Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta,
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Binod Narayan Department of Sociology, Ranchi University, Ranchi, Jharkhand,
India
Felix Padel Centre for World Environment History, University of Sussex,
Brighton, UK
Rajanikant Pandey Department of Tribal Studies, Central University of
Jharkhand, Ranchi, Jharkhand, India
Prasanna Kumar Patra P.G. Department of Anthropology, Centre of Advanced
Study, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, India
Nathan Porath Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD), Faculty of
Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, Thailand
Rashmi Pramanik Department of Anthropology, Sambalpur University, Burla,
Odisha, India
Ranjana Ray Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata, India
Prasanna K. Samal Department of Tribal Studies, Indira Gandhi National Tribal
University (IGNTU), Madhya Pradesh, India
Editor and Contributors xv
Kanhu Charan Satapathy P.G. Department of Anthropology, Centre of

Advanced Study, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar, India
Malee Sitthikriengkrai Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD),
Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, Thailand
Uwe Skoda Department of Global Studies, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
S. N. Tripathy Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune, India
Abbreviations
AnSI Anthropological Survey of India

ASTDR Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry Programme
AVP Arunachal Vikas Parishad
BCTS Buniyadi Communist Training School
BJD Biju Janata Dal
BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
BLL Blood lead level
BNLF Bru National Liberation Front
BOPA Botswana Press Agency
CAD Constituent Assembly debates
CBD Convention on Biological Diversity
CFM Community Forest Management
CIIFAD The Cornell International Institute for Food, Agriculture and
Development
CISRS Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society
CKGR Central Kalahari Game Reserve
CNTA Chotanagpur Tenancy Act
COATS Council of Analytical Tribal Studies
CoBRA Commando Battalions for Resolute Action
CPI (Maoist) Communist Party of India (Maoist)
CRPF Central Reserve Police Force
DAKMS Dandakaranya Region Adivasi Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan
DBP Diastolic blood pressure
DFO Divisional Forest Officer
DKSZC Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee
DPs Displaced Persons
DPSP Directive Principles of State Policy
DWCRA Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas
EAG Empowered Action Group
EASA European Association of Social Anthropologists
xvii
xviii Abbreviations
EMRS Eklavya Model Residential School

EPI Expanded programme of immunization
FAO Food and Agriculture Organisation
FD Forest Department
FMIS Financial Management Information System
FRA Forest Rights Act (In full-The Scheduled Tribes and Other
Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forests Rights) Act)
GBPIHED Govind Ballabh Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and
Development
GDI Gender Disparity Index
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GER Gross Enrolment Ratio
GM land Gairmazrua khas/Common land in Jharkhand
GP Gram Panchayat
GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (German
Agency for Technical Cooperation)
HDI Human Development Index
IAP Integrated Action Plan
ICMR Indian Council of Medical Research
ICRAF The International Council for Research in Agroforestry
IDMC Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre
IDMI Infrastructure Development in Minority Institutions
IDRC The International Development Research Centre
IEDSS Inclusive Education for the Disabled at Secondary School
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development
IIRR Indian Institute of Rice Research
IMK Indigenous Medicinal Knowledge
IPR Intellectual Property Rights
JAJ Judicial Academy Jharkhand
JFM Joint Forest Management
KGBV Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya
KISS Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences
KL Kendu Leaves (Diospyros melanoxylon)
KMAS The Krantikari Mahila Adivasi Sangathan
KSS Khandadhara Suraksh Samiti
LA Act Land Acquisition Act
LARR Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement
LWE Left Wing Extremism
MCCI The Maoist Communist Centre, India
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MDMS Mid Day Meal Scheme
MFIs Micro Finance Institutions
MFP Minor Forest Produces
MHA Ministry of Home Affairs
MHRD Ministry of Human Resource Development
Abbreviations xix
MI Military Intelligence
MNCs Multi-National Corporations
MNF The Mizo National Front
MoEF Ministry of Environment and Forests
MOPH Ministry of Public Health
MoRD Ministry of Rural Development
MoU Memorandum of Understanding
NABARD National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NALCO National Aluminium Company Limited
NBFC Non Banking Financial Company
NBPGR The National Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources
NCERT The National Council of Educational Research and Training
NCPCR National Commission for Protection of Child Rights
NEFA The North East Frontier Agency (former name of Arunachal
Pradesh)
NGO Non Governmental Organisation
NLRMP National Land Records Modernisation Programme
NMDC National Mining Development Corporation
NPE National Policy on Education
NPEGEL National Programme for Education of Girls at Elementary Level
NTFPs Non-Timber Forest Products
NTP National Tribal Policy
OBC Other Backward Classes
OFDC Ltd. Orissa Forest Development Corporation Ltd.
PCD Pollution Control Department
PESA Panchayats Extension to the Scheduled Areas
PHC Public Health Centres
PLGA People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army
PMS Post Matric Scholarships Scheme
POSCO Pohang Iron and Steel Company
PVTGs Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (formerly PTGs-Primitive
Tribal Groups)
PWG People’s War Group
RAI Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
RDA Recommended Dietary Allowances
RGNF Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowship
RMSA Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan
RSS Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
RTE Right to Education Act
SAR Scheduled Area Regulation
SBP Systolic blood pressure
SC Scheduled Caste
SGSY Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojan
SHG Self-Help Group
SPO Special Police Officers
xx Abbreviations
SPQEM Scheme for Providing a Quality Education in Madrasas

SPTA Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act
SSA Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
ST Scheduled Tribe
TEK Traditional Ecological Knowledge
TIK Tacit Indigenous Knowledge
TISCO Tata Iron and Steel Company Ltd.
UGC University Grants Commission
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Education Fund/United
Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
USAID United States Agency for International Development
UT Union Territory
VHP Vishva Hindu Parishad
VSS Vana Samrakshana Samiti
WHO World Health Organization
List of Figures
Fig. 6.1 Galtung’s model of violence in South Odisha context

(designed on the basis of field data following Ramsbotham
et al. 2011: 9–11) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 127
Fig. 6.2 Four-point risk model of tribal participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 129
Fig. 10.1 Poverty as a sequel of informal sources (money lending)
of credit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 190
Fig. 10.2 Financial implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 192
Fig. 15.1 Geographical location of selected districts in Odisha state
on India map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 293
Fig. 17.1 Map of the study site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 333
Fig. 17.2 Major crops and their occurrence in the study site . . . . . . . . . .. 337
Fig. 17.3 Diversity, sequential sowing and harvesting of crops across
the study sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 341
xxi
List of Tables
Table 6.1 Life journey of the naxal activists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

Table 6.2 Reasons of discontinuing study before participation . . . . . . . 114
Table 6.3 Respondent’s good experiences in life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Table 6.4 Respondent’s worst experiences in life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
Table 6.5 Respondent’s good friends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
Table 6.6 Whom the respondents dislike . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120
Table 6.7 Respondents’ view on improvement of socio-economic
conditions of tribals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Table 6.8 Reasons for distress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Table 6.9 Parent’s aspirations for their children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
Table 6.10 Is Naxalism a better alternative? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
Table 6.11 Self-assessment of male and female respondents . . . . . . . . . . 123
Table 10.1 Aggregate annual employment in forest activities by gender
(Pant 1980 quoted in Singh and Burra 1994) . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Table 10.2 Trade of a few selected NTFPs in tribal regions of Orissa
(Mallik and Panigrahi 1998) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Table 11.1 Percentages of literacy rates of STs by sex and urban/rural
from 1961 to 2011 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Table 11.1a Comparative literacy rates of STs and total population since
1961 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Table 11.1b Comparative literacy rates of STs in rural and urban since
1961 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Table 11.1c Comparative literacy rates of males and females in rural
India since 1961 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206
Table 11.1d Comparative literacy rates of males and females in urban
India since 1961 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
Table 11.2 Gross enrolment ratios (GER) for elementary stage (I–VIII)
(GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
Table 11.3 States having ST literacy rates less than country’s average
for STs (GoI 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208
xxiii
xxiv List of Tables
Table 11.4 Effective literacy rate in EAG and non-EAG states

(GoI 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Table 11.5 Male–female gap in effective literacy rate (GoI 2011) . . . . . . 209
Table 11.6 Literacy trends in Empowered Action Group (EAG)
states and status of Jharkhand (GoI 2011) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
Table 11.7 Literacy rate of total population and ST population and gap
in literacy rate in Empowered Action Group (EAG) states
(2001–2011) (GoI 2011 and GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210
Table 11.8 Literacy rates and total ST population across gender
in 2011 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
Table 11.9 Literacy rate among the numerically larger ST groups
in Jharkhand (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
Table 11.10 Male and female literacy rate among the numerically
larger STs in Jharkhand (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
Table 11.11 Literacy rate among the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal
Groups (PVTGs) 2001 and 2011 (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Table 11.12 Male and female literacy rate among the Particularly
Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs), 2001 (GoI 2013). . . . . . 217
Table 11.13 Literacy rates of Scheduled Tribes [total/rural/urban]
(Census 2011) (GoI 2011 and 2013)
(Figures in percentage) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Table 11.14 Dropout rates of ST students in comparison to India
2010–11 (GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
Table 11.15 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled
Tribe—classes I–V and classes VI–VIII (GoI 2012) . . . . . . . 219
Table 11.16 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled Tribe—classes
I–VIII (6–13 years), classes IX–X (14–15 years)
and classes I–X (6–15 years) (GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
Table 11.17 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled Tribe—classes
XI–XII (16–17 years), classes IX–XII (14–17 years)
and classes I–XII (6–17 years) (GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
Table 11.18 State-wise Gender Parity Index—ST 2010–11
(GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
Table 11.19 Number of Scheduled Tribe girls per hundred boys
(GoI 2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Table 11.20 Results of High School Examination 2010—annual and
supplementary examination results—percentage-wise-ST
students (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
Table 11.21 Results of Higher Secondary Examination 2010—annual
and supplementary examination results—percentage-wise
ST students (GoI 2013) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
List of Tables xxv
Table 11.22 Releases of funds and number of ashram schools sanctioned

under the scheme of establishment of ashram schools
in tribal sub-plan areas from 2008–09 to 2010–11
(GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224
Table 11.23 Releases of funds and number of hostels sanctioned
Under the Scheme of Hostels for ST Girls and Boys
from 2011–12 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
Table 11.24 Releases of grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries
under the Scheme of Vocational Training in Tribal
Areas from 2011–12 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . 225
under the Scheme of Pre-matric Scholarship for needy
Scheduled Tribe student from 2012–13 to 2013–14
(GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
under the Scheme of Pre-matric Scholarship for needy
Scheduled Tribe student from 2011–12 to 2013–14
(GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
Table 11.27 Releases of grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries under
the Scheme of Upgradation of Merit (GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . 226
Table 11.28 Budget estimates, revised estimates and actual expenditure
incurred under RGNF (GoI 2013–14) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Table 11.29 Centrally sponsored programmes in the Education Sector
under Ministry of Human Resource Development (Rajya
Sabha Starred Question no. 2886 dated 22.3.2013) . . . . . . . . 228
Table 11.30 Number of residential schools for students of SC, ST
and OBC communities (GoJ 2015–16) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
Table 12.1 Medicinal plants used by traditional healers from
Semiliguda block . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Table 15.1 JNC-VII for hypertension classification (NHLBI 2004) . . . . . 297
Table 15.2 Mean SBP of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj
district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298
Table 15.3 Mean SBP of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district . . . . . 299
Table 15.4 Mean SBP of Munda community of Jajpur district . . . . . . . . 299
Table 15.5 Mean DBP of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj
district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300
Table 15.6 Mean DBP of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district . . . . . 301
Table 15.7 Mean DBP of Munda community of Jajpur district . . . . . . . . 301
Table 15.8 Mean heart rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of
Mayurbhanj district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302
Table 15.9 Mean heart rate of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar
district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
Table 15.10 Mean heart rate of Munda community of Jajpur district . . . . 303
xxvi List of Tables
Table 15.11 Mean pulse rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar

of Mayurbhanj district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304
Table 15.12 Mean pulse rate of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar
district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
Table 15.13 Mean pulse rate of Munda community of Jajpur district . . . . 305
Table 15.14 Blood pressure distribution in Bhumij, Bathudi
and Savar communities of Mayurbhanj district . . . . . . . . . . . 306
Table 15.15 Blood pressure distribution in Santal and Bathudi
communities of Keonjhar district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Table 15.16 Blood pressure distribution in Munda community
of Jajpur district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Table 15.17 Mean arterial pressure of the tribes of Odisha . . . . . . . . . . . . 308
Table 15.18 Prevalence of hypertension in Indian populations . . . . . . . . . 309
Table 16.1 Anthropometric measurements of the Bathudi mothers
of five villages under study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320
Table 16.2 Food types and intake per day by the pregnant women
in first, second and third trimesters in the study area. . . . . . . 322
Table 16.3 Food intake values of the lactating Bathudi mothers
in the study area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Table 17.1 Geographical extent, household numbers and demographic
profile of sampled villages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334
Table 17.2 Farming systems and proportion of villagers depending
on different on- and off-farm sectors in study villages . . . . . . 335
Table 17.3 Major crops and cropping patterns in upland
agro-ecosystems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
Table 17.4 Crop profile in upland agro-ecosystems of Adis in
Arunachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
Table 17.5 Weeds of upland agro-ecosystem in the study areas
of East Siang and West Siang district . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
Chapter 1
Rethinking Perspectives in Tribal
Studies: Anthropology and Beyond
The title of the present volume, namely Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Stud-
ies—From an Anthropological Approach to Interdisciplinarity and Consilience,
suggests shifting approaches in scientific study of tribes which practically began
in the discipline of anthropology. Admittedly, anthropology approached the tribal
studies in scientific spirit right from the beginning of the discipline. In contemporary
academics, however, disciplines other than anthropology, ranging from humanities
and life science subjects, are engaged in the study of tribes in situ and transition. As
every discipline has its own perspectives and methods, necessarily there is a shift
from anthropological approaches in the study of tribes. The present volume, there-
fore, is designed to understand approaches to tribal studies in a broader perspective
within and beyond anthropology. It is observed in contemporary academics that per-
spectives, concepts and approaches to study the expanding knowledge system in
1
tribal studies are no more confined to the discipline of anthropology. It is further
crucial to note that there is a growing recognition to obviation (Ingold 1998) and con-
silience approach (see Slingerland and Collard 2012; Wilson 1998) for a synthesis
of specialised studies even between sciences and humanities divide.
Any academics interested in tribal studies even with casual observation of the
emerging trend in approaches across disciplines in humanities and life sciences
1 Expansion of knowledge is not one-directional; it is a complex issue and has both external and
internal dynamics. Even internal dynamics are often influenced by external forces. Expanded fron-
tiers of disciplines and subsequent engagement with the study of tribes have added to the knowledge
system in terms of new perspectives like interdisciplinary approach, gender perspective, etc.; inter-
pretations of old phenomena using new concepts like participatory democracy or governance in the
study of traditional political institutions and their functioning; and exploration of new subject areas
like tribal literature, tribal law, etc. Besides, due to exposure to external forces, internal dynamics
present new challenges and possibilities like the issues of poverty, deprivation, identity assertion,
political participation, and so on.
M. C. Behera (B)
Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies, Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar,
Arunachal Pradesh 791112, India
e-mail: mcbehera1959@gmail.com
© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1
M. C. Behera (ed.), Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Studies,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_1
2 M. C. Behera
would identify the shift from specialisation to synthesis. Though anthropological

tradition employs a holistic approach in a culture perspective, it fails to make critical
enquiry of emerging phenomena like poverty, indigeneity, extremism, formal mode
of interaction with larger nation state, etc., objectively. Needless to say, emerging
tribal issues claim application of the combination of methods of different disciplines
in order that the phenomenon under study is understood and explicated compre-
hensively and objectively. The contributions of interdisciplinarity and consilience
approaches are crucial in this context. Interdisciplinarity and consilience undoubt-
edly display a notion of convergence. Convergence of approaches does not attach
any conventional disciplinary tag with the study; rather, it draws our attention to a
distinct and emerging branch of knowledge which could be appropriately suggested
in view of diversity in methodological and thematic perspectives on tribal issues as
the discipline of tribal studies.
Admittedly, the papers included in the volume have been taken from across a few
disciplines engaged in tribal studies. That the papers bear the tag of different disci-
plines is claimed from the fact that respective authors belong to different disciplines.
These papers apparently bring in different perspectives on tribal researches, combin-
ing perspectives, approaches and concepts of the disciplines the authors belong to
and the contemporaneity of text and context of the subject to be investigated. Such
studies do not satisfy the core perspective of the discipline and do not follow its
methodological rigour exclusively and therefore do not claim an absolute place in
the discipline. It creates a space of its own rights.
We will see that the nature of synthesis in the papers appears as a graded concept,
for it reflects in different degrees of interdisciplinarity. It may be perceived as a step
into other discipline unconscientiously (see, e.g. Satapathy, Patra and Mohapatra,
and Mukhopadhyay and Ray in this volume) or sometimes intentionally as a pass-
ing reference without any analysis. But this reference promises the possibilities of
conscientious efforts for an analytical synthesis between two disciplines. For our
purpose, we mark this stage as Embryonic Synthesis.
The discipline may deliberately borrow one or two concepts or use the approach
or theme of another for analysis within its core perspective. In doing so, the analysis
is not considered betwixt and between, outside the central focus of the discipline,
and does not build up a framework of analysis suitable to both disciplines. Such an
investigation occupies the frontier of the discipline and is designated here Border-
line Synthesis (see papers of Samal, Mili and Dolo and Ariina in this volume for
example). Borderline knowledge of two disciplines may interact to form a common
collateral perspective in a way to form a subfield of betwixt and between. The three
stages display interdisciplinarity in different degrees. Though the classification needs
further empirical insight for authentication, the papers included in the volume allude
to interdisciplinarity at different levels. Hence, the thematic organisation of papers
is not exclusive; it is rather indicative in nature.
The above discussion on the emerging trend of consilience and plea for tribal
studies as a discipline stands contradictory. However, the plea is not without any
logic. As tribal studies have not developed as a discipline, but form subject matter
of other disciplines, the consilience approach has no meaning for such embryonic
1 Rethinking Perspectives in Tribal Studies: Anthropology and Beyond 3
or borderline studies which are within a specific discipline. Tribal studies only can
contribute to the process of consilience once it develops as a distinct discipline.
It is mentioned above that anthropological approaches to tribal studies are holistic
in nature as tribes perceive various aspects of their life ways/culture as integrated
whole. In this sense, it stands opposite to Western system of specialised knowledge.
In recent years, tribes are linked with external forces having specialised perspectives.
In other words, tribes display holism on one hand and a sphere of specialisation on the
other. The discipline of tribal studies with its two spheres of sharing of perspectives
will offer an opportunity to consider the process of synthesis of disciplines from a
new angle.
It is evident from the above discussion that tribal studies exist across other disci-
plines. In such a status of tribal studies in academics, the ‘subject’ and the ‘object’
dichotomy comes to the fore—tribal studies assuming the position of the subject
in other disciplines. The title Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Studies is implicit of
the notion of ‘reciprocal claim’—reversing the order of the subject and the object
positions, whereby the discipline of tribal studies occupies the position of the object.
The title therefore is inclusive in that it includes all the subjects engaged in tribal
studies in its purview. The inclusiveness can be considered as the basis of devel-
oping a holistic notion of the perspectives of anthropology and other disciplines to
assign an independent position to tribal studies. When tribal studies are perceived
as a discipline, logically it assumes the object position, thereby rendering the sub-
ject position to other disciplines. In other words, drawing on perspectives, concepts
and approaches of different related disciplines tribal studies can engage with all the
issues concerning tribes. The issues when looked through perspectives of various
disciplines, it is argued, will form the subjects of investigation from the standpoint
of the totality of perspective approaches adopted in tribal studies. Intrinsic in the title
is the idea of a totality of perspectives adopted from different disciplines so that the
knowledge of tribal studies gets a distinct identity as discipline, as a subject of its
own rights.
Consideration of the perspective of tribal studies beyond anthropology arises
mainly from apparent tensions in anthropology, particularly in the anthropological
tradition in India, in recent years. It is to be mentioned that in India the subject
anthropology presents itself among non-anthropologists as a study of tribes. How-
ever, credit goes to sociology as the first university department, being established in
Mumbai in 1919, to initiate tribal studies at the university level. Following year, in
1920 the anthropology department was established in Kolkata; the subject mainly
concentrated on tribal studies. In sociology, tribal studies did not evolve a core per-
spective as in anthropology in subsequent years.
Nevertheless, both disciplines have immensely contributed to our understanding
of tribes, but anthropology is credited with its singular devotion to the subject. In fact,
sociocultural anthropology branch of the discipline owes its provenance and growth
to the study of tribes, though in its scope as the study of ‘man’ it encompasses
other communities. In India, except civilisational studies, tribes form the core area
of anthropological investigation or at least remain the focus when anthropologists
chose issue-based themes like displacement, deprivation, etc.
4 M. C. Behera
It is now a commonplace understanding that anthropological investigation of

tribes began within the construct of the bipolar opposite of ‘others’ and ‘self’, where
colonial Europeans positioned themselves as ‘self’. However, the construct ‘others’
was not confined to tribes alone; in its broad meaning, it included colonised people
as a whole, both tribes and non-tribes (see Said 1978; Bhabha 2017; Chulach 2016).
Anthropology being the science of studying ‘man’, has ironically reduced the con-
notation of man practically to include tribal communities; for all other non-European
communities, who would not fall into the category of the tribe, did not attract atten-
tion of earlier anthropologists for study; and in India even today anthropological
engagement with non-tribal communities is still very insignificant. In most of the
cases, wherever the boundary is crossed, the approach is interdisciplinary, sociolog-
ical, evaluative or contextual (see the papers included in this volume). Parallel to
European anthropologists, American anthropologists studied ‘indigenous’ commu-
nities but not the ‘settlers’ of European provenance. Interestingly, tribes (known by
different names in different countries) became the core subject of investigation in
‘the science of studying man’.2
In recent years, academic interest in tribes has crossed the boundaries of anthropol-
ogy and sociology and encompasses botany, zoology, law, history, folklore, literature,
development studies, environment studies, cultural studies and so on, giving rise to a
range of interdisciplinary branches of knowledge with prefix ‘ethno’, ‘indigenous’,
etc., such as ethnobotany, ethnozoology, ethnohistory, customary laws, indigenous
knowledge, indigenous literature, indigenous culture and many of these types in the
line.
In many academic institutions, tribal studies have been introduced as undergrad-
uate, postgraduate and research programmes. But curriculum in most of the cases
reflects disciplinary bias; the disciplinary background of members of syllabus prepa-
ration committee influences the contents of the syllabus. It is also seen that the
decision of the chairman/convenor of the committee or head of the department pre-
vails upon others. In a number of disciplines of social sciences and humanities, it has
become a fashion to work on tribal issues, particularly during Ph.D. programme or
pertaining to projects, largely of evaluation type and a few of exploratory, explanatory
or critical studies, sponsored by national and international funding agencies. Such
academics present themselves as specialists in tribal studies, and within the disci-
pline their engagement is recognised as interdisciplinary, but at the core they remain
faithful to their respective disciplines in perspectives and approaches. Of course,
there are exceptions to this rule and they are too few to pick up. During 1995 when
M.Phil. course was introduced in the then Department of Tribal Studies (presently
Arunachal Institute of Tribal Studies) of present Rajiv Gandhi University, Arunachal
Pradesh, India, the content of the syllabus included topics on tribes from anthropo-
logical studies except in research methodology paper, in which the content included
general methods of social science research. Similarly, the syllabus for undergradu-
ate programme of the Centre for Indigenous Culture Studies, Central University of
2 Compare it with Clifford’s (1986: 4) remark that ‘man’ has disintegrated as telos for a whole
discipline (quoted in Srivastava 1999: 551, fn. 15).
Jharkhand, Ranchi, where later I joined as Professor, had anthropological fervour

with indiscriminate use of the term ‘indigenous’ in place of ‘tribe’ here and there. In
2000, during my First Spell of Associateship at Indian Institute of Advanced Study,
Shimla, I had the opportunity to interact with the students at the Institute of Tribal
Studies, Himachal Pradesh University, who were admitted to P. G. Diploma course
in tribal studies. The then running syllabus was exclusively sociology-oriented.
It was observed and reported by some colleagues of a number of universities that
the organisers of the syllabus of tribal studies normally belong to anthropology dis-
cipline and do not know experts from other disciplines working on tribes. Moreover,
affinity to the discipline influences their choice to include members of the same disci-
pline in the committee on the assumption that anthropologists are the only group who
contribute genuinely to tribal studies. This general trend is also influenced by what
Bhattacharya (2011: 323) calls ‘mutually exclusive specialisation’ in anthropology
itself. As a result, many organisers of the syllabus even do not have contact with
anthropologists working in different specialised subjects for which development of
syllabus in tribal studies not only carries bias towards anthropology, but also lacks
topical diversity even within it.
The crucial point which demands our attention is that syllabus in tribal studies
programmes has not been liberated from the influence of disciplines in which schol-
ars are engaged in studying tribes and tribal issues with their respective disciplinary
perspectives at the background. It is difficult to free oneself easily from the perspec-
tive with which one has conditioned the mind through institutionalised disciplinary
training. Such a disciplinary perspective has not been institutionalised in tribal stud-
ies, though the discipline has been recognised in academic institutions of the country.
For many scholars, interest in tribal studies arises as a matter of chance, but not as a
choice in view of the fact that funding agencies focus on tribal issues and universities
appoint borderline scholars of tribal studies to start the department. A very few of
them show commitment to tribal studies, but many of them lack opportunity to estab-
lish the discipline by liberating it from borderline status. Nevertheless, a concern for
a disciplinary perspective in tribal studies is emerging in its own rights.
In a definite sense, the title of the volume is also indicative of the space beyond
anthropology in order to study tribes comprehensively. In keeping in line, the papers
included display interest of other disciplines in tribal studies, expanding frontiers of
knowledge and the logic to develop tribal studies as a discipline. But the crucial con-
cern that is underscored is internal tensions in anthropology itself. Anthropologists
themselves recognise the discipline’s disintegration due to overspecialisation across
its branches which has ‘led each of its fragments seeking identity within different
subjects which have their own history of development’ (Bhattacharya 2011: 322;
also see Srivastava 1999: 546; Ingold 1998: 23).3 Its divergence is rightly articulated
by Wolf (1980) in the title of his article which reads, ‘They divide and subdivide and
call it anthropology’ (quoted in Srivastava 1999: 547).
3 Linguistic anthropology, for instance, has an intimate connection with linguistics, in the same way
as is the proximity of ethnomusicology to the science of music’ (Srivastava 1999: 546).

6 M. C. Behera
The tension in anthropology is not a phenomenon across its subfields. Scholars are
sceptic about the tension in individual subfields. The tension relates to the contempo-
rary tradition of academic pursuits, say in sociocultural anthropology, by abandoning
theory altogether ‘in favour of exclusively humanist agendas, concerned with inter-
pretation, phenomenology, literary artifice and postmodern critique’ (Whitehouse
2011: 19). In this context, quoting Pascal Boyer, Whitehouse informs us that social
and cultural anthropology has become preoccupied with the production of ‘rele-
vant connections’ at the expense of erudite scholarship and the systematic testing
of scientific theories (Whitehouse 2011: 20). The tension occurs not only within
the discipline of anthropology across its subfields due to disintegration, but within
individual subfields as well due to investigation priority governed by contemporary
issues.
The disintegration in anthropology has occurred not only within it across its over-
specialised branches, but also outside in terms of its ‘relevance to national affairs as
also in teaching in the universities’ (Bhattacharya 2011: 321). This disintegration is
institutionalised in India with the financial support of ICSSR to social anthropology,
ICMR to physical anthropology and ICHR to prehistoric anthropology resulting in
the development of ‘a part or several parts… at the cost of the whole’ (Bhattacharya
2011: 322). The result of such a fragmentation ‘with mutually exclusive specialisa-
tion’ is a confusion that ‘turns us entirely out of the core concerns of anthropology’
(Bhattacharya 2011: 323).4 Under such a situation, some anthropologists reconcile
with the predicaments of overspecialisation, while others like Ingold (1998) advocate
for ‘obviation’.
It is not a surprise to note that many anthropologists have ‘reconciled to the aca-
demic disintegration of anthropology’ and see their works as part of, what Needham
(1970: 46, quoted in Srivastava 1999: 547), has spoken of, ‘iridescent metamorpho-
sis’ (also see Ingold 1994: xiv; Rainbow 1977; quoted in Srivastava 1999).
Even Srivastava (1999: 546), a brilliant anthropologist in India, is aware of the
risk of unchecked overspecialisation when he says, ‘the danger is that specialisations
will fall apart’, but at the same time tries to defend the trend of overspecialisations by
conceptualising anthropology ‘as a myriad of disciplines having close contact with
other independent subjects, rather than among themselves’ (Srivastava 1999: 546).
Despite looking at anthropology as ‘a discipline of disciplines’, he is very much
in favour of anthropology as an integrated discipline of its subfields for which he
has identified areas of integration (Srivastava 1999: 547). Ingold (1998) in the same
line of thinking not only has identified areas of integration, but also has discussed
theoretical issues associated with the move ‘from complementarity to obviation’. The
theoretical perspectives employed in argument have been based on empirical insights.
He has assured the benefit of obviation even in the study of topics of various subfields
of anthropology. However, the approach bears resemblance to ‘the encyclopaedic
approach’ (see Boas 1948) to anthropology where cultural, archaeological, linguistic
4 The confusion also is evident in the twin status of anthropology in universities (Srivastava 2012:
16).
and biological facts together form the core areas of data collection during fieldwork
(see Srivastava 1999: 547).
Ingold (1998) informs us about reductive risk in the holistic perspective of anthro-
pology due to its fragmentation into sociocultural, physical (biological), archaeolog-
ical and other sub-branches and use of approaches which are complementary to the
understanding of anthropology as a synthetic whole. Ingold finds ‘every aspect’ in
complementary approach ‘as a distinct, substantive component of being’. He admits
that the study of each component is bound to yield only a partial account, but promises
that by putting these accounts together it should be possible to produce a synthetic
account of the whole. These syntheses are characteristically denoted by hybrid terms
such as ‘biosocial’, ‘psychocultural’ or even ‘bio-psychocultural’ (Ingold 1998: 23).
What appears from the synthesis is not a holistic production, but an interdisciplinary
output when efforts are directed to a synthesis of complementary approaches. There-
fore, there is a search for going beyond interdisciplinarity. In this regard, Ingold
recommends obviation approach which ‘is intent on doing away with the boundaries
by which these components have been distinguished. It claims that the human being
is not a composite entity made up of separable but mutually complementary parts,
such as body, mind and culture, but rather a singular locus of creative growth within
a continually unfolding field of relationships’ (Ingold 1998: 23).
In Tim Ingold’s logic, the wholeness is confined to anthropological study of
humans across its subfields. This makes the whole argument anthropocentric. In
the framework of ‘human’, it is not clear where the tribe constructed in the binary
opposite of the ‘other’ is located. How obviation approach will present tribes when
subfields are not tribe-specific? Moreover, in anthropology, cultural perspective car-
ries the notion of human as culture-centric. Then, with a simple logic anthropocen-
tric notion is reduced to culture-centric perspective, thus reducing human to only
cultural beings. The integration between the binary opposites, the tribe and other
communities, is not obvious in the obviation approach. The scope is also limited
to anthropology so that human-centric approach to culture denies, in principle, the
possibility of exploring culture in non-human animals which can shed important
light on the mechanisms of phenomena, such as gene-culture co-evolution, that also
have important implications for our understanding of humans (see Slingerland and
Collard 2012: 4).
The logic proposes for an expansion of the scope beyond anthropological efforts
of integration between science and humanities. This is not an easy proposition as in
anthropology itself the integration is thwarted by the disagreements between scien-
tific anthropologists in so much so that departments have reorganised into more or
less independent wings or even split into two departments (Slingerland and Collard
2012: 3). Whitehouse (2011) also similarly criticises the current state of humanis-
tic anthropology and then goes on to the extent of offering an explanation of why
anthropologists are so resistant to the consilience approach. Even scholars of other
disciplines find consilience’s commitment to reductionism problematic (Slingerland
and Collard 2012: 12) In fact, consilience approach is broad and comprehensive by
transcending the divide between science and humanities, in Snow’s phrase what is
known as ‘The Two Cultures’ (Snow 1959/1993, quoted in Slingerland and Collard
8 M. C. Behera
2012: 8), but not merely across the subfields of any discipline like those in anthro-
pology as suggested by Tim Ingold. The binarity of science and humanities boils
down along the plea to move beyond mind–body dualism in order to reach at the
consilience and see the realm of the human as coextensive with the realm of nature
(Slingerland and Collard 2012: 8). The core of the consilience perspective (also see
Wilson 1998) is that ‘human phenomena should not be approached as sui generis
realities possessing only their own internal logic and structure, but rather as objects
of inquiry that can also be productively explained by lower level phenomena, just as,
say, ‘organisms’ inheritance of traits has been explained in terms of DNA’ (Slinger-
land and Collard 2012: 12). Consilience assumes ‘vertical integration’ within shared
framework, but not ‘bringing the study of humanistic issues, into the same framework
as the study on non-humanistic species and non-biotic phenomena’ (Slingerland and
Collard 2012: 1). Evidently, it requires expanding interdisciplinarity across the sci-
ences and humanities divide.
In addition to the above internal predicaments, anthropologists are concerned with
the tensions of expanding horizon of anthropology to a number of fields. On the other
hand, non-anthropologists are interested in anthropological topics and methodology;
particularly, in tribal studies, changing nature of fieldwork and distancing of anthro-
pology from some topics associated with tribal development (see Agrawal 2011;
Bhattacharya 2011 and Srivastava 1999, 2012 and 2004/2005) are some other areas
of tension.
The scope of anthropological enquiry is ever expanding (Agrawal 2011; also
see Ericksen and Nielsen 2008), and contrary to its claim of covering the entire
humankind, meaning ‘wherever the humans are found’ (Kluckhohn 1944; quoted in
Srivastava 2012: 11), it has gone beyond and covered the primates as well (Srivastava
2012; 12). Eriksen and Nielsen (2008: 176) however do not consider anthropology
as a frontierless subject; rather, they have demarcated a space for the ever-expanding
frontiers of anthropology by making a distinction between anthropology as a general
science and anthropology as one of the humanities, and between anthropologists of
society focusing on agency, social structure, politics and anthropologists of culture
focusing on symbols, mental structures, meaning, etc. (Eriksen and Nielsen 2008:
177). It is further noted that ‘the boundaries between anthropology and other disci-
plines are extremely fussy in places… approaches… are distinctly interdisciplinary;
globalisation studies link up with political theory, human geography, macrosociol-
ogy and history; evolutionary approaches with psychology, biology and neurology’
(Eriksen and Nielsen 2008: 177).
New perspectives create tensions in anthropological enquiries of local and global
connections (see Appadurai 1995), thus defining a space to deal with ‘all types of
social formation, irrespective of the context in which they occur’ (Srivastava 2012:
19).
Evidently, today, anthropology is no more ‘a study of tribal communities only’
(Srivastava 2012: 19). That there is only a component of everything and everything
can be studied anthropologically (Srivastava 1999: 548) defines a space where tribe
is only a component of ‘everything’, i.e. ‘something’ in ‘everything’. In other words,
study of tribes occupies a subordinate position in contrast to its practically central
place in anthropology. To regain its crucial position, tribal studies should build up its
own identity. This will offer an opportunity to consider tribal studies ‘everything’ in
its own rights instead of being ‘something’ in ‘everything’ in the emerging anthro-
pological pursuits.
In course of its expansion, not only tribes have occupied a subsidiary position, but
fieldwork, ‘central to anthropological work’ (Srivastava 2004/2005: 17), has changed
its essence, for it has not evolved to take up emerging issues in tribal communities, and
has shifted from its anthropological space. Several other disciplines use it not because
of its superiority over conventional methods in the disciplines, but as a necessity
arising out of expansion of their frontiers to include pre-industrial societies and topics
for which fieldwork is the source of collecting primary data (cf. Srivastava 2012: 11).
It is to be clarified that all the field methods and techniques are not suitable to all the
disciplines like non-usability of observation method in history and economics. The
use of fieldwork method in other disciplines to study pre-industrial societies arises
as a matter of logical necessity but not as a need for enlargement of choices.
On the other hand, the field in anthropology has shifted to hospitals and educa-
tional institutions to investigate, say for example, tribal women’s reproductive health
care or dropout rates of tribal children. The notion and concept of fieldwork method
(see Srivastava 2004/2005: 17–27) have reduced to survey method, particularly used
in sociology, economics, political science, etc. Moreover, the fieldworker in anthro-
pology is required to gain knowledge about ‘the impact of national and global factors’
on the tribal communities to study tribal problems in India (Srivastava 2004/2005:
42), a change in traditional perspective of the fieldwork.
It is irksome to note that fieldwork in India, by and large, is a channel of data
transmitter to build up Western scholarship (see Srivastava 2012: 15) in which data
are processed and used to formulate concepts and build up theories. It is not a surprise
to find empirical richness in the study of most of the Indian anthropologists, but not
theoretical insights to understand the tribal life ways (see Srivastava 2012: 15).
Noticeably, tensions in anthropology in India are manifold, relating to anthro-
pology discipline in general and anthropological tradition in India in particular. It
is evident in its inability to build up theoretical foundation in tribal studies, slow
space to keep up with changes in tribal communities brought in by development
interventions, problem of quality, the practice of falling back on old ethnographies
and stockpiling of old information in new researches (for details, see Bhattacharya
2011; Agrawal 2011; Srivastava 1999, 2012 and 2004/2005). These are the areas of
serious concerns in anthropology in its relation with tribal studies.
Distancing of anthropology from the study of tribes reflects in the absence of such
issues as insurgency, human trafficking in tribal areas, emergence of power relations
and class formation in tribal communities and thus in anthropological investigations.
The most crucial issue is the necessity of an activist roe (see Srivastava 2012: 12)
of anthropology on the matter of tribal welfare which is conspicuously absent in its
perspective.
The fact of the matter is that anthropology does not advocate social activism and
anthropologists therefore do not take up the role of activists (see Bhattacharya 2011:
327) while engaging themselves with anthropological work. The absence of activist
10 M. C. Behera
role has two significant but interrelated implications. First, anthropology like other
disciplines studying tribes has academic interest only. As a result, anthropologists’
tall claim of their understanding of tribal issues is confined to academics and does not
have any spectacular contribution to ‘improving’ tribal life despite welfare measures
of the state which are subject to ‘corruption of the system’ (Bhattacharya 2011: 327).
Simply studying about corruption and not doing anything to curb it is an observation
from a distance like any onlookers. It is something sadistic in temperament to gain
intellectual delight from the plights, but not attempting to alleviate them practically.
The rightful claim to the practice of empathy during fieldwork remains as a lip service
only. It cannot be denied that the desire to be free from the miseries to which tribes
are pushed in course of their integration beyond their cultural boundary is as strong
as the feelings for their culture; both are inseparable. In this context, cultivating
empathy to study tribes requires to understand their plights and work with them to
alleviate miseries. In other words, the development of tribal studies as a discipline
envisions an attention of both contemplation and action.
Second, the gap thus created in anthropological tradition pertaining to activist role
in the process of tribal development justifies the entry of NGOs and social activists
(see Bhattacharya 2011: 331). Further, contradictions in anthropology itself have
created gaps in the study of tribes which have been filled up by other disciplines.
Anthropologists, however, are not happy with the entry of non-anthropologists.
The entry of other disciplines is not to the likings of some anthropologists who react
with the remarks ‘stealing our disciplinary clothes’ (Sillitoe 1998: 224). Practically,
it is not an intrusion but an assurance to take up the challenges put forward in the
absence of anthropological concerns (cf. Warren 1998: 244).
Tensions are apparent while dealing with new areas in anthropological framework.
It is noteworthy to quote Sillitoe (1998: 223) who maintains,
The new focus on indigenous knowledge augurs the next revolution in anthropological
method, informants becoming collaborators and their communities participating user groups,
and touches upon such contemporary issues as the crisis of representation, ethnography’s
status with regard to intellectual property rights, and interdisciplinary cooperation between
natural and social scientists. Indigenous-knowledge studies are challenging not only because
of difficulties in cross-cultural communication and understanding but also because of their
inevitable political dimensions. Contributing to development which intervenes in people’s
lives, these studies engage with them in novel ways.
The papers included in this volume suggest the possibilities within and beyond
anthropology to take up challenges arising in contemporary tribal studies and to
envision a distinct space for tribal studies as discipline of its own rights. The papers
have their respective thematic perspectives but at the same time suggest tensions
in anthropological enquiries when interdisciplinary communications are reflected in
the study or areas of anthropological interest are identified.
It is increasingly acknowledged beyond anthropology that other people have their
own effective ‘science’ and resource use practices and that to assist them we need to
understand something about their knowledge and management systems (Atte 1992;
Barrow 1992; Morrison et al. 1994).
Organisation of the Study
The papers included in this volume have been organised under six parts, namely
Indigenous Dilemma,Interface between Communities, Contextual analysis (Case-
based Studies), Space of Convergence, Embryonic Synthesis and Borderline Inter-
disciplinarity, and each part includes three, one, four, five, two and two papers,
respectively. The categorisation, however, has not been made on the basis of any
single criterion, though interdisciplinarity, with different degrees, is basic to all of
the papers. The interdisciplinarity is examined with reference to theoretical insights
(as under indigenous dilemma), nature and extent of interdisciplinarity (as under
embryonic and borderline headings), approach of analysis (as under the heading of
contextual analysis) and emerging space beyond the community (as under the head-
ings of interface between communities and space of convergence). The scheme of
organisation suggests that studies on tribes can be conducted/ approached not in this
way or that way, but in many different perspective ways. It would not be out of the
line in this context to claim that tribal studies have the potentials of developing into
independent discipline.
Part I Indigenous Dilemma
In contemporary academics, indigenous issues have drawn the attention of scholars

across disciplines. It has also placed demands for new approaches. The critical point
that needs attention is that the issue of indigeneity rallies around tribes, the category
of ‘others’ constructed during colonial period. The difference between the two is
that at the core of indigeneity, the notions like self-determination, self-aspiration and
self-assertion appear very crucial, while in the construct of tribe an etic perspective is
predominant. As it is widely known, tribes form the core of anthropological enquiry
within cultural perspective, which leads to the question how is indigeneity studied
in anthropological tradition.
In view of this, Alan Barnard’s paper provides insights into the problem. He takes
a critical position in his paper entitled Culture: the Indigenous Account to examine
anthropological engagement with the idea of indigenous or indigeneity. As a matter
of fact, he finds it a ‘problem both for anthropology at a theoretical level and for the
engagement of the discipline with those of our subjects who make that claim’. But
this apparent problem has not been able to dissuade him from the effort of searching
for a perspective approach to anthropological engagement with indigeneity. With his
characteristic style of analytical simplicity and logic, he argues that both the notion
of culture and idea of indigeneity share certain peculiar attributes, similar in essence,
particularly ‘as a means of referencing their identities as different from some wider
society’, and that anthropological interest would be meaningful in the domain of
such common traits. In other words, he suggests for an anthropological study of the
idea of indigeneity invoking the essence of culture.
12 M. C. Behera
The crucial point to note, following Barnard’s discussion, is the stress he empa-
thetically puts on indigenous idea, but not on indigenous category as such for the
purpose of anthropological investigation. It is clear when he argues, ‘if the concept of
indigenousness is not about claiming rights against other people, but simply claiming
rights to cultural tradition itself, then there is no harm in it’.
The author identified historical, political and administrative dynamics in ‘indige-
nous’ construct at subcultural, regional and national levels in Southern African con-
text. With this information, he directs our attention to a notion of transcendental
indigeneity beyond community conception through ‘the creation of a “culture” of
national unity in the guise of collective national indigenousness’, and to its deploy-
ment ‘for political gain both by small “indigenous” groups and by nation states,
irrespective of any anthropological theory that might be brought to bear on the sub-
ject’.
Indigenous construct gives a contextual sense and so also the meaning of culture in
Barnard’s paper. He is well aware of the contextual perspectives including indigenous
peoples’ ‘self-ascription’. It is in the context of an identity construct with reference
to the past and present actions; he finds anthropological approach useful to study the
notion of indigenous, more specifically ‘indigenous culture’.
Brilliantly and logically, Barnard has articulated and presented his argument of
anthropological interest in the study of indigeneity. However, I have my own logic
to invest in indigenous community through a broader perspective.
Following Barnard’s logic, ‘It is not just that different peoples are literally indige-
nous to particular places, but that there is some similarity between hunter-gatherers,
isolated and nomadic herding groups, and perhaps small-scale cultivators that differ-
entiates them from larger population groups’, I would like to place the category of
tribe and indigenous group as the one and the same construct for academic discourse
despite their various country specific labels.5 The claim to cultural rights, which is
of anthropological interest, is at the core of identity ascription of these people with
different names in the globe. Thus, it would not be a conceptual fallacy to use ‘tribe’
and ‘indigenous people’ interchangeably in this essay.
It is noteworthy that Barnard does not consider all the notions of culture, as he has
outlined in his paper for our information, to build up his argument of anthropological
engagement with the idea of indigenous. He finds cultural claims negotiable in the
context. In doing so, he restricts the scope of cultural elements to a contextual limit
in terms of perspectives used in self-ascription and the indigenous community to a
part community/society in the process of encountering historical forces.
To understand a tribe with reference to its subculture invokes the logic of com-
plementarity approach (see Ingold 1998) in that the holistic notion of the culture
or community is the sum total of studies of subcultures as reflected in parts. In this
sense, it contradicts holistic perspective in the study of a tribe and reduces culture
to the level of a subculture. Moreover, when anthropology focuses on culture, polit-
ical and economic claims of tribes do not fall within anthropological engagement
5 For example, these communities are known as ‘Aborigines’ in Australia, as ‘Maori’ in New Zealand,
as ‘First Nations’ in Canada, as ‘Indigenous’ in the USA.

as the political and economic claims, for example, among Indian tribes, incorporate
national goals. Although these claims build up on cultural dimension (Saikia and
Gogoi 2018), they transcend cultural boundary of a tribe both in particular and gen-
eral contexts in view of their integration with nation’s agenda. In such claims, one or
more tribes, as some studies find, compete with such interests of others of their cate-
gory on the ground of territorial rather than cultural indigeneity (see Karlsson 2018).
Anthropological engagement with indigeneity becomes problematic, as is evident in
Barnad’s argument; the context of indigeneity divorces the essence of cultural claims
of indigeneity.
The crucial point which can be arguably drawn from his paper is that except
compatibility between the notion of culture and indigeneity anthropological engage-
ment with tribes in the process of their interaction beyond culture is problematic. In
other words, knowledge in tribal studies demands a suitable perspective of academic
engagement of its own rights beyond anthropology.
In recent years, identity construct draws on multiplex sources and expresses
through multiple levels. It reflects in the literature (see Aguilar 2015), folklore and
other aspects of culture (see Olson 2004; Honko 1995; Alemu 2012; Mayer 2011).
Alan Barnard’s paper points to identity at different levels around the notion of indi-
geneity. National identity of indigenousness in Botswana is obviously a point to
consider (also see Doak 2001).
Broadly, ethnicity or identity is shaped by both internal and external forces. Inter-
nal process is culture-specific, and the action is directed towards the creation of
collective meaning, construction of community through mythology and history, and
creation of symbolic bases for ethnic mobilisation (see Borde in this volume). In
addition, it is also constructed by external forces such as social, economic and politi-
cal as the actors shape and reshape ethnic categories and definitions drawing on them
(see Nagel 1994 and Alemu 2012).
Anthropologists’ focus on culture to study identity formation has a problem-
atic area on other accounts. Admittedly, folklore is a crucial element in culture and
recognises evolutionary perspective, while anthropologists, who had developed it,
have discarded it (see Bascom 1953: 288). Two crucial points are in order of atten-
tion. Anthropological engagement with the notion of identity/ethnicity in a cultural
perspective would either recognise the folklore element or ignore its presence. In the
former case, recognition to evolutionary perspective would contradict anthropologi-
cal logic that has discarded it. While in the latter case culture would carry a restricted
meaning contrary to its holistic comprehension.
This argument, however, does not deny the use of culture in its synchronic sense
in which folklore would lose its evolutionary character while analysing the phe-
nomenon of identity. It is worth noting that identity formation even at a point of time
reflects an interplay of diverse forces, internal and external, particularly when it is
linked with political and economic gains. The projected identity carries its justifica-
tion through cultural explanation that would have taken shape sometimes in the past.
In other words, identity formation is dynamic in nature, whereas cultural perspective
in its syncretic from would be a static tool of analysis leading to fallacy of incon-
sistency. A diachronic approach, however, would avoid the fallacy but would lend
14 M. C. Behera
in an interdisciplinary plane of historical, political, economic and cultural elements;

the culture loses its holistic character. On the other hand, identity investigated as a
synchronic tradition would consider historical and other elements as an integrated
whole in cultural perspective, and thereby their relational position, individual sig-
nificance and expediency of the one over other in the course of identity formation
would not get an objective presentation.
Contemporary issues relating to identity therefore have emerged as an area of
research interest in a number of disciplines other than anthropology. The issue of
identity manifests not only in a cultural whole but in a component of it. The essence of
this perspective runs through Soihiamlung Dangmei’s paper entitled Confluence of
Hindutva Protagonists and Indigenous Religious Reform Movements in North-
east India. The paper focuses on identity movements of two tribes, namely the Adi
of Arunachal Pradesh and the Zeliangrong Naga inhabiting Assam, Nagaland and
Manipur of Northeast India drawing on both internal (culture, religion) and external
forces (Hindutva) of identity assertion. The identity is a reflection of reform move-
ments, Donyi-Polo of the Adi and Heraka of the Zeliangrong Naga influenced by
Hindutva ideology. Dangmei examines the dynamics of Hindutva, its interest in tribal
communities, the process of constructing indigenous identity along religious line and
the organisations involved in the process. In addition, his information is useful to
examine if the emerging phenomenon of religious identity in tribal communities on
the basis of political ideology of Hindutva is amenable to anthropological scrutiny.
In his paper, the notion of indigeneity is articulated in a narrow sense where
community consciousness and the identity in terms of a cultural whole are absent.
Moreover, the religion of the community is divided between Christian and Hindutva
denominations, one standing in opposition to the other. Hindutva’s indigeneity advo-
cacy, based on Hindu majoritarian ideology in India, is a reaction to Christianity
which had its entry in tribal areas right from colonial period. The former, spear-
headed by Sangh Parivar, as Dangmei informs us, got momentum during 1990s.
While protecting indigenous identity on the basis of religious ideology of Hindutva,
the protagonists deny tribal status to Christian tribals of the same community. Dang-
mei is critical on the issue of divided identities of a single community and comments
that such ‘conception of tribes not only goes against the general anthropological
understanding of tribes but also against the Constitution of India’.
The notion of indigeneity on the basis of religion is conceptualised within Hin-
dutva ideology that, as Dangmei maintains, asserts the ‘rights of the majority Hindus’.
The identity so conceptualised differs from the notion that Barnad suggests as an area
of anthropological investigation.
Hindutva is a majoritarian ideology and is interpreted in terms of cultural nation-
alism (see Athreya 2016) as opposed to sovereign nation and secular political nation-
alism. In other words, it is a political agenda in the country (see Jaffrelot 2007 and
Jayaprasad 1991).6 Arguably, indigenous religious identity based on a majoritar-
6 See the works of Prabhash and Ibrahim (2017), where they have examined shifting voting prefer-
ences from Left Democratic Front to National Democratic Alliance in Kerala due to unfolding social
reality based on Hindutva ideology. Chaturvedi’s (2003) essay informs how the word Hindutva was
ian political ideology loses its community-specific cultural essentiality. Moreover,

understanding of this ideology mediated through tribal response (acceptance of ide-
ology in identity assertion) does not provide a cultural perspective, the frame of
anthropological study.
Thus, indigeneity as such is not amenable to anthropological investigation except
when it conveys the idea of a culture whole. An identity construct along indige-
nous religion, as we have seen in Dangmei’s paper, drawing on the majoritarian
ideology of Hindutva falls beyond the core perspective of anthropological enquiry.
Arguably, a phenomenon of assimilation or integration with dominant ideology,
beyond a community’s perspective, has its limitation of being studied by employing
anthropological framework of culture whole. The joint paper of Malvika Gupta
and Felix Padel which is entitled Indigenous Knowledge and Value Systems in
India: Holistic Analysis of Tribal Education and the Challenge of Decentralising
Control agrees with the argument.
The paper examines impact of village schools, residential/boarding schools like
Ashram schools, Navodaya Vidyalaya, Eklavya schools, Kasturba Gandhi Balika
Vidyalaya and Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences and policy options on the educa-
tion of tribal children. The authors relate lower literacy, high incidence of dropouts
and alienation from traditional knowledge and value system of tribal children to
residential schools and to the process of assimilation. Despite policy advocacy for
integration model following Nehru’s Panchsheel principles to allow tribal communi-
ties to develop along the line of their own genius, the process of assimilation works in
practice, particularly in residential schools and through the medium of instructions
in a dominant language. The absence of day schools in villages and closing down of
existing schools in the pretext of cost-ineffectiveness or safety ground due to Maoism
adds to the process of assimilation when children go to schools outside the village.
They have also identified the expansion of RSS schools promoting ideology-based
national integration ‘through a belief in industrialisation as well as Hindutva values
that discount Adivasi traditions’ contributing to the process of assimilation.
Gupta and Padel have outlined the nature of schooling of tribal children from a
historical perspective right from colonial period but dwelling at length on approaches
at the time of Independence and thereafter with reference to findings of various tribal
committees, commissions and education commissions. They have discussed inherent
weaknesses of residential schools in terms of medium of instructions, curriculum
content and the environment that is different from tribal life ways while imparting
education to tribal children. The ugly dimension of these schools reflects in threats to
life and dignity as unexplained reasons of suicide of tribal students and sexual abuse
are reported now and then. Such schools, as the authors maintain, indoctrinate tribal
children into a version of ‘modernity’ that alienates them from their communities.
coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his book Who is a Hindu?, published in 1923, and on its
basis Hindutva politics, i.e. Hindu nationalism in India evolved (also see Jain 1994). Nanda (2006)
makes a contrast between the notions of political nationalism and cultural nationalism and argues
that the former symbolises the establishment of a sovereign nation state at the macro level, and
the latter, by and large, underlines the protection of distinct cultural nation/nationality in a given
provincial political space within the common sovereign state.
16 M. C. Behera
What is revealing is that the process of education in residential schools has its
inbuilt weakness that stands opposite to tribal knowledge system, values and the
way of life in general. Eventually, the weakness turns into threats by alienating
tribal students from their life ways and thus impending them to enjoy their ‘rights’
as members of their communities; for the process of formal education in the tribal
students, the authors inform us quoting Balagopalan, ‘neither suited for the homes
nor for the fields’.
Village day schools, as the authors have presented, have the strength of encultura-
tion which the children are alienated from in residential schools. Despite the problem
of medium of instructions and lack of appreciation to tribal life ways by non-tribal
teachers in most cases, the students are not after all alienated from their families,
communities and cultural ethos in day schools.
Policy guidelines and recommendations of commissions prescribe for the integra-
tion of tribal education, but as Gupta and Padel have argued, the process ingloriously
ends up in assimilation at the level of implementation. In no uncertain terms, the
authors see ‘opportunity’ in the process of proper integration of local culture and
mainstream knowledge in the process of education of tribal children. Integration
provides an opportunity for a synthesis of modern schools in villages and tribal insti-
tutions. The authors cite the examples of Vidyodaya School in Gudalur of Nilgiri
District in Tamil Nadu; Mahua School near Kondagar in South Chhattisgarh and
communitisation of schools, epitomising decentralised control, in Nagaland to drive
the point home.
Gupta and Padel have emphasised on holistic perspective in the education of
tribal children following Gandhiji’s Nai Talim principle and believing in participatory
education, in a synthesis of tribal culture and modern education and in community-
controlled schools. The model they have proposed stands for an integration process of
two-way learning: the mainstream culture learning from tribal systems of knowledge
and values; tribal children learning from mainstream knowledge as an opposition to
assimilationism implicit in the mainstream model of boarding schools. In this sense,
the holistic perspective can be viewed in the sense of inclusion of all communities
in the system of education.
In view of the above, it can be safely deduced that the authors’ understanding of
the holistic approach to tribal education though reminds us cultural perspective of
anthropology; it differs from the latter in that it is constructed beyond community
in the process of integration with ‘modern’ knowledge. Unambiguously, it suggests
more of an interdisciplinary position than the holistic one as perceived at the core of
anthropology. The study is a policy advocacy based on an analysis of the strength
of village schools by thwarting alienation from cultural life; weakness and threats
of alienation of children from cultural ethos in residential schools; and opportunity
of integration and decentralised control along with a synthesis of local culture and
modern knowledge. The approach to policy advocacy adopted by the authors is a
SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) analysis of the problem.
Interface between Communities
This refers to a space arising from the interaction between two or more distinct
ethnic groups. A study of such a space requires multipronged approaches. Uwe
Skoda’s paper entitled Rajas, Adibasis and their Goddess (es): Dasara Rituals
and a Sacrificial Polity in a Former Feudatory State in Odisha is about such an
interactive cultural space through meanings attached to relations between caste and
tribe in a ritual triangle consisting of the King (Raja), Adibasi (Tribe) and Goddess(es)
during annual Dasara festival. The interactionist perspective conceived here differs
from sociological understanding of the same in that in the latter reciprocal role of
individual and society in shaping each other in a continuous process is problematised
for investigation (see Blumer 1969: 1–6). Admittedly, the envisioned perspective
in our discussion has conceptually an inter-community/inter-society scope. As is
evident from Skoda’s paper, interaction occurs on a specific occasion during annual
Dasara festival. The relations defined therein remain static but establish a ritual
alliance between two groups.7
Skoda apparently presents an ethnographic account of Dasara festival celebrated
in the princely state of Bonai in Odisha based on field study over a number of years,
and his study reveals a network of sociocultural and political relations. He has studied
deities; functionaries and their role; the process, procedures and time of ritualistic
performances; significance of symbols and events; myths and legends; and aspects
of finance in great details based on information collected from diverse sources.
The cultural space constructed here differs from the community-specific anthro-
pological perspective. The study is also not a comparative enquiry across communi-
ties, or the process of assimilation or acculturation; rather, it is a fusion of relations
between two communities.
As has been mentioned, the study has used information from diverse sources and
applied several approaches for explanation. It is evident when the author acknowl-
edges its ‘synchronic-anthropological and diachronic-historical perspectives’, but
remains silent about its interdisciplinary perspective in the subfield of historical
anthropology, the core of the analysis is based on the conceptual framework of
‘sacrificial polity’. Evidently, the study rather presents a composite history of a
region across distinct ethnic groups on the matter of sociocultural and political
alliances made around Dasara festival by converging several methods and perspec-
tives. Methodological perspectives used may be identified covering such areas as
ethnography, oral tradition, memory studies,8 historical documents and people’s per-
ception. The study also alludes to hierarchal social structure in the space in terms
of the role of various functionaries and specialists; status difference between the
7 The static relations refer to a balanced alliance with ritualistic significance. However, the element
of mutual care in the alliance makes it dynamic which is reflected in seeking Raja’s support when
mining activities in the area threatened to the Paudi Bhuyan’s life ways.
8 Oral tradition (see Lummis 1987; Cohn 1968; Thompson 1988 and Vansina 1965) and memory
studies (see Bosch 2016; Keightley and Pickering 2013; Halbwachs 1980) approaches facilitate
emergence of subfields of disciplines or borderline interdisciplinarity.
18 M. C. Behera
king and the subjects; king and officers, common people and ritual specialists; and
importantly between the king and the chief of Paudi Bhuyan tribe.
Part III Contextual Analysis (Case-Based Studies)
In the process of globalisation, tribal communities all over the world have been
exposed, ceteris paribus, to exploitation of their resources and marginalisation in the
process of participation and to environmental and other types of hazards, particularly
due to mining and industrialisation in their areas (see Padel and Das 2010 and Jell-
Bahlsen and Jell 2016). Incidences of miseries associated with globalisation are in
fact continuity of colonial legacy, for, at its core remains ‘growth-oriented develop-
ment logic’ as driving force. This model is further reinforced through liberalisation
and privatisation allowing market forces to determine directions of production, con-
sumption and distribution.
Obviously, a structural imbalance is created between state–MNC nexus (as
decision-makers) at the top of the power structure and tribal and other disadvan-
taged communities at the bottom. The hiatus between two power structures causes
exploitation, marginalisation, exclusion, displacement, deprivation and many such
interrelated problems for the bottom structure and reinforces already existing status
of any inequality in it. In other words, the inherent characteristics of globalisation and
the decision-making group in it generate such negative forces which deprive tribes
and other disadvantaged communities of achieving their fullest potentials and enti-
tlements. Such a phenomenon of deprivation is nothing but an act of violence towards
the power structure at the bottom as it degrades the community’s total well-being by
adversely affecting economic, social, cultural, political, physical and mental health
and intellectual development (see Galtung 1969; Farmer 2009). In this context, it
is also useful to quote Malee Sitthikriengkrai and Nathan Porath (included in this
volume) who remind us, ‘Structures of violence are implemented and maintained
through ongoing inequality in which there is a lack of deliberation with members of
the community, deliberate dis-acknowledgement or disinterest from the greater soci-
ety and even denials and deceptions about the effects of industry on a population’.
The phenomenon of structural violence and resistance to it manifest a host of serious
but interrelated issues in the fields of human rights, identity, activist perspectives,
power inequality, development ideology, external and internal forces of mobilisation
and state’s welfare commitment to its people. Conceptualisation of the problem while
considering all these issues together comprehensively in a disciplinary perspective
will distort the essence and fail in providing a comprehensive explanation. No doubt,
such contemporary issues are approached with interdisciplinary perspectives and
often as contextual analysis (e.g. see Mctavish and Pirro 1990; Mjøset 2009; Iversen
1991 for contextual approach). The choice of the approach is justified because it
provides a broader perspective of understanding, flexibility and a choice from a wide
range of available methodologies to fit the context specific issue.
Resistance is a form of social mobilisation. But social mobilisation is not always a

resistance movement; it could be a mechanism of adjusting with ensuing changes in
the society or asserting identity (see reform movements like Tana Bhagat movement
in Dasgupta 1999; Logu Buru in Borde in this volume).
Four papers included in this part basically deal with the context of social mobilisa-
tion, but with different purposes. In three papers, mobilisation is meant for resisting
structural violence, out of which in two papers on Naxalism the participants them-
selves are found involved in violence. The mobilisation of the Karen in Thailand to
fight for environmental justice against the violence caused by industrial lead pollu-
tion and authoritarian decision shows that there are democratically available legal
mechanisms for pursuing justice in developing nations. But the mobilisation rallying
around traditional beliefs and practices, sacred natural sites in East-Central India,
by the tribal communities, is another way of protest against cultural marginalisation,
female dis-empowerment and ills of state-sponsored development interventions in
order to assert identity. The mobilisation process reveals an external force in all of the
four papers, but in the fourth, the internal driving force in some cases is noticeable.
It is to be mentioned that two papers on Maoism relate to insurgency or act of vio-
lence. Insurgency so far has not been an area of serious anthropological investigation,
though for counter-insurgency cultural knowledge of the adversary has been argued
to be of strategically crucial (see McFate 2005). The logic of such an argument has
emanated from anthropologists ‘taking a position that rejects “the disciplines” his-
toric ties to colonialism’; discontinuity of initial role; and recognitions to its earlier
role in some defence organisations ‘as an intellectual tool to consolidate imperial
power at the margins of empire’ (McFate 2005: 28). However, anthropology has
not re-evolved a tool in the hands of military/defence organisations to fan colonial
perspective. Nevertheless violence, not in the sense of insurgency, but in several
other practices, both related and unrelated, has been approached anthropologically
(Rylko-Bauer et al. 2009; Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004; Schmidt and Schroder
2003; Riches 1986). Because of its thematic diversity, the studies have not evolved a
conceptual perspective, about which in the context of Riches’ work Leach remarks,
‘which readily translates from one cultural milieu to another’ (Leach 1986: 13; also
see Das 1987: 11).
Riches’ conception of violence is a narrow one as he defines it as ‘an act of phys-
ical hurt deemed legitimate by the performer and illegitimate by (some) witnesses’
(Riches 1986: 8; quoted in de Hann 2008: 30).9 Defining violence as such, he attempts
at a triadic institutional structure according to which one may ‘distinguish between
the points of view of the performer, the victim and the witness…at the cost of defin-
ing away the most vexing philosophical issues such as that of moral agency’ (Das
1987: 11).
Riches’ edited volume includes some papers on circumcision among the Gisu of
Uganda and cannibalism by dead ancestors as a cause of death among the Piaroa of
9 cf.Barak (2003: 26, quoted in de Hann 2008: 32) adopts a definition of violence as ‘any action
or structural arrangement that results in physical or nonphysical harm to one or more persons’
following Iadicola and Shupe (1998: 26).
20 M. C. Behera
Venezuela dealing with violence in ‘tribal’ ritualistic practices in which the concept
surrenders ‘to instrumentalist perspective’ (Das 1987: 11). Riches’ definition of vio-
lence in physical sense not only restricts its scope of explanation to other forms of
violence but also in relation to ‘territoriality’ on the human body to understand styles
of violence (Das 1987: 11).
Insurgency as an act of violence has performer, the victim and the witness. The
Maoists who are organisers of violence are also performers. Two papers on Maoist
movements included in this part imply that tribal people, some of whom are instru-
ments (due to their participation), are also organisers. A vague line of distinction
exists between instruments of violence and its organisers. As discussed, the tribes
are victims of structural violence in the process of development. A few of them par-
ticipating in Maoist movements undertake violent acts which in turn victimise the
non-participants in many ways; the one is measures taken against them by the state
only in suspicion. The violence is reinforced in the form of affecting tribal child’s
right to secular and democratic education also. The triadic instrumental structure,
suggested by Riches drawing on anthropology of violence, provides a confusing
framework to study insurgency and violence.
The study of violence applying anthropological approaches has not been able to
develop an anthropological perspective, but rather it has been added to the process
of internal tension of disintegration by designating a subfield, i.e. Anthropology of
Violence.
It can be safely deduced that study of tribes being a crucial area of anthropological
enquiry remains outside its core perspective while dealing with structural violence.
The resultant gap is filled up by interdisciplinary and contextual approaches employed
by several disciplines including anthropology itself.
A clarification is in order. It is not logical to think that a discipline is required to
cover all phenomena to study within its core perspective. That all phenomena cannot
be approached in a single disciplinary confinement is the reason of the existence
of a number of disciplines in the academic realm. As new phenomena emerge, it
implies the expansion of the frontiers of existing discipline and development of new
ones. Insurgency or violence is such a boundary-penetrating phenomenon across
several disciplines, and it promises, particularly in the context of tribal insurgency,
the possibilities of formulating new perspective.
The joint paper of K. Anuradha and Jagannath Dash entitled Participation of
South Odishan Tribes in Naxal Movements: A Contextual Analysis is an attempt
to provide theoretical understanding and empirical explanation of the issue of par-
ticipation of tribes of Koraput region in South Odisha in Naxal movements. The
movement is a protest against structural violence, caused in course of tribal inte-
gration in development process, in the forms of land alienation, poverty; demeaning
behaviour of officers, money lenders, etc., towards tribes, but is considered as an
instrument of violence in the eyes of the law and the state.
The paper explores the reasons of tribal participation in Naxal movements which
unambiguously holds structural violence responsible for it. The structurality is inves-
tigated following Galtung’s model of violence and constructing a risk model reason-
ing out tribal participation. Implicitly, the paper interrogates the development process
for tribal development, but explicitly invokes human rights issues and difference in
power relations in the society while constructing the risk model.
As explained, tribes are victims of structural violence, but why only a few of
them participated in a retaliating mode of direct violence also has been investigated
by conducting survey research with the help of structured questionnaires and case
studies. The authors, in doing so, have alluded to direct exposure to structural vio-
lence of different forms and psychology as causative factors for which some tribal
persons joined the movements. Disillusionment with acts of violence also supports
to emotional temperament of some tribal participants who had joined Naxal move-
ments.
A similar contextual analysis within an interdisciplinary perspective is evident in
Rajesh Kumar Meher’s paper entitled Politics of Maoism, Adivasi Human Rights
Issues and the State: A Study of Chhattisgarh. He attempts to examine tribal
human rights issue by situating the state and the Maoists at a contextual perspective of
violence in its structural form. The structural form is conceptualised with reference to
tribal plights caused in the process of their participation in national development. He
also alludes to direct violence through insurgency and counter-insurgency steps taken
by the state. Meher, like Anuradha and Dash, holds structural violence in development
process as a cause of tribal participation in Maoist movements in Chhattisgarh. He
informs us about the incidences of land alienation, displacement, and exploitation in
weekly market, denial of traditional forest rights, etc., to which tribals are subjected
to in course of their integration with national agendas.
The tribal participation in itself is a subject of structural violence in that the pro-
jected tribal issue is used as an instrument to achieve Maoists’ objective of usurping
the state power. In the movement, the tribal issue is subordinate to Maoist design. On
the other hand, tribal participants in Maoist movements to fight for their own causes,
like removing poverty, abolishing practices of exploitation, etc., become subject to
the violence through counter-insurgency measures. So, Meher writes, ‘it is the inno-
cent tribals who have been sandwiched in the fight between the Maoist and the state
forces thereby placing their fundamental rights to life, liberty and property at stake’.
Insurgency and counter-insurgency, both affect the education of children
in conflict-affected areas as both the Maoist armed groups and the security
forces/CRPFs occupy schools as their field camps. Even Maoists damage schools and
warn the parents to keep their children away from schools. The situation adversely
affects dropout rates, enrolments, children’s safety and thus children’s rights to edu-
cation. In addition, the conflict has affected ‘social relationship’ as family is ‘badly
affected and trust in most institutions shattered’. Even during army operations, as
Meher informs, Salwa Judum forces villagers to move to the camps and to burn
houses, livestock and, in some cases, crops. The vast majority migrate out of fear
of death, injury, sexual violence, forcible recruitment, intimidation by parties to
unrest, and deprivation. So, non-participant tribal people also become victims of
conflict-induced displacement. The Maoists also compulsorily recruit tribes in their
organisation. Salwa Judum, whose members are from surrendered tribal Maoists,
organised by the government, is vulnerable to Maoist attack as they are poorly armed.
22 M. C. Behera
Their honorarium, deplorable camp conditions and recruitment procedure all reflect
a subordinate status.
Understandably, the thematic frame outlined to study violence and violation of
human rights of the tribes in the context of Maoist movements has political elements,
social concerns and development issues. Study of tribes in this context does not fall
in the core perspective of anthropology. It emerges as an interdisciplinary study in
the borderline of political science.
The joint paper of Malee Sitthikriengkrai and Nathan Porath entitled Envi-
ronmental Illness at Klity Creek (Thailand): A Karen Village’s Quest for Justice
is a contextual presentation of Karen people’s suffering from industrial lead pollu-
tion; their protest against the Ministry of Public health (MOPH) Thailand; demand
that their illness be recognised as related to the lead pollution and of their subsequent
fight against the Lead Company and the Department of Pollution Control, Thailand,
claiming environmental justice with the support of NGOs.
But the authors have problematised the context of people’s struggle for environ-
mental justice related to development model in a trajectory of community’s percep-
tion of the whole gamut of the issue, government’s approach to development and
attitude to industrial-induced health problems and intervention of civil society.
The Karen community was exposed to health problems due to industrial lead
pollution, particularly of the river, the only source of water for all-purpose use, which
violated their culture-determined harmonious relationship with the patron spirit deity
of the river. Obviously, violence occurred both at structural and cultural spheres. But
the community’s predicament under the situation was much more revealing than
health problems and damage to cultural belief. Suspicion of the Karen people about
supportive civil society whose sociality is an encapsulation of the greater society that
created the problem; lack of knowledge in technical and legal aspects necessary to
fight for justice; weakness to face opposition from the adversaries; and the absence
of a proper voice in the community that could be heard and understood to mobilise a
support base in the state were serious detriments. Conceptualisation of the problem
with the intervention of civil society, it can be stated, recognises interconnectedness
between theory and praxis.
The paper explains how the health problem was recognised and informed at dif-
ferent quarters and finally brought to the court of law. But it lacks in conceptualisa-
tion of the problem of the tribe in development process; encounters challenges with
myriad possibilities; and promises interdisciplinary/holistic enquiry in the field of
development studies, health studies, environmental justice and environmental stud-
ies, thereby demanding a perspective approach by combining both academics and
activism.
The paper also acquaints us with a health-related identity of a people exposed
to health hazards in response to development activities. It is Karen community’s
identity through public labelling as ‘the lead-contaminated community’ that tells us
of the possibilities of new identity label of marginal people depending on perspective
formulation about them based on the nature and effect of interaction with ‘modernity’.
The paper of Radhika Borde entitled Rallying Around Sacred Natural Sites:
Adivasi Mobilisations in East-Central India is similar to the above three papers
in many ways but different from them in that it offers an opportunity to consider
emerging intellectual enterprise on consilience perspective. The paper is basically
an attempt to answer contemporary questions relating to women empowerment, cul-
tural marginalisation, identity formation within the movement of indigenous asser-
tion, social mobilisation in general and protests in particular, issues of mainstream
development, ecological stewardship, and to contribute to an understanding of the
operation of strategic essentialism through cultural revivalism. In view of this, Borde
considers the entire enterprise as ‘a conscious and self-aware strategy’ in the hands
of subaltern groups to ‘represent themselves in ways that feed into popular and
romanticised stereotypes, and which may allow for social advancement’.
Borde has explored three cases in which the role of sacred natural sites in identity
formation and empowerment has been examined. The first case study examines a
new religious movement, Sarna, focused on the worship of sacred groves by Adi-
vasi women, particularly Oraon, in Jharkhand. These involved women experiencing
altered states of consciousness, believing to have possessed by the Earth Goddess,
hold prayer meetings in the sacred grove, rejuvenate old groves and create new groves
by planting trees; spread the message of the new movement; and take up develop-
ment works and steps to protect culture and language. They have formally organised
Sarna Prathna Samithi in each village with formally elected members, of which some
are registered under Societies Registration Act. A harmonious relationship between
cultural and biological diversity is established, and a political space is created to
promote the preservation of culture and ensure economic and social advancement.
The second one explores the institution of a pilgrimage festival, the Lugu Buru
festival to be specific, centred on the hill by the same name in Jharkhand that is
believed to be an ancient spiritual university by the Santhal tribe. The pilgrimage,
however, has diverse implications. It celebrates harmony of cultural and biological
diversities; provides a platform for forging networks with Adivasi leaders and artic-
ulating tribal and non-tribal interaction; and links traditional wisdom with formally
instituted management committee. Besides, for the Santhals, Lugu Buru provides a
platform at which Santhals can assert their distinct cultural identity; build up their
cultural confidence and unfold cultural heritage of the glorious past.
The third case discusses Dongaria Kondh’s protest against Vedanta mining activ-
ities to protect the Niyamgiri Mountain in Odisha, believed to be their ancestor. The
mountain is a sacred place for the Kondhs, and this understanding has become the
source of mobilising the protest. The protest got a legal support later when Forest
Rights Act granted the tribes rights to protect their ‘natural and cultural heritage’.
This offered the opportunity to contest violence, as de Haan (2008: 30) would like
to enlighten ‘on the question of legitimacy’.
From the discussion, it is evident that the protest embodies ecological concern,
political assertion, development questions, issue of tribal rights and the concept of
sacred site. Implicit is structural violence in development process, to which the tribes,
like the Karen people in Thailand, protested with democratic means.
As has been said, the paper displays a union of thematic perspectives. Therefore,
the originality of the paper lies in its thematic framework constructed by bringing in
insights from the field of cultural geography and political anthropology related to the
24 M. C. Behera
politics of indigenous mobilisation and in its approach to a holistic understanding. In

each of the cases, the context of issues, each having the potentiality of independent
study, has been investigated as an interconnected whole representing a continuity
between tradition and ‘modernity’. The continuity, however, has the presence of
structural violence and accompanied protest of different nature, varying differently
in each case. The protest is an instrument to assert an identity along with embodied
issues as is evident in the paper.
Part IV Space of Convergence
It is a commonplace understanding that Western system of knowledge expresses

along specialised fields and is approached employing reductionist methods of anal-
ysis. In recent years, it has been the tradition in the intellectual enterprise to inves-
tigate a phenomenon using methods/perspectives of two or more fields of knowl-
edge, thereby presenting a comprehensive understanding that is academically called
interdisciplinary perspective. However, such a comprehensive understanding is not
confined only to disciplines based on Western knowledge system. Disciplines with
holistic perspective, say cultural perspective of anthropology discipline, also engage
with specialised fields of knowledge. In this situation, two crucial implications draw
our attention. First, an exchange of perspectives and methods is considered with
a willing collaboration till a shared understanding is arrived at. Such a synthesis
may appear as a borderline study in relation to the core of either of the disciplines
reflecting the status of a collateral discipline or its incipiency.
Second, it may so happen that without employing an interdisciplinary perspec-
tive, the phenomenon is studied contextually drawing on specialised approaches.
Such types of studies are situational analysis of development indicators. As is well
recognised, national development model is based on Western ideology of growth,
market, competition, optimisation and efficiency principles and thus conveys a spe-
cialised branch of knowledge. When tribes are exposed to national development
process, two perspectives are in view, namely interdisciplinary study or study of the
phenomenon in the confinement of a discipline. This exposure is conceptualised in
our context as space of convergence as each tribal community moves beyond its
cultural boundary to integrate with the space of national development agenda. Space
of convergence presents a type of connections of tribal communities; but whether
the connections are relevant or not; and if relevant then from whose point of view;
are issues which need scrutiny. That is why space of convergence is preferred to the
concept ‘Relevant Connections’ of Snow (1959/1993) as mentioned earlier.
When the topic of tribal development is in question, the role of forests in their
livelihood cannot be ignored. In fact, forests play a crucial role in traditional tribal
mode of production, primarily subsistence in nature. Such a mode represents sub-
stantive economy as distinguished from formal economy of our time (see Herskovits
1952; Dalton 1961; Le Clair 1968, for a distinction between substantive and formal
economies).
S. N. Tripathy in his paper entitled Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and

Livelihood Promotion of Tribes of Odisha emphasises the role of forests in secur-
ing tribal livelihoods within policy frame of the state. The paper situates this role
in a transitional phase as tribal dependence on the non-timber forest products has
a market link through money exchange, man-hour employment, etc., unlike ear-
lier subsistence consumption through need-based direct exchange of goods against
goods. The situation presents a transition between substantive and formal mode of
the economy. Tripathy has not brought in the theme of structural violence in his
discussion, but it is implicit when he has drawn our attention to tribal exploitation
through traders, money lenders and middlemen despite involvement of government
agencies to facilitate marketing. He writes, ‘traders make advance payments to pri-
mary collectors; and later buy goods at very low rates and sell them in cities for huge
profits. These modes have set up exploitative elements due to non-payment of prices
fixed for NTFPs. Traders also function as money lenders; and buy NTFPs towards
repayment of (earlier, emphasis mine) debt or interest’.
Tripathy’s study shows the susceptibility of forest policies at implementation
level, leading to, as he argues, failure of Joint Forest Management (JFM) to achieve
its objectives. The inconsistency is also seen between an ‘emphasis on a formal and
uniform organisation structure’ and informal diverse life ways of tribes. Despite peo-
ple’s involvement through Vana Samrakshana Samithi (VSS), the real power lied in
the hands of the forest officials and these officers were found supporting elite section
facilitating their appropriation to a large part of the benefits. Even forest officials did
not do anything concrete to address the equality and gender issues. Intervention of
unequal power relations at implementation stage was a strong impediment to ensure
social justice and equality.
Promotion of forest-based tribal livelihoods, as is evident from the paper, is a com-
plex issue; it involves people’s committee, government officials, government policy,
market and private money lenders and middlemen together forming a formal ambi-
ence outside the cultural boundary of tribal people. The tools of analysis, namely
power relations, operational inconsistencies, formal institutions, exploitation, mar-
ket, poverty, intermediaries, etc., are basically sociopolitical and economic in nature.
Role of formal institutions alludes to the need of activism with regard to forest-based
tribal livelihoods within policy frame of the state. The study is a borderline inves-
tigation in economics discipline on the topic of economic welfare of pre-industrial
tribal communities in the process of state-sponsored development.
The paper, based on empirical study, is a critique of development objectives
through forest policies pertaining to forest-based livelihood options of tribes. Such a
critique requires a database as a prerequisite. The joint paper of Binod Narayan and
Utpal Kumar Chakraborty entitled A Content Analysis of Education Amongst
the Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand: Emphasising Government’s Perspective
and Conscientiousness provides a database, but only on educational scenario of
STs of Jharkhand compiled from government records.
Their paper attempts to highlight the literacy rates and the educational status
among the varied scheduled tribes in Jharkhand. Enlightening the hard facts of broad
and unfortunate gap in the male–female ratio of literacy rates among all entities along
26 M. C. Behera
rural and urban divide, among different tribal groups, the paper notes the PVTGs in
the least receiving end of education in comparison with other fellow tribal groups.
Nevertheless, the state of Jharkhand is in a better position in the national panorama
related to girl’s dropout in primary (Classes I–VIII); after being slightly lagging at
overall national averages for literacy among STs. The paper has also discussed the
schemes and programmes in the field of educational empowerment implemented by
the Government of India and Government of Jharkhand. Lack of conscientiousness is
quite evident in the light of the data examined during the study. The authors, however,
have not attempted to interpret the data in a comparative mode.
The authors have used conventional variables conceptualised in education dis-
cipline like literacy, dropouts, enrolments, gender parity index, etc., to present the
data. Needless to say, the paper deals with the topic of formal education pertaining
to tribes; education being an interdisciplinary topic, other disciplines like sociology,
anthropology, economics, developmental studies, and statistics may engage with the
topic as a borderline study.
Obviously, tribal integration with development enterprise situates them in a posi-
tion away from their cultural boundary. The paper of Rashmi Pramanik entitled
Documentation and Digitisation for Access to Traditional Medicine Knowledge
in Southern Odisha claims an integration of tribal heritage with modern technology
to benefit both tribes and other communities. The paper uses multiple techniques,
based on interview, inventory approach and interactive discussion approach to col-
lect data on ethnomedicine. In this paper, the author documents traditional plant
medicines used by tribal people of Semiliguda block of Koraput District in Odisha
and discusses the efforts initiated by the research team for their preservation in the
Council of Analytical Tribal Studies (COATS), Koraput, Odisha.
Evidently, the study is not an ethnographic undertaking of documentation of tra-
ditional medicine knowledge; it looks at its threats from privatisation, future of its
accessibility, biopiracy, intellectual property rights regime and attempts at offering a
solution through digital method of preservation. Explicitly, it introduces praxis in eth-
nomedicine research and advocates preservation and conservation of ethnomedicine
knowledge through the process of verification and validation along with digitisation.
The paper displays an interdisciplinary perspective which could be related to applied
anthropology, but the scope of applied anthropology in such types of studies linking
the management of cultural heritage with contemporary technology and dissemina-
tion of knowledge beyond culture are yet to be defined. Moreover, involvement of
NGOs, as is evident, is a crucial aspect while undertaking such studies.
Management issue however has a similar context in Hari Charan Behera’s paper
entitled Land, Property Rights and Management Issues in Tribal Areas of Jhark-
hand: An Overview. He advocates for tribal land management to protect and pre-
serve tribal customary rights on land from the threats of modern laws. He informs
us that modern laws are responsible for replacing ‘customary practices to favour the
modern state machinery to acquire tribal land, displace tribal people and dispossess
them from their livelihood’.
In the era of globalisation, land has acquired enormous significance and is indis-
pensible to implement various development schemes and projects. Land, contrary to
tribal perception of a free good, has been commoditised. This causes problems for
the tribals as they normally do not have land record; in most of the tribes, no cadastral
survey has been conducted and land record prepared on the basis of ownership. Even
existing records have not been updated as Behera finds from a few case studies as
a result of which ownership conflicts have become an everyday affair. Transfer of
tribal land to projects has been the root cause of recent tribal unrests. Under such
a situation, he advocates proper land management by assigning ownership rights
in tribal areas. The theme of the paper has a broader context including both tribes
and non-tribes who are exposed to structural violence in the absence of proper land
records in the process of integration with development enterprise.
Rajanikant Pandey in his paper entitled Mining and Anthropology in Indian
Industrialism examines anthropological studies on mining and mining-related
industries in Indian tribal context in a historical perspective starting with colonial
interest in the enterprise. Surprisingly, he finds very limited ethnographic works on
traditional mining of tribal communities and a paucity of ethnographic works even on
mining-led industrialisation in pan-Indian framework. He finds most of the anthro-
pological and interdisciplinary writings focused on the Central and Eastern-Central
India mining belt, which coincides with the uneven extractive industrialisation in
country. There is unprecedented overlap of tribal area and mining belts in the coun-
try; therefore, social science scholars interested in the studies of ‘impact of industri-
alisation’ have taken mining industry as their research topic. Anthropologists have
made a predominant contribution in the ethnographic study of mining-based indus-
trialisation by considering it as a sociocultural process and by examining its impact
particularly in the areas of family income, sociocultural condition, environment,
women health, tribal–non-tribal relations upon the tribal population participating in
it and living around. Interdisciplinary contributors have taken industrial development
and displacement as major theme in conceptualising mining society. Besides, studies
also deal with such themes as labour migration, exploitation, crimes in mining areas
and conflict between tribes and mining corporations.
Admittedly, the paper borrows insights from theoretical and methodological shifts
in global mining anthropology. But Pandey does not consider the studies he has
reviewed within the purview of the perspective of mining anthropology in India. It
is evident in his proposal to incorporate emerging concepts and categories for the
future inquiries in the Indian situation. In his proposal, he does not look back to the
cultural perspective but shows pragmatism with regard to inclusion of contemporary
issues of tribal rights to resources and territories being fused with identity politics
and subnationalism and experiences of industrial disasters and irreversible climate
changes.
Part V Embryonic Synthesis
As we have discussed, interdisciplinarity reflects from synthesis of two disciplines

at least at three levels. There are studies in which a discipline steps into the boundary
28 M. C. Behera
of another without making any conscious effort of integration of it; but it makes a
casual reference without assigning any functional significance in the ensuing analysis
or discussion. This was the practice in anthropology and history in early decades of
twentieth century (see Guha 1987: viii). This stage can be designated as Embryonic
Synthesis in contrast to the one in which conscious effort of integration between
two disciplines leads to emergence of collateral disciplines like socio-linguistic,
economic anthropology, social psychology, ethnohistory, and the like in which Ingold
(1998: 24) sees a combination of complimentary accounts of two disciplines. On the
other hand, there are studies in which a discipline employs perspectives or methods of
another discipline but they remain within the expanded boundary of it as borderline
studies. The embryonic synthesis can be easily appreciated across subfields of a
discipline as a normal practice without the feeling of any type of digression from
the framework. Two papers included in this part display analytical perspective at the
stage of embryonic synthesis with either modernity or tradition as the backdrop of
discussing health issues.
Kanhu Charan Satapathy, Prasanna Kumar Patra and Shyama Mohapatra
in their joint paper entitled Epidemiology of Blood Pressure Among the Tribes
of Odisha have investigated the incidence and distribution pattern of blood pressure
among five tribes of North and Central Odisha particularly inhabiting Mayurbhanj,
Keonjhar and Jajpur districts. The tribes are the Savar, the Bathudi and the Bhumij
of Mayurbhanj District; the Santal and the Bathudi of Keonjhar District; and the
Munda of Jajpur District. Their study, based on cardiovascular measures, reveals
instances of high blood pressure among the sample tribes when the comparison is
made on the systolic blood pressure, diastolic blood pressure, heart rate and pulse
rate. The study challenges traditional notion about the tribes that they do not have
high blood pressure and hence a low risk of lifestyle disorder. In other words, the
study recognises tribal exposure to non-traditional lifestyle. It is stated unequivocally,
but as a passing remark by the authors that they are ‘exposed to forces of change…
have also adopted to changing lifestyle. Consequently, diseases not known to them
traditionally are found among the tribals’.
The study reveals that the tribes in Odisha are in transition in terms of blood
pressure. Blood pressures and rates of hypertension are found increasing among
the traditional populations ‘undergoing ‘modernisations”. The significant number
of hypertensive cases has been observed in all the communities; the Munda (Jajpur)
and Bhumij (Mayurbhanj) population show a higher percentage of hypertensive cases
than the Bathudi (Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar), Savar (Mayurbhanj) and Santal (Keon-
jhar) communities. The differences in blood pressure among them are multifactorial.
While it is impact of industrialisation among the Munda, it is high salt intake among
the Bhumij.
The study is conducted following the approach, method, technique and tools stan-
dardised in medical anthropology, and hence, it displays a synchronic tradition at the
core. But formulation of research problem and inference drawn from the study show
cause–effect relationship; the incidence of increase in blood pressure and hyper-
tension is related to modernisation without objectively examining the relationship.
Dependent variables, e.g. blood pressure and hypertension, have been investigated
assuming their dependence on modernisation which is independent variable in the

study without establishing actual relation. But the study promises the possibilities of
a concrete synthesised examination of relations between the two. Authors are aware
of the limitation as they state, ‘before any conclusive inference can be made on rea-
sons that contribute to increasing trend of hypertension among the tribal population,
it requires further investigation’.
Similar claim of a synthesis between traditional variables and response of
Bathudi women to reproductive health care is apparent in the joint paper of Sutapa
Mukhopadhyay and Ranjana Ray which is entitled Mother Care Among Some
Bathudi Tribal Women in Simlipal Reserve Forest Area in Eastern India. The
study focuses on the health condition of the women who are pregnant and at post-
delivery condition with a view to ascertain the extent to which the community mem-
bers are aware of the modern medical facilities. Obviously, modern guidelines on
reproductive health care have been the point of reference. Data were collected with
the help of interview schedule, both open- and close-ended. Special emphasis was laid
on case history for in-depth enquiries. On an average, Bathudi females are reported
getting married around 18 years of their age. Most of the Bathudi women become
mothers at the age of 21 years. Average number of pregnancies per mother among
them is 4.02. Birth wastage has been 4.5% among the Bathudi mothers. Overall
health status of Bathudi mothers reflects lack of proper nutrition. Traditional food
taboo during ante-, intra- and post-natal period has got important bearing on nutrition.
The authors relate incidence of poor healthcare practices (dependent variable)
among pregnant Bathudi women to poor accessibility to modern healthcare facilities,
lack of awareness and traditional lifestyle (independent variables) without examin-
ing the nature and extent of relationship. The dependent variable is assumed to
have been influenced by three independent variables, but no causal connection is
examined. Needless to say, the study makes an objective assessment of healthcare
practices, but does not go further to examine the contributing factors in a cause–effect
frame of analysis, thereby indicating possibilities of a synthesised study. The cause
is hypothesised and therefore needs to be verified with empirical inputs.
Part VI Borderline Interdisciplinarity
The nature of interdisciplinarity in the papers reflects within the boundary of the
discipline. Ethnography of local knowledge is a subject matter of anthropology, but
conscientious effort at a scientific precision renders the study interdisciplinary within
the boundary of anthropology. Similarly, the use of epistemological framework to
understand tribal world view embodied in oral tradition is an expansion of the frontier
of the discipline of philosophy. There are two papers displaying interdisciplinarity
within the boundary of qn established discipline.
Prasanna K. Samal, Rajiv Mili and Mihin Dollo in their joint paper entitled
Local Knowledge in Managing Upland Agriculture by the Adis in Arunachal
Pradesh, Northeast India have applied scientific methods to study cultural practices
30 M. C. Behera
followed in hill agriculture within the framework of local knowledge. The notion of
environmental determinism is at the backdrop as the authors have selected the topic
concerning hill agriculture (shifting cultivation) of the Adis though the tribe also
follows terrace and plain cultivation practices depending on topography of their
settlements. The authors have scientifically analysed the role of cropping pattern and
the practices of weeding in soil conservation and bionutrition conservation. The study
is organised from management perspective to understand local management system
not from people’s perspective, but from scientific society’s standard of objectivity.
The methodology used in the study speaks of its interdisciplinarity. The use of
survey method, semi-structured questionnaire, informal discussions, extensive field
verification in on-farm condition, process of collection and identification of plants
and crop samples and their documentation and germplasm conservation are method-
ological innovations in studying traditional cultural practices.
Philosophical enquiry into tribal world view is a recent academic pursuit in the
discipline of philosophy, particularly in India. This gap is now filled up with philo-
sophical approach to tribal religion, and world view in general. Heni Francis Ari-
ina’s paper entitled Tribal Philosophy: An Epistemological Understanding of
Tribal World View is a contribution in the field.
His paper employs epistemological framework to understand tribal world view and
contests the stereotypes that tribal knowledge on nature, cosmos, ethics and religious
views are unscientific or incoherent with the science. This notion is reflected while
categorising them as ‘others’ and giving names such as primitive tribe, aborigines,
native people and jungle people. Such notions create doubts on the possibility of its
epistemic enterprise in one’s mind because tribals do not have written script. If tribals
do not have script, then the question arises: How do they know? What are the sources
of knowledge? What is the mechanism adopted? How do tribals conceptualise the
relationships among human being, world and god? Do they have any ontological
insight into the reality? Ariina’s paper attempts to respond to these questions and
engage the study from the tribal world view.
Primarily, he tries to develop a perspective of tribal philosophy through oral tradi-
tion, sources of knowledge, the mode of transmission and types of learning drawing
on the world view of Naga community. However, he is also aware of epistemic
difficulties in the justification of traditional knowledge and the problem of address-
ing such issues with the core of epistemological discourse. But his attempt is the
beginning of philosophical dimension in the scholarship of tribal studies.
Contemporary tribal situation offers challenges and opportunities to anthropology
and other disciplines and presents possibilities to consider it in its own rights, not
as ‘others’ in several disciplines. Seventeen papers reviewed in this volume attest to
the need of rethinking perspective approaches to tribal studies.
In view of this, it is to be noted that engagement with tribal studies in the discipline
of anthropology and beyond is the emergent space in contemporary scholarship
through methods and perspectives of several disciplinary approaches to answer to
such questions as who, why, how and ‘whither’ with regard to tribes. While ‘who’
and ‘how’ will normally describe the phenomenon, ‘why’ will provide theoretical
explanations. ‘Whither’ will answer to such questions as who are ‘we’, why are
‘we’ as ‘we’ are, where do ‘we’ stand, ‘why’ do we stand where ‘we’ are and
‘where’ do ‘we’ move from here and ‘why’ and many other such related pragmatic,
epistemological, ontological and phenomenological questions.
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Part I
Indigenous Dilemma
Chapter 2
Culture: The Indigenous Account
Alan Barnard
Abstract The paper highlights the problem of academic engagement with the idea
of indigenous or indigeneity, which stands problematic as anthropological categories,
both for anthropology at a theoretical level and for the engagement of the discipline
with those of the subjects who make that claim, in the light of anthropology particu-
larly in southern Africa. It is argued using both empirical evidences and theoretical
insights that both the notion of culture and idea of indigeneity share certain peculiar
attributes, similar in essence, especially as a means of referencing identities of those
people who present themselves different from some wider society, and in this sense,
anthropological enquiry would be meaningful in the domain of such common traits.
Precisely, in this paper, an effort is made of searching for a perspective approach to
anthropological engagement with indigeneity.
Keywords Apartheid · Culture and cultural traditions · Anthropological

tradition · Identity · Indigenous/indigeneity · Collective mind
This paper aims to draw together three of Adam Kuper’s bugbears: culture, the
indigenous peoples’ movement and apartheid. I shall make comparisons between
the latter two in the light of anthropological definitions of ‘culture’. I shall suggest
that the notion of culture and the idea of indigenousness or indigeneity share certain
peculiar attributes, notably problematic nature as anthropological categories and their
appropriation by people claiming indigenous cultural status. This is a problem both
for anthropology at a theoretical level and for the engagement of the discipline with
those of our subjects who make that claim.
My focus here is on these issues in the light of anthropology in southern Africa and
especially South Africa. That subcontinent has been subject not only to conflicting
Originally published in Deborah James, Evelyn Plaice and Christina Toren (eds.), 2010 Culture
Wars: Context, Models, and Anthropologists’ Accounts (EASA Series, Vol. 12). New York/Oxford:
Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-0857456618. pp 73–85. (Paperback reprint; original published in 2010).
Reproduced with permission of the author and copyright holder.
A. Barnard (B)
University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, Scotland, UK
e-mail: a.barnard@ed.ac.uk

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_2
38 A. Barnard
political environments but also conflicting anthropological traditions through much

of its history. These traditions, though, have never existed in isolation, but in contact,
in juxtaposition and even at times intertwined. For example, Afrikaans language
and American anthropology share similar roots and similar concerns with ‘culture’.
Anthropological notions of ‘culture’ have been appropriated by both the ‘old’ and
the ‘new’ South Africa. In southern Africa, the idea of indigenousness is deployed
for political gain both by small ‘indigenous’ groups and by nation states, irrespective
of any anthropological theory that might be brought to bear on the subject.
Culture and Indigenousness
The central concern of most schools of anthropology is with culture. Yet culture is by
no means a straightforward concept. Indeed, it is a contradiction. On the one hand,
it is something to do with nurturing, helping to reach maturity. On the other hand, it
is an artefact, a thing of the past that determines identity. And it determines identity
not by virtue of one’s own actions, but by virtue of those of one’s grandparents.
The meaning of culture is also dependent on context, and it changes in time. It
was easy to attack ‘culture’ when the word was used as a synonym for ‘race’: in the
‘old’ South Africa a twisted notion of ‘culture’ became an excuse for a repugnant
social system. It is less easy to denigrate ‘culture’ when that term is employed by
disadvantaged people who call themselves ‘indigenous’ and seek to replicate the
values, if not the actions, of their grandparents. People call themselves ‘indigenous’,
for lack of any other obvious label, often as something signifying an essence in their
former lifestyle as ‘a people’ (collectively) that they want to remember or to protect
for their children. Many such people cling to the concept of culture as a means of
referencing their identities as different from some wider society. Culture is important
then for both the elites of the ‘old’ South Africa and for the disadvantaged minorities
of the ‘new’.
Culture shares with indigenousness similar essences. Both are artefacts, things of
the past, invoked to justify actions in the present. Both determine identities. Apartheid
was not unlike either in these senses: its proponents claimed that it reflected the
natural order of things. That order of things was of the past: different peoples finding
themselves together on South African soil, a few decades ago, or a few centuries
ago. Although the word ‘culture’ is avoided, even the liberal tradition in the local
historiography defined itself, in the 1960s, precisely in such a way. In the words of
The Oxford History of South Africa, ‘the central theme of South African history is
interaction between peoples of diverse origins, languages, technologies, ideologies,
and social systems, meeting on South African soil’ (Wilson and Thompson 1969: v).
There are in fact, many notions of culture even within anthropology:
• Culture in opposition to human nature
• Culture as what all humans share, that is, in opposition to animals (or at least to
most animals)
2 Culture: The Indigenous Account 39
• Culture as symbolic culture, that which distinguishes modern from pre-modern

human beings
• Culture in the sense of culture area, as in regional structural comparison
• Culture as a smaller unit: nation or ethnic group
• Culture as subculture
• Culture within the individual
Hardly any anthropologist does not subscribe to at least one of these, and quite
diverse theoreticians can subscribe to the same one, or indeed to several.
The first three of these remain important at a high theoretical level, but have
little to do with the ethnographic or with cultures in the plural. They may safely
be ignored here. Culture in the sense of culture area is different. This is important
in some of Adam Kuper’s work (e.g. 1982) although in this the locus of culture
still remains above the level of ‘a culture’. That latter notion, ‘a culture’, in other
words, culture as a countable unit, is what his later work rightly seeks to avoid. It
is nevertheless how most Boasian anthropologists saw the idea of culture. Ralph
Linton, for example, differentiated the abstract concept from this ethnographically
specific usage: ‘As a general term, culture means the total social heredity of mankind,
while as a specific term a culture means a particular strain of social heredity’ (Linton
1936: 78). Culture as a subculture is sometimes a variant and allows for cultural
variation within society rather as the former allows for variation within a culture area
or region. The last, culture within the individual is reminiscent of the work of Roy
D’Andrade and other cognitive anthropologists (e.g. D’Andrade 1995) and also has
echoes in that of Benedict (1934), Mead (1950). Benedict and Mead, at the same
time, had other notions of the locus of culture derived from their Boasian inheritance
(see also Kroeber and Kluckhohn 1952).
Of all of these notions of culture, it is culture as a nation or ethnic group which
is probably the least real. Yet that one is the most common in several traditions in
anthropology, and in particular, the pre-War German anthropology that lay at the
root of both the American tradition and the Afrikaans language tradition in South
Africa. A number of studies also make similar points (see Gingrich 2010 and Plaice
2010; see also Sharp 2010 and 2006). This notion is also the one most often picked
up today by indigenous groups, as well as nationalists, to represent themselves. In
other words, the spectrum of definitions of culture runs from those broadly agreed
within anthropology (like culture as opposed to nature) to the more controversial
equation of culture with ethnicity. Culture divides humanity from the animals, but
at the same time, culture divides each branch of humanity one from another, and
especially perhaps, ‘indigenous’ humanity from the rest.
If culture is the core concept of most of the anthropology, ‘indigenous peoples’
are the culture-bearing units that anthropologists tend to find of most interest. It is not
just that different peoples are literally indigenous to particular places, but that there is
some similarity between hunter-gatherers, isolated and nomadic herding groups, and
perhaps small-scale cultivators that differentiate them from larger population groups.
If all the world’s ‘indigenous peoples’ have something in common, it is their relation
to their respective wider societies. It is not any cultural essence, nor even necessarily
40 A. Barnard
whether or not they arrived in a particular place before other groups. (Otherwise, for
example, the Himba of Namibia would have trouble claiming indigenous status.)
When culture is appropriated by the larger community, indigenousness can be as
well. President Festus Mogae of Botswana had long expressed a view that all citizens
of Botswana should be regarded as ‘indigenous’, and the Botswana Press Agency
(BOPA) reported in 2007 that:
All citizens of Botswana are therefore indigenous to the country with the exception of some
naturalised citizens. No tribe or ethnic group is in this regard considered more indigenous
than the others in the country and Government rejects outright, attempts by certain quarters
to impose on the country, a definition of indigenous people that suits only the narrow and
ill-informed agendas and interests of certain advocacy groups. (BOPA, quoted in the Daily
News [Gaborone], 7 September 2007).
That statement was in fact timed to coincide with the report on Botswana’s sur-
prise decision to support a revised draft of the United Nations Declaration on the
Rights of the Indigenous People, passed by the General Assembly on 13 September
2007. The notion that any citizen can be ‘indigenous’ undermines special claims to
indigenousness and renders ‘indigenous peoples’ no different from any other. It also
blurs the distinction between national and other cultures and allows the nation as a
whole, or indeed the state, to claim common ownership of its ‘culture’.
Indigenousness and Collective Representations
Several things are conflated in the collective mind of the ‘new’ South African state.
This came out especially with South Africa’s launching of its new motto and coat
of arms in 2000, where the situation was rather different from that in Botswana.
President Thabo Mbeki invoked the idea of ‘indigenous people’ (in the form of the
/Xam, a culturally distinct Khoisan people), the ancient past (with the representation
of Khoisan as South Africa’s first people and their conflation with ‘early man’),
and the overthrow of the recent past (apartheid), all in the spirit of a new ideal of
diverse peoples, languages and cultures, coming together. All this has caused some
controversy and confusion in the collective mind of the South African public, but the
imagery has interesting implications for anthropology.
President Mbeki launched the motto and coat of arms in a speech given in the
small town of Kwaggafontein on Freedom Day, 27 April 2000. The words of his
speech strongly implied the great contradictions of indigenousness:
The motto of our new Coat of Arms, written in the Khoisan language of the /Xam people,
means: diverse people unite or people who are different join together.
We have chosen an ancient language of our people. This language is now extinct as no one
lives who speaks it as his or her mother tongue.
This emphasises the tragedy of the millions of human beings who, through the ages, have
perished and even ceased to exist as peoples, because of peoples [sic] inhumanity to others.
It also says that we, ourselves, can never be fully human if any people are wiped off the face
of the earth because each one of us is a particle of the complete whole.
By inscribing these words on our Coat of Arms—!ke e: /xarra //ke—we make a commitment
to value life, to respect all languages and cultures and to oppose racism, sexism, chauvinism
and genocide.
Thus, do we pledge to respect the obligation which human evolution has imposed on us—to
honour the fact that in this country that we have inherited together is to be found one of the
birthplaces of humanity itself (Mbeki 2000).
What is going on here is no less than the creation of a ‘culture’ of national unity
in the guise of collective national indigenousness (see also Barnard 2003, 2004).
Politically, I am very much in favour of this new spirit, but at the same time, it is
appropriate that as an anthropologist, I try to understand this as a social construction,
either conscious or otherwise, that functions as an integrating influence on otherwise
diverse elements of that society. The problem of this collective indigenousness is
interesting precisely because of its seeming contradictions: the apparent equation
of South African with Khoisan, Khoisan with /Xam (one Khoisan people), /Xam
with peoples ancient and extinct and with oppression by others and all this with
the birthplace of humanity in general. Elsewhere in his speech, he remarks that the
figure depicted in the coat of arms (two San clasping hands) is ‘both African and
universal’, and that further: ‘It represents the permanent yet evolving identity of the
South African people as it shapes itself through time and space’ (Mbeki 2000). The
verbal image of ‘permanent yet evolving’ is a profound one, and applicable not only
to identities but to cultures or any amorphous social phenomena. Indeed, it seems
to me that those words represent the idea of collective identities or cultures rather
better than does what is literally depicted.
Indigenousness, Apartheid and Cultural Tradition
The idea of ‘indigenous culture’, as opposed to any other culture, implies temporal
sequence, and it implies that sequentially ‘indigenous’ is first. According to Sauges-
tad (2001: 43), ‘first come’ is one of several characteristics of the definition of ‘indige-
nous’. The other characteristics she identifies are non-dominance, cultural difference
and self-ascription. These other three are all encoded in the choice of colour desig-
nations in the ‘old’ South Africa, which in turn were played out through a definition
of South African indigenousness which was quite different from Mbeki’s. When I
was at the University of Cape Town in the early 1970s, archaeologists there used to
point out to their students that blacks crossed the Limpopo into present-day South
Africa long before whites settled at the Cape, although the government-influenced
schoolbooks the students had grown up on had it the other way around. In a very real
sense, the schoolbooks were asserting that the whites were just as ‘indigenous’ as
the blacks. Contesting this, the archaeology lecturers were asserting the blacks’ prior
presence and hence making a moral point in opposition to apartheid’s hierarchy of
‘races’. In fact, there is no doubt that whites got to the Western Cape before blacks
42 A. Barnard
got to that part of South Africa if by ‘blacks’ we mean Iron Age Bantu-speaking
agro-pastoralists. Khoisan do not generally consider themselves ‘black’, but concep-
tually ‘red’ in opposition to both ‘black’ and ‘white’. Even today, some of those in
the Northern Cape say they are ‘yellow people’, in order to distinguish themselves
from their urban ‘brown’ kinsfolk and lay claim to a ‘yellow’ or ‘red’ indigenous
identity.
It is an interesting comment on ‘national cultures’ that South Africa has eleven
official languages and chose to put every colour of the rainbow into their new national
flag, whereas Botswana has two official languages and represents black people with
a black stripe and white people by two thin white stripes and Namibia has just
one official language, English, and a single, red stripe for people of all colours and
cultures. So who is indigenous to the Western Cape? Probably those called ‘brown’,
as descendants of the ‘red’ people or Bushmen and Khoekhoe. What about a ‘yellow’
person whose ancestors migrated north after the Dutch arrived in 1652? Should he
or she be granted a smallholding on the side of Table Mountain? Or should any
such small holdings be reserved only for present-day ‘indigenous’ Capetonians? Of
course, rhetoric such as this is nonsense. But it is precisely the sort of nonsense which
would follow by applying the doctrine of ‘indigenousness’ or ‘indigenity’, meaning
firstness, to this situation.
A homeland of ‘Bushmanland’ was indeed established, in 1964, not in South
Africa itself but in Namibia or what was then South-West Africa. ‘Bushmanland’
had in fact been the brainchild of an anthropologist (or volkekundige), P. J. Schoeman,
author of a travelogue–ethnography called Jagters van die Woestynland (Schoeman
1951) or Hunters of the Desert Land (1957). Schoeman’s story is interesting because
it highlights some little-known connections between apartheid, indigenousness and
mainstream British anthropology. Schoeman’s book tells of the detrimental effects
of migration of Bantu speakers into Bushman or San territories of northern Namibia,
and the difficulty San in the 1940s was having in maintaining their hunter-gatherer
lifestyle. From 1940 to 1953, he chaired a Commission for the Preservation of the
Bushmen, which sought to overturn these effects (Gordon 1992: 160–67). Schoe-
man is said to have kept two framed references on the mantelpiece in his study, one
from Werner Eiselen (the anthropologist commonly believed to be the ‘architect of
apartheid’; see Sharp, this volume), and the other from the author of ‘A scientific
theory of culture’ (Malinowski 1944). The latter, Malinowski’s reference, is dated
February 1935 and supports Schoeman’s application to serve as government eth-
nologist in South Africa. Malinowski notes that Schoeman had studied with him in
London for two terms and that he had ‘formed a very high opinion of [Schoeman’s]
scientific character and ability’. He adds that Schoeman ‘was able to assimilate some
of the fundamental principles of modern anthropology very rapidly’ (Malinowski
1935, quoted in Gordon n.d.: 2–3).
Schoeman had done his early fieldwork in Swaziland in 1934, and he was to have
a run-in with another Malinowski student and Swazi ethnographer, Hilda Beemer
Kuper—Adam Kuper’s father’s brother’s wife. Hilda started fieldwork in 1935 and
took exception to a paper published by Schoeman in that year. She showed it to
King Sobhuza II, who sided with her. That is probably why Schoeman turned to the
San, and Hilda Kuper became premiere ethnographer of the Swazi (see Cocks 2000).
Hilda completed her second book on the Swazi in 1946, and it was published in 1947,
the year before the National Party took power. She begins this book, The Uniform
of Colour, with the words: ‘For nearly one hundred years the Swazi of the Territory
have been in direct continuous contact with the technologically superior, politically
more complex and socially more individualistic culture of the Europeans’ (Kuper H
1947: 1). Later in the book, she speaks of cultural differences between social classes in
Western Europe and notes that in South Africa similar differences are ‘accentuated by
difference of colour, culture, and active tradition’ (Kuper H 1947: 26). She adds that
European goods ‘become part of the culture of the people’, while the ‘myth of race
superiority is maintained largely through the political and economic organisations of
the Territory’ (Kuper H 1947: 36). She contrasts the ‘cultural features’ brought by
missionaries, such as monogamy, with ‘the traditional culture against which these
influences operate’ (Kuper H 1947: 107). She summarises with these words:
The constituent elements of modern Swazi culture cannot be mechanically allotted to the
traditional and European mother cultures. While it is true that certain items, more especially
material goods, could be listed as belonging initially to one or to the other, the process of
culture contact involves psychological and social adjustments, for culture is articulated by
human beings, who adopt certain items and reject others. The human carriers are, however,
propelled by social trends of which they are not necessarily aware. (Kuper H 1947: 153)
More succinctly, Hoernlé (1947: viii), in the foreword to The Uniform of Colour,
speaks of Swaziland as ‘one society with two cultures struggling to adjust themselves
to one another’. The ‘White culture’ is dominant, Hoernlé says, because ‘force of
every kind is at its disposal’.
That pre-apartheid distinction between culture and society reflects the influence
of Radcliffe-Brown as well as the quite different approach of Malinowski. While
the wording is Malinowskian, the sentiment suggests the spiritual presence of both
Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown. In his address on ‘Social Structure’, Radcliffe-
Brown wrote:
The study of composite societies, the description and analysis of the processes of change in
them, is a complex and difficult task. The attempt to simplify it by considering the process
as being one in which two or more ‘cultures’ interact, which is the method suggested by
Malinowski (1938), is simply a way of avoiding the reality. For what is happening in South
Africa, for example, is not the interaction of British culture, Afrikander (or Boer) culture,
Hottentot culture, various Bantu cultures and Indian culture, but the interaction of individuals
and groups within an established social structure which is itself in process of change. What is
happening in a Transkeian tribe, for example, can only be described by recognising that the
tribe has been incorporated into a wide political and economic structural system. (Radcliffe-
Brown 1952, [1940]: 202)
Radcliffe-Brown (e.g. 1952: 3–5, 190) rejected the idea of culture as a ‘concrete
reality’ and called it ‘but an abstraction and as it is commonly used a vague abstrac-
tion’. But he did not reject the idea of what he called ‘cultural traditions’ or ‘the
cultural process’. The cultural process involves ‘the transmission of learnt ways of
thinking, feeling and acting’ (Radcliffe-Brown 1952: 5), and is made up of traditions
including, in his examples, language, gender roles and occupational training. In other
44 A. Barnard
words, the problem is in the conception of culture as a whole, not in the specifics
of cultural traditions operating within wider society. For Radcliffe-Brown, cultural
tradition is what distinguishes human social life from the social life of other species.
Admittedly, he could have avoided the mention of ‘culture’ altogether by referring
simply to ‘traditions’ as opposed to ‘cultural traditions’, but he did not. ‘Culture’
was of course already a well-established concept and to remove the word might not
have solved the problem.
The difference between ‘culture’ and ‘cultural tradition’ is that the former implies
an unchanging essence, while the latter accepts both continuity and change. In 1910,
a group of well-known, mainly German, writers produced a strange book called Die
Welt in hundert Jahren, with chapters on war, women, music, art, medicine, sport
and so on in an imagined world a hundred years later. The chapter that interests me
here is the one on the colonies in a hundred years. The author predicts that in the year
2010, German colonists in Africa will be living one or two thousand metres above
the land (or higher in the tropics), in a fleet of hovering zeppelins. On the ground,
black servants, presumably culturally undifferentiated, will provide the necessary
labour to support their lofty lifestyle. The author of that chapter was the notorious
traveller-journalist of East Africa, Peters (1910), and he was writing just five years
after the savage attempt by his compatriots in German South-West Africa to wipe
out the Herero. Possibly as many as eighty per cent of all Herero men, women and
children were killed in a few short months in 1904 and 1905. Peters predicts, in
effect, apartheid but no culture.
In reality, of course, some Herero did survive and survive still as proud people with
a clear identity. Their double-descent system, the distinction between patrilineally
inherited sacred cattle and matrilineally inherited ordinary cattle and so on continue
to this day and have for several decades been noted in anthropological writings (see
e.g. Gibson 1956). Ironically, even their style of dress for adult women still resembles
late nineteenth-century German fashion. And if Herero retain such cultural traditions,
the branch of the Herero-speaking peoples known as Himba, are still characterised
by many people as ‘indigenous’ in the narrowest sense. Their social organisation and
beliefs are pretty much identical to classic Herero. The difference between the groups,
if I may simplify, is that while Herero have entered the mainstream of Namibian life,
most Himba have not. They live in a particularly harsh and remote area, and they
wear leather loincloths and copper bangles instead of full, flowery dresses. They are
the subject of television programmes emphasising their exotic lifestyle, of picture
books, and of popular and anthropological accounts alike (see e.g. Crandall 2000).
The trajectories of cultural tradition have differed between Himba and Herero, but
in each case, there is continuity of the kind implied by Radcliffe-Brown.
Peters’ description of life in 2010 was just five years after the Herero holocaust.
It was also just five years before the end of German rule. The colony was captured
for the allies by a South African force led by Jan Smuts in 1915. And just five or six
years later, Smuts, as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa and as Chancellor
of the University of Cape Town, would become instrumental in the establishment
there of social anthropology, under Radcliffe-Brown (see Kuper A 1999a: 145–48).
Peters never anticipated that an ‘indigenous’ Himba ‘culture’ would outlive German
rule, much less that it would be studied by ethnographers or debated in theoretical

terms by anthropologists who live with people rather than above them. ‘Indigenous
culture’ proved stronger than the German military might.
The reason for the continued existence of Himba ‘culture’, and indeed German
‘culture’, through apartheid times in Namibia and since (Namibia gained full indepen-
dence from South Africa in 1990) is that Himba and German culture are not identical
in 1910 and today. The idea of culture as a process rather than a thing preserves it
as an analytical possibility for anthropology, against the earlier German–Austrian
anthropological tradition or its American or Afrikaner derivatives.
Full Circle: The Return of Culture and Indigenousness
If the difference between apartheid and the indigenous peoples’ movement has noth-
ing to do with firstness, what has it got to do with? The one legitimate sense in which
apartheid differs from the indigenous peoples’ movement is definable in terms of
the relative position of South Africa’s white population and, in general, international
terms, the relative position of so-called indigenous peoples. The latter, very simply,
are oppressed peoples and therefore resemble in this sense the majority rather than
the minority in the ‘old’ South Africa. So-called indigenous peoples are oppressed by
governments, by stronger economic interests, or whatever, and they have chosen to
call themselves ‘indigenous’ as a means to redress their rightful grievances because
the outside world recognises ‘indigenous’ as a category (cf. Saugestad 2001). Some
of Adam Kuper’s critics make the assumption that the argument of ‘The return of
the native’ (Kuper A 2003) has to do with representations, that he is arguing for a
rebranding of ‘indigenous peoples’. But he is, of course, not arguing that. He opposes
the very existence of the category. My argument in a paper at the 2004 Vienna EASA
conference (Barnard 2006) was that he is right to challenge the category within
anthropology, but that beyond anthropology we are stuck with it.
There is no legitimate category ‘indigenous’ in anthropological language. How-
ever, ‘indigenous’ is a real term, a legal fiction if you like, in the outside world because
it forms the basis of claims against illegitimate authority in the hands of governments
and economic forces. In her introduction to the Richard Lee festschrift, Solway
(2006: 8) puts it more strongly: ‘Thus instead of “primitiveness” being the under-
lying characteristic of indigenism as Kuper asserts, encapsulation, marginalization,
disempowerment, cultural and livelihood difference from the dominant society are
considered by many activists to be the defining characteristics of the indigenous’. All
Solway’s characteristics of indigenousness are interactive, and she highlights com-
plexity too. Similarly, Russell Taylor describes his own Australian ‘Aboriginality’
as complex in meaning and emotive, and indeed evolving:
In contemporary Australia, the notion of Aboriginal identity, or Aboriginality, is for many
including myself an intensely personal concept. It is not only extremely complex and emotive
but, in the context of its construction, usage and definition, by both Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal social actors, it is still evolving. The concept is applied in a wide range of
46 A. Barnard
social, political, academic, scientific, judicial, governmental and other contexts, in attempts
to articulate a complexity of meanings (Taylor 2001: 133).
‘Indigenous’, non-academic San seem to see it all more in spiritual terms, with lan-
guage often the key. Certainly, this is the case among those whose N/u or =Khomani
language was only rediscovered in 1997, and who have found a new surge of identity
consciousness since South African democracy in 1994 and also since a major land
claim went in their favour in 1999.
I am very proud of being a San. From my mother’s womb I came, from the land. San
milk I drank from my mother’s side, from my father’s side, my grandmother and my great-
grandfather’s side. This language of ours, it comes from our great-grandfather, my mother’s
father’s father, a language that came forth from the world, the spirit of the world. (/Una Rooi,
quoted in Le Roux and White 2004: vii)
In that key South African ‘indigenous peoples’ case, the rights of the =Khomani
in their land claim were ordinary rights, whether defined in human terms or in civil
terms. The courts upheld the claim to the land because the ancestors of present-day
=Khomani had been wrongfully dispossessed a hundred years ago, not because they
were collectively ‘an indigenous people’. The South African constitution does twice
refer to ‘indigenous’ people (Articles 6 and 26), but it means this merely in the sense
of people of African, as opposed to European, origin (see Robins 2001: 235–36). And
of course the very notion of ‘indigenous’ in an southern African context has special
problems, due not only to conflicting claims to land and ‘firstness’ in local contexts,
but also to relations between the descendants of Khoisan groups and descendants of
other Africans who migrated from farther north more than a millennium ago.
It is similar in Botswana (see Saugestad 2006). The Botswana government had
for more than a decade tried to encourage the two thousand inhabitants of the Central
Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR), an area larger than Switzerland, to leave—and in
particular to abandon the large settlement that had grown up around the borehole
at Xade (=Xade). Former residents of the reserve were finally denied government
provision of health, food and water and relocated mainly in 1997, with the remaining
few hundred moved out in 2002. In 2004, 243 of them sued the government for
permission to return and to have these services re-established. After 134 days in court,
in December 2006 three High Court judges each delivered separate judgements. The
first was largely in favour of the government position, and the second and third
largely in favour of the position of the G/wi and G//ana applicants – at least with
respect to their rights to occupy traditional territory on grounds that it was indeed
their traditional territory. However, although the court ruled that the population had
been unlawfully denied the right to occupy the land, they did hold in favour of the
government that it had no obligation to provide health services or food and water.
The government accepted all provisions of the ruling and decided not to appeal.
Yet the day after the ruling, Botswana’s attorney general (who had formally been
the respondent) ordered that only those listed as applicants in the case, and their
dependents, could return to the reserve without permits. He further demanded that
they would have to produce identity documents in order to do so. The drama, including
the court decision, was all played out in civil rights and constitutional terms, there
being no special rights recognised or accorded on the basis of indigenousness.
The fact is that ‘indigenous peoples’ are not real entities at all except as defined
by context, or more particularly as defined through self-ascription. To my mind,
‘indigenous’ is not a legitimate category of ethnographic description, and its use in
political contexts of self-identification is phenomenally difficult (Barnard 2006: 10).
Contrary to his critics, Kuper does not really see ‘indigenous’ as nothing more than a
postmodern way of saying ‘primitive’; but as a rather a more complex phenomenon
(Kuper A 2003, 2006). Kuper’s solution, abandoning the category ‘indigenous’ alto-
gether, is the most clear-cut and simple. Yet it is not the only possibility. I have argued
instead (Barnard 2006: 18) that we can never prevent others from using ‘our’ terms
(if indeed ‘indigenous’ is partly the product of anthropological thought), and that
we have no right to do so. We should instead allow ‘indigenous’ as appropriate in
political contexts, as self-ascription dictates, and try to understand it anthropologi-
cally in those contexts—while ceasing to allow it as an objective, analytical term in
anthropology. In other words, in political contexts I disagree with Kuper’s solution
to the problem of indigeneity, while in purely anthropological contexts, if these exist,
I agree with him.
Much the same goes for culture. The final chapter of Culture: The Anthropologists’
Account (Kuper A 1999b: 226–47) is the most powerful, with attacks not only on
American cultural anthropology but also on cultural studies and the ideology of
multiculturalism, which is seen as an anti-Enlightenment project. Yet ‘indigenous
peoples’ and other self-defining cultural groups tend to like diversity. ‘Culture’ is
their term as well as ours. Let me explain with an anecdote. I took my Ph.D. under
Adam Kuper’s supervision at University College London in 1976. I began fieldwork
for that with Naro (Nharo) in Botswana in 1974 and at that time only one Naro out
of a population of about 15,000 spoke English. Only a handful, perhaps a few dozen,
could then read or write at all (in Setswana). Since those times, schools have been
built and hundreds of Naro children have learned literacy skills in Naro, Setswana
and English. Upon publication of Voices of the San (Le Roux and White 2004), a
group of Naro signed a copy which is in my possession. In it are written the words (in
English), ‘I still honour my culture, pride and dignity, so what about you?’ Whether
we think Naro have ‘Naro culture’ or not, they think they do. And who are we to
deny it to them?
If a ‘people’ can have culture, then what about governments? In August 2006,
the Minister of Youth, National Service, Sport and Culture in Namibia not only
proclaimed the existence of national culture but expressed policy on it and pre-
sented his definition of the ‘culture’ concept. Speaking at the Polytechnic of
Namibia’s Eleventh Annual Cultural Festival, John Mutorwa said that culture consists
of ‘people’s shared and learnt values, worldviews and ways of knowing and under-
standing their existence’ and emphasised that ‘culture is not static’. He added:
Cultural relativism and ethnocentrism are, in my view, dangerous and destructive
to the noble policy and cause of national reconciliation, national unity, stability,
peace and development …. Culture is thus a shared way of living. Culture is not
and cannot be a fossil from the past. Culture is a vibrant, dynamic and constantly
48 A. Barnard
changing complex of ideas and interactions. (John Mutorwa, quoted in New Era:
Newspaper for a New Namibia, 8 August 2006)
Adam Kuper’s work has alerted us to both the dangers and to the complexities of
accepting received notions of ‘culture’ and ‘indigenousness’. Where I find difficulty is
in defining such concepts for non-anthropological constituencies that have laid claim
to them. These constituencies include both individuals who wish to define themselves
as ‘indigenous’ and others, including politicians, who use the terms without either
malice or attempts to gain an advantage over others. Just as anthropologists operate in
the contexts of political forces and ethical constraints, politicians and ordinary people
operate in anthropological contexts. Our concepts and some of our professional
concerns are theirs as much as they are our own.
Conclusions
Like the separate black and white stripes in the Botswana flag, the assignment of
people to cultures, whether by governments, by anthropologists or by themselves,
stresses difference over common humanity. As Kuper (1999b: 247) once said, culture
theory ‘tends to draw attention away from what we have in common instead of
encouraging us to communicate across national, ethnic, and religious boundaries,
and to venture between them’. Yet I would still have it both ways: anthropology
has come to the point where we would be best to jettison altogether the notion of
cultures as wholes, while still recognising the presence of what Radcliffe-Brown saw
as interrelated and individually manipulable cultural traditions. How inclusive these
traditions become remains a matter of political debate. If President Kennedy could
be a Berliner, then perhaps President Mbeki can be a /Xam.
Today, southern Africa has no colonies and no apartheid, but it does still have
inequalities, and some of the poorest and formerly most oppressed, or their rep-
resentatives, cling to the status ‘indigenous’. It may not be as easy a route out of
their troubles as they think, but some of the most previously marginalised groups,
like Bushmen or San, and their descendants especially in the Northern Cape, have
become ‘indigenous’ (cf. De Jongh 2002). This is all the more ironic when the cultural
traditions which link them to their San or Khoe ancestors seem thin, and their parent-
age is mixed. In my 1992 book Hunters and Herders of Southern Africa, I employed
a rather extensive definition of ‘Khoisan’ (Barnard 1992: 193–98), and I am happy
that I did. Following the ethnographic account of Peter Carstens from the 1960s
(Carstens 1966) and the historical studies of J. S. Marais from the 1930s (Marais
1939), I included these so-called Coloured people as Khoisan. I am less happy now
about my overuse of the culture concept (Barnard 1992: 294–302 passim), which I
used within a framework of regional structural comparison. For me, Khoisan was
one great ‘culture’, of which each form (Ju/’hoan, G/wi, Naro, Nama, Damara, etc.)
was a transformation. But what kind of structures are they if not cultural? The real
problem, as I think Radcliffe-Brown knew, was in thinking of cultures as countable
things. The use of the adjective rather than the noun allows vagaries which are easier
to get away with, hence either what Radcliffe-Brown called a ‘cultural tradition’ or
what I in my structuralist framework thought of as a ‘cultural system’ (Barnard 1992:
302).
Perhaps all concepts in social anthropology are somehow problematic, especially
if they remain in our vocabulary as our theoretical positions change. Both ‘culture’, at
least in the plural form common in the American tradition, and ‘indigenous peoples’
are particularly so. It is far more difficult for us to get rid of such concepts than it
was for our intellectual ancestors to invent them. And it is of course neither possible
nor (if it were possible) desirable to aim to get rid of every problematic concept. Let
me conclude with the suggestion that if the concept of indigenousness is not about
claiming rights against other people, but simply claiming rights to cultural tradition
itself, then there is no harm in it. The imagery of national identities in the ‘new’
South Africa and in post-independence Namibia draw on many cultural traditions,
and it seems to me that this can be no bad thing: the creation of a world in which we
all have a claim, one in which ‘race’ is irrelevant and exclusion has no place.
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Chapter 3
Confluence of Hindutva Protagonists
and Indigenous Religious Reform
Movements in Northeast India
Soihiamlung Dangmei
Abstract The paper attempts to articulate construction of indigenous identity in the

process of religious reform movements, Donyi-Polo among the Adi of Arunachal
Pradesh and Heraka of the Zeliangrong Naga inhabiting Assam, Nagaland and
Manipur of Northeast India, which are influenced by Hindutva ideology. Hindutva’s
indigeneity advocacy, it is argued in the paper, is a response to Christianity which
had its entry in tribal areas right from the colonial period. Based on empirical data,
the paper primarily focuses on the dynamics of Hindutva, its interest in tribal com-
munities, the process of constructing indigenous identity along religious line and the
organisations involved in the process.
Keywords Hindutva · Indigenous identity · Religious movement · Conversion ·

Donyi-Polo and Heraka movements · Sangh Parivar
Introduction
In contemporary scholarship, nationalism and post-colonial projects of nation build-

ing (see Gellner 1983) are premised on a tension between the desire to be integrated on
an equal basis into a globalised modernity and the desire to assert national sovereignty
and cultural difference. To the Hindu protagonists, this contradiction invariably pro-
vokes anti-modern and fundamentalist reactions because it is too disruptive in its
social consequences and too penetrating into the local or national culture. By assur-
ing to recuperate an allegedly cultural authenticity, the Hindutva forces attempt to
control fragmentation of their social world. The Hindutva doctrine accentuates a
national and religious identity that is in many ways difficult to reconcile with the
idea of global identity. Their reaction against globalisation directed more towards
cultural issues and campaign for an increased cultural nationalism. A unified India
S. Dangmei (B)
Department of Political Science and Human Rights, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University,
Regional Campus Manipur, Makhan Village, P.O. Awang Sekmai, Kangpokpi District 795136,
Manipur, India
e-mail: soihiam@yahoo.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_3
54 S. Dangmei
based on Hindu culture and tradition is projected as the cure for the ailing Indian
nation and the platform on which to build a state strong enough to succeed in global
competition.
The Hindutva and the Tribe
The arguments enunciated by Ghurye (1963/1959, 2004/1932) and Majumdar (1939,

1944, 1947) and advocated aggressively by the Sangh Parivar have unprecedented
consequences for the tribes in India. G. S. Ghurye’s failure to recognise domination,
exploitation and conflict as fundamental features of Indian society may be attributed
to the difficulty in understanding tribes as distinct and authentic groups (Upadhya
2000: 1–2). Undoubtedly, there are both similarities and differences in the religious
practices of the Hindus and the tribes.1 The protagonists of Hindutva have, however,
conveniently overlooked the differences between the Hindus and the tribes. By bring-
ing religion at the forefront of the conception of what constitutes tribes, the Sangh
Parivar marked off continuity with the colonial tradition. In the colonial literature,
tribes were no doubt characterised by their distinctive religion but they were also
seen in conjunction with other dimensions, especially their isolation from the larger
society (Selma 2006: 190–191; also see Karlsson and Subba 2006). The advocates
of Hindutva, however, are concerned in conceiving tribes solely in terms of religion,
and the partisans of Hindutva ideology often claim that high-caste Hindus are the
true indigenes of the Indian subcontinent (Baviskar 2006).
In addition, the orientation of Hindutva to the conception of tribe has begun deny-
ing the status of tribes to those who otherwise belong to the same ethnic group,
speak the same language, share the same social organisation but practice and adhere
to other than the Hindu religious traditions. Such articulation has been brought into
the limelight in the recent attacks on tribal Christians in India (Sahoo 2013; also
see Copland 1998; Lal 2006). The Sangh Parivar articulated that tribals cease to be
tribes once they become Christians. Such conception of tribes goes not only against
the general anthropological understanding of tribes but also against the Constitu-
tion of India. Individuals belonging to certain groups have been identified as tribes
not because they belong to a particular religion or practise a particular religion but
because they belong to a group or community, which is distinct from the dominant
regional community. Such communities have been enumerated as Scheduled Tribes
in the Indian Constitution and are more of administrative categories.
The assertion of a Hindu identity is largely a product of a nineteenth-century
Indian response to British colonialism. The aspirations of nationalist leaders like
Savarkar to own a history as much as the West sowed the seeds for mapping India’s
civilisational history (Bhagat 2009: 177). The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
is a cultural organisation, but it espouses a Hindu identity and cultural heritage with
1 Fora detail discussion on how Hindutva is mediated through local response among non-Hindu
Indian communities, tribes included, see Berti and Kanungo (2011).
3 Confluence of Hindutva Protagonists and Indigenous … 55
political ramifications (see Jayaprasad 1991; Kanungo 2003). Hinduism as a unifying

religious tradition and the distinctiveness of Hindu culture as a bounded category
was fashioned from the seventeenth century onwards due to interventions by colonial
administrators, travellers, scholars and missionaries in the Indian subcontinent. The
modern notion of Hindu nationalism began with V. D. Savarkar in his book ‘Who is
a Hindu?’ a text that provided the ideology for the establishment of the RSS in 1925
by K. B. Hedgewar (Savarkar 1969).
Savarkar’s main argument in Hindutva is that the Aryans who settled in India
at the dawn of history already formed a nation now embodied in the Hindus. Their
Hindutva, according to him, rests on three pillars: geographical unity; racial features;
and a common culture. Savarkar minimises the importance of religious criteria in the
definition of a Hindu by claiming that Hinduism was the only one of the attributes of
Hinduness. This stand reflects the fact that, like most of the ethno-religious nation-
alists, Savarkar was not himself a believer but rather an ideologue.
Since its inception, the RSS has been propagating Hindu nationalism. According
to the RSS, the leaders of India’s nationalist movement and those of post-independent
India failed to create a nation based on Hindu culture. It considers Western culture
and civilisation as enemies of Hindu culture. Islam and Christianity are depicted as
an alien religion, for they are seen as the religions of foreign invaders—the Mughals
and the British, respectively. The RSS wanted the entire gamut of social life to be
designed on the bedrock of Hindu nationalism—one nation, one religion and one
culture (Mike and Irudayam 2002: 161).
During the 1990s, the Sangh Parivar focused their attention on tribal areas where
Christian missionaries had already established educational institutions and medical
facilities and conversions were taking place. This resulted in various clashes over
tribal customs, which the converts to Christianity had ceased to observe. While
Christians argued that tribals were not Hindus, the Sangh Parivar, who renamed the
tribals as vanvasi (forest dwellers) rather than adivasis (original habitants), argued
that they were part of the Hindu family (Kim 2002: 156) as they shared many of
the cultural and religious aspects of Hindu religion.2 The Sangh Parivar adopted a
programme of homecoming to counteract Christian missionary activities, and they
also started schools and other social activities in the tribal areas (Kim 2002: 156).
The rise of BJP as a political power at both local and central government levels
inevitably brought a strong suspicion among religious minorities that the Sangh Pari-
var would use this political influence to achieve their religious purposes of Hindutva
at the expense of minority rights.3 During the 1998 election campaign, some Hindu
2 The word ‘adivasi’ is largely a socially and historically accepted term for the original people
of India. Interestingly, the RSS does not use the word ‘adivasi’. The Hindu nationalists translate
‘indigenous peoples’ as ‘vanvasi’, literally, those who live in the forest, instead of the word ‘adi-
vasi’. From the Hindu nationalist ideological standpoint, the initial inhabitants of the country were
‘Aryans’ and not aboriginals, and that the aboriginals were driven away or conquered by Aryan
invasions.
3 The RSS has always been one of the most vocal opponents of positive discrimination in India.
It immediately criticised V. P. Singh’s announcement on 7 August 1990 that the recommenda-

tions of the Mandal Commission Report would be implemented, which meant that 27% of central
56 S. Dangmei
activists in tribal areas allegedly threatened that, if they won the election, they would
withdraw Scheduled Tribe concessions for Christian tribals in an effort to persuade
them to reconvert. While strongly denying the alleged inducements to conversion in
the tribal areas, Christians protested that the intimidation by Hindu activists was a
clear breach of the secular nature of the constitution.
The Sangh Parivar demanded the government to take a number of measures includ-
ing issuing a total ban on conversion; ensuring that converts were returned to the
Hindu fold; withdrawing Scheduled Tribe concessions given to the tribal converts;
banning the foreign funding of Christian missionaries; and tabling a constitutional
amendment to prevent conversions (Kim 2002: 156). They accused the Christian
campaign of conversion being deliberately provocative because it involved attacking
and abusing Hindu deities. The ideology of Hindutva strongly asserted that the rights
of the majority Hindus must be respected as opposed to the Christian and moderate
Hindu argument of the freedom of choice of individuals.
Hindus were provoked by Christian calls for conversion per se and not only by
forced or induced conversions, a point which Christian protagonists largely failed
to recognise when they continued to stress that their intention was only to care for
the poor and bring justice to the tribals. While Christians treated the situation as
politically motivated and thought that the Parivar were interested in their political
numbers, they also largely missed the religious nature of the Parivar’s arguments
(Kim 2002: 171). Hindus argued that conversion was violence, being something
imposed upon people from outside of their sociocultural and religious sphere, while
Christians argued that conversion was the result of a search to satisfy their needs,
and that outsider was merely instrument to help people make a personal decision to
change (Kim 2002: 171).
Hindutva on Conversion
Hindu nationalism and the conversion issue are intimately related (Jayaprasad 1991;
Kanungo 2003). This ideology crystallised largely in reaction to the proselytising
activities of Christian missionaries (Jaffrelot 2007: 233). Socio-religious reform
movements such as the Brahmo Samaj and revivalist neo-Hindu movements like
the Arya Samaj were partly formed to cope with often aggressive religious propa-
ganda.
The advent of the British rule led to a time of religious, philosophical and social
ferment as the traditions of India encountered modernity and Hindu leaders responded
to the activities of missionaries and the influx of Western civilisation. Indian reform-
ers, along with the work of Protestant missionaries, were instrumental in causing a
revolution in nineteenth-century Bengal, which eventually led to an Indian renais-
administration posts would be reserved for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The RSS is hostile to
reservation because they are caste-based, and that the Hindu nation building is challenged by the
caste identities. See Jaffrelot (2007), p. 256.
sance (Jaffrelot 2007: 14). However, as the issue of religious conversion arose, the
relationship between the Hindu leaders and the missionaries soured, and this was
expressed through intense public debates on conversion in Bengal, which continued
throughout the period (Jaffrelot 2007: 233).
For Ram Mohan Roy, ‘the majority of Christian converts in India were converted
by other attractions rather than by a conviction of the truth and reasonableness of
those dogmas’ (Kim 2002: 16). In the late 1820s and in the beginning of the 1830s,
a number of young higher-caste Hindus in Bengal were converted to Christian faith.
Concerned by this development and provoked by a pamphlet written in Sanskrit in
1839 by John Muir, a Scottish civil servant and Orientalist, Hindu pundits started
to respond publicly to Christianity. While Muir claimed that Christian faith has
universal implications for all, regardless of their race and caste, the pundits argued
for the particularity of all religions, including Hinduism (Kim 2002: 20). The debates
in Bengal focused initially on the doctrinal differences between Christianity and
Hinduism, but conversion had become a central issue since the Ram Mohan Roy
debate on Christianity. During the second half of the nineteenth century and the
beginning of the twentieth century, a number of young high-caste Hindus converted
to Christianity. Because of their higher-caste background and their profile in their
society, their decisions brought controversy and criticism from their respective Hindu
communities.
The conversion from the depressed classes in the late nineteenth century gave
rise to various problems. It determined Hindu claims to religious supremacy, and
therefore it was a challenge to the basis of the political framework with which they
were opposing British rule. Gandhi was also aware of the need for a unified national
identity that could bring political momentum to the fight against the British rule.
He knew that such a national identity was not possible unless there was peaceful
coexistence of the different religious communities in India (Samartha 1974: 97). He
saw conversions of the depressed classes as a threat not only to communal harmony
but also to the very concept of the India nation. Therefore, Gandhi openly expressed
his disapproval of conversion (Kim 2002: 24). He further complained that missionary
activity took place under the shadow or protection of the British rule.
In post-independence India, the ideal of secular was widely shared by the political
leaders and was embodied in the constitution. However, its actual implementation
has not always been without tension and struggle, particularly where the relationship
between the state and the religious minority communities is concerned. This struggle
has been exacerbated by the rapid growth of various Hindu nationalist movements,
their campaign to uphold Hindutva and their rejection of anything foreign on Indian
soil. Hindu nationalists demanded a series of radical discontinuities between those
who were loyal to Indian tradition and culture and those who do not. Conversion was
regarded not only as a religious intrusion undermining confidence in Hindu religious
ideology but also as a political scandal because it allowed the continuation of foreign
influence and dominance even after independence.
In the mid-1980s, the Hindu attitude towards minority communities, especially
Muslim and Christian communities, became increasingly hostile and aggressive as
India witnessed a resurgence of Hindu nationalism, involving the promotion of Hin-
58 S. Dangmei
dutva. The increasing religious tension of the 1980s and 1990s involved violence
by the Hindus towards Muslims and Christians. This tension was largely due to the
increasing political influence of the RSS and its associate organisations, the BJP,
VHP and Bajrang Dal, which were determined to achieve their ideal of Hindutva
at the expense of the security and welfare that Indian secularism had promised to
provide to other religious communities. The success of the BJP in the election of
1989 gave Hindu nationalist leaders a confidence to assert the failure of secular India
to respond to Muslim separatism and to promote the ideology of Hindutva. Paul
Brass describes this period as ‘an ideology of state exaltation, which the BJP wishes
to infuse with Hindu symbols in order that a united India may come to occupy a
respected place among the great states in the modern world. Its ultimate goals were
to consolidate Hindus and to bring the backward and Scheduled Castes, and Tribes
as well into the political Hindu fold’ (Brass 1994: 264–266).
The VHP and Bajrang Dal asserted that any ideology or religion other than their
version of Hindutva should be excluded for the sake of a united Hindu national iden-
tity. The moderate sections of the Hindu nationalist movement, who were eager to
maintain their political power by projecting an acceptance image of the party (BJP),
were not able to keep control on the militant groups. The strength of fundamentalist
Hindu ideology was highlighted with the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya
on 6 December 1992. As the BJP became the major political opposition in the early
1990s, the secular ideology that had hitherto dominated Indian politics was increas-
ingly threatened by communal tensions caused by religious issues and fomented for
political purposes. In the 1990s, the VHP, RSS and Bajrang Dal actively applied
Shuddhi to reconvert Dalits, adivasis and Other Backward Classes as a part of their
pursuit of Hindutva.4
Cross and Saffron
Religious distinctiveness when coterminous with ethnicity exacerbated the sense

of otherness. For instance, Christianity reinforced and complemented rather than
supplanted the sense of distinct ethnicity and otherness among the Nagas and Mizos.
The overt Christian religiosities of some separatist groups have led Hindu nationalist
groups like the RSS to suspect a foreign hand behind the ethnic rebellions of Northeast
India. The RSS leaders thwarted by the spread of Christianity in ever new areas of the
Northeast and by rebel attacks on their leaders and institutions point to the Church’s
use of liberation theology slogans like ‘Nagaland for Christ’ or ‘Operation Jericho’ as
evidence of its connivance with ethnic separatism.5 To counter this alleged nexus, the
4 Shuddhi was a ceremony used to demonstrate the return to the Hindu fold of those whom they
regarded as Hindus but who had been converted to another faith. It had been practised by the Arya
Samaj mainly in response to Christian and Muslim conversion movements in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, and it was accepted by mainstream Hindus only with reluctance.
5 The Mizo National Front (MNF) used the biblical event ‘Operation Jericho’ in their first uprising
on 28 February 1966.
RSS tries to infiltrate a number of ethnic movements mostly spearheaded by smaller

groups who oppose the imposition of Christianity by the bigger ethnic groups.
For instance, in the Tripura–Mizoram border, the RSS has strong presence in
camps where Brus–Reangs displaced by violent evangelical Mizo groups have taken
shelter. There have been reports that the Bru National Liberation Front (BNLF)
received support from the RSS. The RSS and VHP have also strongly supported the
Donyi-Polo faith in Arunachal Pradesh.6 Similarly, the RSS and VHP supported the
Heraka7 group of the Zeliangrong. Both the Donyi-Polo and Heraka groups oppose
the Christian proselytisation. Therefore, the Hindu nationalists extend their support
to these indigenous religious groups.
Although the RSS and VHP have been stridently vocal about the church–sepa-
ratist nexus, its preoccupation with the emerging threat of Islamic radicalism in the
Northeast has occasionally prompted its leaders to try and promote Hindu–Christian
understanding in the region. However, efforts to bridge the Hindu–Christian divide in
the Northeast by playing up the issue of illegal infiltration from Bangladesh have not
been very successful because Hindu radicals elsewhere in India attacked Christian
preachers.
Methodology and Context
The study is based on the larger understanding of indigenous religious reform move-
ments in Northeast India. It is an exploration of Donyi-Polo movement of the Tani
group of Arunachal Pradesh and Heraka movement of Zeliangrong Nagas in Assam
and Nagaland. It aims to study the religious aspects of life attached to social and
political systems and focus on the cultural entrenchment of Hindutva.
The study involved an ethnographic work. The most important primary sources
have been generated by conducting an exhaustive fieldwork with extensive interview
(both structured and unstructured) method. The research is also based on participant
observation method by interacting with the tribal populations, attending in their
religious functions, house of prayer for enriching in the study of their socio-religious
realities. The study of Donyi-Polo movement is largely based on the Adi areas of
East Siang district and Itanagar of Arunachal Pradesh in 2010. The study on Heraka
6 Discussion on Donyipoloism and role of RSS and its affiliates in Arunachal Pradesh are primarily
based on fieldwork and articles of Rukbo (2000) and Das (2000). The author is also greatly benefitted
from the articles of Rukbo (1998), Nyori (1998), and Erring (1998, 2004) on Donyi-Polo philosophy
and practices. The relation of indigenous communities with early converts in Arunachal Pradesh is
discussed in Rikam (2005). The author is also benefitted from Dawar (2003), on identity issue in
indigenous religious movement in Arunachal Pradesh. Of course, Elwin (1959), provides a blue print
of the earlier stage of emergence of Donyi-Polo faith. The ideas and discussions are so overlapping
in these works that the author has avoided in-text citation to maintain the flow of presentation with
focus on field data.
7 I have immensely drawn on filed data for my discussion on Heraka religion, philosophy and
emerging trend which I have substantiated with reference to the writings of Longkumer (2008),
Nayyar (2002), Newme (nd., 2002), and Zelinag (2005).
60 S. Dangmei
movement is based mostly on North Cachar Hills of Assam, and Dimapur in Nagaland
in 2010.
Hindutva Project in Northeast India
In recent years, the Hindutva project of integrating India is perceptible in Northeast

India. The Hindutva organisations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS),
Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), Janjati Vikas Samiti or Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram
under the umbrella of Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram are undertaking
social service, especially among the tribal indigenous religious groups like the Her-
aka (Zeliangrongs in Assam, Nagaland and Manipur), Donyi-Polo and Rangfra in
Arunachal Pradesh in order to integrate the tribals into the mainstream.
Hinduism being a dominant religious community in India undoubtedly influenced
almost every minority religious communities directly or indirectly. Various Hindu
organisations such as Ramakrishna Mission, Vivekananda Missions, Sharda Missions
and Vivekananda Kendra Vidyalayas are operating in Arunachal Pradesh. The Hindu
organisations as compared to other North-Eastern states in India find an easy entry
in Arunachal Pradesh. During the initial years after independence, the Government
of India provided favourable conditions and encouraged Hinduism by permitting its
missionaries to carry out their activities in the state. This is responsible for the strong
presence and influence of Hindu religion and culture among the tribal population of
Arunachal Pradesh.
The RSS made their maiden entry in Arunachal Pradesh in the year 1992 in Papum
Pare district. From Papum Pare district, it has successfully expanded its branches in
the state in ten different places. The working system of the RSS is unique and simple.
The RSS has a system of gathering of daily get-together which is called ‘shakha’. The
members are expected to spare at least one hour daily for attending a shakha of the
Sangh. The shakha is held daily, at a fixed time and at a fixed place, which is called
‘sanghsthan’ (Bajpai and Barthawal 2007: 9). The members of the RSS assemble
in the morning or evening according to their convenience and circumstances. The
Bhagwa Dhwaj (Saffron Flag) is hoisted, and after saluting it, there is a programme
of some exercises or physical training, sports, discussions about nation or society,
question–answer session or collective singing of tuneful patriotic songs. Then, the
shakha is dispersed after a prayer and reiterating of a solemn resolve to serve the
motherland.
In the shakha, tribals of Arunachal Pradesh are imparted with the idea of serving
the motherland, respecting India’s culture, traditions, the glorious past histories, and
preserve the tribal religion, culture, tradition and identity. Apart from the shakha, the
RSS also organises camps to impart the ideology of RSS to the students. During the
camp, students are taught about the organisational structures and principles of the
RSS. Singing patriotic songs and playing kabadi game and yoga are also imparted
to the students. Through such activities, love for the motherland and a feeling of
brotherhood for fellow citizens are developed among the Arunachalese tribals. To
inculcate the virtue of self-reliance and the spirit of equality, students are encouraged
to work on their own. In training and educational camps, students take part in cooking
and serving of food and clean their utensils themselves.
There are also other Hindu organisations operating in Arunachal Pradesh working
in the similar pattern of the RSS. The VHP, for instance, works for the development
of Hinduism, Vidya Bharati works in educational sector, Seva Bharati works in health
sector, and Sanskar Bharti works in cultural field. These Hindu organisations work
differently, but they took inspiration from the RSS. Their motto is the same as the
RSS, that is to create a sense of cultural nationalism (see Berti and Kanungo 2011).
Besides, there is another wing called Arunachal Vikas Parishad (AVP) which
comes under the RSS, working with the similar ideologies of the RSS. The AVP
in their effort to safeguard the indigenous religion, culture and traditions of tribals
provides basic information about the importance of preserving the tribal identity.
Circulating of postures and pamphlets like ‘save your culture’, ‘loss of culture is loss
of identity’ and lockets is some of the activities of the AVP. There are about fifty
members of AVP, mostly tribals, with some full-time workers in the entire state of
Arunachal Pradesh. In Pasighat, there are two full-time workers of the AVP. Besides,
there are many others who work and contribute towards the RSS nation building
project. The AVP helps in the construction of the Donyi-Polo Ganging in the state.
The close link and association of Donyi-Polo or other indigenous faiths in North-
east India with Hinduism are also made possible through organisations such as the
Kalyan Ashram, Janajati Faith and Culture Forum and Janajati Dharma Sanskriti
Manch. These organisations organise seminars and culture awareness programmes
where various indigenous religious groups participate and showcase their culture
through dances and songs. The Janajati Dharma Sanskriti Manch, for instance, is a
sociocultural organisation of Janajati communities of Northeast region and Sikkim.
Its aim is to organise and encourage the Janajati brothers irrespective of caste, creed
and colour for the preservation, protection and promotion of Sanatan Dharm, Sanatan
Sanskriti, customary laws and traditional village institutions. It also aims to enlighten
the Janajati communities about the dangers posed to them by the alien forces.
Some Hindus consider the indigenous faiths of Arunachal Pradesh as Hindu faiths.
Besides, many Hindus consider themselves as follower of indigenous religion since
Hinduism is not a foreign religion. Yoga guru and spiritual leader Swami Ramdev
while laying the foundation stone of the Hindu Seva Ashram at Lingalaya Seva
Ashram along NH 52A in between Naharlagun and Itanagar in Arunachal Pradesh
on 16 February 2011 advocated that all religions are equal, adding that in the context
of indigenous religion, Donyi-Polo, it is also worshipped directly or indirectly by the
Hindus, irrespective of difference in nomenclatures. Lauding the indigenous faiths
of the Arunachal Pradesh, Ramdev said, ‘I am a true Nyishi as I worship Sun and
the Moon. Likewise every follower of indigenous faith is a Hindu’.8 In this way,
the Hindu functionaries are openly campaigning that Donyi-Polo is a part of their
religion and on that line they try to assimilate or accommodate some of the Hindu
elements into the tribal religion.
8 Centre for Hindu media Research and studies, www.sentinalassam.com, accessed on 2 May 2011.
62 S. Dangmei
As early as 1978, the RSS had started their work with the Nagas under the organ-
isation Kalyan Ashram (Tribal Welfare Organization). By the late 1960s, the VHP
had already started work among the non-Christian Nagas, primarily the Heraka, and
were defending them against Christian proselytisation. The VHP aim is to organise
a pluralistic Hindu society throughout the entire Hindu world. Therefore, the RSS
and VHP have woven an intricate network through various affiliates to reach out to
the tribal populations including Northeast India.
The RSS extended their help to the Heraka on the ground that Heraka is an
indigenous religion of India. For the Hindu nationalist, the ideology of Hindutva is the
basis for extending their services to the tribal populations in India. The RSS considers
the tribal people as Hindus. As a result, the tribal people are made to consider India as
their motherland and holy land. Besides, the RSS inculcates the tribals to respect the
ancient Indian culture and tradition. This similar line of thinking, that is respecting
one’s culture, tradition and religion, conveniently brought the Heraka and the RSS
together. Both for the Hindus and the Heraka, Christianity is a foreign religion, and
that their holy land is not in India.
The Heraka who are closely associated with the Hindus are mostly from the urban
areas. They are closely associated with the RSS. For instance, a Heraka follower in
Mahur town considers the RSS and Heraka as one. In the town areas, the RSS used
to conduct yoga classes to the Heraka students. Through such programmes, Hindus
are able to influence the Heraka community and invite them for other events and
programmes. Today, most of the Heraka followers who are close with the RSS have
stopped eating beef.9
The influence of Hinduism is also evident from the construction of Kelumki (house
of worship) in the town areas of Lodi village and P. Longkai village, where the archi-
tectural designs of these Kelumkis resemble the Hindu temple. The close association,
and the imitation of the Hindu way of life among the Heraka followers, makes it dif-
ficult for Heraka to maintain its distinct religious identity. The close association of
Heraka and Hindus is also made possible because some leaders of Heraka happened
to be the former students of Hindu leaders during their schooling years. Today, in
most Heraka areas, people greet each other ‘namaste’.
Conclusion
The ideology of Hindutva has been criticised not only by religious minorities but also
by moderate Hindus for several reasons (see Kanungo 2003). That Hindutva ideol-
ogy is a majoritarianism of power-driven minority high-caste Hindus over the other
sections of society. It is also untrue both to Hinduism and to Indian nationalism, and
in defining Indianness along religious lines, it is fundamentalistic. To the secularist,
Indians should be defined on the basis of common participation in the body politic
9 Mention must be made here that those Heraka in town areas are associated with the RSS and its
affiliates, and therefore influenced by the RSS.
known as India, regardless of their caste and religion. Hindutva thinking legitimises
social hierarchies that guard the privileges of the powerful.
The Sangh Parivar’s pursuit of Hindutva is a majoritarian idea that does not
espouse communal conflict in principle but sees communal conflict as a by-product
of reactions from minority communities and secular forces in the course of their
cultural and ideological search for Hindu national self-identity. The combination of
this majoritarian idea with the politics of numbers in a modern democratic electoral
system became so dominant that the religious minorities had limited space to locate
their own self-identity. Conversion in this context was understood as a way for Dal-
its and adivasis/tribals to protect against what was perceived to be overwhelming
ideological aggression. The Parivar’s assertion that the self-identity of Indians must
be founded on Hindutva rather than any ideology not only failed to appreciate the
struggle of other religious groups to define their own identities but imposed their
ideology on them as the only means of being part of the Hindu nation.
The coming of RSS in the Northeast to promote the Hindutva ideology or Hindu
nationalism finds its place within the indigenous religions of the tribals. The assertion
that tribals are the backward Hindus and that they belong to the same religion is one
such religious propaganda propagated by the RSS in the Northeast among the indige-
nous religious groups. Therefore, both for the RSS and for the tribals, Christianity
is a foreign religion and that Christians are responsible for the importing of Western
cultures and practices which undermines the indigenous culture. This is because in
general, the tribal way of life is holistic in nature; there is the integration of social,
economic and religious institutions. In other words, the secular and sacred aspects
are indistinguishable in the tribal world.
The VHP together with the RSS also has been active in the contemporary conflict
regarding conversion and reconversion. The 2008 riots in Odisha is one example of
how the Sangh Parivar engages itself in an increasingly aggressive manner. While
these riots may have more to do with power politics on the local level than glob-
alisation, the reaction from Hindu nationalist leaders can be seen as a response to
what is perceived as a global threat against Hinduism. The globalisation process in
India facilitated the Hindutva forces in inculcating the sense of nationalism and pro-
tects the tendency of fragmentation. However, there remain the dilemma and tension,
between the desire to be integrated on an equal basis into a globalised modernity and
the desire to assert national sovereignty and cultural difference.
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Chapter 4
Indigenous Knowledge and Value
Systems in India: Holistic Analysis
of Tribal Education and the Challenge
of Decentralising Control
Malvika Gupta and Felix Padel
Abstract Since Independence, a need was expressed in Nehru’s Panchsheel prin-

ciples, and in every major policy document since, to allow tribal communities to
develop according to their own genius, and in the field of education, to allow a syn-
thesis between formal education that imparts literacy, etc. and indigenous models
that formalised ways of transmitting knowledge and value systems to succeeding
generations long before the first schools appeared. Yet, the tendency has increased to
promote boarding schools that separate Adivasi children from their homes, removing
them from the influence of their own cultures and languages. If Ashram boarding
schools are the dominant model, and village day schools are declining, the continuum
extends from small-scale, culturally sensitive ‘alternative’ schools to the influential
KISS model, whose main school in Bhubaneswar offers education ‘from KG to PG’
to 27,000 tribal children. By contrast, the model of communitised education adopted
by the Nagaland Government allows communities to exercise control over teachers’
salaries, and many educationalists advocate a system of decentralised education that
would allow communities a much bigger say in curriculum too. Under this backdrop,
the paper presents a holistic analysis of the situation and shows that what is at stake is
the survival or annihilation of knowledge and value systems entrenched in lifestyles
that are sustainable in the long term.
Keywords Indigenous/tribal knowledge · Value systems · Holistic analysis ·

Tribal education · Ashram school · Adivasi · Multilingual education
Outlining an Invisible Crisis
An unrecognised crisis exists in tribal education. The persistence of low literacy and
high dropout rates among the population of Scheduled Tribes (STs) is only a symptom
M. Gupta (B)
Department for International Development, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
e-mail: malvika01@gmail.com
F. Padel
Centre for World Environment History, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_4
68 M. Gupta and F. Padel
of a much deeper malaise. Other symptoms include the widespread closing down
of village day schools, schools occupied by security forces and not vacated despite
an order from the Supreme Court, shocking cases of sexual abuse and unexplained
deaths at tribal hostels and residential schools, and a policy shift towards privatised or
‘public–private partnership’ models of education. These are visible parts of a jigsaw
too rarely perceived as a whole. Tribal social structures, the long-term sustainable
economies they are based in, and their languages and knowledge systems are being
undermined by a tendency that started on a small scale in pre-independence days
and has increased exponentially since, to take Adivasi children away from their
communities, drawing them into residential schools, imposing a harsh discipline,
and in a sense indoctrinating them into a version of ‘modernity’ that alienates them
from their communities, suiting them ‘neither suited for the homes nor for the fields’
(Balagopalan 2003).
Most writing on tribal education focuses on low literacy levels. It is estimated
that in 1961, 8.53% of tribal people were literate (13.83 males, 3.16 females). Fifty
years later, in 2011, the figure stood at 58.96% (68.53 males, 49.35 females), which
is still a far below India’s national average of 72.99% (75.17 males, 56.46 females).1
Literacy is obviously a much-needed skill in the modern world, but an invidious
tension exists in making it such prime focus. Tribal societies transmitted their bodies
of knowledge through oral traditions in their own languages over hundreds of years.
What is happening to these oral traditions and languages, and the vast range of
knowledge and skills they transmitted? Are they incorporated at all into schools?
Do children still draw on this learning? Some tribes had educational institutions that
ethnographers have called ‘youth dormitories’, such as the ghotul among the Muria
Gonds, and the dhumkuria among Oraons.2 N. K. Ambasht records a conversation
with a non-literate Oraon man in a remote village in Ranchi district that focuses this
issue:
“My children are not going to school. But the son of my neighbour went to school. The
experience of that family deters me from sending my children… education has brought only
misery rather than any relief to his family. Our own dhumkuria I feel was better as it did not
wean our children from us.”
“What according to you is wrong with the education that is being imparted?”
“Everything. It is making our children learn to read and write no doubt. But at the same time
it is not our education. It is your education Babu, you are snatching our children and are
making them diku (outsider). They start to look down on us after education. They want to
leave everything that is our identity. Are we not human? You do not teach them our language,
our culture, our way of life. You are making them aliens in our own homes”. (Ambasht 1999:
236)
These words evoke a basic problem in how schools have been introduced into
tribal areas and into Indian villages in general. Rural education has tended to be
conceived in terms of ‘uplift’ and unidirectional learning from ‘modernity’ (Kumar
1 Given on the Ministry of Tribal Affairs website, at http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/file/
Section%20Table/Section2Table.pdf.
2 First described in Elwin (1947) and Roy (1915).
4 Indigenous Knowledge and Value Systems in India … 69
2014). This is especially true of educational schemes for Adivasis, whose cultures
are still stereotyped as ‘backward’.
Integration or Assimilation?
The first schools for tribal children were set up by Christian missionary organisations.
This was an East India Company policy outlined in 1854 (Xaxa 2014: 155) and spelt
out by the Hunter Commission in 1882 (Nambissan 2000: 177–8). These missionary
schools were promoted by the British-era government on the idea that they would
‘civilise’ the ‘aboriginal tribes’, creating a literate elite among them who would
‘interpret’ the government’s intentions, just like the blueprint that Macaulay’s famous
Minute of 1835 had laid out for India in general, and also just like mission schools
started for indigenous children throughout North America and Australia for example,
during the nineteenth century (UN 2009).
To counteract this missionary influence, throughout the Freedom Struggle years,
Thakkar Bapa and others propagated the model of Ashram schools, challenging the
monopoly of missionaries over tribal education. Verrier Elwin was among those
who followed this initiative, part of a ‘Gandhian’ movement that created the first
‘Ashram schools’ for tribal people, in what is now Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya
Pradesh. Thakkar and his followers took this model to Odisha, Bihar and other states,
and Archana Prasad shows that for a moment during the 1940s, Elwin, like Ghurye
and Thakkar, was promoting the idea that tribal people were basically Hindus, and
formed an alliance with the Hindu Mahasabha to discredit certain missionary schools
(Prasad 2011: 41, 91–8).
The first committees on tribal policy in Independent India outlined a policy of
integration that prescribed the use of children’s mother tongue during their first years
of schooling through textbooks in tribal languages employing increasing numbers
of tribal teachers and integrating many elements of local culture into the curriculum
that imparted literacy and other mainstream subjects. School timings were supposed
to be adapted to seasonal work patterns and festivals; the whole system was meant to
be based on Gandhi’s system of Basic Education, involving ‘productive work’ and
integration of hand, mind and heart.
This was all spelt out in the Elwin and Dhebar Committee Reports (Elwin 1960;
Dhebar 1961). The former castigates government officials’ frequent attempts to
impose development in a way that does not represent ‘organic growth’, but amounts
to ‘imposition by over-persuasion’:
Propaganda and education there must be, but sometimes Block officials, in their natural
enthusiasm, almost force the people to do things which are not a natural growth from within.
(Elwin 1960: 59)
The Elwin Committee Report recommends working with traditional tribal educa-
tional institutions rather than undermining them:
The most characteristic systems of natural tribal education are actually destroyed by our
education programmes which, in fact, would succeed better if they would regard the old
institutions as allies and not as rivals and would work through them. At present the indigenous
institutions are being slowly killed by the development programmes and we feel that this is
not healthy and much greater effort should be made to reverse the process. (Elwin 1960: 60)
These words suggest that a synthesis needs to be sought between schools and
institutions such as the ghotul, which had been analysed by Elwin himself (1947).
The Report is outspoken on the need to reject negative stereotypes about tribal society
and its ‘development’:
Words like “Backward” and “Uplift” imply subjective judgements which are often based on
a wrong set of values. Who is backward – the simple, honest tribesman or the merchant who
exploits him? (Elwin 1960: 62)
Tribal education, this Report emphasises, should not create ‘a wide gulf between
the educated tribal and their own way of life’ (Elwin 1960: 72), or between the ‘edu-
cated’ and ‘uneducated’. By giving meaningful education, combining local culture
with mainstream knowledge, schools should play a role in stopping migration out of
the villages (Elwin 1960: 73). They should build on tribal values and institutions as
much as possible, aiming at a real integration. In some ways, tribal cultures are more
civilised than others; ‘for example the sense of community is more deeply ingrained
than in so-called civilised people’ (Elwin 1960: 75).
The Dhebar Report similarly emphasises a need to create ‘an ambience of tribal
culture in the schools’ (Dhebar 1961: 217), giving a number of suggestions:
18.23 … The structure and decoration in the school building should be in the tribal style…
18.24 The teaching of drawing and art should be a part of the school curriculum and tribal
children should be given full opportunity to satisfy their creative urge through school activ-
ities. Agriculture, dancing and hunting are part of tribal life, and should enable the children
to display their love for their own culture.
18.25. Songs and dances are vital to tribal life and culture. The teaching of folk songs, stories
and riddles should not be ignored. The tribal games and archery, as well as tribal music and
dances that have a fascination of their own, should be organised as part of the curriculum.
(Dhebar 1961: 224)
To encourage attendance, the Dhebar Report recommends adapting school tim-

ings to local agricultural activities and festivals (Dhebar 1961: 224)—a profound
example of integration, given periodically ever since, that has never been consis-
tently implemented in tribal schools, especially in residential schools, which were
also promoted in this Report.
An ambiguity in this regard is built into the Dhebar Report, and subsequent pol-
icy documents, when it recommends that ‘as far as possible the idea of a residen-
tial school should be encouraged’ (Dhebar 1961: 225), despite the obvious fact
that boarding schools remove children from the influence of their communities and
involvement with seasonal work in fields. So far, scholarships had been given to about
300,000 tribal students (ibid.: 200), and 4000 schools set up in tribal areas during
the First Five-Year Plan, including 1000 Ashram and Sevashram schools (Dhebar
1961: 219), with over 3000 schools added in the Second Five-Year Plan and nearly
400 hostels built for tribal children.
Article 350A of India’s Constitution, which became law in 1956, had already
made it the constitutional right of every child in India to receive primary education
in their mother tongue, establishing a policy of providing primary education facilities
for every linguistic minority. When the Dhebar Report promotes Gandhi’s model of
Basic Education, mother tongue education was implicit in this. However, the Report
is clear that discussions on promoting tribal languages in schools had not been easy:
18.27 …The most controversial aspect concerns the medium of instruction. The tribals in
some States have demanded that at the primary stage this should be in their own language
written in Devanagari or the regional script at least in the first two years. The State Govern-
ments have expressed their difficulties on two grounds: the tribal dialects are innumerable
and secondly, there will be a time-lag in the preparation of text-books and the training of
teachers if this is made compulsory.
18.28. A possible compromise seems to us to be that in the first two years, lessons be imparted
invariably in tribal dialect so as to make them understandable to the tribal children….
18.29 This means that the teachers should invariably know the tribal language. This in our
opinion is indispensible…
18.30 The Commission, however, feel that this compromise should not result in forgetting
the major tribal languages. Under Article 350A of the Constitution it has to be the endeavour
of every State and every local authority within the State to provide adequate facilities for
instruction in the mother tongue at the primary stage of education, to children belonging to
linguistic minority groups… In actual fact some of the States have taken this matter very
casually. To say that it is impossible to prepare text-books in the tribal languages because there
are so many of them may not be wholly justifiable. We would not for a moment suggest that
books should be written in the dialects of every small tribal group. States should concentrate
on the large tribal languages which are spoken by a sufficient number of people… (Dhebar
1961: 226). [italics as in original]
Every major policy document since has echoed this call for using tribal languages
in schools and the need for textbooks in these languages. The trouble is, these rec-
ommendations have hardly been implemented at all, and tribal languages remain
seriously neglected, if not outlawed, in most tribal schools, with children found
speaking them regularly punished or humiliated.3
Moreover, the ‘compromise’ this Report suggests is at two levels: using tribal
languages for the first two years of schooling only and printing textbooks only in the
‘major’ tribal languages, apparently seeing no need to promote languages spoken by
relatively small tribes. The result is visible in today’s huge decline in tribal languages
and the knowledge systems they contain. For a start, the quotation above shows how
these reports, like others since, use the terms ‘language’ and ‘dialect’ interchange-
ably. ‘Dialect’ is often used derogatively. Already, Grierson’s linguistic survey had
listed several hundred distinct tribal languages in India, and Ganesh Devy’s People’s
Linguistic Survey of India lists many more (Devy 2014). Most of these are tribal lan-
guages and are now in serious danger of disappearance, mainly because of the failure
to implement Article 350A by ensuring that tribal languages are used in schools.
3 Nambissan (1994, 2000), Balagopalan (2003), NCERT (2007), UNICEF (2012), and Xaxa (2014).
It is therefore shocking to find that the Programme for Action (MHRD 1992:
108) carries the Dhebar Report call for textbooks only in the ‘major’ tribal languages
much further, restricting it to languages that have over 100,000 speakers! Devy’s list
of India’s languages in order of size includes a number of tribal languages spoken
by well over 100,000, including the following:
14. Bhili (9.5 million speakers)
15. Santali (6.5 million)
16. Gondi (2.7 million)
26. Bodo (1.55 million) [mainly Assam]
27. Khasi (1,128,000) [Meghalaya]
28. Mundari (1,060,000) [mainly Jharkhand]
29. Ho (1.040,000) [Jharkhand, Odisha]
30. Kui (916,000) [Odisha]
31. Garo (869,000) [Meghalaya]
32. Kokborok (854,000) [Tripura]
33. Mizo (674,000) [mainly Mizoram]
34. Halbi (593,000) [Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Maharashtra]
35. Korku (574,000) [mainly Madhya Pradesh]
36. Miri/Mishing (551,000) [Assam]
37. Munda (469,000) [mainly Jharkhand]
38. Karbi/Mikir (419,000) [Assam]
39. Koya (362,000) [Chhattisgarh, Andhra, Odisha]
40. Ao Naga (261,000) [mainly Nagaland]
41. Savara (252,000) [Odisha, Andhra]
42. Konyak Naga (248,000) [mainly Nagaland]
43. Kharia (239,000) [Odisha]
45. Pahariya/Malto (225,000) [Jharkhand, Bihar]
Yet according to Devy (2014), India has as many as 1400 languages that are spoken
by fewer than 10,000 people, most of which are tribal languages and many of which
are now in danger of dying out, thanks to the failure to implement Article 350A. These
include, for example, Kurukh, the Oraon language, which has declined considerably
due to early promotion by missionaries of literacy-based education that did not use
Kurukh, also the Durwa language [south Chhattisgarh and Odisha] (Ramnath 2015),
the Bonda language and so many other unique tongues. Linguists and experts on
multilingual education, among others who understand the significance of tribal lan-
guages, remind us that every language represents a unique way of viewing the world
and a subtle symbiosis between humans and a particular ecosystem that developed
over centuries, and that India’s education system should be promoting even languages
that have few speakers, seeing tribal multilingualism as a valuable resource, rather
than seeing these languages as impediments to ‘advancement’, undermining them
by punishing children for speaking them.4
4 Saxena and Mehendroo (1993), NCERT (2007), Mohanty et al. (2009).

One root of this discrepancy emerges in a key speech that Thakkar gave at the
Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics in Pune (Thakkar 1941), published by
the same institute that published Ghurye’s book The Aboriginals – “so-called”…
(1943, republished 1959 with another title), which was basically attacking Elwin’s
book The Aboriginals (1943). Both react strongly against Elwin’s defence of shifting
cultivation (Elwin 1939). Thakkar’s words, as presented below, illustrate the negative
stereotypes that have become ingrained in schools for Adivasi children.
The Adivasi is proverbially lazy in addition to being illiterate. Probably that is why he is so
much attached or addicted to “shifting cultivation”, which requires much less labour than
the more useful plough cultivation. If it is desired to make him a hard-working citizen, it
is necessary to tackle the Adivasi child first. Hence the necessity for residential vocational
schools, where the child can be moulded into an industrious citizen. Such education must
be made absolutely free in most cases. (Thakkar 1941: 16)
Thakkar’s assumptions here are that Adivasis are ‘lazy’ and that shifting cultiva-
tion is a lazy as well as harmful practice—a view strongly refuted by Elwin and many
since, who point out that it is permanent fields that destroy the forest by clearing it
for good, and that shifting cultivation is a labour-intensive practice of cultivation that
aims at maintaining a long-term coexistence with wild nature. Seeing Adivasis as
‘addicted’ to the practice, as also to alcohol, illustrates the negative stereotyping at
work. The passage indicates that the purpose of schools is to ‘mould’ Adivasis into
‘industrious’, ‘hard-working citizens’, by ‘tackling’ them as children. This echoes
earlier discourse from Christian missionaries, but in a nationalist idiom, that attacks
what is perceived as a policy of ‘isolationism’ under the British.
Good roads will open up the country, encourage trade and attract industrialists to these
regions, which are rich in minerals and other natural resources. Also the aborigines will
come into greater contact with the advanced people of the plains. (Thakkar 1941: 19)
… to keep these people confined to and isolated in their inaccessible hills and jungles is
something like keeping them in glass cases of a museum for the curiosity of purely academic
persons… But how can the aborigines realise their present backwardness and work for their
own economic, social and political progress if there is no contact with people more advanced
than themselves? (Thakkar 1941: 24–25)
A core assumption—an early expression of the often-repeated criticism that Elwin

and other ‘isolationists’ wanted to keep tribals in ‘zoos’ or ‘museums’—is encapsu-
lated in opposition between the words ‘backward’ and ‘advanced’, and boils down
to the idea that all societies progress along the same set of stages of social evo-
lution and that industrialists’ exploitation of the minerals present in these regions
will act as a catalyst for this evolution. Schools, in Thakkar’s vision, are the main
means to stimulate progress out of backwardness. Like most commentators on tribal
education ever since, he lays great emphasis on low literacy rates and advocates a
rapid expansion of schools to tackle this. While saying that tribal teachers should
be trained wherever possible, the lack of suitable candidates meant that non-tribals
would mainly be recruited as teachers for the moment. As a Gandhian, it is natural
that Thakkar advocated using children’s mother tongue in schools, though only in
the first years, switching to the state language as soon as possible:
Of course attempts must be made to train tribal candidates wherever possible. But for some
years to come, people from the plains have to be recruited to a great extent, for teaching in
the aboriginal schools… The aboriginal children should be taught through the medium of
the provincial language pertaining to their area and in the script of that particular language.
Generally all tribals are conversant to some extent with the provincial language, besides
their various tribal dialects. Only young children may find it difficult to follow the provincial
language, in which case they should be taught the provincial language through the medium
of the tribal dialect in the lowest classes. For this purpose the teachers must be conversant
with tribal dialects. (Thakkar 1941: 15)
In an exchange in the Constituent Assembly Debate on 5 September 1949, Jaipal

Singh confronts Thakkar on the language issue:
I am glad he is honest enough to admit he knows not a single Adibasi language… I would
venture to suggest that if his workers were to learn the language of the people… their work
would be more valuable. If, for example, his team who are in Southern Bihar and the Chota
Nagpur Plateau were to learn Santali, Oraon or Mundari – all of which I speak – they would
be treated with less suspicion than they are now. (CAD 1946–50: 5th Sept 1949)
This exchange is extremely revealing, since it shows that Thakkar’s Ashram

schools were generally not using tribal languages, despite Thakkar’s 1941 state-
ment that primary school teachers must know them. Since Thakkar did not learn
any himself, it is not surprising if a few of his teachers did. Also, despite Thakkar
acknowledging a need to train tribal teachers, his comment that ‘for some years to
come’, it would be necessary to employ ‘people from the plains’ (i.e. non-tribals),
shows how the system actually put in place was one where the vast majority of school
teachers were non-tribals, who did not know tribal languages, so could not teach in
tribal ‘dialects’. It is clear from many sources that this system has basically persisted
ever since, with children in Ashram schools often actually punished for speaking their
languages (Saxena and Mehendroo 1993; Nambissan 1994, 2000; NCERT 2007).
This disjunction between a policy recommendation that follows Gandhi’s for
mother tongue teaching and the reality that schools have hardly ever implemented
this in practice has continued ever since; a prime reason is that recruitment of non-
tribals as teachers of tribal children, whose language they do not know, has remained
the norm from then till now. The pressure to increase the proportion of Adivasi
teachers has never been strong enough to make this a reality.
It is clear that Thakkar and his followers did not look on tribal culture as something
to be learnt from, but as something backward in essence, that had to learn from the
mainstream, to effect an assimilation. Along with several others, Thakkar’s call for
assimilation in the Constituent Assembly Debates (CADs) on 5 September 1949 is
unambiguous:
the more we are able to know of these tribes the better it is for the country as a whole and to
assimilate those tribal people as fast as we can in the whole country of the nation as we are
now. (CAD 1946–50: 5th Sept 1949)
Promotion of Boarding Schools
The vast discrepancy between policies of integration strongly advocated in central-

level documents and their non-implementation in practice amounts to a covert policy
of assimilation, with schools as zones of cultural genocide.
Education commissions and policies, well meaning yet insensitive to tribal issues,
have often fed into this assimilationism. The Kothari Commission, for example, was
concerned to equalise opportunities for all. It supported recommendations on tribal
schooling in the Dhebar Commission, but called for a huge increase in residential
schools and hostels, and also for a ‘redefinition’ of Gandhi’s ‘productive work’,
towards giving tribal youths training to suit them for India’s industrialising economy.
This is quite a radical break indeed, which seems to contradict the spirit of Gandhi’s
model of education (see Gupta and Padel 2016), as well as his conception of ‘industry’
and work.
In the curricula of most contemporary school systems, particularly in the socialist countries
of Europe, a place is found for what is variously called “manual work” or “work-experience”.
In our country, a revolutionary experiment was launched by Mahatma Gandhi in the form of
basic education. The concept of work-experience is essentially similar. It may be described as
a redefinition of his educational thinking in terms of a society on the road to industrialization.
(Kothari 1966: 11)
As stated earlier, tribals are fond of vocational courses. Special efforts should, therefore, be
made to place them in good vocational schools, the junior technical schools, the industrial
training institutes, polytechnics, etc. Special vocational schools should also be organized
for the grown-up children who leave school at the end of the lower primary stage. (Kothari
1966: 229)
In other words, the Kothari Report is essentially promoting institutions to train

tribals as industrial workers, under the format of ‘vocational training’ and technical
institutes, that would suit them for the rapid industrialisation that was already sweep-
ing several tribal areas, displacing increasing numbers. Overall, the Kothari Report
is clear on using education to effect a change in tribal society that is economic as
much as cultural, with basic aims that include:
transformation of the present system of shifting cultivation into a developing agricultural
economy, including care of forests, improved systems of shifting cultivation, settled culti-
vation and pasture; and… development of a system of education related to the scheme of
economic and social development and responsive to the cultural and economic needs of the
people. (Kothari 1966: 226)
‘The scheme of economic and social development’ and ‘economic needs of the
people’ evoke the large-scale takeovers of tribal land and resources already being
implemented in many areas of central India, where big dams and mines were starting
to displace thousands of tribal people in the name of ‘development’ and ‘public
interest’, using their labour as construction workers, etc.—for example, the Damodar
dams in South Bihar (now Jharkhand), several big dams in Odisha, drawing on World
Bank funds and many new iron ore mines, such as those at Bailadila and Bhilai Steel
Plant just to the north, in what is now Chhattisgarh. What are tribal people’s real
‘economic needs’? Does ‘of the people’ refer to tribal people, or the nation as a
whole, or even its corporate entities that want tribal people’s land and labour?
Acharya Ramamurti starts his Preface to the Education Report he chaired by
reviewing the recent National Policy on Education (NPE 1986). As he puts this,
the education situation in the four years since the NPE ‘has grown much worse’,
primarily because ‘our education to this day continues to be governed by the same
assumptions, goals and values that governed it in the days of the British Raj’, cut-
ting students off from their natural and social environment: ‘They become aliens to
their own community. They lose faith in life itself.’ This summarises the effect of
mainstream schools on tribal children extremely accurately. ‘The system has failed
to promote individual growth… And, if this is what our education has done to us,
one may well ask, is not no education better than bad education?’ (Ramamurti 1990,
Preface). Like the B.D. Sharma SC/ST Report produced at the same time (Sharma
1989), Ramamurti sees the economic as well as education systems producing ‘two
Indias—one of the rich, the other of the poor’. ‘For the poor development, democ-
racy and education should mean emancipation’ (Sharma 1989: vii). Presently, they
mean subjection. ‘Participatory education, participatory development and partici-
patory democracy will be possible only when we decide on a policy of planned
decentralisation’ (Sharma 1989: ix).
The holistic perspective in this report comes from Ramamurti’s respect for
Gandhi’s Nai Talim, with its emphasis on unity of hand, head and heart, in prefer-
ence to the utilitarian idea of human beings as mere ‘resources’ (Sharma 1989: 17).
The report makes clear the wide difference between Ashram schools and Gandhi’s
Ashram model:
The kind of community life and production workbased education envisaged in the Gand-
hian model of Ashram-shalas are significantly missing in the Government founded Ashram
schools run for the benefit of the scheduled tribes. (Sharma 1989: 68)
As for the lack of tribal people as school teachers, the report cites statistics showing
that recruitment of STs as school teachers, despite being strongly recommended in
every previous policy document, stood at just 5.99% in lower primary schools, down
to 1.32% in upper secondary schools, with statistics on SCs slightly higher. The
Report recommended that ‘It should be ensured that in Government and Government
aided schools teachers from SC/ST communities are, invariably in the order of 15
and 7.5% respectively. Recruitment to reach these levels should also be closely
monitored’ (Sharma 1989: 72). Even these target figures seem extremely low—and
why is SC enrolment at double that of STs accepted? This recommendation endorses
the enrolment of over 90% non-tribals as teachers in primary schools for Adivasis,
very few of whom are likely to know tribal languages.
On the glaring discrepancy between policy and practice, the Report highlights
that ‘The present system of monitoring, of implementation of [the Tribal Sub Plan]
by the Ministry of Welfare is not effective…’ (Sharma 1989: 74). In several recent
reports, the norms of tribal education come in for even stronger criticism, especially
in the National Focus Group’s Position Paper on Problems of Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe Children (NCERT 2007) and the Xaxa Committee Report (2014),
which comments that the ‘importance assigned to residential school concept, led… to
the tendency of Ashramization of the whole program of tribal education’ (Xaxa 2014:
160), and a glaring ‘cultural discontinuity’ between schools and the communities they
are meant to serve (ibid.: 181).
Ashram schools increased from a few dozen at independence to about 3500 in
1989 (Ananda 1994, 2000). The trend for more and more residential schools and
hostels continued with several more schemes from the 1980s. The National Policy
on Education (NPE) of 1986 promoted a policy on STs that is broadly in line with
previous tribal and educational reports, recommending as a top priority the building
of more village primary schools and opening of Anganwadis, non-formal and adult
education centres (i, vi), curricula and textbooks in tribal languages and employment
of tribal schoolteachers (ii–iii), more Ashram and residential schools ‘on a large scale’
(iv), various financial incentives, including ‘Scholarships for higher education [that]
will emphasize technical, professional and para-professional courses’ (v), while ‘The
curriculum at all stages of education will be designed to create an awareness of the
rich cultural identity of the tribal people as also of their enormous creative talent’ (vii)
(MHRD 1986: 6–7). These well-meaning but vague policy directives, also promoting
technical/professional training, seem geared, like similar directives in the Kothari
Commission Report (1966), towards directing tribal people into the wider economy
as workers, exploiting the ‘human resource’ they embody.
The NPE (1986) also emphasised the idea of promoting a ‘non-formal education’
(NFE) stream for poor, especially tribal localities. This opened the door to private
networks of schools, such as the Vidya Bharati network of the RSS, which had started
about 5000 schools by the early 1990s, growing to 14,000 by 2003 (Jaffrelot 2011).
What have been the implications of the NFE and how has it been actualised? At
a certain point, connections may need to be traced between the kind of national
integration sought through science and secular channels by the Kothari Commission
and the NPE of 1986, and the kind of ideological national integration embodied in
the rapid expansion of RSS schools and related systems. Both are geared towards
forcing a rapid assimilation of tribal populations, through a belief in industrialisation
as well as Hindutva values that discount Adivasi traditions and marginalise other
religions such as Christianity.
The NPE of 1986 also established the Navodaya Vidyalaya Scheme, for talented
children in about 600 remote districts of the country (excepting Tamil Nadu), at free
or highly subsidised rates, in standards VI–XII, each school with an intake of about
new 80 students per year—another example of an education system in several tiers or
streams that has played a role in creaming off a tribal ‘elite’. Although this scheme is
not intended specifically for tribal children, Navodaya Vidyalaya schools numbered
about 600 by 2012, many of them in tribal areas.
Another system, of Eklavya Model Residential Schools (EMRS), promoted since
2001, is specifically for tribal children and intensifies the tendency towards boarding
schools and creation of a tribal elite (Mukhopadhyay, n.d.; UNICEF 2012: 43–44).
These numbered 72 by 2007 and are located in district capitals within Scheduled
Areas, with the specific purpose of providing free schooling to ‘gifted’ ST students,
selected on merit, using English medium.5
Since mid-2004, another system of residential schools was initiated, specifically
for girls of SC and ST communities, under the title of Kasturba Gandhi Balika
Vidyalaya (KGBV) schools. Their guidelines emphasise that these schools’ objec-
tive is to address ‘Gender disparities [that] still persist in rural areas and among
disadvantaged communities… The objective of KGBV is to ensure access and qual-
ity education to the girls of disadvantaged groups of society by setting up residential
schools at upper primary level.’6
As a number of educational experts have analysed these schools, they ‘appear
to be primarily rationalized through a logic of seclusion’ (Balagopalan 2010: 300)
that removes girls from their communities in ‘Educationally Backward Blocks’.
The curriculum teaches ‘life skills’ that are deeply gendered, calling into question
whether these schools present any escape from patriarchal authority (see Aikman
and Ulterhalter 2005). The official discourse on these schools focuses on the girls’
background in extreme poverty and hygiene as a key domain of ‘learning’. ‘This focus
on personal hygiene… diverts attention from the State’s provision of iniquitous and
dismal living conditions in these hostels’, where several reports have found abysmal
living conditions—a situation conforming to what Gayatri Spivak characterizes as
“make-up on a corpse’s face”. (Balagopalan 2010: 301 and 305; Spivak 1992: 13).
Under the KGBV scheme, which became a component of the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
(SSA) in 2007, at least 3000 KGBV schools have been set up in as many blocks,
each school hostel housing 50–100 girls.
The objective seems to voice concern for all girls from educationally backward blocks, not a
select few, though the policy of opening KGBVs in selected blocks and only for 50-100 girls
per block belie such a hope. There seems no convincing rationale or logic behind formulating
a scheme privileging a chosen few out of thousands of out of school girls….
With such staggering numbers and limited seats, the selection process is bound to be non-
transparent and bring added distortions in the pursuit of equality. In reality, the KGBV is not
a scheme that is trying to make the government scheme egalitarian and accountable. KGBVs
are actually meant for privileging a few and ignoring the rest, the majority of the girls from
the communities it claims to benefit. Can exclusivity and equality go hand in hand? Is not
the policy itself exacerbating inequality among the deprived? …
Unlike Navodaya Vidyalayas, the privileging here is not even based on “merit”, which too is
problematic. Instead in all probability, it is based on patronage. The visibility and glamour
for a few poor girls, who constitute a small number of the total number of out of school
girls with access to hostels, clean environment, and “quality education” obfuscates the issue
of equal educational opportunity by rendering the majority of the dropout girls invisible.
(Saxena 2012: 159)
As the Ramamurti Commission Report comments, the Navodaya Vidyalaya

Scheme promotes a blatantly two-tier education system, and the same can be said for
5 The EMRS scheme is outlined in Ministry of Tribal Affairs, June 2010, at http://tribal.nic.in/
Content/EklavyaModel.aspx.
6 Available at http://www.mpsp.maharashtra.gov.in/site/Pdf/Schemes/KGBV%20Guidelines.pdf
[accessed July 2016].

the Eklavya and Kasturba Gandhi schools. All these boarding schools exemplify a
policy of assimilation, since they fail to bring local knowledge and culture into what
constitutes a rigidly standardised curriculum, contributing to a deep alienation of the
children who stay in them.
The UN Report on boarding schools and indigenous peoples worldwide of 2009
spells out the impact of cultural alienation which such schools impose on tribal
people, by removing children from their communities, drastically reducing their
learning from their own cultures and families.
The Spectrum of Alternatives
A policy of closing down village day schools is particularly apparent in Chhattisgarh,

where 2918 village schools were closed down by order of the State Government
Department of Education on 15 June 2015. Incredibly, this policy was supposedly
formulated to comply with the Right to Education Act (2009), which specified a
student–teacher ratio norm of 30:1. The Chhattisgarh Government has been closing
schools where there is a ratio of fewer pupils per teacher, with a state average of
23:1—even though fewer pupils to teachers should imply better quality education!
As a result of this ‘rationalisation’, many children now have to walk much further to
school or enrol in a boarding school far from home (Subramanian 2015).
The Maoist issue and abductions or violence perpetrated by Maoists on villagers
(for an idea of the problem, see Sundar 2016), with resulting insecurity, are often
given as a reason for establishing residential schools. But we need to question whether
moving children away from their homes on the pretext of safety is a proper answer to
this issue. Wouldn’t having good functional schools running in these areas, despite all
odds, be the best solution, where children actually get educated and develop critical
thinking to analyse their social and political realities themselves? We also need to
bear in mind the repeated use of school buildings by security forces, which have
very often been converted into their camp/quarters, before trashing the buildings and
their accessories—reported from all the Maoist-affected states and censured by the
Supreme Court:
The Hon’ble Supreme Court of India has directed the State Governments to vacate the edu-
cational institutions from operation by security forces […2007]… Under no circumstances,
educational institutions should be used for housing security forces or bear the signs of threat.
(National Commission for Protection of Child Rights 2012, section 3.4.2)
This order has often been ignored. For example, in 2011, Gladson Dungdung found
security forces occupying schools in villages in Saranda forest. They had trashed
these schools and destroyed their infrastructure and food supplies on suspicion that
the teachers had been Maoist supporters. Instead of the usual educational pictures
adorning the walls, kids’ drawings showed accurate depictions of different kinds of
guns (Dungdung 2015: 143–8). Similarly, a Report on education for tribal schools in
Maoist-affected districts of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Odisha finds a huge number
of day schools non-functional, destroyed or occupied by security forces (Save the

Children 2013).
Residential schools as a solution to the problem of poorly functioning village
schools are proposed for remote tribal areas in Tripura, by a government official,
in a recent edition of Economic and Political Weekly (Jindal 2015), on the grounds
that it is not cost effective to set up and maintain schools in ‘difficult areas’/‘remote,
hilly areas’ (cf. Aikman et al. 2016). By contrast, the Nagaland Government’s ‘com-
munitisation of education’ programme, which gives village communities authority
over teachers’ salaries, is reported as a vibrant alternative from the Northeast that
most reports suggest has been extremely successful (Outlook 2008; Nurumi 2012;
Humtsoe 2013).
The new tendency is to promote a private model (‘public–private partnerships’),
where the very mining companies who are displacing tribal communities are often
among the main funders. A scheme called the Vanbandhu Kalyan Yojana (‘Forest
Friends’ Welfare Plan’), set up in Gujarat from 2007, was adopted by the Ministry
of Tribal Affairs in 2014–15, which envisaged funding one of the blocks with lowest
tribal literacy rate in each of ten states to improve the Human Development Indices
for tribal areas, with particular focus on setting up subsidised residential schools, in
partnership with private funders (Ministry of Tribal Affairs 2015).
Another example is the Anwesha scheme, announced by the Odisha Government
in December 2015, in which the government subsidises the education of 5000 tribal
and dalit children a year in private residential schools (New Indian Express, 22
December 2015).
The most dramatic example, also in Odisha though promoted in TV networks
across India, with the catchy slogan ‘education of tribal children from KG to PG’, is
the Kalinga Institute of Social Sciences (KISS) in Bhubaneswar, which offers free
education for huge numbers of tribal children, who are to be seen doing yoga and
other mass activities in vast open-air gatherings, wearing identical blue or brown
uniforms. The KISS model is being copied across tribal areas of Odisha and other
states. It has been widely extolled in media coverage (e.g. Arora 2010; Debroy 2015),
and one of the writers is on the NITI Aayog, apex advisory body to the Government
of India, which replaced the Planning Commission in 2014.
Today, there are 25,000 tribal students, from 62 poor tribal communities (13 primitive tribal
groups). Most, though not all, are from Odisha. For these students, who are poor and first
generation learners, education is free, from kindergarten to post-graduation. (Debroy 2015)
By contrast, a network of mostly quite small alternative schools exists in tribal

areas that promote models of multiculturalism and multilingual learning.
Given that an alternative, sustainable vision of Adivasi and Tribal pedagogy opposes stan-
dardization and regimentation of learning, some of the provisions of RTE [the Right to
Education Act, 2009] need to be thought over. In a short report entitled ‘A Space for Alter-
nate Schools’, the alternative educators in the country lay out the perils of standardisation
and its anticipated impact on the very philosophy of non-mainstream, alternative education.
Greater standardisation, the report cautions, does not translate into greater levels of actual
learning. Further, the most significant contribution by alternative schools has been their cur-
ricula that have been local, diverse, and experiential. As for the education of Adivasis, the
‘one size fits all’ approach to teacher education, pedagogy and curriculum and classroom
instruction has demonstrably failed and it need not be reinforced through RTE. (UNICEF
2012: 15–16)7
For example, B. Ramdas helped set up the Vidyodaya School in Gudalur Block of
Nilgiri district in Tamil Nadu, in an area where no Adivasi children were completing
their schooling in government schools. Children in this school use five different
mother tongues, and Tamil is introduced only in later classes. The reasons he gives
for children dropping out of the government schools involve disrespect for tribal
names, non-use of tribal languages and harsh discipline:
When we began our work 20 years ago the conversation between the Headmaster of the
Tribal school and the adivasi parent would go like this: “What is your son’s name?” the Head
Master would ask the adivasi father who had come to admit his child in the Govt. Tribal
Residential school. “Karalan” the father would reply. “What kind of a name is that?” the
Headmaster would retort. “His name is Govindan” the Head Master tells him and enters it
in the register. The father tries to explain that to the child in his language. Immediately the
Headmaster shouts “Don’t speak that jungle language here, only Tamil, you understand?
Leave the child and go.” The father leaves the child in the hostel and goes home only to find
that by the end of the week the child is back in the house and refuses to go back, ever. Ask
any adivasi here as to why he or she dropped out and this story will be repeated with minor
variations. (Ramdas 2013)
Another example is Imlee Mahuaa School, near Kondagaon in south Chhattisgarh,

which uses the Halbi and Gondi languages, and where children decide what they want
to learn and when they want to learn it (Coelho and Padmanabhan 2016).
High Stakes
In recent years, several cases of sexual abuse have been uncovered in residential
schools for tribal children in Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and other states
(Zeenews 2010; Seshacharyulu 2014; Mishra 2013; India Today 2014), and are prob-
ably a lot more widespread than reported. A large number of poorly explained deaths
in tribal residential schools amplify this picture, especially for Maharashtra and
Odisha (Sharma 2016); a former pupil at KISS has informed us that throughout the
years he was there, deaths of pupils were frequent, and hushed up, including suicides.
More than this direct suffering and violence though, what does it mean to be
removing tribal children from their families and communities? Even when KISS
claims to be using ‘multilingual education’, and Tata Steel is funding this in Jhark-
hand, the main emphasis in the vast majority of tribal schools is the ‘ashramisation
of tribal education’ highlighted in the Xaxa Committee Report, and the policy of
assimilation completely at odds with the official one of integration.
7 With inputs from: A Space for Alternate Schools: Note on behalf of alternative schools with regard
to certain provisions of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009, written
by several organisations and individuals working in alternative education. Available at www.swaraj.
org/shikshantar/RTE_alt.pd.
Tribal knowledge and value systems exist in community traditions and practices
that have been passed on informally, without coercive discipline (e.g. Bird-David
2005), through countless generations, and in languages and oral traditions that are as
ancient as any, but are now disappearing frighteningly fast, mainly because they are
so despised and marginalised in the mainstream that, at a certain point, many parents
stop encouraging their use, and younger generations turn their back on them.
An obvious reason for the closing down of village schools is the Maoist conflict,
with security forces often occupying and trashing schools, that they perceive as sites
of Maoist indoctrination (Save the Children 2013). In Jharkhand, and elsewhere,
police have been removing children from ‘Maoist-affected’ villages and sending
them to boarding schools, where many of them aspire to join the police and fight the
Maoists after they leave school (Murty 2016a, b).
This draws attention to an urgent need for peace education in schools (Kumar
2016). If a proper integration process of two-way learning can yet be applied to India’s
tribal cultures, a process of learning from the network of alternative, multilingual
schools needs to begin, along with recognition and rejection of the assimilationism
implicit in the mainstream model of boarding schools. In many ways, they follow the
pattern of ‘stolen generation’ schools throughout North America and Australia. The
scale of KISS is reminiscent of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania,
started in 1879.8 The Prime Ministers of Canada and Australia have issued public
apologies for the assimilationist policies imposed on indigenous populations and
the stealing of children from their families over several generations (Australians
Together 2016; Creative Spirits 2016; The Guardian 2015).
‘Genocide’ has two main components: literal extermination and the destruction of
cultures. After the physical extermination of many of the tribal peoples indigenous to
North America and Australia, it was the assimilationist policy of removing children
from their communities and forcing them into boarding schools, with the conscious
intention of ‘de-tribalising’ them, that affected cultural genocide.
In many ways, cultural genocide is precisely what is happening in tribal areas of
India today (Padel and Das 2010), and the ‘ashramisation’ of tribal education is a
key means. To counteract this, a policy of learning from existing small-scale, cul-
turally sensitive and multilingual schools is needed. This coincides with the policy
of decentralising education and planning from below advocated by many of India’s
most experienced educationalists, so as to incorporate local knowledge, skills and
languages (e.g. Roy 2003; NCERT 2005: 104–130). As Nehru’s Panchsheel princi-
ples spell out (in Elwin 1959: xiii, Forward of Nehru to second edition), development
for tribal communities should not involve any imposition from government officials
or outsiders, but needs to follow the genius of each culture. In terms of living sus-
tainably, with respect for nature, and restraint in what is taken from nature, as well as
in many other dimensions (Padel et al. 2013), there is an urgent need to reverse the
process of educational learning, so that mainstream culture can start learning from
tribal systems of knowledge and values.
8 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carlisle_Indian_Industrial_School.
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Part II
Inter-Community Space
Chapter 5
Rajas, Adibasis and Their Goddess(es)
Dasara Rituals and a Sacrificial Polity in a Former
Feudatory State in Odisha
Uwe Skoda
Abstract The paper presents an ethnographic account of an interactive cultural

space taking a shape between tribe and caste communities in the princely state of
Bonai in Odisha in a ritual triangle consisting of the king (Raja), Adibasi (tribe) and
goddess(es) during annual Dasara festival. A network of sociocultural and politi-
cal relations has been conceptualised within the analytical framework of “sacrificial
polity” and approached through “synchronic–anthropological and diachronic–histor-
ical perspectives”. Precisely, the paper studies deities; functionaries and their role;
hierarchal social structure in the space; the process, procedures and time of ritual-
istic performances; and significance of symbols and events, myths and legends in
great details, and thus presents a composite history of a region across distinct ethnic
groups.
Keywords Bonai · Paudi Bhuiyan · Goddess Kant Debi · Ma Kumari · Dasara

puja and rituals · Sacrificial polity · Tutelary goddess
Introduction
In India, a crucial link has frequently been made between king (Raja) and goddess
(Devi, Odia: Debi). As Fuller (1992: 108) has argued, the Dasara ritual for the God-
dess Durga might be considered “the most prominent ritual of kingship across India”.
On the other hand, central and ritually marked alliances between kings and ethnically
distinct communities have been mentioned, such as for early medieval Saurashtran
states, but also for Rajasthan or Garhwal (Tambs-Lyche 1997: 39), which lack dom-
inant Rajput clans. Focusing on Odisha, Kulke (2001 [1984]) and Schnepel (1995,
The chapter was first published in Alles, G.; L. Guzy; U. Skoda and Ü. Valk (eds.) 2015. ‘Contem-
porary Indigeneity and Religion in India’. In International Quarterly for Asian Studies/Asienforum,
special issue, Vol. 46, No. 1–2, pp. 81–101, and is reprinted here with kind permission by the
International Quarterly for Asian Studies/Asienforum.
U. Skoda (B)
Department of Global Studies, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
e-mail: ostus@hum.au.dk; ostus@cas.au.dk
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_5
90 U. Skoda
2002) not only emphasised that tutelary deities are often linked to the Goddess Durga,
they also included indigenous people or Adivasis (Odia: Adibasis) as another impor-
tant element in this configuration by arguing that, over centuries, rulers of so-called
little kingdoms have, to a greater or lesser extent, patronised and appropriated “tribal”
deities as well in order to legitimise their rule.
Introducing Dasara rituals in Bonai (a former princely state, now a sub-district in
north-western Odisha), this article contributes to this literature on the axis between
king, goddess and Adibasi in both synchronic–anthropological and diachronic–his-
torical perspectives. Bonai rituals exemplify this triangle through the visits of a
goddess of the Paudi Bhuiyan, an influential Adibasi community, to the king. The
practice of handing their goddess over to the king, together with the narratives in the
royal chronicles, may offer evidence of a partial, but at best imperfectly achieved
royal appropriation, but perhaps more importantly they may also be interpreted as
the expression of a crucial alliance even extending to an element of mutual care
and a quite balanced relationship with the Bhuiyan community. The latter, which is
believed to be autochthonous in the area, is powerful and represents authority over
the soil (Skoda 2012).
This fundamental link between the Raja and the Adibasi community is con-
structed, renewed and maintained, as well as broadly mediated, through the goddess,
but it needs to be situated historically. It is part of a wider ritual configuration that
may best be described as a sacrificial polity, to borrow Nicholas’ term (2013: 6).
Referring to Durga Puja in rural Bengal, Nicholas characterised it as a “social order
of caste-based dominance and subordination” (Nicholas 2013: 3) that was under the
control of “rural magnates” (zamindars, rajas), who commanded a certain executive
(armed forces, revenue collection) and judiciary power (“courts”). Looking back to
the old order in rural Bengal in the 1970s, he noted:
Durga Puja aligns the symbols of legitimacy with its substance. The goddess possesses
weapons and uses them to destroy those who upend the proper order of heavens. Durga
Puja, with a role for dependents and graded responsibilities for various castes, physically
assembles the prajas in ranked roles. (Nicholas 2013: 176–7)
Similarly, Dasara in Bonai used to integrate castes, and to a much lesser extent
still does so, as in Nicholas’ case, but historically it also incorporates relatively
more autonomous Adibasi communities, especially (Paudi) Bhuiyans, in a relatively
powerful and elevated position. While the sacrificial polity revolves broadly, but
not exclusively, around the worship of the Debi, empirically one finds a multitude
of goddesses and an/iconic images, e.g. swords, loosely associated with Goddess
Durga, who represents rather a polythetic type of ambivalent Mother Goddess that
appears to have interacted, historically been expanded into and simultaneously been
shaped by Adibasi goddesses (Eschmann 1994 [1975]; Mallebrein 2004).
Even sixty to seventy years or so after the formal abolition of kingship, Raja and
Adibasi communities actually share, and continue to share, this ritual framework with
Dasara as a primary occasion, but Dasara rituals have clearly undergone considerable
change, with royal pomp increasingly disappearing. Instead, the worship of the Paudi
Bhuiyan Goddess Kant Debi arguably increasingly forms what is perhaps the most
5 Rajas, Adibasis and Their Goddess(es) 91
popular part of contemporary celebrations in Bonai. While there have been various
ups and downs in Dasara rituals, it seems that Raja and Adibasis are equally interested
in maintaining this special tie, even more so in view of the ongoing industrialisation
and mining boom that threatens the habitat of the Paudi Bhuiyans.
Bonai Raj as a Former “Jungle Kingdom”
Whoever visits the former kingdom of Bonai and its capital Bonaigarh can hardly fail
to notice roads and highways often jammed with trucks and dumpers (over)loaded
with ore, vehicles for which these roads were not originally constructed. Though it
has been known for a long time that the area close to the borders of Jharkhand and
Chhattisgarh is rich in minerals, with iron ore being supplied to the Rourkela Steel
Plant for decades, only in the wake of the most recent industrialisation has the valley
been dotted with sponge iron factories. In contrast to these new chimneys, one may
easily pass by and overlook the former fort (garh) and the palace located slightly
away from the busy main road, with a court, high school, bus stand and market.
The picture was very different when Colonel Dalton visited Bonai in 1863–64
and found “a small hilly district lying very snugly isolated from all civilization […]
for the most part a mass of uninhabited hills” and with a fort which “has the river
on three sides, and is surrounded by a mud wall and moat, within which are about
150 houses including those of the chief, his court-house, and jail” (Dalton 1865:
1–2). Being located in a relatively inaccessible and remote part of Odisha and popu-
lated predominantly by Adibasis in the sparsely populated but not uninhabited hills,
Bonai may be characterised as a “jungle kingdom” (Schnepel 2002) with a pivotal
Raja–Adibasi alliance.
Internally, the Raja still recognises the high status of the Bhuiyan chief (Saont) and
does not contest the Bhuiyan claim to indigeneity, which is also confirmed in royal
chronicles produced in the early twentieth century (Pramanik and Skoda 2013). This
claim is not only marked by the name Bhuiyan, literally meaning “earth people”, but
the Bhuiyans are also characterised in the chronicles as the supreme (sresta) group
among the Adibasis, their chief being described as “matiswar” or “Lord of the Soil”,
who literally hands over the soil to the Raja during the latter’s investiture, when the
Raja sits on the Saont’s lap.
Goddesses in and around the Fort
Before turning to the Goddess Kant Debi and the Dasara ritual itself, a few words
must be said about the various other goddesses present during the ceremonies in
and around the fort. Locals distinguish between Shanti and Chandi goddesses, that
is, between relatively peaceful goddesses like Lakshmi on the one hand, and rather
fierce, potentially destructive, benevolent as well as malevolent mother goddesses
92 U. Skoda
on the other, corresponding to a widespread classifications of goddesses along the

following lines, though these distinctions are indicative rather than clear-cut (Biardieu
1989 [1981]: 140; Michaels 1998: 247):
(1) Sri/Lakshmi > wife > prosperity > pure > pacified > passive > mild > vegetarian
(2) Durga > virgin/unmarried/childless > warrior > impure > vio-
lent > active > wild > non-vegetarian/blood sacrifices
Goddesses worshipped by Raja, Paudi Bhuiyan, etc., around Dasara all belong
to this second category, and one encounters them, for example, surrounding the fort
guarding it from all directions. During Dasara, only Ma Kumari, as tutelary goddess,
plays a major role, described in the royal chronicles as the goddess of the fort (Garh
Debi) and as linked to the state’s well-being (she is particularly worshipped during
droughts and against contagious diseases like smallpox). In her temple just outside
the fort (bahari garh), she appears as a hardly recognisable stone idol—according
to local beliefs, she became disfigured after devouring a human being. As elsewhere
in eastern India, Durga is associated with the tutelary deity (ishta debi) of the Raja
and vice versa. This link is particularly stressed in a prayer (janan) in the royal
chronicles (Pramanik and Skoda 2013: 38) dedicated to her in which she is addressed
as “mother”, “Mahisamardini” (demon-slaying goddess), “caretaker of the whole
world” and “caretaker of the fort” (a universal as well as very specific context of
protection) or as “tutelary deity of Bonai” and “Durga of the forest” (linking the
royal family to the wilderness).
Inside the fort, goddesses in anthropomorphic form are of secondary importance,
while Durga, not unlike other regions in Odisha (Schnepel 2002; Mallebrein 2004),
is worshipped primarily in the form of swords (particularly patkhanda as a main
sword) expressing a sacrificial polity not only during Dasara. Her manifestations
include not only swords, as she also appears as Naba Durga, represented as a bracelet
(nabadurga kankana; see below) or as several metal bracelets, and also in the form of
small metal figures depicting the goddess with eight arms. However, the Raja receives
Ma Kumari’s blessings in the form of another sword known as kumari prasad. While
the kumari prasad was used by the Raja for everyday representational needs, the
patkhanda figured even more prominently during Dasara, being publicly displayed
during the procession to the Dasara field. While it remains unclear how the Raja
received kumari prasad from the tutelary goddess, it is believed that the patkhanda
had been brought from Rajputana and had been used to kill the autochthonous chiefs
(except the Bhuiyan chief who became an ally). So, the Raja could conquer the new
realm. The empowerment of the Raja is literally re-enacted during Dasara when he
symbolically reconquers his realm, a theme that used to be highlighted during the
Dasara procession of the state period, while at the same time Durga’s victory over
the demon could be alluded to.
In relation to Dasara in Bastar, Gell (1997: 442) once argued that there is a certain
contradiction in the rituals depicting the goddess as both foreign and local, as well as
the Raja as both mediator with the outside world and “vehicle of the goddess”. The
assemblage of potent swords and their specific usage in rituals in Bonai expresses
both notions simultaneously. Moreover, the goddess may also, as Biardieu (1989
[1981]: 132) has pointed out, combine her role as the “protectress of a site” located
on the boundaries of a marked territory to fend off the enemy, like the tutelary deity at
the outer fort, with her role as the “protectress of a family” situated inside the palace
just like mohana khanda, which, unlike Kant Debi, does not represent an alliance
but rather conquest.
With specific reference to the swords, but not exclusively to them, in conversations
the royal priest (rajpurohit) emphasised that the Goddess Durga has a permanent seat
inside the fort, something that in his view (and not only his) distinguished the fort
rituals from those recent “upstarts” in the market area who were promoting the
worship of Durga in her Bengali form. Moreover, he linked the pitha inside the fort
to many other religious centres and a greater tradition by referring to the locally well-
known mythological story of Sati or more generally the goddess (Debi). Wherever
her body parts fell upon the earth, a pitha came up (e.g. Kinsley 1987: 186), stressing
the localisation of the goddess and her literal grounding (on territoriality, see also
Galey 1990).
Kant Debi (Kant Kumari) as Visiting Goddess
The aspects of the earth and of territorial anchoring are also stressed in relation to
the Goddess Kant Debi—also referred to as Kant Kumari or Kant Mahapru—who
stands out during the Dasara rituals as the only visiting goddess otherwise not firmly
located in Bonaigarh. Appearing in the form of a small metallic snake with a cobra-
like hood, she is carried by Paudi Bhuiyans to the fort. She too is considered by
many to be a form of Durga and a sister of Ma Kumari. This sisterhood may hint
at a possible, yet incomplete appropriation of the goddess, because, unlike the other
tutelary deities (Kulke 2001 [1984]), she has not moved to the court, but rather has
a sister there. The special link to the goddess is explained in her legend in the royal
chronicles (Pramanik and Skoda 2013: 39ff). Accordingly, the goddess is believed
to have come from outside, that is, the neighbouring kingdom of Keonjhar. She is
linked to the tutelary devata in the form of salagram stones representing Vishnu
and to Durga as a bracelet and other holy items—all obtained after killing a Babaji
who did not want to offer them to the Raja voluntarily—as well as to hills (close
to Keonjhar) where she and the Bhuiyan reside, and to the Pano community, which
plays a marginal role in her rituals. The mythical story states:
After a few years the place where the Babaji was killed was turned into agricultural land and
belonged to a person of Pana caste. One day when that Pana was ploughing the land, he could
feel that an iron thing struck against his plough. He put it aside and continued ploughing.
… Finally he could see that it was something like the iron part (sama) of a husking pedal
(dhinki). He thought of taking it home to use it in his husking pedal.
The story brings up the peculiar “quaint shape” (Roy 1935: 105) of the goddess,
basically “a roundish fragment of some old metal object” (Roy 1935: 105), and
continues that a visiting money lender (Mahajan) recognises the value of the piece,
but finally
94 U. Skoda
The Pana … dreamed that he should give the sama to the King, otherwise his clan will be
wiped out. That night the King also dreamed that whatever he sees in the morning, he should
worship it. That night a Bhuiyan of Jala also dreamed that he should go to the King early in
the morning and bring the sama from the Rajbati. … The Bhuiyan kept it in Jala. After some
days again the King dreamed that it (the sama) will be worshipped as Kant Debi. From that
day onwards Kant Debi is visible on the day of pratipada [indicating the time around Dasara
- US].
The narrative includes very obvious hints of fertility with reference to ploughing
as well as the dhenki (grinder), both indicating sexual intercourse, to wealth through
the harvest as well as the moneylender as an expert, but perhaps most important in the
latter part is the divine intervention through dreams that solves the various interests
(moneylender, Pano, Bhuiyan and Raja). The order of the actions also seems to be
important; that is, the goddess is first brought to the Raja and afterwards to the
Bhuiyan, contesting a Paudi Bhuiyan view that the goddess is their mother. In the
chronicles, she is presented as an autochthonous goddess. Not unlike other goddesses,
as in Kulke’s (2001 [1984]: 117–8) developmental scheme of divinities in the former
Garhjat states, her presence, according to the royal family chronicles (rajbansaboli),
seems to have been revealed in an early period after the conquest of the realm. That is,
no specific Raja is mentioned, and the time appears to be rather mythical. However, in
contrast to other states that Kulke analysed, the goddess did not become the tutelary
goddess of the Raja, but rather the Raja’s “personal deity”—as the late Rajasahib
K. K. C. Deo argued—in contrast to Ma Kumari as the Raja’s “chief goddess”. The
latter preferred to stay in the hills, that is, on the fringes or borders of the kingdom
with the Paudi Bhuiyans, again indicating the ambivalent tie created between Raja
and Paudi Bhuiyans through the goddess.
Dasara in Bonai: A Sacrificial Polity After Merger
I start with a synchronic and morphological perspective on the rituals, abstracted

from observations over several years, but particularly referring to 2007. Similar to
Durga Puja as performed in Bengal, Dasara in Bonaigarh starts on the sixth day,
Sashti, but ends on the following full moon, Kumar Puni, during the light fortnight
of the month of Asvina. It links goddess, former ruler and former subjects offering
their services in such a sacrificial polity. Thanks to the Raja, who meticulously listed
all expenditures, we also have a clear picture of his budget for Dasara and the way he
distributes money and sacrificial meat on this occasion. For example, he pays dasturi,
considered a customary payment or remuneration for a customary service rendered,
to the central protagonists involved in the performance of Dasara, including (1) the
brahmanical Rajpurohit, (2) the Paudi Bhuiyan ritual specialist in charge of Kant
Debi known as Dehuri and (3) the non-brahmanical priest, but also the person in
charge of cleaning the swords, the potter and various other communities, some of
whom, such as Parida, were earlier in charge of producing alcohol for the Goddess
Kant Kumari, but no longer perform that duty.
From an Adibasi perspective, the most important part of Dasara is related to Kant
Debi. Accordingly, the Kant Dehuri plays a major role in the rituals until the goddess
is handed over to the Raja (and later she is returned to their charge). On Astami, the
Raja (or his representative) and Paudi Bhuiyan meet in a village about two kilometres
south of the fort to receive the Goddess Kant Kumari, a ritual known as kant beth or
“meeting the Goddess Kant”. Already on the second day of the fortnight or Dwitya, a
group of Paudi Bhuiyan starts a procession from her abode in the hills moving within
a fortnight clockwise from the hills to the plains and back again. The route, including
overnight stays in the houses of various headmen (Naik) and a Jagirdar of the Gond
community (also Roy 1935: 107), and thus involving other Adibasi and non-Adibasi
communities, is outlined by the Raja and his lawyer on paper and carried by the
Dehuri. The sequence largely corresponds to the royal chronicles outlining a royal
perspective on the meeting:
Before that the Bhuiyan comes and takes a handful of flowers offered to the deity on the day
of new moon. Then the goddess comes along with her seat through [the prescribed villages
to] … a place named Kantaajodi [where] a ritual on a special platform is done for Kant Debi.
Then the Raja Saheb goes with his watchmen drumming the dhol and playing the muhuri
to bring Kant Debi. The Bhuiyan leaves Kant Debi thinking that the King is coming to kill
him. Then Raja asks his followers to search for the Bhuiyan to call him back, but he does
not come. Then Raja does not wait for him, but takes Kumari Debi and hands her over to
his priest (Pujari) named as Amat. This is called kant beth. After finishing the Debi Puja at
12 midnight she meets Kumari Debi and stays with her like a sister in the armoury (khanda
ghar) in a bowl filled with blood (rakta handi).
While the chronicles seem to assert the Raja’s power vis-à-vis the Bhuiyan and
interestingly change the name of the goddess from Kant Debi to Kumari Debi in the
text after handing her over, in 2007 the Raja’s grandson (deputed by the Raja) actually
had to wait quite some time for the Paudi Bhuiyan in order to receive the goddess. The
Raja became furious about it and scolded them later on in my presence. Such things,
so is the impression conveyed, would not have happened earlier and may indicate
the growing popularity of the goddess’ procession, but also the changing equations
between Raja and Paudi Bhuiyan, that is, their awareness of their bargaining power.
Unlike the chronicles, while meeting the Raja on the eighth day, the Paudi Bhuiyan,
and particularly the Dehuri, inquires about the well-being of the Raja (plus Rani)
and his kingdom. The Raja answers positively, and only afterwards is the goddess
handed over to him, who in turn offers a new silver umbrella, which is attached to
her idol (murti). The dialogue between the young grandson and the equally young
Paudi Dehuri seems to have been a shortened version of what Roy (1935: 109–110)
described for the pre-merger period, namely:
The Dihuri of Jolo comes up to the Raja with the image, salutes him, and enquires of him
about the health and welfare, first of himself, then of his Rani, then of his children, then of
his servants, then of his elephants, then of his horses, and last of all about the welfare of the
land (Prithvi or Earth). The Raja answers “yes” to every question; and then in his turn, the
Raja asks the Dihuri about the welfare of himself and his children and then of the Pauris
generally; and to every question the Dihuri replies in the affirmative.
In this form, the dialogue seems even more balanced and expressive of mutual care,
though the Raja took precedence, as underlined in Roy’s account by the following
96 U. Skoda
sequence: “While the Dihuri hands over the image to the Raja, he addresses the
Raja, saying – ‘Here is your deity (Deota); we kept it in the hills. Examine and see
if the image is broken or intact” (Roy 1935: 110), which was then confirmed by
the Raja. No matter whether in the pre-merger or the contemporary situation, on
receiving the goddess from the Bhuiyans, the Raja passes her on to the Amat or non-
brahmanical priest. Belonging to the Sud community, he is in charge of Kant Kumari
in Bonaigarh, but also of Ma Kumari, and his family has presumably taken over this
duty from Bhuiyan generations ago (Roy 1935: 117). He worships her on a specially
erected platform and sacrifices two bukas tied together. They should be beheaded by
the Barik or “sacrificer” in charge of the animal sacrifices, who these days belongs
to the Keunt community (previously performed by a Bhuiyan). Receiving dasturi for
this duty, he should do it in one stroke, before the Raja returns to the palace.
Having handed over the goddess to the Amat, the Kant Dehuri and his men stay
in Bonaigarh, but remain without ritual duties until the tenth day or Vijaydossomi
(the victorious tenth day), when the goddess is returned to their care after the mandal
puja (platform rituals) in the fort, particularly the outer fort, is over and the Goddess
Kant Kumari bids farewell to Bonaigarh, leaving from the northern side of the fort. In
fact, it is stressed that she should move only in one direction and should never return
the same way. However, before the Paudi Bhuiyan crosses the river to return to the
hills—the goddess is supposed to reach her abode on the following full moon day—a
special cake (chakuli) made of bitter neem leaves should be offered by the Patro, a
low-status, “untouchable” community whose title is linked to the Pano community,
which is considered to have a special link to the goddess, as outlined in the chronicles.
This expresses the bitterness of farewell.
Apart from Kant Dehuri and Amat, the third major role is played by the Brahmin
Rajpurohit, who actually receives the largest amount (Rs. 150 in 2007) as dasturi,
though he considers the payment as dakhina and not dasturi, as in the Raja’s records.
His ritual services are particularly required from the seventh day, Saptami, up to
Vijaydossomi, when he takes care of various rituals such as Sandhi Puja, performed
exactly between Astami and Nabarmi, the eighth and ninth day, and possibly linked
to human sacrifices earlier. The time should be determined by a Brahmin or astrologer
and was fixed for 2 a.m. in 2007. Like the mohana khanda puja, it should be per-
formed secretly, that is, without the general public being present. Here, the Rajpurohit
worshipped Nabadurga in a smaller room next to the main durbar hall, because, he
argued, only Nabadurga is worshipped, and the other gods and goddesses present
should not see it.
The Rajpurohit is solely in charge not only of the anthropomorphic idols of Durga
and the worship of the mythical kankana, but also of the mohana khanda sword
kept inside the palace. Simultaneously with the kant beth, the Rajpurohit should
also perform the mohana khanda puja, which takes place at night inside the palace
(though it was delayed in 2007). Here, the Rajpurohit worships the mohana khanda
and a buka is sacrificed, which is cooked immediately after the puja inside the palace
premises, distributed among and consumed exclusively by the male relatives of the
Raja (Biradri), though the meat should not be taken into the house. The Biradri’s
entitlement to this meat stands in contrast to other ritual sacrifices (khanda puja and
khanda basaa), when the Raja distributes the meat at will.
The Rajpurohit performs not only the mohana khanda puja but also—together
with the Raja—the so-called mohana khanda birsarjan, that is, literally the immer-
sion of mohana khanda, but practically the sprinkling of water over the sword in
the afternoon of Vijaydossomi after Kant Debi has left and after the Rajpurohit has
performed a homa. Around sunset, this is followed by the Dasara puja celebrated
on the veranda of the former Rajmahal. Here, the patkhanda is brought from the
Jagannath Temple, and the Raja (or his deputy), being almost alone with the Purohit,
is asked to hold the sword in order to perform buliba by moving it in all directions,
before the patkhanda returns to the temple, followed by a Somnath Puja to worship
Shiv in his form of Somnath to purify the house. Thus, the Rajpurohit is involved in
the handling of the main sword or patkhanda, but he shares this responsibility with
the Amat/non-brahmanical priest and the Kati cleaning the swords.
In fact, it is the Amat who not only receives dasturi but is involved in the Dasara
rituals right from the beginning, that is, from the Bel barni puja or “bel invitation”,
sometimes also referred to as sashti puja and performed around sunset on the sixth
day. It is considered the point of commencement. Worshipping, in the presence of
a member of the royal family and a few other interested men, a branch of the tree,
which is believed to be auspicious, is seen as an invitation to the goddess, and the
branch is subsequently carried to the khanda ghar, where most rituals take place.
Moreover, on the seventh day, when a seat for the goddess in the form of swords
is established (khanda basaa), and on the eighth day, when the khanda puja (sword
ritual) is performed in the evening—called Durga Astami by the Rajpurohit—it is
the Amat who worships the patkhanda and kumari prasad together, though in the
same room as the Rajpurohit worshipping Nabadurga in the form of the bracelet.
Performed after sunset, the Amat brings the two swords from the Jagannath Temple
to the durbar hall (formerly to the armoury) in order to install them together with
the bel branch facing eastwards. The Amat worships them as well as local deities.
At the end of the rituals, the first he-goat (buka) is sacrificed for patkhanda (on the
seventh), while one is sacrificed for Nabadurga on Astami (largely a repetition of the
evening before). As the Amat and others argued, buffalos are used to be sacrificed
on these occasions, and there are hints—at least symbolically—of human sacrifices
as well, but neither seems to have been performed in recent decades.
On the ninth day, the procession of the Goddess Kant Kumari through Bonaigarh,
which began with the kant beht, continues under the guidance of the Amat. The
goddess moves along the fixed route from the village south of the fort to the older
market area (patna) west of the fort and from there to the outer, northern part of the
fort (bahari garh), where she meets her sister, Ma Kumari. The Amat, being also
generally in charge of the routine worship of Ma Kumari in her temple, arranges this
meeting, which remains invisible to the public. Even the Amat leaves the temple for
a while in order to let the sisters do their “talking”, as he explained, without any
disturbance. Here, the practice in 2007 differed from the royal chronicles, which
state: “After finishing the Debi Puja at 12 midnight she meets Kumari Debi and stays
with her like a sister in the armoury in a bowl filled with blood (rakta handi)”. In
98 U. Skoda
this version, Kant Debi and Ma Kumari appear even closer, but the closeness might
be linked to the strategic interest in appropriating the goddess.
However, in contemporary Bonaigarh the rakta handi is only remembered in
the rituals on the ninth day, when the Goddess proceeds towards the palace, being
worshipped throughout this day along her way on certain platforms (mandal) erected
for her. This part was also simply known as mandal puja, and the public flock to the
platforms to have darsan of the goddess and to offer sacrifices. Reaching the palace,
the Amat performs the digi puja (“ritual of direction”) just outside the old main
entrance (singha dwar) to the palace. According to the Amat, the goddess blessed
the four directions using a similar symbolism as in the Dasara ritual. Subsequently, the
goddess was brought to the durbar hall (as khanda ghar), where she was placed in a
rice pot (handi) filled with rice (chaul) right between the two swords already installed
there. It is widely believed that this pot is used to be filled with blood (rakta) in former
times and it is therefore called rakta handi (blood rice pot). Once the goddess has
arrived, the Raja takes darsan first of Kant Kumari and patkhanda/kumari prasad,
and then of Durga/Nabadurga, the public being excluded. Afterwards, the swords
are brought back to the Jagannath Temple by the Amat, followed by the Rajpurohit
carrying Nabadurga as a bracelet. In another small procession, the Raja himself (or
his son) carries the Goddess Kant Kumari into the inner part of the palace, where
she is worshipped at an altar (bedi) by the Amat. He places the goddess in another
pot filled with mahuli wine, which is distributed as bad bhog (grand offering) among
the public that has gathered on the occasion around the bedi, while another buka is
sacrificed for Kant Debi. From the palace, the goddess moves to the Brahmin quarter
(Brahmin Sahi) within the fort and is finally handed over to the Paudi Bhuiyan in a
small ritual close to the former house of the Amat in the presence of a relative (Babu)
of the Raja. The place next to the river is identical with the spot where the Bel barni
is performed.
Less important than the Kant Dehuri, Amat and Rajpurohit, nevertheless Kati,
Kumbar and Behera have more specific roles and can equally be considered recipients
of dasturi in exchange for their services. For example, on the seventh and eighth days
the royal swords are washed, sharpened and finally wrapped in a new white cloth
by the Khati belonging to the Maharona community, who also performs a smaller
ritual to worship the swords. This part, called khanda dhua (“sword washing”),
takes place within the compound of the Lord Jagannath Temple (outside the palace
for patkhanda and kumari prasad) and is repeated on the eighth day for mohana
khanda inside the palace. The Behera belonging to the Hansi community, also known
as weavers, prepares an umbrella (suti chatra) presented to Ma Kumari on Kumar
Purnima. Though his remuneration was not listed as dasturi, the Raja called it dasturi
during conversations and explained that it would be handed over prior to the full
moon. Moreover, the Kumbar or potters receive a relatively high amount in return
for providing all the pots required. As the Raja further explained, the link to the
family who received land in order to provide pots for the rituals has been broken,
and all the pots are actually purchased in the market.
Without going into the details of the items used for particular rituals such as
coconuts and vermilion, it is significant that the largest part of his expenses is spent on
seven sacrificial goats, which accounted for almost half of his budget—as compared
to the rather nominal amounts spent on dasturi. In some cases, the gifts or amounts
the Raja offers during darsan, listed as darsani on the occasions of Kant Beth,
Khanda Ghar, Kumar Purnima or Dasara Puja, would be received by the respective
ritual specialists. In addition to these payments with specific amounts, some of them
were also entitled to receive the bodies of sacrificial animals. Thus, out of the seven
he-goats offered to the goddess(es), two he-goats sacrificed during the Kant Beth
rituals customarily go to Amat and Kant Dehuri, while the Rajpurohit receives the
buka sacrificed during the mandal puja inside the palace premises, and another one,
sacrificed for mohana khanda, is prepared jointly by the Biradri, the male members
of the royal family (clan). The last buka is offered on full moon, known as Kumar
Purnima, which marked the end of the Dasara rituals. On this day, Kumari Puja is
performed, and the Raja moves in a procession from the palace to the temple of his
tutelary deity, where he offers the first buka before others (the public) follow who
wish to do so.
Changing Fort Rituals, Declining Palace Rituals

and the Increasingly Popular Worship of Kant Debi
The royal chronicles written before the merger also describe other elements not
performed nowadays:
… arms and ammunitions are worshipped at the khanda ghar and the Brahmins are given
food (bhojana). When Kant Debi is taken to the opposite side of the river, Dasahara Parba is
observed. Then the groups (dala) of Saanta, Dandapata and Mohapatra come to the Rajbati.
… The Raja goes to the Dasahara Parba with silver sedan (tamajan) and sword at the hand.
Beside Raja, Tikayat, Patayat, Rajkumar and Kumar go sitting on the elephant with silver
palanquin (palanki). British police also escort them in front and behind the Raja’s group
and all go for Dasahara Parba. At the Dasahara field wrestling, kasrat (exercise) and archery
play is observed among the different groups of soldiers. And at the end Raja distributes the
prizes. While returning from the Dasahara field the Raja is given a welcome with dance and
song and is worshipped (bandapana) with incense at every square. Returning to the Rajbati
all the soldiers from different places are given a big feast (bhoji).
This brief overview indicates a range of elements, such as the procession to the
Dasara field, which were no longer performed by 2007, but were depicted in pho-
tographs taken in 1935/6 and vividly remembered by older locals. Showing the king
in state, the photographs may also serve as a reference point for a diachronic com-
parison. Apart from a number of photographs, including of the Diwan and virtually
all important state officials, some photographs show the Raja with Adivasis. For
example, in a central photograph the Raja is holding the Goddess Kant Kumari, sur-
rounded by Rajpurohit, Amat, relatives, Paudi Bhuiyan and others, at the moment of
handing over the goddess, a scene not very different from the situation in 2007.
On another picture, one sees a group of Adivasi, presumably Paudi Bhuiyan, as
the late Rajasahib of Bonai explained, while yet another image shows the Raja being
100 U. Skoda
carried on a lion-headed silver palanquin to the Dasara field in a pompous procession

surrounded by Paiks holding bows and arrows as well as symbols of royalty such
as the umbrella (chhattar) or emblems (bairakh). Before coming out of the palace,
Paiks, who mainly belong to the Bhuiyan, Gond and other Adivasi communities, and
police constables—described as “British” in the chronicles—had gathered in front of
the Singha Dwar, the former displaying their fighting skills. Elephants waited to carry
the relatives of the Raja, Bhuiyan Zamindar and Gond Jagirdars in the procession.
Another photograph highlights the Raja sitting on his special seat next to the Ma
Kumari temple, in front of his subjects, and waiting for the final ritual on the full
moon day.
Observing fort rituals in 2007, and keeping the splendour of the 1930s photographs
in mind, one cannot fail to notice a certain decline corresponding to local impressions
of decay, with any enchanting pomp being largely reduced. There is a widespread
feeling of a general retrogression in the sense, for example, that norms are not being
maintained any longer. A case in point was the final day of the Dasara celebrations in
Bonai. The crowd gathered at the Kumari Temple, the site of the final rituals, which
the participants did not consider very impressive, arguing instead that in earlier days
many more devotees and spectators had turned up there. Moreover, as an advisor
to the Raja told me, in the old days people feared the goddess and therefore would
not commit any crimes. Lamenting a bygone era, of course, fits well with ideas of
a dark age (kali yug), which is sometimes even mentioned directly. And indeed,
in many cases expenditure on rituals has been cut to a bare minimum and even
beyond. For example, the khanda ghar, the armoury, collapsed a few years ago,
so the rituals had to be shifted to the former sabha ghar or durbar hall. And even
there, the roof is already damaged and one room used for the rituals has completely
black walls because burglars lit a fire in it a while ago. The murti of Nabadurga,
which is worshipped in this room, is kept on a half-broken wooden gaddi. But more
importantly perhaps, the mohana khanda puja, the ritual for the most powerful and
secret sword, was not performed simultaneously as prescribed by custom due to the
absence of the Rajpurohit, who finally performed it later. In earlier times, however, the
Raja had engaged two Rajpurohits to avoid any disruption because of such unforeseen
events in any one family, while nowadays there is only one priest responsible for
the performance. Given the fact that certain ritual sequences have been tightened,
reduced or abolished altogether, observers and actors sometimes refer to the present-
day arrangements simply as a “short-cut puja”. The worship of the swords being
either postponed or celebrated in a very private atmosphere, as during the Dasara
ritual, and as compared to the Dasara procession with a public display of patkhanda,
indicates a disintegration of the sacrificial polity.
Another clear indicator of further and steady reductions of ritual splendour and
royal largesse in more recent times is the number of sacrificial animals offered during
Dasara. As the late Raja recollected, during state times his father used to give 66 bukas
(uncastrated he-goats), not to mention buffalos or rams, while he “cut it all down” to
eight in 2006 and further down to seven in 2007. Similarly, the musical performances,
the playing of drums for the first eight days of the half of the month, followed by
the playing of other instruments for another eight days, have all been discontinued.
And the most radical change probably concerns the end of the procession to the
Dasara field, which, according to most people, came to an end in the 1960s, that
is, presumably prior to the abolition of the privy purses under Indira Gandhi in the
early 1970s. In fact, the Dasara field has itself disappeared with the construction of
additional buildings for the court association on the very same ground.
However, the deviations of 2007 should not lead one to the conclusion that pre-
merger rituals were performed in a completely satisfactory manner or that accelerated
change is a post-merger phenomenon. In fact, one might rather expect certain short-
comings and fluctuations in terms of splendour depending on the financial situation,
or perhaps the presence of a photographer as in the 1930s. There are, for exam-
ple, hints in a report of 1948 mentioning considerable changes in the expenditure
just around the merger. Thus, the Administrator of Bonai wrote to the Additional
Secretary to Government, Cuttack, on 20/09/48:
Prior to the merger in the year 1947 the Ruler drew a sum of Rs. 3.000/- for all his religious
ceremonies and festivals for that year. Before that the annual grant from the State for Dessehra
[sic] was Rs. 26/- only as sanctioned by the Political Agent from year to year. This amount
was being drawn by the Ruler. All the celebrations were done inside the Rajbati. It thus
appears that the Dessehra was being celebrated by the Ruler in his private capacity.1
If the report is correct, the budget for ritual activities was considerably inflated
from Rs. 26 to Rs. 3000 in 1947, the Raja using his new, but short-lived financial
freedom from paramountcy. As the report also suggests, the amount was considerably
reduced to Rs. 1000 a year later. This amount, the newly appointed Administrator
argued, should be spent on the Bhuiyan durbar on Dasara, but not on the ritual
activities. Thus, he hints at another ritual element during Dasara, a ritual of loyalty
neither included in the photographs nor existing today.
In 2007, the Raja, according to his own calculations, spent around Rs. 6000 on
palace rituals—half of the money for the bukas. Thus, compared to the more lavishly
funded Durga Puja in town, or the merger period, he organised his own rituals on a
shoestring budget. However, abolishing rituals or ritual elements might not only be
a response to the abolition of the privy purses. The Raja and other people involved
were well aware of the current debates on animal sacrifices, the agitations of NGOs
in this field and newly introduced laws, all of which may lead to further alterations
in future.
Thus, a comparison between the situation in the 1930s and the present-day cele-
brations on Dasara brings significant changes to the fore:
1 Reply (No. 10226) by Administrator, Bonai, to Additional Secretary to Government, Home Depart-
ment, States Section, Cuttack (20/09/48).

102 U. Skoda
Ritual element Dasara in the 1930s Present situation

Worship of Kant Kumari/Paudi Bhuiyans Vibrant, perhaps even more popular
coming to the garh nowadays, but royal gifts reduced
Nabadurga Puja/Sandhi Puja Performed with reductions
Tradition of Ankulia + Baktria/symbolic Completely abolished
human sacrifices
Procession to the Dasara field/public Completely abolished
competitions at the field
Bhuiyan durbar (The Raja remembers that Completely abolished
initially during his “rule” six to seven Sardars
(headmen) still attended the celebrations,
offering gifts and receiving turbans.)
Kant Purnima Puja—rituals for the tutelary Performed—gifts reduced
deity after Dasara
Even sixty to seventy years after the state merger, however, the alliance between
Raja and Paudi Bhuiyan continues, though it is also potentially threatened by mining
activities in the area, particularly the proposed POSCO mine, to be situated on top of
the Khandadhar waterfall, often highlighted as a place of scenic beauty and a tourist
destination. The POSCO project led to massive resistance, for example, in August
2007 (before Dasara):
… the Khandadhara Suraksh Samiti (KSS) had demonstrated one massive rally at Bonaigarh
region followed by a thousand of tribal peoples who had promised by taking water in their
hands not to allow POSCO to lift the iron ore from the Bonaigarh region where in, it is,
understood to have a deposit of 600 million metric ton of iron ore spread over a land of about
62 square Km. Fifteen days thereafter the tribal people gheroed/cordoned one of the officers
of POSCO at Bonai Sub Collector office who had came [sic] to the area for their survey and
other government sanctions. The tribal people literally take that official’s consent who had
promised not to come to the area for their project work.2
During this protest, a memorandum was submitted to the Governor of Odisha

through the Sub-Collector at Bonaigarh listing the protestors’ fears and grievances,
especially the risk of the waterfall drying up completely and causing ecological
damage, but also highlighting the religious significance of the area with reference to
Mother Sita as a pan-Indian deity believed to have passed through the area when she
was kidnapped by Ravana, and to “Mata Kanteswari Devi” (Kant Debi) having her
abode near the waterfall. This point was poignantly summarised in an NGO report
based on discussions with villagers in the surrounding area:
The forest and stream of Khandadhar has an immense religious and cultural significance for
people of Bonai and adjoining area. The Khandadhar Hills are the abode of “Maa Kanteswari
Devi”, the chariest goddess of local people and deity of Paudi Bhuyans. There is one temple
of “Maa Kanteswari Devi” in the form of a cave near Bahagura stream … There is a belief
2 Wednesday, 1 August 2007, state of Orissa is possibly heading for second Kalinga Nagar at
Bonaigarh by Prasanta Varma http://www.ndtvblogs.com/views/viewcomments.asp?gl_guid=&q_
blogid=18063&blogname=Oriya. Accessed 08/03/2015.
that she comes out from this cave on invitation of Bonaigarh’s King in the month of Dushera
to give blessing to its worshipers and fulfils the cherished desire of the people. There is a
strong feeling among the local people that any destruction to her temple or the habitat of
wild animals and home land of Paudi Bhuyans would create catastrophe in the region.3
The fear that a new POSCO mine would either extinguish or offer a severe blow to
the Paudi Bhuiyan community, their habitat and goddess seem to have reinvigorated
the link between Paudi Bhuiyan and Raja, the former turning to the latter for sup-
port. Subsequently, the Raja, who used to stress how his father prevented the Birla
Company from mining in 1947, though he could not prevent it after independence,
participated in the demonstration mentioned above. While newspapers stressed the
participation of the local MP Juel Oram (now again Union Cabinet Minister for Tribal
Affairs)—himself from Bonai—the list of signatures indicates the esteemed position
of the Raja by including him as the first signatory, before the MP and followed by the
Raja’s son.4 The foregrounding of the religious dimension, similar to other resistance
movements as in the Niyamgiri Hills, here also implicitly highlights Dasara and the
Raja’s role, though the outcome of the protest remains to be seen, and other players,
like politicians, are, no doubt, of increasing importance.5
Conclusion
The Dasara rituals in Bonai show an enduring ritual triangle consisting of the Raja, the
Adibasi and the goddess(es), though the rituals have undergone considerable changes
over the last century and also involve other actors (Brahmins, other castes, etc.). On
the one hand, pomp on the Raja’s side has been increasingly abandoned or discon-
tinued in the former princely state since the merger, rituals have been shortened,
expenditure cut down, and the sacrificial polity in general is slowly disintegrating.
On the other hand, various goddesses associated with the Goddess Durga, particularly
in the form of swords, are still worshipped in both the palace and the fort. Among
these goddesses and all the royal elements, the Goddess Kant Kumari, linked to Paudi
Bhuiyans and the Raja, appears to be even more popular nowadays whenever she
visits the lowlands during Dasara. Rajas in Bonai continue to patronise the goddess
and may have tried to appropriate her earlier. The rituals, such as handing over the
goddess to the Raja, the relationship of sister of the Raja’s tutelary deity and the
royal chronicles can be interpreted in this way, but this appropriation was achieved
imperfectly at best. Dasara rituals also express a rather balanced alliance, perhaps
3 National Workshop on Underlying Causes of Deforestation and Forest Degradation in

India. http://vh-gfc.dpi.nl/img/userpics/File/UnderlyingCauses/India-Report-Underlying-Causes-
Workshop.pdf.
4 Representation of the Bonaigarh Tribals to the Governor of Orissa, by Prasanta Varma. http://
hindtoday.com/Blogs/ViewBlogs.aspx?HTAdvtId=775&HTAdvtPlaceCod.
5 See, for example: World Environment Day: Cry to save Khandadhar gets louder, by Shubhankar
Behera on June 5, 2014. http://www.odishatv.in/world-environment-day-cry-to-save-khandadhar-

gets-louder/. Accessed 28/01/2015.
104 U. Skoda
even a relationship of mutual care, between the Raja and a relatively autonomous
Adibasi community established through the goddess. Thus, the alliance seems to
have been reinforced or revitalised through mining in the area and its consequent
threats to the Paudi Bhuiyan, who have turned to the Raja for support.
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Part III
Contextual Analysis (Case-based Studies)
Chapter 6
Participation of South Odishan Tribes
in Naxal Movements: A Contextual
Analysis
K. Anuradha and Jagannath Dash
Abstract The paper attempts to provide theoretical understanding of the issue of

participation of tribes of Koraput region in South Odisha in naxal movement on
the basis of empirical study. The paper argues that the tribal participation in naxal
movement is a protest against structural violence that takes place in the forms of land
alienation, poverty, demeaning behaviour of officers, moneylenders, etc., towards
tribes consequent upon state interventions for tribal development. Undoubtedly, the
paper interrogates the development process adopted in the country for tribal devel-
opment and critically examines emerging human rights issues at large. Further, it
constructs a risk model drawing on differences in power relations in the society that
arise in development process.
Keywords Naxal movement · Tribal participation · Structural violence · Poverty ·

Marginalisation and exploitation · Human rights · Sangha · Violence triangle
Introduction
It has been observed time and again that the social movements are not just collec-
tive mobilisation for any desired change, but they are essential part of wider social
processes related to peaceful living in the society (see Singha Roy 2004: 26–28; cf.
Zald et al. 2002; Tarrow 1994; Taylor 1989; Taylor and Whittier 1992). Ultimately,
social movement is meant for bringing social change in the contexts of conflict, con-
tradiction and cooperation. The social change brought to society through movement
is, therefore, different from the change brought by other internal and external forces.
Undoubtedly, social movements revolve around uprising, consultation and protest
to bring in social order and cultural loyalty. The social movements are thus charac-
K. Anuradha (B)
SPREAD, New Janiguda Road, Kumbha, Post Box No. 12, Koraput 764020, Odisha, India
e-mail: kanuradha@spread.org.in
J. Dash
Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Vanivihar, Bhubaneswar 751004, Odisha, India
e-mail: jdash1955@gmail.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_6
108 K. Anuradha and J. Dash
terised by three components, i.e. collective mobilisation, ideology and orientation to

change (Rao 2000). However, the organisation of social movement is not a simple
social process, but a tedious job involving recruitment, commitment and leadership
along with a formal sanction of reward and punishment. Anthropologically speak-
ing, the nature of social change involves three levels of structural changes, namely
reform, transformation and revolution (see Alexander 1981; Haferkamp and Smelser
1992). Therefore, all social movements emphasise collective mobilisation of people
around a specific goal with a collective significance, basic ideological interpretation
of collective goal and finally efficient leadership to organise all the above activities
for the achievement of the goal (see Shah 2004).
Generally, the basic issue behind the movement may be sociocultural, political,
economic or religious (cf. Sen and Avci 2016; Buechler 1995; Tilly 2004; Goldstone
1994; Shah 2004 and Tiruneh 2014). Sometimes, more than one factor, even all
the four factors are combined together for a revolution or movement. In a similar
manner, naxal movement was started as a peasant protest in 1967 (Banerjee 2009:
95) which in course of time changed its style, approach and course. Though started
with a socio-economic interest, ultimately it was turned to agitation and protest
with a severe resistance, leading to a political movement involving violent actions
(see Meher 2018: 40–54; Prasannan 2016 and Harriss 2011). The issue of tribal
participation in naxal movement has been the basic emphasis in this paper where
several facts are observed to interfere every now and then. It is usually known that
tribal heartland is gifted with all natural resources for which the tribal areas have been
under continuous exploitation since long.1 For a long time, tribals remained secluded
from the main stream population, and they were very much away from all forms of
peasant movements started by the naxalites. Time and again naxal movement was
suppressed, but to our surprise they took rebirth in various new forms. In order to
spearhead the process within tribals, new strategies were introduced by the leaders
of the movement on one and on the other side making the movement into a violent
one with usage of arms.
The paper is not highlighting the historical backgrounds of naxal movement;
rather it seeks to find out the factors for which tribals in South Odisha in the districts
of Gajpati, Rayagada, Malkangiri and Korapur support this actively or passively or
as fence sitters in it. Needless to say, data were collected from these four districts of
South Odisha by using interview and case study methods. A total of 38 jailed activists,
36 underground activists and 56 open activists (who are active but not identified
1 Triballand alienation (see Shimray 2006; the articles included in Fernandes and Pereira 2005 and
Fernandes and Barbora, 2008) in development process is a serious problem leading to marginal-
ization, exclusion and displacement. Tribes are also deprived of natural resources (see the papers
included in Behera and Basar 2014; cf. Gadgil and Guha 1995; Guha 2006). Guha (1983) critically
analyses colonial and post-colonial forest policies, management practices and legislations, along
with the historical process whereby the traditionally held rights of the forest communities have
been progressively curtailed. Xaxa (2018) informs us that tribal movements have the essence of
restoring autonomy in East India during colonial period and thereafter resulted from exploitation
of tribal resources. Exploitation of minerals/resources in tribal/indigenous communities has been
elaborately discussed in Padel and Das (2010).
6 Participation of South Odishan Tribes in Naxal Movements … 109
by the police), surrendered activists and sympathisers were interviewed. One of

the authors took permission from I.G. (Prisons) Orissa, to interview the undertrial
jailed naxalites and from naxal leaders to visit their camps. Except in Rayagada,
there were no cases till the time of field study. In Koraput, Malkangiri and Gajapati
(Parlakhemundi) district headquarters jail, the researcher could interview around 38
jailed naxalites. The study also included the interviews with the spokesperson of
Orissa State Committee of CPI (Maoist) and a few government officials. The said
author also ventured into the forests and interviewed 36 underground activists. All the
interview and case study have been taken from tribal naxalites belonging to Halva,
Bhumia, Saora, Jatapu, Kondha, Paraja, Gadaba, Koya and Gond tribes.
Tribals are always confined to their own traditional democratic set-up with a
relatively economic sufficiency. When their territory was intruded and tribal devel-
opment programmes severely failed due to corruption, and in some other occasion
when they were displaced without proper payment of compensation for the sake of
building major national projects, some sort of reaction was raised in their minds.
Such a situation of exploitation, discontentment along with the corruption of local
development officials helped the leaders of the movement in a grand way to recruit
the tribals in the movement process. It is always said that wherever there are inequali-
ties, oppressions and the governance does not reach the stakeholders, people become
unhappy and dissatisfied.2 Under such circumstances, if they are associated with any
encouraging outside force, agency or movement process, they immediately join it
for the purpose of deriving socio-economic benefit for a peaceful living. However,
all such factors including contextual exigencies with regard to tribal participation
especially in South Odisha will be discussed in the following paragraphs.
Basic Reasons of Tribal Support
Naxalism has been the most disturbing underground movement after independence.
This political movement3 is always challenging the Indian state with changing phases,
strategies, tactics and operations in spite of various divisions. It started with one
small district in Naxalbari and has spread around almost more than 160 districts in
the country with intensive concentration in 76 districts of nine states (Banerjee 2006:
3160).
The mass base is poor, oppressed and impoverished. Adivasis, Dalits, women,
workers and peasants who form 82% of the rural India are deprived of basic needs,
2 See, for example, Cramer (2003, 2005: 2–7) and Binswanger et al. (1995), to understand the
relationship between inequality and conflict. Plato had also recognised inequality as contributing
factor to conflict and instability. “We maintain that if a state is to avoid the greatest plague of all—I
mean civil war, though civil disintegration would be a better term—extreme poverty and wealth
must not be allowed to arise in any section of the citizen-body, because both lead to both these
disasters” (Plato, cited in Cowell 1985: 21).
3 See Mohanty (1977), Johari (1972), Kujur (2008), Mahakul (2014) and Meher (2018) for an
understanding of political nature of naxal movement.

and the naxal movement focuses on this 82% of the population, but not on the rest who
forms the creamy layer.4 The increase of violent incidents, causalities, kidnapping of
the security forces, government officials and political representatives has compelled
the state to view it with intense unease. Their presence in the mineral-rich regions was
making the task of the companies a bit difficult as was reported during the field study.
The minerals, it is believed, are meant for big corporate and industrial projects in a
national development perspective to which use naxalites stand as barriers. Therefore,
to deal with the naxalites, naxal action plan of Rs. 13,000 crore had got a nod from
Ministry of Home Affairs, and from the Prime Minister’s office for naxal-affected
districts in 2010 which was to be subsequently placed for approval in the cabinet.5
The Integrated Action Plan (IAP) was dedicated to the 60 districts in the states of
Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West
Bengal. Each district had to get 25 crores for construction of schools, roads and
Anganwadi centres in the affected areas. The criteria to get these funds were:
– 25% tribal population of the district
– 50% poverty ratio
– 30% forest coverage
– Security-related concerns
– Covered under backward region grant fund.6
Any district having four conditions fulfilled out of these five was eligible to receive
funds. All of the above five criteria exist in tribal areas. So it is an established fact that
naxalism is growing in those places where tribal concentration is more and the issues
are more. Looking at the scenario of the study area, one of the officers working in
the government (names of the department and officer are kept confidential for safety)
opined, “All the democratic movements are repressed by the state by linking it with
Naxal Movement, in fact forcing it to choose a path of Naxalism, and all the tribals
wanted to become future naxalites. And in a way their place is reserved in jail. All
jails with naxalites are becoming the knowledge centres of revolution. Every jail is
loaded with tribal naxalites. The state is modernising the police, but there is a need to
construct more jails for tribals. The discontent among the tribals will grow through
various democratic movements and each will be forced to turn into a Naxal.”
The root causes of this support by the tribals to naxalism are basically seen from
three aspects as mentioned in theories used in this research.
– Structural violence in the surrounding,
– The contexts of poverty with the tribals,
– Development disparity in the tribal areas.
The real causes of tribals support to the naxalism, as can be inferred from field data,
are deeply connected to the agriculture and the prevailing social structure. Their life
is intricately designed with these two factors. The agriculture is very much guided
4 www.hindustantimes.com,November 22, 2010.

5 www.economictimes.com, 17th November, 2010.
6 www.economictimes.com, 17th November, 2010.
Table 6.1 Life journey of the naxal activists (Source Author)

S. No Communities Life incidences from childhood (%)
In relation to education Family Traditions Others
1 SC 50.0 – 33.3 66.7
2 ST 60.0 23.0 12.0 94.0
3 OC 30.0 10.0 10.0 90.0
4 All communities 56.3 18.8 10.2 89.8
Note The percentage is calculated from total number of participants interviewed, both passive and
active;
Any other means interaction with anybody—police, businessmen, NGOs, politicians, officers, ser-
vice providers like bus conductors, doctors, etc
by land holding, access to land, food security, assets holding and social relations
based on these factors. The hegemonic caste structure of the Indian society has
played a role in alienating tribals from their lands when the higher caste outsiders
did settle in tribal areas. The developmental projects of the state further alienated
the tribals from their homes. The two structures of the society, one through the
cultural hegemony and another through the structures of the state, have made them
deprived of the basic needs. Structural violence and cultural violence have thus
embedded in the social, economic and political structures of the society and ultimately
have motivated tribals to extend support to naxalites as an acceptable alternative.
The situation of violence across social, economic and political structures (real or
perceived) is presented in tables based on participants’ opinion collected during
interview. Table 6.1 depicts experience of naxal activists, which they considered
bitter, at various levels of interaction before joining the movement.
It is evident from Table 6.1 that naxal participants of different social groups have
different intensity of bitter experience at different levels. When we see the total
number, more tribal participants had bitter experience.
The tribal naxal activists described how their life journey has been a memory of
different uneasy incidences relating to the social institutions such as school, family,
peer group and others in the village and outside. Many respondents were found
having disturbed experience in more than one field. It transpires from the table that
60% of tribal participants in naxal movement had some experience in schools, where
they did not get proper space and justice in the sense of expressing their feelings.
There were very less number of teachers who could actually treat all the children,
rich and poor, tribal and non-tribal equally. The poor and tribal children always felt
neglected and thus shy to go to school. At the family level, 23% of them had seen
their parents working whole year doing all sorts of work for survival and secure
food which was not sufficient enough. They were disturbed by such experiences.
With their tradition, they were happy and still valued it. But 12% of them expressed
their disliking liquoring consumption and quarrelling in the family. Few incidents
had always been bitter, be it with the shopkeeper in the village, the moneylender at
the Gram Panchayat, any official in the government or anybody from outside. The
experience or interaction with a vested interest always has left a bleeding scar in the
hearts of 94% of the tribal participants in the movement. They strongly felt that the
outsiders including the government only preach and propagate about the richness of
tribal culture and tradition, but in practice there aversion is very much evident when
one interacts with them. Practically nothing has been percolated down the line for
preservation of tribal culture and development through their culture which happen
to be a catch word in development slogan. The respondents stated that in a state of
despair and confusion, the tribals are just sticking to their traditions to keep up some
identity even though it is not cost-effective looking at their economic conditions. But
everyone feels so amorous at tribal tradition that he/she projects to be the only one
to save them in the surrounding world with a true identity. They also admitted that
there are different kinds of fundamental forces which are pulling and pushing them
since the last two decades. And few lose their identity and get attracted by these
forces. But all these forces claim and do the same kind of activity like spreading the
message of hatred among its members. The tribals are aware of these facts, but they
have no choice. The values of collectiveness have been somewhere forcefully diluted
by such forces.
Gradual Course of the Tribal Participation
The study areas (in South Odisha) had witnessed many tribal revolts in the past
during British period. After independence also, the Bhoo-satyagarah in Koraput
region had some impact in the minds of the tribals. Along with the history of revolts,
the displacement factor and poverty condition triggered the naxal movement to grow
slowly in the study area. The backdrop information before the tribals entered into
this brutal armed path can be narrated in the following two case studies.
Gisu (pseudonym) from village Gudaguda (a bordering village of Malkangiri and
Koraput) says with anger, “one contractor was killed in Govindapalli by the naxalites;
no government official has gone there to find out the naxalites. The government will
also never go with a fair means to find out the cause of the killing, rather it will deploy
one company of CRPF or any other such force who will harass poor villagers like us
on a routine basis. All the government structures will be renovated and repaired here
in the area in view of the naxal problem… but what about the people like us…? Will
the state think about us and why this naxal movement is spreading in a big way. The
state only thinks that it can solve this problem with law and order enforcement and
with minimum developmental initiatives. But it is not possible… it should first accept
that a major percentage of people live with less than Rs 12/- per day after 60 years
of independence. Every official will say that we are just complaining. Certainly it is
not; the so called democracy has not reached us for which the naxal movement is
quite appealing to us. Rather we don’t have any choice before us than to rebel. Will
the state accept all the problems that the poor, the major chunk of people are facing?
They are harassed and every day they are marginalised in all aspects of life. They are
frustrated with the eye wash activities of the government. When will the government
rectify its own system, its attitude and behaviour?”
He continued, “today, whoever fights for his/her rights is branded as naxalite. If
we raise our voice we are killed in encounters, if we question we have to face legal
detention and in the coming years we will be languishing in jails for years waiting
for bails. If we protest against dams, or any developmental projects because of its
negative impact on us, we are called naxalites. So the state has a complete nexus to
prove that all its activities are right by all means and we have to face the consequences
if at all we stand to the occasion. So what can we do than to embrace naxal path
against our wishes?”
Sona (also a pseudonym), a Soura boy (Soura is a PVTG of India) of Gajapati
district beamed when he said, “their (naxalites’) way of talking is so touching; no
government person has ever talked to me like the way they have approached. It
gives us basic information, knowledge and confidence. It explains to understand
our own condition and it helps to go deep to understand and analyse why we are
so poor economically. The government has not yet taken any such measure for our
development as naxalites have attempted. At the time of natural calamities in far
flung areas of Malkangiri district the naxalites distributed the food grains despite all
difficulties. This self-less service attracts us towards them.”
In the context of South Odisha, tribal participation is increasing day by day and
19% of the tribal respondents reported during interview that they were motivated by
observing the activities of naxalites. And these activities had increased within a span
of seven years from 2002 to 2009. The town dwellers and the villagers also do come
to know about all such activities as the naxalites continuously keep in touch with
them by different means. It is not very hard for anyone who is staying in this patch
of Odisha to meet any of their cadres, as they are present in many disguised forms.
Of the respondents, 5% who observed bandhas, organised raids and other actions
they had not done any harm to innocent common people. They only keep an eye
on the sahukars (moneylenders) or the people who harass the poor. And wherever
the naxalites organised bandhs and other activities, there was no problem, but the
media reported wrongly. This was a major concern for the people. Only 8% of the
respondents opined that naxal activities which are despised as terrorism would be
later counted as poor people’s movement and a resistance war against exploitation.
It was shared by the respondents that occurrence of incidents has increased after
1990s. Normally, the movement is organised very tactfully. They organise activities
at different places simultaneously to divert the attention of the security forces. They
show their presence when major incidents like the Nayagarh operation, the land mine
blast in Rayagada, R-Udaygiri jail break, etc., are organised. Sometimes they are not
armed as they did in Koraput.7 They also confided that the government has not been
able to keep their track as they are very much part of the common people.
The following table explains more in detail about their tribulations with other
members of the society at large, and this indeed makes them to actively participate
in the movement.
7 These incidents of naxalites were covered in national and regional media.

Table 6.2 Reasons of discontinuing study before participation (Source Author)

S. No Communities Turning points of aspects (%)
Related to Related to Finance Customs Others
family education
1 SC 22.2 16.7 27.8 11.1 22.2
2 ST 12.0 13.0 28.0 5.0 42.0
3 OC 20.0 – 50.0 – 30.0
4 All 14.0 12.5 29.7 5.5 38.3
communities
Note The percentage for each category is calculated from its total respondents. Percentage for total
communities is calculated from the total respondents interviewed;
Others: Same as Table 6.1
Table 6.2 shows that 12.0% of naxal tribal respondents had family-related issues
like poverty, death of family members, illness, etc., and incidents like facing a severe
financial crisis in the family and social insult by moneylenders for which they had to
drop out of schools. Only 28.0% of them had financial difficulty for which they could
not continue their education. But 42% of them had other problems like migration,
problem of understanding lessons, etc. The customs engaged them in practices like
dancing, drinking, hunting, ritual participation, etc., for which they were not regular
in their studies and school attendance. These were the turning points of their lives
that compelled them to search for an alternative source of survival; the push factor
in the community got an attraction in the pull factor in the presence of naxalites’
promises. The same factors also motivated members of other communities to join
naxal movement. But finance and other factors like migration were crucial factors for
most of the people to discontinue school education before they joined the movement.
Table 6.3 gives a picture where 77.8% of the tribal respondents (both active
and passive participants in naxal movement) had good experiences in their personal
life. Of total tribal respondents, 88.0% recollect good memories in family and 72%
good time in their villages with their clan members during festivals, marriages and
other socioreligious occasions. The unity and ‘we’ feeling of tribals gave them a
sense of social security. The others, constituting 96%, are fellow tribes, other tribes
and relatives of them in the neighbouring villages. They shared the opinion that
they exchanged gifts, and organised community feast to show their solidarity and
brotherhood. During field study, an incident was reported which shows vulnerability
of tribes outside their village and area. It was reported that nine adolescent Kondh
boys were taken to Pune for work from Koraput and Rayagada districts and they
were charged of a murder and spent almost more than 6 months in juvenile justice
home at Pune, Maharashtra, but they were finally released by the court due to lack of
evidence. They came back to their village, and in an interaction they said that for a
tribal person the village is a secured and life-sustaining place. They asserted that they
are not like other communities who can go anywhere for work. The tribals of South
Table 6.3 Respondent’s good experiences in life (Source Author)

S. No Communities Good experiences in life and with whom (%)
Personal Family Village Others (friends,
neighbours, relatives,
etc.)
1 SC 77.8 88.9 83.3 94.4
2 ST 75.0 88.0 72.0 96.0
3 OC 74.2 86.0 71.9 93.8
4 All communities 14.96 26.32 33.06 25.20
Table 6.4 Respondent’s worst experiences in life (Source Author)

S. No Communities Worst experiences in life (%) in/with
Family Village Government officials Others
1 SC 16.7 50.0 94.4 94.4
2 ST 35.0 47.0 98.0 96.0
3 Others 40.0 50.0 80.0 90.0
4 All communities 32.8 47.7 96.1 95.3
Note Others—same as in Table 6.1
Odisha are not mentally prepared to face the outside world and lead a harmonious
life of peace and prosperity.
The point which is important here is that tribal people are at home while leading
life in their own ways according to tradition. This harmony with tradition breaks
with outside contact where adjustment amounts to leading denigrated and exploited
life with security risk. But it is not that the younger generation does not show a drive
to change even within the tradition. Even they nurture ambitions of their own which
get smashed in course of their interaction in their life journey, particularly with the
officers and moneylenders. This can be appreciated from the opinion presented in
Table 6.4.
The table of reference indicates that 35.0% of tribal respondents who participated
in naxal movement had experienced compelling situations against their wishes in
the family when they were forced to marry at a tender age by shadowing all their
dreams and aspirations. It is also evident from the table that 98% of them had bitter
experiences with government officials like police, forest officials, revenue officials,
advocates and block officials on their personal problems. Such experiences were not
in their traditional ethics nor did they learn in schools. They had very bad experience
with revenue officials as the latter demanded bribe in kinds like poultry birds, millets,
etc. In an interior GP of Nandapur block in 2011, two of the forest officials took
more than 50 kg of their millet with a promise that they would help the tribals to
get back their rights over the forest land (even though the government has given
the right to the tribals over the forest land through an act). This is a naked example
of officials’ behaviour towards otherwise poverty-stricken tribals. Similarly, 96.0%
Table 6.5 Respondent’s good friends (Source Author)

S. No Communities Best friends (%) Non-response
Siblings Villagers Others
1 SC 16.78 22.2 27.8 33.3
2 ST 20.0 40.0 16.0 24.0
3 Others 10.0 40.0 20.0 30.0
4 All communities 18.7 37.5 18.0 25.8
Note Others—same as Table 6.1
had bad experiences in course of their interaction with moneylenders, shopkeepers

(sahukars), etc., outside the village, and only 47.0% had such experience in the
village. The respondents shared how humiliating it was to stand in front of the
sahukar and hear all his verbal insults. They had to bear with this undignified life
as they had no choice but to depend on them for survival. Respondents had bitter
experience in more than one area.
Most of the tribal respondents showed intimacy with their near and dear ones.
However, this was not the relation with government officials.
Table 6.5 shows that 20% of the respondents were comfortable with their siblings;
there was love and affection among them. Further, 40% of them expressed same
feelings for their clan members, and 16% for their relatives in other villages, and
very few mentioned that few NGOs working in the village were liked by them. But
no one mentioned having good relations with any of the state government officials.
Data with reference to above five tables show that the tribal respondents used to
lead normal life except sense of insecurity, instances of exploitation and feelings of
insult in course of their interaction with moneylenders, shopkeepers and government
officials. A negative attitude towards these people due to experiences of exploitation
and insult from them contributed towards their attraction to naxal movement in whose
promises these bitter experiences were absent. Another crucial point to be recognised
is that respondents from other social categories had also undergone same sorts of
bitter experiences.
The overall causes of tribal support, as was evident during field study, could be
seen from the angle of structural violence which the people faced due to displacement,
eviction from land, and arrest by the police time and again. But as the naxalites take
their agenda forward, help them to eliminate their immediate exploiter; tribals are
strongly motivated to join them. Killing can be a human rights violation, but the
tribals take it as a positive step to establish their rights of survival and dignity which
they do not get from the government. They find government system non-protective
to their interests. Though they know this is a temporary solution, still they hold on
them as a kind of relief.
Extension of Activities
We have tried to understand the problems of participants before they joined naxal
movements. In this section, we will discuss how efforts to address such problems led
them into the movement.
The economy of the country is passing through a very crucial phase, though we
have elections at certain intervals and have new governments time to time but it is
observed that no government is seriously working for the people. In Odisha, there
are strong resistance movements witnessed most often which are initially organised
democratically. But participants of such movements have often become victims of
structural violence resulting into direct violence through armed naxal movement.
Most of the youths, who were engaged in the open movement, became underground
and formed part of the guerrilla force. When it was asked, why this change in them,
65% of them said that their honest voices were not heard and no development was
done for them; they had no other way than to join the movement.
A few respondents described their involvement in initial democratic movements
by organising unions. One such union was the Kui Lavanaga Sangha.
The Kui Lavanaga Sangha was formed in between 1995 and 1996, under the
leadership of Sunil who at the time of field study was working for Odisha Maobadi
Party, a division of the CPI Maoist. He started living near Gajpati district and had
several interactions with the local villagers. During that time, late Dasuram Maleka
was very active along with other members of the villages in Rayagada and Gajpati
districts. Dasuram was primarily a Kui person who had tremendous creativity to write
poems and sing songs in Kui language. He used his natural gift to create awareness of
the people against the corruption at various levels and persuaded them to raise voice
against it. He was caught and tortured in custody and later released from the jail.
After coming from the jail, he was frustrated with the system and went underground.
But he died in 2007 September due to lack of medicine; during that time, the area
was affected by cholera. Few of the tribal youth who came forward to form this
organisation died in encounter killing and few were in jail at the time of field study
by one of the authors. The main objectives of the this sangha were to
• take up issues affecting the Kui-speaking Kondhs;
• organise Kui–Kondhs;
• address the issues of Kui and other poor farmers;
• establish the separate Kui identity; and
• get a recognition in the outside world that tribals are no more submissive and they
can also become activists and assert their rights.
First, they took up issues of forest produce for which the traders used to offer very
low price. The first resistance was against such people, and the sangha was successful
to raise the prices of tamarind and other forest produces. Then they took up the issue
of raising the wages for the work taken up by the contractors and also demanded
equal wages for men and women. The wage rate was very low for the bamboo cutters,
and they had to take up this issue with the paper mills to raise the wages. It took five
years for them to really organise the tribals as a very strong organisation. When an
incident occurred in their areas, where an Anganwadi worker was sexually assaulted
by a pastor, the sangha organised a big rally but failed to get right justice as per their
demand. The pastor was transferred to another place.
From a long past, the tribals had been complaining against occupation of their land
by the Panos, a Scheduled Caste community in the locality. The sangha requested
them many a time to return their lands, but the Panos did not listen. So the sangha
tried to occupy the lands forcefully and started cultivating and harvesting the crops.
In this way alone in Mandimera GP of Gajapati block, the sangha could restore
70–80 acres of land. The sangha also did a campaign against liquor.
With all these activities, the sangha decided upon fielding its own candidate for
the position of Sarpanch. But soon after the election, the Sarpanch they realised that
political participation would not deliver justice. The Sarpanch could not perform as
per their expectation because of bureaucratic hurdles. The Sarpanch also was found
acting as officers’ voice. So they lost faith in the system of governance.
The land movement by the sangha (popularly known as Mandravaju Zami
Andolan) was completely democratic, and initially, they requested the Panos to free
the tribal lands. But the police started harassing the tribals and nine people were
killed during a demonstration. The police set up camps near the tribal villages and
used to harass the tribals by stealing their goats along with the Panos. The women
became victims of eve teasing by the police and the Panos. When the tribals in huge
number went to the police station to protest against eve teasing and stealing of goats,
the police fired and nine were killed. Some of them were also jailed for this. Ulti-
mately, when they came out of the jail, they joined the naxal movement and in a way
the action taken by the government acted in a negative manner. They believed that
the naxalites would show them right path to fight against injustice done to them by
the government. But unfortunately, they saw it as an act against the state and drew
swords on the tribals.
Views of some respondents who were directly involved in the process of extension
of the naxal activities are presented below for reference.
One of the tribal respondents, who was in jail then narrated, “I was beaten very
rudely by police as a suspected Maoist and was sent to jail. For last three years I’m
in jail and have not been produced before the court. Government pays to the police
man who is killed and his family gets money. Since I am in jail for last three years,
will the government pay money for my loss of time and wage? Do you know, most
of the tribals in jail are not produced before the court?” He further said, I get some
food in the jail, but I am very much worried about my family members who are in
the village. But my family is skipping their meals to save money to meet me in the
jail once in a month”. It was obvious from his words that he was feeling frustrated
and aggressive sitting idle in the jail.
Another respondent, Kiran, who owned a vehicle with a loan from the government
earlier and worked as a driver was able to manage his family. But the police arrested
him suspecting him as an accomplice of naxalites and forced him to sign a paper. So
the vehicle which he bought through loan was lying without use. He was not able to
repay the loan as he was in jail. He said, on one hand, the government with the help
of the District Magistrate gives me the loan and on the other hand, with the police it
takes away everything. So who is responsible for my condition now? I was earning
nearly Rs. 1000/- per day and planning for a good future of my children. The police
fail to catch real naxalites and instead harass innocent local tribals like me”.
Raju, a Dalit boy, was not allowed to enter into the school. He said, “I play flute
very well. I wanted to read. But the teachers did not allow me (He, however, did not
give any reason- investigator). I did not know what to do. I thought it is my fate. In
the mean time naxalites organised a meeting. I attended it, liked what they said and
joined them”.
Gita had another way of telling life experience. She used to question, “why my
family is so poor? Why we are neglected even though the country is independent?
I wanted a bi-cycle which my father could not afford to buy. I feel that all the poor
should be united to fight for their own rights in order to improve their condition
irrespective of their caste, religion and gender. So, I joined the naxal movement as I
got answer to many of my questions”.
Grace’s father was working in the Dandakaranyan region during the time field
study was conducted as a medical worker for the CPI (Maoist) party. Her mother
was working with the frontal organisation, and she was working in South Odisha as
a local guerrilla squad member. She told, “my siblings got education with the help of
the party. I remember the miseries we had when I was young. I feel, we tribal people
don’t speak much, maybe that’s the reason other people take the advantage of us. The
party is helping us to analyse and reflect on our situation. The land movement helped
us to get back some land from the encroachers. That is why many all members of
some tribal families like ours are dedicated for the naxal cause. I am always on the
fore front of the party during important raids and operations. It takes us more than
two months to reach from one state to another state”. I was told that Grace came to
Odisha from Chhattisgarh for the Nayagarh operation. She had been working there
for almost one year. She was learning Odia to build up a strong rapport with the local
villagers. There are several such case studies which describe the cause of people’s
support and participation in naxal movement.
It is found that the tribal organisation which was protesting against land alienation
in Rayagada and Gajpati districts got derailed and became a part of the armed conflict.
Discontent among the tribals favoured the CPI (Maoist) party to take control of
the situation and create antagonism among the tribal mass against the government’s
system. During interview, more than 50% of tribal respondents expressed their desire
to return to mainstream and fight for their cause democratically.
Psychology of the Active and Passive Tribal Members
Despite the experience of sufferings which are related to the poverty, unmet needs,
there is a communal content in the group as in other tribes elsewhere. Because of
all these factors like communal discontent, unmet needs, poor governance and the
Table 6.6 Whom the respondents dislike (Source Author)

S. No Communities Whom the respondents disliked (%)
Dishonest Tradition Rich people Government Others
people officials
1 SC 88.9 11.1 50.0 94.4 61.1
2 ST 77.0 8.0 80.0 95.0 43.0
3 Others 70.0 – 60.0 70.0 30.0
4 All 78.1 7.8 74.2 85.2 44.5
communities
Note Others—same as Table 6.1
pressure of the state from the big power parties, they work together for the naxal
organisation. These factors are well understood by the tribals.
It is to be mentioned that the members of the CPI (Maoist) who have turned the
movement into a violent conflict consist of a large number of tribals in their party. The
organisers are good at capturing the imagination of the tribals by appealing to their
psychology by means of showing sympathy to their sufferings and articulating the
causes in terms of negligence of the government and exploitation by moneylenders
and government officials. That is why the tribal respondents showed their liking,
disliking, parents’ ambition, and at the same time they held many actors responsible
for their vulnerability and distress. The following tables present the opinion of the
respondents that relate to their state of mind.
It transpires from Table 6.6 that 77.7% of the respondents dislike the dishon-
est people like moneylenders who usually exploit the tribals, loot their resources
and cheat them, whereas 80.0% of them dislike rich class who use their services
and simultaneously harass them by all means. Similarly, 95.0% tribal respondents
expressed they dislike government officials as they are corrupt, do not respect trib-
als and neglect them. More than 60.0% dislike others like shopkeepers, conductors
and politicians who are also anti-tribal in spirit. It is to be mentioned that many
respondents have shown their dislike to two or more categories of persons whom
they dislike. The same opinion is reported by other social categories as is evident in
the table of reference.
The crucial point to note is that a large percentage of respondents from all the
category of people showed their dislike for government officials. The CPI (Maoist)
took up the issues of youth dissatisfaction with these categories, their subsequent
frustration, etc., to motivate them to join armed conflict and consequently escaping
from causes of disliking.
Table 6.7 shows that tribal respondents are not at all satisfied with the level of
socio-economic development. But SC and OC categories of respondents believe that
there is some improvement in comparison with traditional life. However, a larger
percentage (70.3%) of all categories and 72.0% from ST categories are of the opinion
that the improvement is not satisfactory. More than one-fifth of the total respondents
(21.1%, ST. 24.0%) expressed that they do not know if socio-economic condition of
Table 6.7 Respondents’ view on improvement of socio-economic conditions of tribals (Source

Author)
S. No Communities Extent of improvement in socio-economic condition (in %)
Satisfactory To some extent Do not know
Yes No
1 SC 5.5 66.7 16.7 11.1
2 ST – 72.0 4.0 24.0
3 OC 10.0 60.0 20.0 10.0
Total All 1.6 70.3 7.0 21.1
Table 6.8 Reasons for distress (Source Author)

S. No Communities Reasons (%)
Negligence of Tradition and Geographical Other factors
Government customs isolation like poverty,
officials exploitation by
moneylenders,
etc.
1 SC 83.3 33.3 44.4 94.4
2 ST 91.0 25.0 32.0 96.0
3 OC 70.0 20.0 60.0 90.0
Total All 88.3 25.9 35.9 95.3
the tribals has improved or not. Such perceptions have been easily capitalised by the
party.
Frustration leading to distress in life is often argued to be the main reason of tribal
participation in naxal movements. What is their perception about the distress? Why
they feel distressed? To this question, the respondents opened up with a number of
reasons which are thematically organised and presented in Table 6.8.
As the tables show 91.0% of tribal respondents held the government and its offi-
cials exclusively responsible for their feelings of distress. The percentage of response
of other categories is also significant under this heading. They also hold tradition
and custom responsible, but it is a very small percentage among the ST respondents
(25.0%) and 25.9% for all categories. The custom of early marriage, negligence of
education, etc., have been the obstacles for their development. The reasons are rein-
forcing and overlapping. Negligence from government side is a cause of poverty,
and at the same time, poverty is also a contributing factor to the feeling of distress.
It is not a surprise to find 96.0% of tribal respondents who feel that the exploiters
along with the government have been the major agencies contributing towards the
condition of distress. So these factors help the Maoist party to spread out. The voices
from the field also do tell the story of pain as mentioned below.
A 45-year-old Kondh man feels that the tribals are very much tempted by con-
sumerism but in fact losing their own identity and culture. It is hard to keep them
Table 6.9 Parent’s aspirations for their children (Source Author)

S. No Communities Main aspirations (%)
To work for Government Marriage Money and Others like
society job wealth social status,
owning land,
political
participation
1 SC 22.2 77.8 100.0 88.9 83.3
2 ST 78.0 47.0 92.0 67.0 95.0
3 OC 20.0 90.0 50.0 80.0 70.0
4 All 65.6 54.7 89.8 71.1 91.4
away from all these when they see other people doing the same. But they, the tribal
group, have to understand this and come out of this glorified world which is making
many people poor, homeless and landless. He holds growing consumerist attitude
among the tribal youths and lack of means to fulfil it as the cause of growing feelings
of distress.
The respondents felt that one of the reasons of feeling distress is their inability
to fulfil the aspirations of their parents. They disclosed different aspirations of their
parents; sometimes a single one and sometimes more than one aspirations. The major
ones they were not able to fulfil when the aspirations are more than one.
As Table 6.9 shows, 78.0% of parents expected community involvement of their
son(s). The table of reference reveals that the same expectation is much below,
around 20% among other social categories. This implies predominance of community
consciousness among the tribes. This is also reflected in 92.0% of parents thinking of
married life for their children at an early age. Another striking difference in attitude
is apparent on the matter of aspiration for government jobs. It is the lowest, i.e.
47% in ST category, and the highest, i.e. 90% in OC category. It is more than 30
percentage point for SC when compared to ST category. It was reported that tribes do
not have confidence of getting government jobs, as their opinion can be paraphrased;
the system is biased against them. A 100% aspiration for SC category shows growing
consciousness of the group due to reservation. Similarly, 67.0% of ST respondents
expressed their parents’ ambition of accumulation of money and wealth by their
son(s). The percentage is, however, lowest as compared to other categories which
is recorded at 88.9% and 80.0% for SC and OC categories. In some sense, this
implies that tribes still nourish a subsistence outlook. However, 95% of parents were
reported having the aspiration that their son(s) would join politics, acquire land,8
become contractor, gain social prestige, etc.
Tribes and other participants in naxal movement were disillusioned with the life
they were leading to in terms of their interaction with the government, moneylenders
and other outsiders. The question comes: Was joining naxalism only alternative?
This question is answered by asking the respondent whether naxalism was a better
alternative for them.
8 Interestingly,
the respondents do not consider land as a component of wealth. To them wealth
means vehicles, buildings, gold ornaments, etc. Land holds a special importance to them.
Table 6.10 Is Naxalism a better alternative? (Source Author)

S. No Communities Better than (%)
Moneylenders Traders Government Others
officials
1 SC 88.9 88.9 94.4 72.2
2 ST 96.0 92.0 98.0 52.0
3 OC 70.0 70.0 80.0 70.0
4 All 93.0 89.8 96.1 56.3
*Others—same as Table 6.1
Table 6.11 Self-assessment of male and female respondents (Source Author)

S. No CommunitiesSelf-assessment (%)
Cool Extrovert Introvert Aggressive Adjusting Violent Emotional
minded
1 SC – 11.1 – 27.8 11.1 38.9 11.1
2 ST 9.0 13.0 16.0 12.0 8.0 18.0 24.0
3 OC 10.0 20.0 – – – 40.0 30.0
4 All 7.7 13.3 12.5 13.3 7.8 22.7 22.7
It transpires from Table 6.10 that about more than 90% of total respondents consid-
ered naxalism better than their experience with moneylenders, government officials
and traders. Response percentage of ST respondents is higher than other social cat-
egories in their preference for participation in CPI (Maoist) party or naxalism. Even
52% of tribal respondents expressed their preference for naxalism over ‘others’,
namely cultivation, collection of forest products and wage labour. This small per-
centage as compared to other categories still shows tribal preference for traditional
sense of subsistence life. The respondents reported that the party members come to
and interact with the villagers, closely mixing with them, sympathetically listening to
their problems and suggesting solution. It creates an interest among the people to join
them. It can be inferred from the preference shown for naxalism that moneylenders,
government officials, etc., created a push factor and naxalism crated a pull factor for
which people got attracted towards it.
During field study, it was understood that some people do not like violence or
joining in naxal movement, though they do not open up publicly. The question comes:
Does it have something with the personality that ignited their interest to join in
violent activities? To understand this, respondents were asked to assess their own
temperament along a few characteristics as shown in Table 6.11. All were asked to
choose the most important one by which they identify their personality.
Table 6.11 shows that only 9.0% of the ST respondents feel that they are cool
minded and do not give an ear to anybody’s remark; 16.0% of them, however, feel
the injustice but feel shy to oppose. Only 13.0% expressed that they retaliate when
anybody uses abusive words. It is further noted that 12.0% retaliate very strongly and
wait for the opportunity to harm the wrongdoers. In contrast, 18.0% reported having
attacked physically when somebody harasses or insults them or any of their members.
Only 8.0% adjusts with the situation because they are used to it. A large percentage,
i.e. 24.0%, reported of feeling sentimental to harassment, insults, cheating; but they
used to remain disturbed and depressed.
The South Odisha Situation
The South Odisha, the former undivided Koraput region, which was known for
poverty and tribals, has a notorious identity of growing naxal movement in remote
tribal areas. The abundance of mineral resources, the perennial streams, the ethnic
population, rich forest coverage and the rich cultural heritage do attract not only the
social scientists but also the companies when they stress to harness the mineral and
natural resources of the region. The region is like a laboratory where the government
has poured its resources in the form of different schemes which have not yet resulted
in the development of the people of this region. Achievements in five-year plans have
remained a distant dream, as the glaring facts of the region reflect that the poverty
ratios in the districts are as follows: Koraput is 83.81%, Malkangiri 81.88%, Raya-
gada 72.03%, respectively (GoO 2007–08) (Panchaytiraj department, Government
of Odisha). Economic survey 2007-08, Government of Odisha, indicated the inci-
dence of poverty to be 83.61% and 88.86% in Koraput and Malkangiri, respectively
(see GoO 2012). Poverty among Scheduled Tribes in the southern region as a whole
has been estimated at 82.8% (GoO 2008: 16). So these figures tell us the plight of the
people where the whole region is undergoing a phase of transition where they have
no options rather to embrace conflict with the government. The development process
in our country did construct many secular temples in this region, but the prayers of
the people in this region could not be heard. Their devotion could not be valued. And
this development process created a major chunk of people left out to suffer, and their
basic needs do not reach them.
There are also human rights violations in a conflicting situation in the study area.
The movement has turned into violent conflict. There are violations of human rights
when tribals are falsely implicated and killed, falsely imprisoned and implicated in
judicial cases. The falsity gets proved when later they were released and some got
compensation. It was reported during field study that six tribal persons of Gillkuta
village who were just watching a Hindi film called Lal Salaam were arrested in 2006
and released in 2008. They expressed their agony, after their release, in a booklet
entitled “Sehi Kala Ratrira Katha” (The Story of that Dark Night), the night when they
were arrested and tortured by the police. Wife of a tribal person, who was killed in
Rayagada while attending nature’s call, filed a petition and later the state human rights
commission offered her compensation. Her husband was killed in a false encounter.
During the NALCO raid in 2009, Katru Huika was killed by mistake, and her wife
is still waiting for justice.
The media highlights, however, show the other side of the human rights viola-
tions, violations by the naxalites including tribes (then there is an ongoing debate on
what constitutes human rights). In fact, there are violations from both the sides. The
question is not who is doing more and who is doing less, the issue is that there are
violations taking place. The killings in Kalinga Nagar, the killings in Kashipur, in
Mandravaju, Gudari, Chandrapur, and Malkangiri, most of them are reported encoun-
ters to which naxal activists do not believe. They argue where there are encounters
at least there would have been casualties in the police/security side, but not death of
naxalites only.
State of Children When Both Parents Are Naxalites
There were very few cases found when both the parents are involved in the process.
The study area has almost 70% of naxal cadres from Dandakaranyan region who
have come from Chhattisgarh state. They very well mixed up with the tribals of
South Odisha due to their sociocultural similarity. They all are educated in the Bal
Sangham run by the naxal party in Chhattisgarh. However, no regular Bal Sanghams
were reported during in the study area during field study, though proposals are in
pipeline to establish regular Bal Sanghams. If both the parents are involved in the
party, and they have a child (children), the naxal party takes care of their education
and upbringing. It was reported that a few children move along with parents though
they do have their names enrolled in the school. The sympathisers from outside and
their children are also well taken care by the cadres. The rights of the children are
respected but they are educated in revolutionary thoughts. The male members take
care of infants in the party during their camps.
Tribal Exploitation Both Ways
The struggle of Indian Maoism, which is also known as naxal movement began
through tribal peasants, revisited through them, ongoing through them and blossom-
ing through them too. Tribals are the basic focus in the process in recent years. The
opinion of the state committee head of naxal tribals is crucial to understand why
tribals are a separate cadre and what their perceptions are.
Why tribals as a separate cadre? As the spokesperson of the Odisha State Commit-
tee maintains, ‘The communist party in India had its own errors and weaknesses in
the past, and before Naxalbari it has never paid any such effort to correct gaps, which
gradually widened among the party members and few turned to be opportunists, few
can be called as revisionists and few kept on changing their stands as per the direction
of the wind. At the time of Anti British struggle the communist party could not form
appropriate strategies and tactics for Indian revolution.
The same symptoms were also seen in our country during the Naxalbari phase
when thousands of workers, poor peasants along with thousands of students, doctors
and elite people joined the movement living their life styles and aristocracy. The
basic thrust of the movement has been tribals showing resistance. However, there is
a change noticed in recent years. Whereas the tribals contribute substantially to the
movement process, they have also started feeling frustration in the naxal group. Our
female members are exploited sexually and various other ways. But simply it can
be said that naxalites took advantage of us without giving any substantial return for
our sacrifice. Therefore some of the tribal naxalites are now surrendering to police
when they find the naxalites as equal exploiters like that of the government and
moneylenders’.
Galtung’s Model of Violence: Understanding Naxalism

in South Odisha
Maoist/Naxal conflict in South Odisha and tribal participation in it reveals a structural

dimension. Field data show terrible contradictions when participant tribal respon-
dents spelt out the reasons of joining naxal movement. Exploitation stands out crucial
as they have stated in terms of bitter experience, insult, dissatisfaction, indifference of
government officials to their problems in course of their interaction with the govern-
ment. The same trend is noticed in their reporting of relations with moneylenders,
rich people and others of the sort. Needless to say, field data reveal existence of
exploitation of tribals at two levels—government and non-tribal actors like mon-
eylenders, shopkeepers, etc. The violence that erupts after joining of tribals in naxal
movements at the backdrop of such contradictions between tribes and government
and tribes and non-tribal actors could be appreciated with reference to ‘structural vio-
lence’ as conceptualised by Galtung (1969: 171; see also Galtung 1971 and Stalenoi
2014).
In simple terms, the contradictions at the level of government and naxalites reflect
in negative attitude, such as distrust, blame, etc., of tribals towards the government,
and take the form of killing, blasting, etc., which reflects behavioural dimension
of violence (see Fig. 6.1). Galtung also sees violence as a relationship between
contradiction, attitudes and behaviours (see Galtung 1969; Ramsbotham Woodhouse
and Miall 2011 and Stalenoi 2014).
Behavioural expression is nothing but direct violence. In addition, the violence has
an ideological element in it in that naxal movement is based on Maoism. Ideology-
based violence is a crucial component of what Galtung conceptualises as ‘cultural
violence’ (Galtung 1990: 291 and 298–299).
In other words, Galtung’s three tiers of violence—cultural at the base, structural
above it and direct at the top (Galtung 1990: 295–296)—are noticed in naxal move-
ments. But it is not a sequential representation from cultural violence to direct one
through structural contradictions. It is useful to note Galtung’s perspective again to
Contradiction (Naxalites & Government)
Attitudes (Blaming & Distrust) Behaviour (Killings, Blasts)
Fig. 6.1 Galtung’s model of violence in South Odisha context (designed on the basis of field data
following Ramsbotham et al. 2011: 9–11)
understand interconnectedness among three tires (Galtung 1990: 294–296). But as

an explanatory tool, his violence triangle image holds much logic because violence
can start at any corner in the direct–structural–cultural violence triangle and transmit
to the other corners (Galtung 1990: 302).
From field data, as is discussed, structural violence is a crucial dimension in
Maoist movements. Structural contradictions led to attitudinal and direct actions;
in attitudinal dimension, Maoist idea has become an important drive. This goes
with the theoretical perspective that violence can start anywhere at any level in the
direct–structural–cultural violence triangle and transmit to the other elements of the
three corners in the triangle. A brief discussion on aspects of structural contradiction
merits mention. Though Galtung has written in imperialism context, it will not be
out of place to understand naxal movements within the frame of violence.
Galtung argues that the world consists of centre and periphery nations, and that
both of these in turn have their own centres and peripheries (Galtung 1971: 81). The
theory of structural imperialism aims to explain the difference between these fac-
tions, especially between the centre of the centre and the periphery of the periphery.
Imperialism (Galtung 1971: 83) is a relation between a centre and a periphery nation
so that
• there is a harmony of interest between the centre in the centre nation and the centre
in the periphery nation,
• there is more disharmony of interest within the periphery nation than within the
central nations,
• There is disharmony of interest between the periphery in the central nation and
the periphery in the periphery nation (Galtung 1971: 83).
Here in case of naxal violence where the tribals are participating for their rights,
the relation between the state of India and the South Odisha tribal region is said to
have the same centre–periphery relationship. Firstly, the governing elite in India be it
Congress, BJD or BJP or any ruling party shares interests with the elite in the South
Odisha tribal region, namely interests revolving around economic development, for
mines and minerals, for water and regional stability. Secondly, we cannot rule out the
existence of economic injustice and discrimination in other areas of Odisha which
are not tribal dominated but there are poor sections with the same characteristic. The
argument is that the tribals are subject to several kinds of discrimination based on their
ethnicity compared to others. Thus, there is a larger disharmony of interest within
South Odisha tribal region than within the rest of Odisha. Finally, tribals have unmet
needs, and fulfilling these could affect the goals of the rest of the Odisha and as a
whole Indian society. For instance, a higher degree of autonomy for the South Odisha
tribals could affect the stability or economic development, which would undoubtedly
affect the lower-class population or middle-class population all over Odisha or India.
It cannot be claimed that these interests are conflicting, but it can be certainly well
said that the ruling party or class is likely to prioritise the interests of the others over
the tribal interests and needs. This is in fact related to the legitimacy of ruling party
which is more dependent on the approval of the other than the with Odisha tribals.
It can be inferred that there is a structure of group interests in Odisha as well as
Indian society that suppresses the tribals and their needs. There is lack of transparency
in higher political circles; it is difficult to verify. Still it can be stated that fulfilment of
non-tribal interests is considered crucial in the fulfilment of the interests of political
elite than that of tribal interests. In other words, more leaning towards fulfilment of
tribal needs is believed to shift the political weight from others to the disadvantage of
political elites. Therefore, the basic perception that is in currency is that if the state
fulfils tribal needs, it is definitely going to affect political interest of political parties.
Here the authors feel that the basic needs of the tribals are human needs and they are
non-negotiable and must be addressed in order to address the naxal violence.
Four-Point Risk Model of Tribal Participation
After examining the validity of Galtung’s model to study violence in naxal move-
ments and the reasons for participation of tribals, the data can be presented in a
model (Fig. 6.2) to explain why a tribal person joins this risky movement. After
the democratic movements like Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha and other movements
which have undergone several repression by the state?
The above model explains contradictions, which invoke a desire within a tribal to
get into naxalism. Their political space is squeezed, and they have been victims of
many developmental experiments. The stereotypes used for them are humiliation to
their human dignity. So all this has put them into the trap of naxalism.
No political space and no articulation The unmet needs in the form

of their rights, and structural of violation of their rights
violence squeezing their space
Why Tribals Join
Displacement, causing
Perception by outsiders, cultural structured discrimination and
violence voiceless
Fig. 6.2 Four-point risk model of tribal participation (Source Author)
Conclusion
Tribal participation is examined with reference to contradictions according to vio-

lence theory. Empirically, it is noted that tribal participation in the naxal movement
has not only strengthened the movement process, but also has given opportunity
to both the government and research scholars to critically analyse the development
process in tribal and rural areas which is the basic cause behind. It is needless to
mention here that tribals have never been benefitted by their participation. Because
of the changing approach of the movement process which has made it a kind of
violence with fatal weapons, rather the tribals have been worst sufferers and put into
jails as criminals. On the other hand, the naxal movement has changed its direction to
target the government officials and the local rich people to earn money and fight with
fatal weapons. This has also greatly affected the tribal participation. Though their
intention was to derive socio-economic benefit out of their protest and participation
in the movement, ultimately, they either shoot to die or imprisoned as criminals in
the military encounters.
This has been to some extent understood by the tribal participants recently and
some of them are also surrendering to the police gradually. However, in the discussion
of tribal participation it has been also mentioned that naxal movement is no more a
fighting for socio-economic interest and streamlining the development process, the
major motivation has come out to earn money from the local rich persons, contractors
and engineers who are involved in different development activities. Therefore, crucial
factor responsible for the whole uprising is poverty.
It was the dream of escaping from the clutches of poverty, exploitation and insult
that incited tribes to participate in naxal movement. But it is the unfulfillment of
that dream that makes them disillusioned. Consequently, many tribal naxalites do
surrender. Therefore, naxalism in tribal areas needs to be looked not as law and order
problem but as a misguided ideological commitment driven by the severity of ‘basic
needs-deprivation’. The solution obviously should be directed through efforts of
eradicating poverty, ensuring entitlement and inclusive development, and liberating

them from exploitation of all sorts as planned measure.
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Chapter 7
Politics of Maoism, Adivasi Human
Rights Issues and the State: A Study
of Chhattisgarh
Rajesh Kumar Meher
Abstract The study makes a critical attempt to unfold the forms and magnitude
of implications of Maoist conflict upon the tribals and their human rights in Chhat-
tisgarh where the Maoists have been waging insurgency against the Indian state.
Particularly, it explores the relation between Maoist armed struggle in Chhattisgarh
and tribal participation in it, and resultant gross violation of human rights as tribes
get sandwiched in the fight between the state and the Maoists. It argues that tribal
integration with the neoliberal policies of the state has caused tribal land alienation,
dispossession and resultant discontent among the Adivasis and thus created ground
for Maoists’ exploitation of their plight to garner tribal support to the advantage of
Maoist activities.
Keywords Maoism · Adivasi · Naxal movement · Human rights · Salwa judum ·

Special police officer · Red corridor · Armed struggle
Introduction
1
The study attempts to analyse the gross human rights violation of the Adivasis in
Maoist conflict in Chhattisgarh. The paper discusses the circumstances leading to
the Adivasis’ active participation in the Maoist movement that victimises them in
1 Adivasi, literally original inhabitants, is an umbrella for heterogeneous set of ethnic and tribal
groups believed to be the aboriginal or the indigenous people of India. As the term Adivasi suggests,
they were the original inhabitants of the hilly, forest areas of the state. For generations, they have
lived there, owned land, ruled there and used the natural resources for their well-being. It may be
noted that the Constitution of India does not define the term ‘Scheduled Tribe’. Instead, Art. 366
(25) refers to Scheduled Tribes as those communities who are scheduled in accordance with Article
342 of the Constitution. According to the Article 343 of the Constitution, the Scheduled Tribes are
the tribes or tribal communities or part of or groups within these tribes and tribal communities that
have been declared as such by the President of India through a public notification.
R. K. Meher (B)
School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
e-mail: rajeshjnu83@gmail.com
Present Address
Civil Courts English Office, Dharamgarh, Kalahandi 766015, Odisha, India
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_7
134 R. K. Meher
the conflict. Besides their participation in the Maoist movements, they have been
involved by the state in the Salwa Judum2 movement that fights against the Maoist
in Chhattisgarh. Thus, with a modest attempt, the study tries to unfold the forms and
magnitude of implications upon the tribals in the Maoist conflict in Chhattisgarh.
Adivasis directly or indirectly involved in a large number have little or no idea
about the ideology of Maoism, Maoism in China, what are their ultimate objectives,
where lies their future, whether they can win, etc. From the field experience, it has
been noticed that the Maoist armed struggle is not actually to protect the tribals,
but the ultimate aim of the Maoists is to overthrow the state and establish their own
supremacy. But it is the innocent tribals who have been sandwiched in the fight
between the Maoist and the state forces, thereby placing their fundamental rights to
life, liberty and property at stake.
The Maoism in India traces its root in the ‘Naxalite’3 movement of West Bengal
in 1967 (Harriss 2011: 309). The Maoist armed conflict across India began from a
small incident of peasant armed struggle against the landlords who were guided by
the Maoist ideology in the month of March 1967 at Naxalbari village of Darjeeling
district in West Bengal (Banerjee 2009: 95). The leader of the movement was Charu
Majumdar who died in police custody in 1972 (Banerjee 2006). In the 1980s, Maoist
movements were rekindled in various forms, with differences in tactics related to
base locations, forms of organisation and priority targets in the struggle. The most
important among those are the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People’s
War, better known as the People’s War Group (PWG),4 and the Maoist Communist
Centre (India) (MCCI),5 which grew out of the Dakshin Desh party (founded in 1969).
2 In June 2005, Salwa Judum was organized in Dantewara in south Chhattisgarh under the leadership
of Congress politician and local strongman Mahendra Karma. Salwa Judum is mostly composed of
scantily armed local tribals—as Special Police Officers (SPO)—and, according to most accounts,
only poses as a spontaneous armed uprising of angry tribals against the Naxalites. Many put the
origins of Salwa Judum in the circle around Mahendra Karma and the defence of the mining and
beedi (cigarettes of cheap tobacco wrapped in Tendu leaf) interests in the region against (too) heavy
taxation by the Naxalites.
3 Naxal, Naxalite and Naksalvadi, Maoist, Maobadi are common terms often used interchangeably.
The term ‘Naxal’ derives from the name of the village Naxalbari in the Darjeeling district of
West Bengal, where the Naxal movement had its origin. Naxalites are considered far-left radical
communists, supportive of Maoist (Mao Tse-tung) political ideology.
4 People’s War Group is also known by another name, Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)
People’s War. The party was founded in Andhra Pradesh in 1980 by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah and
Kollur Chiranjeevi. It emerged from a rearticulation of Naxalite activists in the Telangana region.
The party had its root in the Andhra Committee that had broken away from the Central Organising
Committee, Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) in 1976. The new party resolved to
continue armed struggle while engaging in the mass movements. The party analysed Indian society
as semi-feudal and semi-colonial. The party was initially largely confined to the Telangana region
but latter expanded to other areas of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Odisha.
The party was banned in Andhra Pradesh in 1992. In 2000, People’s War Group launched People’s
Guerilla Army. The party had thousands of activists organized in ‘Dalams’, small guerrilla units. In
December 2004, the CPI (ML) PW/PWG and all its frontal organizations were banned as ‘terrorist
organisations’, under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Amendment Act, 2004.
5 When the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) was founded in 1969, rallying various
Maoist tendencies into a unified organization, some groups retained a separate identity and remained
7 Politics of Maoism, Adivasi Human Rights Issues and the State … 135
But the Communist Party of India (Maoist) which is the focus of this study, formed
in 2004 with the merger of the CPI (ML) People’s War and the Maoist Communist
Centre, has emerged as the biggest internal security threat to India. The main objective
of the Maoists is to seize power through a protracted guerrilla war against the Indian
state on the lines propounded by Mao Tse-tung in order to herald a new democratic
revolution (Ramana 2008: 112–113). The party declared that the first and foremost
task of the party was to awaken the peasant masses in the countryside to wage guerrilla
war. It emphasised on agrarian revolution; to build rural base, use the countryside to
encircle the cities and finally to capture the cities and to liberate the whole country.
Their strategy to influence the local population includes not only persuasion with a
cause of liberation but also through a policy of coercion (Mahapatra and Chatruti
2007: 6–7).
The CPI (Maoist) is now headed by Muppalla Laxman Rao alias Ganapathy who is
also General Secretary of the party (Weil 2011: 15). Besides, Muppalla Laxman Rao
as the head of the CPI (Maoist), the Maoists’ military wing is headed by Namabala
Kesava Rao alias Basava Raju. The second in command of the outfit is Prashant
Bose alias Kisan and third most important leader was Mallojula Koteswara Rao alias
Kisanji who was killed in an encounter in the Jungle Mahal on 24 November 2011.
So far as the membership strength of the Maoists is concerned, it is assessed that
the CPI (Maoists) has strength of 9,000 to 12,000 armed cadres. People’s Liberation
Guerrilla Army (PLGA), the armed wing of the CPI (Maoist), was formed in 2000
(Mitra 2011: 3). The Central Military Commission of the CPI (Maoist) provides
politico-military leadership to the PLGA. The PLGA is said to have about 9,000 to
12,000 cadres. However, the exact figure is difficult to know.
A Brief Note on Maoist Conflict in Chhattisgarh
In Chhattisgarh, the Naxalite/Maoist movement in Bastar originated from the land

alienation of the tribal people in the 1980s. The worst affected in the decade long
Maoist conflict is the tribal people belonging to Maria, Muria, Dhurwa, Halba, Bhatra
and Gond tribes. The tribal people who once owned all the land have now become
agricultural labourers in their own land. The land is currently occupied and cultivated
by non-tribals. Besides, the tribal development policies and programmes introduced
outside of CPI (ML). One such group was nicknamed Dakshin Desh after the name of its publication.
The group had started publishing Dakshin Desh along Maoist Lines. Dakshin Desh is in Hindi
for southern land (implied in this naming was that India was the southern land, whereas China
was the corresponding northern land). Amulya Sen and Kanai Chatterjee were the leading figures
of Dakshin Desh group. In difference to CPI (ML), whose policies of armed struggle bordered
individual terrorism, the Dakshin Desh group upheld that mass mobilizations were requisites for
engaging in armed struggle. The group began armed activities in the Jangal Mahal area, Burdwan
district, West Bengal, where Dalits and Adivasis constituted large sections of the local population.
In 1975, the group took the name of Maoist Communist Centre. Chatterjee died in 1982. Following
his death, MCC was riddled by internal divisions. In the 1980s, leadership was taken over by Sanjay
Dusadh and Pramod.
136 R. K. Meher
by the state fail to reach their benefits to the tribal people since the funds and benefits
are appropriated by non-tribal interests. The Maoists claiming to protect people’s
rights in ‘jal, jangal, zameen’ (water, forest and land) in Dantewada have got immense
support from among the tribals (Subramanian 2006: 310–311). The Communist Party
of India (Maoist) formed in 2004 has intensified its activities than ever before (Weil
2011: 8). The way the Maoists are spreading is alarming. An approximate territory
of 2,500 km long and 200 km width has been converted into a contested zone called
the ‘Red Corridor’. State administration co-exists very poorly in this area alongside
a parallel run Maoist administration. The ‘Red Corridor’,6 according to the Indian
government’s official statistics, has spread to 160 districts all over the country, their
main strength having been concentrated in 76 districts of nine states where their
25,000 members’ strong people’s militia operate (Banerjee 2006: 3160).
The Maoist influence is more intense in areas called ‘Dandakaranya’.7 Dantewada
forms part of a forest belt which spills over from Chhattisgarh into Andhra Pradesh
and Maharashtra. The region was known in mythical times as ‘Dandakaranya’, a
name the Maoists have now adopted as their own. Under the Special Zonal Committee
for Dandakaranya operates several divisional committees. The Sangams, the lowest
level of organisation, is at the village level in Dantewada to protect people’s rights
in ‘jal, jangal, zameen’ (water, forest and land). At the same time, the Maoists make
targeted attacks on the state officials, especially the police. The Maoists claim that
their attack on police stations is intended to stop those harassing ordinary folks is
sometimes contested. Through popular mobilisation and the intimidation of state
officials, the Maoists hope to expand their authority over Dandakaranya. Once the
region is made a ‘liberated zone’, it is intended to be used as a launching pad for
the capture of state power in India as a whole (Guha 2007: 3310). The People’s
War Group that was formed in Andhra Pradesh in 1980 started functioning in the
Dandakaranya region of Chhattisgarh particularly in the district of Bastar which
borders the Telangana of Andhra Pradesh where the People’s War Group was strong.
In the mid of 1990s, they formed two mass organisations, the Dandakaranya Region
Adivasi Kisan Mazdoor Sangathana (DAKMS) and the Krantikari Mahila Adivasi
Sangathana (KMAS). Under the aegis of these organisations, they made several
demands that would give the tribals control over their land, water and forest resources
(Prasad 2010: 11).
The CPI (Maoist) has formed its own elite training institute in the Dandakaranya
forests to train the tribal cadres to handle tasks related to the Central Committee,
the apex decision-making body of the Maoists. The Buniyadi Communist Training
6 The term ‘Red Corridor’ is not used by the CPI (Maoist) or People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army,
but is used by both the security forces and media. The coverage of areas in the Red Corridor is only
approximate calculation that emphasises gravity of the Maoist threat.
7 Dandakaranya is an area mentioned in Hindu epic Ramayana. Now, it has become centre of Maoist
activity. It is roughly equivalent to the Bastar District in the central east part of India. It covers about
35,600 square miles (92,200 km2 ) of land, which includes the Abujmarh Hills in the west and the
Eastern Ghats in the east, 200 miles (320 km) from north to south and about 300 miles (480 km)
from east to west. Its translation in Sanskrit is ‘The Jungle (aranya) of Punishment (dandakas)’.
Dandakaranya includes parts of the Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh states.
School (BCTS), a brainchild of CPI (Maoist) top leader Ganapathy, has been the main
ideologue in training the tribals in the communist (Maoist) ideas since 2009 with
basic military skills and knowledge of Hindi, social studies, mathematics and science.
Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) member K. Ramachandra Reddy
alias Raju is in charge of the school and key Maoist leaders like Takkalapalli Vasudeva
Rao alias Ashanna are training Maoist cadres between 14 and 21 years in military
intelligence and action team missions such as the assassination of legislators and
senior police officers. The Buniyadi Communist Training School (BCTS) which
trains 30 to 35 students in each batch has trained four batches by 2012. The fifth batch
is reportedly undergoing training in Dharba area. The cadres trained in the school
are assigned important duties, mostly in works related to the CPI (Maoist) central
committee. The motive behind the decision to form Buniyadi Communist Training
School (BCTS) taken at a 2009 DKSZC meeting attended by Central Committee
members Ganapathy, Katakam Sudarshan alias Anand and Tippiri Tirupati alias
Devuji was to overcome the leadership problem being faced by the CPI (Maoist).
Takalapally Vasudev Rao alias Ashanna heads both the Dandakaranya action team
and military intelligence (MI). The Dandakaranya committee has a technical wing
with a manufacturing unit near Gobel in Kucoanar area. This unit makes 12 bore
guns, 315 guns, rocket launcher shells, grenade launcher shells and refills of 12 bore
and 315 cartridges. It also manufactures barmars, pipe bombs, claymore mines and
pressure bombs (see Jain 2013).
Factors Responsible for Involvement of Adivasi in the Maoist

Armed Struggle
To begin with, there exists a co-relation between tribal dispossession, state neglect
and the unprecedented Maoist spread in India. The tribals are the worst sufferers
over the land question. Their communities did not have a tradition of being landless
labourers. The main source of livelihood of the tribals traditionally is forest produce.
Due to development projects, thousands of rural poor tribals, with relatively little
political and economic power, have been displaced from their important source of
livelihood as well as the means of preserving their cultural identity (Ambagudia 2010:
62–63). One of the major reasons of Maoist extremism gaining support among the
rural people is displacement which is, in fact, enforced eviction of people from their
lands and natural habitats. It is noteworthy that about 40% of all the people displaced
by dams in India in the last sixty years are forest-dwelling Adivasi (Government of
India 2008: 16). The tribal people who have been victimised are now being organised
by the Maoists to bring revolutionary change through protracted armed struggle
(Prasad 2010: 3). Besides, Adivasi’s participation in the Maoist movement is seen
as their alienation from the mainstream of developmental process (ibid.). Moreover,
the Maoists have encouraged as well as coerced the Adivasi to join with them in the
138 R. K. Meher
fight against the neoliberal forces and the state.8 In the process, Adivasis constitute
a major part of the Maoist armed group. The Maoist conflict has led to the silent
victimisation of the tribal community who are the worst affected in the ongoing
Maoist conflict.
The main advantage of tribal recruitment is that the Adivasis have better knowl-
edge about the hilly terrain that helps the Maoist. The Maoists also recruit children
because it is easier for the CPI (Maoist) to inculcate young minds with Naxalite ide-
ology. Almost all minor recruits are known to transform into regular Maoists upon
attaining adulthood (Ramachandran 2011: 52).
Political marginalisation of the disadvantaged people in the rural area, partic-
ularly the tribals, has been another major issue of discussion. Tribal people do not
have proper representation in the administration of the state despite the constitutional
reservation. Besides the lack of development, the absence of effective administra-
tion and deteriorating socio-political conditions across large parts of rural India has
created the favourable climate in which movements like Naxalism have been able to
thrive (Bhatia 2005: 1547). The desire for freedom from the existing social order was
also important for many female underage combatants. This has been the case with
female cadres comprising more than 40% of the total the strength of the Maoists in
India (Pandit 2011: 97). Lacking education, jobs and living in abject poverty, many
become easy prey for recruiters who make exaggerated promises about a better life
through joining the armed group. Sometimes, Adivasis join armed forces or armed
groups because doing so might give them a higher level of protection. They often
believe that if they are part of an armed body, they will not be attacked by it (Barstard
2009: 143).
From time immemorial, Adivasis lived in forests and their relationship with forest
is what water is for life. But little has been done to recognise their symbiotic relation-
ship with nature. The Adivasis have always been harassed by the forest department
officials. Tribals are often harassed in petty forest offences while the timber mafia
continues its business with virtual impunity. The forest department officials in collu-
sion with timber mafia play a central role to drive the Adivasi towards the Naxalites
(Asian Centre for Human Rights 2006: 43–44). In armed conflicts in India, Maoists
use propaganda to mobilise the indigenous tribal people to fight for their rights of
jal (water), jamin (land) and jangals (forest). Besides, they also use political propa-
ganda as a means of motivating tribals to join the struggle in villages, schools and
communities. The Maoists ideology of People’s war or the prolonged guerrilla war
against the state is ultimately to capture power of the state (Wessells 2005: 364–366).
The language the Maoists use for those killed in their fight against the police or state
security forces attracts young minds in particular. Those who are killed are honoured
as martyrs and called brave hearts, etc. (Chenoy and Chenoy 2010: 212). When
any Maoist cadre is killed, the Maoists build martyr tomb in memory of their slain
comrade (Bird 2007: 14).
8 The Maoists are considered as the only stumbling block to the neoliberal policies in which provi-
sions are included to sell off land and natural resources to the corporate sectors.
Haat (weekly market) has also become a place of exploitation. Small traders,
known as ‘Koochiyas’, move from one weekly haat to another, take advantage of the
innocence of the tribals, buy on their own terms and get the better of them in pricing,
grading, weighing and counting. Koochiya, after buying in a village haat, sells his
goods to the trader at the mandi or up-mandi who stores these (primarily mahua and
tamarind) in a cold storage in Jagdalpur and sells to bigger traders in the large cities
later in the lean season. Common occasions on which a tribal would also need large
sums are more of a social origin fulfilling such obligations as payment of bride price
or organising community feast on the death of a family member. This provides an
opportunity to the trader to establish his foothold in tribal society. Moneylenders
offer loans to a tribal in urgent need of cash at an interest rate which could be as
high as 120% annually. Uninformed tribals feel happy to receive any price that is
offered to them (Ganguly and Chaudhary 2003: 2987–2988). The Maoists have been
opposing this exploitative practice of the traders and often collecting money from
them to let them continue their business.
State administration is sparsely developed in the Maoist-affected areas. Public
institutions such as schools, healthcare centres and police stations are underdevel-
oped. Government schools do exist, but teachers are not willing to work. In addition,
the coverage of doctors and the provision of medical services are very low. These cir-
cumstances enable the Maoist to influence large parts of the society. The politicians
sought the help of the rebels during elections while the Naxalites benefited from
loose prosecution and minor interventions from the state (Bendfeldt 2010: 27–28).
Thus, the contradiction between the tribal community and the state itself has become
intense resulting in open conflict and their support for the Maoists (Chenoy and
Chenoy 2010: 58).
Disruption of Education of the Adivasi Children and Human

Rights Concerns
The abysmal literacy among the tribal people in the Maoist-affected areas has been
further aggravated due to the frequent closer of schools in the wake of Maoist vio-
lence, destruction of the school buildings by the Maoist and holding of month-long
camps by the security forces. Particularly in the case of the tribal people who are the
worst affected in the ongoing Maoist armed struggle, the enrolment of tribal children
in school is extremely low. The Maoist very often issue dictates to the parents of the
children in the area of their domination not to send their children to school (Grewal
and Singh 2011: 874). The main concern is when Maoist armed groups occupy and
convert schools into armed bases on a medium—or long-term basis. Such occupa-
tions have wide implications on children’s safety and access to education. Damaging
school put teachers and students’ lives at risk, and leads to children dropping out of
school thereby reducing school enrolments, and thus, adversely affecting the enjoy-
ment of the right to education of the children (Human Rights Watch 2011: 17) as
140 R. K. Meher
happening in the Maoist-infested area in Chhattisgarh (HRC 2016). Conflict has

severely impacted children’s access to education in Dantewada and Bijapur districts
in Chhattisgarh (Cf. Machel 1996). The Maoists justify their destruction of school
buildings used by the Central Reserve Police Force who put their camps during
combing operations. They make counterargument that the education of the Adivasi
is not affected by the destruction of school buildings used by the security forces but
by the destruction of entire villages by the state police, paramilitary forces and Salwa
Judum members (Grewal and Singh, op.cit).
Breakdown of Social Institution and Human Rights Issues
The NCPCR 2010 in its report noted that there were many accounts of violence by the
Salwa Judum members and security forces. Salwa Judum has forced many villagers
to move to the camps, and burnt houses, livestock and, in some cases, crops. The
vast majority migrate out of fear of death, injury, sexual violence, forcible recruit-
ment, intimidation by parties to unrest and deprivation (NCPCR 2010: 20). In the
Maoist-infested areas, there is a collective breakdown of social relationship; fam-
ily badly affected and trust in most institutions shattered. We can cite the example
of child development which occurs in a social context. Their well-being is inextri-
cably interconnected with the well-being of their family and community. But the
socio-economic hazards like poverty, unemployment, displacement, violence and
the breakdown of extended families and communities during conflict can add to
stress for children (Miles and Paul 2001: 10). Displacement dismantles the existing
socio-cultural fabric and economic base of the displaced families. It disperses and
fragments communities, dismantles patterns of social organization and interpersonal
ties; kinship groups becomes scattered as well. This is a net loss of valuable ‘social
capital’ that compounds the loss of natural, physical and human capital (Sahoo 2005).
Conflict-Induced Displacement of Tribals and Human

Rights Violation
Livelihoods of the people displaced during the conflict are directly affected through
decreased access to land and inadequate access to resources, such as forest, water,
land or food (Sailaja and Tyagi 2011: 151–152). Damage to natural resources not
only undermines the delivery of humanitarian aid, but can also cause conflict with
host communities. The conflict between the Gotte Koya tribe, those displaced from
Chhattisgarh and sheltered in Andhra Pradesh, and the local Koya tribe bears the
testimony of the above situation. Direct damage to the environment results in the
movement of troops, landmines and other unexploded ordnance. Most of the forest
ranges in the Jhargram forest subdivision, a Maoist-affected area in West Bengal,
are quite disturbed and forest development work has almost come to a standstill
(Mukherjee and Parihari 2009: 12–13). But the Maoists make counterargument that
the forest officials are involved in smuggling costly wood from the forest.
State’s Response to the Maoist Armed Struggle
State’s response to Maoist armed conflict can be categorised into development

response and security response. Besides, the constitution of India provides compre-
hensive safeguards for the socio-economic development of the tribal people. Espe-
cially, worth mentioning is the Article 46 of the constitution which mentions certain
directives to the state otherwise known as Directive Principles of State Policy (DPSP).
The state shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of
the weaker sections of the people, and in particular of the Scheduled Castes and
the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of
exploitation. Further, Article 330 of the constitution of India makes reservations of
seats for Scheduled Tribes in the House of People. In 1999, a Ministry of Tribal
Affairs was created by the Government of India through bifurcation of Ministry of
Social Justice and Empowerment. The objective was to create more focused attention
on integrated socio-economic development of the Scheduled tribes in a coordinated
and planned manner (Singh and Kaur 2009: 121–122). The state is alleged to be
flouting the constitutional provisions of the Panchayats Extension to the Scheduled
Areas (PESA) Act, 1996, and instead of supporting the corporate giants. The Act
applies to the areas covered under the fifth schedule of the Constitution of India. The
Act clearly prohibits the state to make any law, which would not be in consonance
‘with the customary law, social and religious practices, and traditional management
practices of community resources’. It further mandates that ‘gram sabha or the pan-
chayats at the appropriate level shall be consulted before making the acquisition of
land into the scheduled areas for development projects and before resettling or reha-
bilitating persons affected by such projects in the scheduled areas’. PESA seeks to
provide significant protection to the tribals in the scheduled areas against arbitrary,
discretionary action by the state relating to land acquisition and resettlement and
rehabilitation package for the project-affected people. The tribal people have no say
in the legitimacy of setting up development projects. The state very often has ignored
consulting the tribals for the type of development they desire, thus violating the tribal
right to decide their own priorities as a part of right to development as an inalienable
human right (Sahoo 2005).
In a bid to encourage more Maoist cadres to surrender‚ Chhattisgarh government
have made significant provisions to the surrendered and rehabilitation policy for
Maoists in the state. The provisions range from housing for surrendered Naxals,
compensation for ammunition apart from the weapon that they give up as well as the
possibility of all previous cases being removed from the record. The state government
also increased the scope of application for seeking compensation for surrender with
weapons. Anybody who now surrenders with a mortar will be given Rs. 2.5 lakhs,
142 R. K. Meher
Rs. 5,000 for wireless set, Rs. 3,000 for Improvised Explosive Devices and Rs. 5 per
bullet or ammunition. RK Vij, ADG (Anti-Naxal Operations) said, ‘these changes
have been arrived at after a consultative process by all the departments concerned.
We feel that these changes will bring about speedier and better rehabilitation for
those who surrender’ (Ghose 2015).
So far, security response is concerned; Chhattisgarh government instituted a
‘Salwa Judum’ in 2005 (a tribal term meaning campaign for peace) in the inte-
rior pockets of the state, which involves massive mobilisation of the tribal people
against the Naxalites (Subramanian 2006: 310–311). Salwa Judum is a largely infor-
mal organisation comprising both of local villagers and out-of-state opportunists,
with active members numbering perhaps 5,000–10,000 in total. Many Salwa Judum
members were armed by the state hoping that they would use the weapons to engage
the Naxals in combat. The Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) is the primary
official military operation in Chhattisgarh and has been extensively deployed in the
region to combat the Naxals (Miklian 2009: 442).
Recruitment of Adivasi as Special Police Officer in the Salwa

Judum Movement
The ‘Special Police Officer’ (SPO)9 is an integral part of Salwa Judum Movement.
They provide protection and carry out freelance assignments from Salwa Judum
leaders, ranging from individual protection to village raids to mine security (Miklian
2009: 446). In the SPO’s programme, the Chhattisgarh police began to recruit trib-
als to assist the government security forces in Dantewada and Bijapur districts. The
objective is to use tribal communities’ knowledge of jungle terrain to conduct anti-
Naxalite combing operations. SPOs are deployed along with the paramilitary police
on such operations and perform roles comparable to those of the paramilitary police
(Human Rights Watch 2008a: 115). While applying to become an SPO, generally
people of the locality go to the police station and fill out the forms meant for SPO. In
the form, they need to fill up their name, father’s name, age, photograph and village
name. During document verification, they need someone from their village to intro-
duce them to prove their identity. Besides, there is no fixed educational qualification
needed for the recruitment of Special Police Officer (Human Rights Watch 2008a:
9 Special Police Officers or SPOs itself are imprecise in Dantewada and can refer to not only official
forces but also to clandestine one, and Salwa Judum cadres who are bestowed the title honorifically.
Three different types of SPOs operate in Dantewada. There are an official SPO (that the CRPF
envisioned when it created the SPO); secret SPO; and self-professed SPOs. SPOs like Official
SPOs provide logistical services for CRPF troops with their superior local level knowledge of
the terrain, Maoist strategy and Naxal camp locations. The Secret SPOs (confidential) work as
informants of the Central Reserve Police Force. They wear no uniform and have no identification
to prove their status and constitute only a small faction. The third category Self-professed SPOs
wear plain clothes, carry no identification, roam the countryside without restriction and pledge their
allegiance not to the CRPF but to local Salwa Judum leaders that confer this title.
120–121). SPO training largely includes physical fitness workouts and some basic
training in the use of weapons. Female SPOs are generally employed as guards at
check posts, base camps and police stations. Male SPOs besides performing guard
duties also take part in patrols, Salwa Judum rallies and meetings, and armed fight-
ing. Male SPOs accompany government security forces on anti-Naxalite combing
operations in interior areas of Dantewada and Bijapur districts (ibid.: 124). So far
as the condition of these SPOs is concerned, the police stations where SPOs are
deployed are poorly protected and thus can be easily targeted by the Maoists. Hence,
SPOs are vulnerable to the retaliation of the Naxalite attack (ibid: 125).
Central Government’s Approach10
A left-wing extremism (LWE) division was created on 19 October 2006 in the Min-
istry of Defence to address the Maoist problem holistically in Maoist infested states
like Chhattisgarh. The role and functions of the division include the deployment
of Central Armed Police Forces, reimbursing security-related expenditure incurred
by LWE-affected states under security-related expenditure scheme, assistance to the
state government for construction of/strengthening of fortified police stations, coor-
dinating implementation of various development schemes and flagship programmes
under the Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Act 2006 in the LWE-affected states. The central government’s
approach is to deal with the Maoist problem in holistic manner in areas of security,
development and ensuing rights and entitlement of local communities, improvement
in governance and public perception management. In a highly LWE-infested state, i.e.
Chhattisgarh, the central government closely monitors the situation and supplements
and coordinates state’s efforts. Those include providing Commando Battalion for
Resolute Action (CoBRA), sanction of India Reserve Battalions, setting up counter
insurgency and ani-terrorism schools, modernisation and upgradation of the state
police and their intelligence apparatus, filling of critical infrastructure gaps under
the scheme of special infrastructure in left-wing extremism-affected state, providing
helicopter for anti-naxal operations, sharing of intelligence, facilitating inter-state
coordination, assistance in community policing and civic action programme, etc.
(MHA nd.).
Concluding Observation
The issue of displacement has been a matter of serious concern for the Adivasi in
the areas where development projects have been initiated. The socio-economically
marginalised Adivasi have often been forced to quit their habitation and livelihoods;
10 For details, see Meher (2018: 73–78).

144 R. K. Meher
on the other hand, multinational companies and big corporate giants are provided
required facilities to develop industry in the tribal inhabited land rich in mineral
resource deposits. It is observed that such a model of development creates or adds
to widespread inequalities in society, erodes traditional sources of livelihood of the
tribals and uproots the Adivasi from their community way of life (Sahoo 2005). The
Maoist has taken advantage of this circumstance and mobilised the Adivasi in their
movement with the promise of protecting jal, jamin and jangals from the capitalist
and the non-tribals. Thus, on the other hand, the Adivasi is being indoctrinated by the
Maoists as their saviour and joining the Maoist groups. The maximum casualties are
from the Adivasi community in the fight between Maoists and the Adivasi (Human
Rights Watch 2008b). This is a clear indication of gross human rights violation of
the Adivasi.
When we closely observe, in the contemporary environment, the Maoist ideology
is regressive and outdated. After Mao’s death in 1976, even China has not persisted
with Mao’s ideology. Instead, they too have changed their economic policy with
the global reality and compulsion. The Maoists in India have failed to learn lessons
from the great setback to the international communist movement with the growing
influence of capitalism, the significant changes in the national and international
situation and more particularly the changing socio-economic condition in Indian
political scenario. Besides their revolutionary aim to seize power through armed
struggle, they remain less aware about what they would do after the capture of
power of the state which is far from reality (Gupta 2006: 3174). Despite the above
ambiguities that the Maoism has been facing, Maoism is the single biggest internal
security challenge ever faced by India.11 Maoists easily disrupt elections, target police
and paramilitary installations, hold the law and order situation to ransom by sporadic
attacks on public property. Besides, the ultimate objective of the Maoist is to seize
power of the state through an armed revolution.
The state has the primary responsibility to protect the right to life of persons liv-
ing within its jurisdiction. However, by involving the civilians in the Salwa Judum
campaign, Chhattisgarh government has rather been increasing the risks of the civil-
ians without any guarantees for safety and security of life. In addition, the Salwa
Judum programme cannot resolve the Naxalite crisis. The fact that many joined the
Salwa Judum for recruitment in Chhattisgarh State Police Force speaks of the need
for economic upliftment, which cannot be addressed by Salwa Judum. The camp
conditions are deplorable. Majority of the inmates have also been forced to join the
camps. The disillusionment has already caught up the camp inmates—many SPOs
have not been even paid the honorarium. No state can afford to feed entire populace
indefinitely. If the state had its presence in the Adivasi areas to protect their rights
in the first place, the Naxalites would not have been able to make such inroads. The
inability of the government to make its presence felt cannot be addressed by forcibly
evicting innocent villagers to camps at the cost of their human rights and fundamental
11 Speech of Dr. Manmohan Singh, former Prime Minister of India, in the Conference of the Chief
Ministers of Naxal Infested Slates, on 13 April 2006, at New Delhi, as reported by Press Trust of
India (PTI).
freedom. The deprivation of the rights of the Adivasi cannot be addressed by more
violations of their rights. The Salwa Judum will only deteriorate the conditions of
the Adivasi which the Naxalites exploit in the first place. The Maoist has to stop
the use and recruitment of children (see Asian Centre for Human Rights 2013 for
India’s child soldiers, and also see Lee 2009 and cf. Szijji 2010), immediately ban
Bal Mandal (Children’s Division) and stop the practice of taking of hostages and
release immediately those being held as hostages.
Moreover, past few years have witnessed the significant loss of cadres and leader-
ship by the CPI (Maoist) which has been a major concern for the Maoists. Politburo,
the highest decision-making body of its organisational structure, had originally 16
members of which two have been exterminated while seven are in custody. As of
now, the Politburo is left with Muppala Lakshman Rao alias Ganapathy who is the
Party General Secretary, Prashant Bose alias Kishan Da, Nambala Keshavarao alias
Ganganna, Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias Bhupati, Katakam Sudarshan alias Anand,
Malla Raji Reddy alias Sathenna and Misir Besra alias Sunirmal. Similarly, out of
the 39 member Central Committee which also includes the politburo, 18 have been
neutralised, 5 killed including Sudhakar Reddy and 13 are in custody. The Maoist
suffered a fatal blow in recent past with the killing of Cherukuri Rajkumar alias
Azad and Malojula Koteswar Rao alias Kishen ji, who were considered the face of
contemporary Maoist movement (Kujur 2013: 6).
When we closely observe the decade’s long Maoist conflict in India right from the
beginning of the Naxalbari movement till present, the worst victims of the Maoist
conflicts have been the tribal people. The main reason is that the Maoist armed
struggle is mainly confined to the tribal inhabited mineral resource-rich forest areas,
as the area is very conducive for guerrilla warfare given its topography. Quite a
good number of Maoists are surrendering every day since many of them want to see
development in their area and joining the mainstream as they are fed with the Maoist
violence in which the maximum causalities have been from the tribals the Maoists
claiming to be fighting for. Besides, Maoist cadres are surrendering to the police in
Chhattisgarh citing reason that the Maoists have been diverted from their ideology
and now involved in criminal activities targeting innocent civilians. The decades’
long Maoist conflict brought no significant changes in the socio-economic condition
of the tribals rather has witnessed serious human rights concerns of the Adivasi in
Chhattisgarh since the Adivasi has been victims both working as SPOs supported by
the Salwa Judum and at the same time while working as Maoist combatants (Human
Rights Watch 2008b).
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Chapter 8
Environmental Illness at Klity Creek
(Thailand): A Karen Village’s Quest
for Justice
Malee Sitthikriengkrai and Nathan Porath
Abstract The paper problematises the context of tribal people’s struggle for envi-
ronmental justice related to development model in a trajectory of community’s per-
ception; government’s approach to development and attitude to industrial-induced
health problems; and intervention of civil society. It describes community awareness
and demand for health rights by the Karen people of Klity Creek in Thailand with the
support of NGOs. Precisely, the paper reports suffering of the Karen people of Klity
Creek from industrial lead pollution during the last two decades of the twentieth
century and the protest the people have launched, with the help of NGOs, against
the Ministry of Public Health (MOPH) demanding that their illness be recognised as
related to lead pollution. They also demanded chelation therapy which the MOPH
was not willing to provide. With public support, they also took the Lead Company
and the Department of Pollution Control to court. This paper discusses the events
within the context of NGO support.
Keywords Structural violence · Environmental justice · Civil society · Chelation

therapy · Lead pollution · Health problem · Legal redress/action
Introduction
One form of structural violence that tribal and indigenous peoples suffer from is
industrial pollution of their environment and its effect on their health and reproductive
capabilities (Schlosberg and Carruthers 2010; Hoover et al. 2012 and Roe 2003).
As industrial sites are placed in paths of least resistance (industrial) structures of
M. Sitthikriengkrai (B)
Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD), Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 25000,
Thailand
e-mail: maleetow2@hotmail.com
N. Porath
Centre for Ethnic Studies and Development (CESD), Faculty of Social Sciences,
Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai 25000, Thailand
e-mail: nathanporath@yahoo.co.uk

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_8
150 M. Sitthikriengkrai and N. Porath
violence can develop and perpetuate what Nixon (Nixon 2011) calls ‘a slow violence’
on the local population. Structures of violence are implemented and maintained
through ongoing inequality in which there is a lack of deliberation with members
of the community, deliberate dis-acknowledgement or disinterest from the greater
society and even denials and deceptions about the effects of industry on a population.
Structural violence prevents the members of a community from achieving their fullest
human potential. It degrades the community’s total well-being through a loss of
physical health and intellectual and cultural development (Galtung, 1969; Farmer
2009).
Shkilnyk (1985: 237) writing on the Ojibwa community of Canada who suffered
from mercury contamination showed how their contamination could be understood
as ultimately due to government development policies which forced the native com-
munity to relocate and live by the road which exposed them to the industry. The
environmental injustice wrought on them was part of larger social and economic suf-
ferings caused by environmental inequality as well as ‘structural violence’ (Farmer
2009; Tester et al. 2012). Indigenous (tribal) communities who suffer environmental
degradation experience this as total community degradation. For such communities,
whose members have no control over the decisions made by the government but
nevertheless have to suffer the consequences (Kafarowski 2006) the experience of
environmental illness can and does also imply socio-economic and cultural distress
that has to be remedied as well. Environmental justice cases also bring to the fore-
ground the importance of place in the geography of pollution as well as the broken
relationship between the interdependence of individuals and community with that
place wrought by structural violence (Groves 2015: 854). Winning reparations in
court is only a measure of environmental justice remediation. Other social amend-
ments of justice have to be carried out in relation to the community’s capacity to
re-negotiate and redevelop the future for itself within that place (Groves 2015: 851).
Such claims for reparations involve a broader struggle to preserve identity and tra-
ditional life way on which the community that is dependent on the environment is
based. For villagers, the hope of community continuity lies in the remediation of
the environment which would allow their cultural existence to regain a sense of nor-
mality. Hence, many communities around the world might engage in environmental
justice activism but do not put a name to it (Schroeder et al. 2008).
In most cases and particularly in South-east Asia, the ability for indigenous com-
munities to gain access to justice is dependent on establishing a relationship with
NGOs and engaging with the nation state’s civil society. For marginal peoples access
to justice thus becomes depended on the concerns of civil society, the space existing
between the state and the individual or household, which consists of voluntary asso-
ciations of people from different social and ideological backgrounds coming together
for a social issue (Gellner 1994; Guan 2004). Such issue-focused associations involve
one person or more, a sudden aggregation of individuals or well-established organ-
isations. For civil society to be viable people have to have a common language of
communication to discourse and some shared common goods to frame and mediate
it. But in the indigenous peoples’ context, the civic-societal space is not necessar-
ily between the state and the household, but the community and this space are not
8 Environmental Illness at Klity Creek (Thailand): A Karen … 151
always viewed by the community as being endogenous to it. Civil society is seen
as the sociality of the encapsulating society that has caused them the damage and
disruption in the first place.
In this paper, we focus on events occurring during the last decades of the twentieth
century and the first years of the turn of the millennium. During this period, a group
of Thai-Karen highlanders became enlightened to the causes of their experience of
suffering from twenty years of industrial lead pollution. With the help of NGO, they
staged a public protest against the health intervention they received from the Ministry
of Public Health (MOPH). They also took the lead company that polluted their stream
as well as the Pollution Control Department (PCD) to court for negligence.
The Karen Community of Klity Creek
In the past, Tai-speaking peoples (of whom the Thai are one group) viewed the
Karen as a kha or serf people hence the eponym Kariang (in Thai) (Buergin 2003;
McKinnon 2003). Upland communities who attached themselves to a local lord were
given permission to live in adjacent mountainous areas in return for certain tributary
and ritual services (Hinton 1983). In the modern Thai imagination, the Kariang are
ideologically perceived to be a somewhat quaint community within the Thai geo-
body of the nation (Thongchai 2000; Pinkaew 2003). Those groups who have entered
the kingdom before the 1940s have Thai citizenship and are legally treated as Thai in
every respect. Since the 1960s, Thai governments have taken a paternalistic approach
to them and have seen it as the state’s responsibility to develop them (Vaddhanaphuti
2005). In relation to Thai communities, the development of the Karen communities
is uneven. Whereas younger people are more Thai in modern outlook due to state
education and migration to towns for work as well exposure to the Thai public, elders
are not quite able to speak the national language.
The Karen community of Klity Creek was established in 1897 in part of an area that
would in the 1960s be designated as the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary and
later awarded the title of a world natural heritage site. By the turn of the millennium,
there were 269 residents and 53 households in the lower part of the Creek. The village
is 200 km north-west of Bangkok.
Until the 1960s, the Karen households of Klity Ta were relatively self-sufficient.
Their economies were based on dry (rotational) rice and cassava farming. They used
the forest and its waterways for food as well as for the basic necessities of life. Since
the 1970s, the Karen villagers became less mobile as their original economy started
to change. During the middle of the 1970s, some villagers started building their
houses with plain wood instead of bamboo, and this change reflected the effects of
state development on them. The new houses were more permanent and hindered their
mobility which was necessary for their rotational cultivation. Then, they cultivated
rice as well as chillies, potatoes, pumpkins and beans for their own consumption.
The villagers also sometimes hunted animals from the forest for food although they
preferred fishing than hunting wild animals. Buffaloes were also reared. Other food
commodities such as salt, shrimp paste and fish were either bought in the village
market or exchanged with the other villagers or miners. In 1982, a logging company
was granted logging concessions for a short period in the area of Klity village. This
gave the villagers a new economic outlet as they would sell forest produce to the
loggers. Many villagers were able to build new houses out of timber with the money
they received.
During the beginning of the millennium, when there was government pressure
on them to restrict their rotational farming practices, a merchant introduced corn
to the villagers. A few families took the offer and started to grow corn as a cash
crop even though they had no prior experience. The turn to cash crop farming gave
them an income that could somewhat compensate them for the loss of their lead-
contaminated riverine produce. It also helped them to manage their land titling in the
face of growing official pressure that wanted them to curb their shifting cultivation
practices. Rather than leaving their lands fallow they now grew corn on it to establish
usufruct rights.
Although the Karen of Klity Ta have ‘localised’ themselves in Klity Creek over
a period of a hundred years, they see themselves as only its inhabitants, not the
owners. Until the 1990s, the local stream was the determining factor of their survival
providing them with protein from fish and other riverine animals as well as water. For
the Karen community of Klity Creek, the stream belonged to Tep-Pao-Lau-Ku who,
it is said, is the son of the Buddha. A woman wanted to entice the Buddha to have
sexual relations with her. The Buddha rejected her advances, but she was persistent. In
response, the Buddha wrapped seven pieces of white cloth around his penis to prevent
his sperm from entering the woman’s body. He then threw the pieces of cloths in
the stream. The villagers believe that a baby Tep-Pao-Lau-Ku was then born in the
stream who now protects and preserves the water for the villagers and regenerates
the vegetation. Hence, elder villagers teach their children to respect the stream, and
children are warned not to throw anything into it as this would anger Tep-Pao-Lau-Ku
and he would respond by punishing the villagers by not providing water and food for
them. In deference to the patron of their environment, villagers perform an annual
ceremony in November time during the full moon. During the ceremony, they offer
him vegetables, rice, coconuts, bananas and tomatoes. In return, their patron provides
water for their survival. The community’s relationship with the environment and its
total reproductive success is dependent on their relationship with Tep-Pao-Lau-Ku.
Until 1967, when the floating lead mine was established near the Klity stream only
the Karen used it. The mine needed the stream for more cost-effective production.
Notwithstanding government regulations for pollution control, the mine failed to
secure its toxic waste from entering the stream. For the Karen, the mine not only
degraded their environment, as well as their health, but also violated the human
relationship with this patron spirit–deity and it was thus imperative for them to
restore the stream to its original condition.
Lead as a Natural Resource in the Environment
The area where the Karens live is rich in lead and other minerals, and this was already
known in the nineteenth century. Older Karens speak of the presence of gold, silver
and lead ore in the Kala mountain range which was mined in the more distant past.
The Karens believed that the minerals are owned by a spirit, which only good men
could see. They tell of the legend of Mong Play, who took a trip to the Kala mountain
range and succeeded in finding those minerals. He offered them to a wealthy Chinese
merchant at the cost of 30 buckets of banknotes. The price was too expensive, and
the merchant could not buy the minerals from him so he left them there. After Mong
Play died, so the legend goes the local Karens sought the minerals but they were
never found. The Karens explained that the spirit owner of the minerals protected
the minerals for the good of the common people.
It is conceivable that a reason why the ancestors of these Karen families were
originally given permission to settle in this location was for them to help with the
extraction of minerals from the hills, and it is recorded that during the earlier half of
the twentieth century, the Karens of the area did send lead minerals as tribute to the
royal central government (The Fine Arts Department 1971). Elder Karens are also
familiar with how to work with lead ore as a natural item in their environment which
they call ‘raw betel nut’ (raesisa) as the clod of earth mixed with it was usually the
size of this nut. Sometimes during the rainy season, villagers would collect these
‘raw betel nuts’ that they found in the streams and smelt the lead from the soil,
and by mixing it with bat droppings, they could make ammunition for their hunting
guns. They also used the lead as floats for fishing lines. A lot of water was used for
cleansing compound matter out of the lead. Therefore, the villagers preferred to dig
the lead in the rainy season so the lead was easier to smelt. The traditional method of
separating lead mineral from the soil was to break the ore into small pieces and boil
them until they became liquid. The slag was then set in a mould until it re-solidified.
They occasionally also collected large lead ore and sold them to the Karen from
Burma. One villager even made some money from selling the lead to a monk for
moulding a Buddha image.
In 1912, a government survey was conducted to search for mineral sources in the
area. Geological studies reported that Kanchanaburi Province held the most lucra-
tive lead resources in the kingdom. The mineral sources around the area were either
carbonated or sulphite lead ore and it was estimated that mining here could pro-
duce this metal for at least 100 years. It was reported that there were two potential
lead resource areas, that of Song Thor/Bor Yai/Bor Noi and of Bor Ngam/Ongkha.
Although zinc could also be found in the same strata deposit, the industrial focus was
mainly on lead production. Kanchanaburi Province thus became the main province
for lead production.
Shortly after the survey, a German explorer founded Bor Yai mining (Nongpai),
but production was put on hold during World War I and only resumed during the
1940s. In 1949, the United Mineral Company, USA, took over the Bor Yai mine and
produced minerals at 100 tons per month. The company contracted P…K…1 of Pring
& Brothers Company Limited to manage the mine for three years (Mine Department
1963: 80). P…K… surveyed for new mineral sources and established other mines
in the area, the Song Thor, Bor Ngam, Bor Noi and Nan Yang mines. A local Karen
took P…K… to inspect a further area with black lead deposits. On finding another
large mineral source, P…K… decided to sublease the concession from the Mining
Organisation in April, 1951. The company changed its name to Pol & Son Company
Limited and was placed under the management of P…K…’s younger brother.
Initially, Bor Ngam mining depended mainly on human labour. From 1952 to 1955,
the mining operation did not use machinery but employed 100 miners who extracted
the lead with only hammer, lever, hoe and clam-shell-shaped baskets. This method
could produce lead mineral at 1000–2000 tons per year. As the world prices for lead
fell during the 1950s, the company had to find new and more cost-effective ways
of production (Phaotep and Suwanarat 1960: 18). A study taken by the Academic
Division of the Mining Department of Thailand determined that the floatation method
of production was the most cost-efficient method to produce purified lead (San 1959:
16–23). The company that entered the area of Klity Creek built the first modern
floating lead mine of Thailand. The floating lead mine was located in between the
two Karen settlements about 2 km downstream from the upper settlement and 8 km
upstream from the lower one. Six kilometres north-east to the floating mine was the
Bor Ngam mine, which was owned by the same company.
The owners of the mine, the K … family, were now publically well-known, and
the company management was passed on through each surviving brother. The last
brother died in 2003 as the Karen villagers were filing their lawsuit against his
company. Just before death, he was a member of numerous committees of the main
lead mining companies of Thailand. He was also the subdistrict headman as well as a
representative of the Democrat Party in the province. Even the local Karen looked up
to the head owner calling him respectfully kamnan (headman) or taokae (big boss).
Initially, the management of the mine established good relations with local Karen
groups in the vicinity allowing them to use its services such as the grocery shop, med-
ical and health facilities as well as having improved the transport and communication
services to and from the area. The presence of the mine gave them an opportunity
to sell forest products to the miners. The villagers did not seek out labour at the
mine as they viewed mining to be a laborious occupation with too many regulations
of conduct, which did not fit in with the time management of their own economy.
Congenial relations between the mine and the villagers were further maintained by
the mine’s management inviting village elders to their New Year parties and other
social gatherings. The mining company also donated large sums of money to the
village health service and temple in the upstream Karen settlement. The company
maintained good relations with the upstream community throughout the period as
they were not disturbed by its mining activities. At the same time as the mining com-
pany was carrying out its benevolent and meritorious deeds, the floating mine was
harming the lives of the downstream Karen by mismanaging the discharge of toxic
1 First letters of names will be used throughout the text.

waste into the stream during the rainy season, thus giving them decades of misery
and suffering.
Making the Environmental Pollution a Public Issue
Villagers claim that it was during the mid-1970s when they first noticed the bad smell
coming from a stream that now was muddier and murkier in colour. Fish and other
riverine life were also frequently seen floating dead on the water’s surface. By the
mid-1990s, livestock of buffaloes and ducks were showing strange symptoms and
were dying.
Villagers from the downstream village also claimed to experience certain health
symptoms, which they claimed that they never experienced before. Itchy rashes,
headaches, fever, dizziness diarrhoea, conjunctivitis and pain in the limbs were now
common experience. A number of women also went blind, and children were suffer-
ing from stomach aches, asthma and upper respiratory problems. Some children were
born with complications or a physical deformity. There were also deaths preceded
by physical symptoms, which elders claimed they had never seen before. People
felt depressed and apathetic. Women would sometimes break down and cry. Some
individuals also claimed to suffer from insomnia and others from memory loss. The
Karen had to get the word out, but until the end of the 1980s, nobody was interested.
During the 1990s, environmental concerns became national issues. It was also
during this decade that industrial pollution also came to the surface of health and
environmental concerns. The Thai officialdom became aware that the area of Klity
Creek was contaminated by lead, but there was a general attitude of indifference. The
Natural Resources Department conducted a survey during the years 1990–1993. But
the concern was more with whether the area could contaminate the water supplies to
Bangkok. The project confirmed that the mining operation was causing an increase in
the lead levels in the environment of Klity stream and as far as the dam, but Bangkok
was still at a safe distance from the pollution.
In 1995, the Director of the Karen Studies and Development Centre, an NGO con-
cerned with Thai-Karen affairs and culture, visited the village of Klity Creek and met
villagers suffering from industrial pollution. He took up their environmental and med-
ical complaints that were falling on deaf ears and raised public awareness about their
condition. He started a letter campaign for them, which at first the villagers thought
was a hopeless cause. Through the media, the NGO disseminated their predicament
to intellectuals, students and other environmental activists. This was made possible
during a period when Thailand was moving toward a more democratically aware and
politically conscious and engaged civil society. The NGO gave the villagers who
were not proficient in the Thai speech registers (if they could speak Thai) a Thai
public voice to cross over social boundaries and to express their grievance and seek
environmental justice.
These developments were made possible due to the changes that were occurring
in Thai society during the 1990s and immediate post-millennium years. This was
the period when Thailand experienced the most democratic development of its civil
society in its modern history. There was a civic call for reforms in public health,
which culminated in the Public Health Act of 2003. The aim was to forge a civically
focused health system that incorporated the general public (Komatra 2008). Health
agencies were encouraged to engage in dialogue and consultation with the public so
a consensus could be reached of what is good for the individual as well for collective
health (Komatra 2008: 18).
During the late 1990s and early millennium, communities in the uplands of Thai-
land found support from civically concerned institutions and NGOs for their various
concerns and issues (Buergin 2003: 59; McKinnon 2003: 83; Jonsson 2005: 129).
Supportive NGOs were those concerned with Human Rights issues and the effects of
development and technology on the environment in Thailand (Buergin 2003). This
period (late 1990s first decade of the millennium) was one of vibrant civic activism.
The Karen communities were placed within a green ‘tribal slot’ (Trouillot 1991)
that viewed them as ‘tribal environmentalists’ living in harmony with nature (Walker
2001; Pinkaew 2001). The complaints of the Karen of Klity Creek were suddenly
and rightfully brought into the public spotlight as an example of innocent victims of
industrial environmental degradation.
Many of the Thais who were civically engaged with the upland dwelling peo-
ples during this period were middle-class college graduates, teachers and students as
well as liberals active in Thailand’s democracy movement (Gillogly 2004: 123). This
was a novel social and political experience as in earlier years the social and cultural
parity between the upland dwelling peoples and the lowlanders was not conducive
for such civic engagement. During the earlier period, Thai civil society was one of
the ideologically homogenous civic totalisms. The new political conditions from the
late 1980s onwards allowed many Thais to be guided by a multi-social model of
Thai society and not the conventional monolithic ethno-nation that characterised the
national ideology for much of the middle part of the twentieth century. In this civic
model, the Klity Creek problem was not just a Karen problem but an exemplary prob-
lem of other general failings within greater Thai society. The social suffering at Klity
Creek was easily brought into the larger Thai national civil societal developments
and was easily made into a public issue.
Exercising Patient’s Choice as Public Protest
In 1998, the mine was officially closed down for good after official reports confirmed
that the lead level was high around the mine and the stream just south of it. Two
boulders were placed in the stream to form a dam to prevent the water from bringing
more lead contaminants downstream. In 1999, a health team was sent out to the
village to take the first blood samples. The results of the first blood tests found
that all of the children between 0 and 6 had a blood lead level (BLL) higher than
10 µg/dl (micrograms of lead in a tenth of a litre of blood), and the adults BLL
reached between 30 and 50 µg/dl. In March 2000, the second round of blood tests
was conducted again and showed slightly higher results. The intervention threshold
was put at 25 µg/dl for children and 50–60 µg/dl for adults, which compared to the
lead threshold level in the USA around the same time (10 µg/dl) would have been
a cause for alarm and would have invited immediate intervention.2 The Provincial
Health Service concluded that the illnesses the villagers were suffering from were
caused by general diseases and had nothing to do with the lead pollution (Matichon,
6 July 1999). The treatment it was willing to provide at this stage was surveillance
and health advice. The villagers were advised to give their blood regularly for testing
and adjust their behaviour towards water consumption and to keep to basic hygiene.
They were also advised to change some of their cooking habits and preferably relocate
elsewhere. The logic behind this was that as the mine was now closed the lead levels
in their blood would go down by itself with time.
The villagers on the other hand were expecting a total communal cure. After the
second blood test, the villagers became uncooperative with the medical teams. The
number of villagers presenting themselves to the medical team gradually dwindled
from 119 in the first test to less than 50 in the later tests. The blood screening did not
take into consideration that drawing blood from their bodies could also have certain
symbolic overtones for a forest-based ‘tribal’ minority community.
In September 2000, another NGO calling itself a ‘Coalition for Solving the Health
and Environmental Problems Caused by Lead Poisoning in the Upper Mekong River’
organised a seminar. The NGO supporting the Karen brought a number of villagers to
this conference. The Karen village representatives, who participated in the meeting,
left the seminar with a 6-point proposal to the government.
1. The government should urgently treat all of the villagers who were showing
abnormal symptoms.
2. The government should reduce the blood lead levels of all the villagers and not
just a risk group.
3. The treatment should encompass the whole community and not just individuals.
4. Medical research should be conducted on the villagers’ illnesses.
5. The government should put up billboards warning the villagers about contami-
nation.
6. The government should set up a fund for treatment that can employ medical
specialists who can provide the villagers with appropriate medical treatment.
The seminar brought the Karen villagers’ health issue into the ‘environmental justice
frame’ (Čapek 1993). As Čapek (1993: 7) stresses, the environmental justice frame
is based on the concept of rights and is related to the social justice and civil rights
movement. It provides a master frame that validates the struggle for the rights of
various disenfranchised groups. In this frame of action, antitoxin activists who see
themselves as having been disenfranchised can claim full rights from the wider
community, a respectful public treatment, legal protection and compensation.
In this environmental frame, the villagers’ diverse symptoms were redefined in
terms of ‘environmental illnesses’ caused by industry. The villagers were demanding
2 Since then, it has been further reduced in the USA to 5 µg/dl. Different countries vary on this.
total pharmacological intervention as their right to health. The media disseminated

the proposal to the wider society and the Karens of Klity Creek were now being
supported by members of an empathetic Thai public.
The villagers and the NGO demanded that the Public Health Department provide
pharmacological intervention to all the villagers and particularly to the children. The
NGO made the point that the villager’s exposure was for over twenty years, and many
individuals were born into this community during this period. Under public pressure,
the Ministry of Health decided to come halfway and send a medical team to visit
Klity Lang village on 6 October 2000 to examine the children’s development and
nutritional status. The team then designated a group of 41 children between the ages
of 0–6 as being high-risk sufferers and arranged for them to receive treatment at the
provincial hospital. At first, only five children were actually admitted. Later, another
fifteen were also admitted. Most were not given chelating drug therapy but only had
their blood levels checked. Part of the funding for the children’s trip was made by
the lead company which wanted to provide a concerned and apologetic image before
the public.
In an immediate response, the supportive NGO selected eight individuals to visit
the Occupational Medicine and Environment Institute of R–Hospital in Bangkok
which was the only one of its kind dealing with environmental pollution. Those
selected both adults and children with high blood lead levels but who were not
designated as high risk by the medical team.
In Bangkok, the eight patients were placed under the medical care of Dr. O…
who had already become a controversial figure in the eyes of the government during
the early 1990s. Dr. O… who was educated in the USA was the director of the
institute which was originally set up in the early 1990s as Thailand became aware
of the problem of substance pollution. The death of workers in a major international
company put her on the wrong side of certain powerful agents when she tried to
medically investigate the causes and connected it to lead poisoning (Forsyth 2004).3
Using a no threshold policy, one that conformed to the health policy of the ATSDR,
Dr. O… revealed that the eight patients had a high BLL, and six of them were suffering
from chronic lead pollution. She placed the eight under careful chelation therapy for
five days. A few months after their return, the eight claimed to feel better and cured
from ailments. Dr. O…’s diagnosis confirmed the villagers’ own understanding of
their exposure experience. The villagers wanted to be cleansed of the poison that was
afflicting them and affecting their health and daily existence. At this point, chelation
drugs became the treatment of choice for the villagers that also defined the direction of
their protest. Under the guidance of the NGO, the villagers started a letter campaign.
They wrote to the MOPH stating that the eight villagers who visited Bangkok were
given chelation therapy and recovered from their illness. In the letters, they requested
the same treatment for all villagers. The MOPH continued ignoring the request.
After four individuals died between the months of December (2000) and March
(2001), the MOPH was again placed under public pressure. The supportive NGOs
with the help of the media were now taking the moral tactic common in environ-
3 Subsequently, she was removed from her post but reinstalled after public protest (Forsyth 2004).
mental justice protests of suggesting murder by pollution (Freudenberg and Golubi

1987: 389). The deaths were being connected to lead poisoning and the question
was publically raised as to why the MOPH was not doing anything to help the vil-
lagers (Bangkok Post, 19 December 2000). This compelled the MOPH to respond
by organising a seminar in April. Medical experts reviewed the cause of death of the
four individuals and concluded that the cause was due to naturally occurring diseases
and not related to lead exposure. The seminar supported the intervention taken by the
MOPH. In response, the Karen and the supporting NGO decided to write a public
letter to the Thai people for moral support:
To all Thai people:
We are Karens who have been living in downstream Klity village for more than one hundred
years. We lived here peacefully until the lead mine was built. Then, we were exposed to
lead for 20 years. More than 30 villagers including our own relatives and families have died.
Many children have been born with abnormalities and handicaps. The doctors have found a
high blood lead level in everybody, but they have not provided us with any treatment. We
have undergone blood tests many times, but were given no results. We do not know what to
do. If we live in this condition, we will continue suffering from sickness, abnormalities, and
death. Can anyone help us please?
This letter was a heartfelt request from the Karen villagers to the Thai nation for
empathy towards their predicament. The letter constructed their indigeneity to the
area within the limited time frame of their presence in the kingdom. It stated that
for much of this period they were satisfied in the Kingdom of Thailand until the
lead company entered their area and polluted their stream and their bodies with lead.
The letter was calling for two issues to be resolved. Firstly, they should be given
total chelation therapy as their treatment of choice. Secondly, they were pointing out
that their treatment was so bad that even the results of the last medical tests had not
been disclosed to them and it was their right to know. The letter also revealed that
the villagers dismissed the treatment the MOPH was trying to deliver to them as a
treatment of any sort. The letter asked for empathy and support from the Thai nation
as a dominant ‘ethnic other’ that prides itself in this moral value.
As part of their protest, the villagers placed a placard in front of their village
denouncing the medical doctors as having shares in the lead company and there-
fore preventing the proper treatment that should be given to them. The protest put
pressure on the MOPH, which finally gave into the pressure and dispensed the drug
D-Penicillamine to the villagers via the director of the Karen NGO but without pro-
viding medical supervision. The BLL results of the later tests were also disclosed to
them.
The villagers’ participation in the seminar on lead pollution also redirected their
protest in other ways. During the seminar, one notable speaker proposed that the
villagers and the Law Society of Thailand should file a legal suite against Lead
Concentrates (Thailand). His suggestion was promptly taken up, and from 2003
to 2016 the villagers have been filing lawsuits against the lead company and the
Pollution Control Department. In every lawsuit, the judges have ruled in their favour.
At first, the plaintiffs who took up legal action were eight villagers. The villagers
were prosecuting Lead Concentrates as the first defendant and the owner of the mine
as the second defendant for transgressing the Enhancement and Conservation of the
National Environment Quality Act of 1992. The claim was seeking compensation for
the eight villagers and for the company to clean up the polluted stream at Klity Creek.
The success of the first group of villagers gave courage to the rest of the village, and
the second group of 151 villagers filed a civil suit against Lead Concentrates for
violating the Environmental National Act.
The villagers, however, were dismayed that they lost the claim demanding that the
lead company should restore the stream. After all, in the village and far away from the
modern courts of justice and civic activism, was a patron spirit–deity whose property
and gifts had been profaned by human indulgences. Even though they performed
ceremonies for him, this was to no avail. Somehow the stream had to be cleaned
as an apology to him and the original human/environment balance restored. The
villagers’ primary aim at seeking justice was the restoration of the creek.
In 2005 after the first group had won their court case against the mining company,
twenty-two villagers decided to sue the Pollution Control Department (PCD) for
negligence. In late 2008, the judge ruled the case against the PCD in the villagers’
favour. The PCD was accused of negligence in failing to protect the rights of the vil-
lagers to live in a healthy environment. The twenty-two prosecuting villagers were
to receive an initial compensation within 90 days. This was the first time that a gov-
ernment agency was considered liable under the 1992 environmental protection act
(The Nation, 7 May 2009). The plaintiffs were not entirely pleased with this verdict
though as it was not money they wanted but for the PCD to clean the stream. Finally,
and after further litigation, in 2013, the Supreme Administrative Court ordered the
PCD to pay a further larger sum to the 22 villagers who would use a large part of
money for the construction of water pipes from the mountain water source to the rest
of the village. The court also ordered the PCD to rehabilitate the environment. For
this aim, the department was ordered to write up a rehabilitation plan and send it into
the judiciary board before a certain date. The PCD promised that the plan would be
implemented within three years (The Nation, 17 August 2014). In December 2014,
the supporting NGO publically made an announcement that the PCD violated the
court order for laying out a plan of rehabilitation within the specified time. This was
a claim the PCD publically denied (The Nation, 13 December 2014). At present,
plans are being made to rehabilitate the stream.
NGO Support
Guiding the activism (with true sincerity and concern), the NGOs and media con-
nected every illness and death to lead poisoning without medical evidence. The
villagers’ ailments and deaths became extracted as signs in their ‘rhetoric of expo-
sure’ for contesting the medical establishments’ approach to their illnesses as well
as for evidence in legal court proceedings. The contestation led the MOPH to go
on the defensive strategy and hold a seminar with the aim of scientifically resolving
the issue once and for all. The victims’ bodies thus became a contested site within
the public domain (Das 1999: 274). But the commotion also caused the Karen vil-
lagers whose voices were never really heard, a sense of impending anxiety. Kelleher
and Learey (2004) remind us that there is a specific correlation between health and
identity through public labelling. Whereas an illness can redefine a person who is
afflicted with it, an awkward relationship with the doctor can also provide that person
with identity in the medical interaction. The Karen community of Klity Creek/cum
activists came to be sensationally labelled ‘the lead-contaminated community’, and
this also drew the general public to empathise with them. On the other hand, the
MOPH and its representatives saw their ailing patients through a mirage of civil
activism. For the medics, the villagers’ political and civic action was defined as an
intrusion into their professional ‘ownership’ of the problem (to take a term from
Brown 2000: 369), which made them a community of problematic patients who did
not want to accept the treatment offered. This led the Karen community to also be
labelled the ‘NGO community’ who followed the advice of non-specialists rather
than follow the professional advice given to them by the government health agen-
cies. Government agencies simply saw the villagers’ demands and protests as being
generated by the supportive NGO rather than the Karen themselves. Hence, when it
dispensed the chelation drugs to them, it did so publically through the director of the
supporting NGO.
When the Karen villagers turned to the court of law government agencies tried
to dissuade them from taking this strategy and instead offered to relocate them. It
is generally accepted that the first health action for people suffering from industrial
pollution is to relocate the affected community and particularly the children if the
source of contamination cannot be extracted (Cohen and Amon 2012: 75). This was
the plan of the Pollution Control Department, and a location was already designated
for them if they wanted to move. The Karen villagers resisted this plan. For a hundred
years, the community embedded the lives of its members at Klity Creek. Asking them
to relocate was tantamount to asking them to choose against their cultural values
connected to their environment. Further, for them movement elsewhere was risky as
they did not know what type of land or what type of neighbours they would be given.
Instead, the Karen were made aware by the supporting NGOs that it was their right
to demand justice in the courts of law and that it was the government’s responsibility
to cure them or ‘redevelop’ their health back to normal as well as restore their stream
to being lead-free through technological means.
It is unlikely that the Karen of Klity Creek could have carried out their public
‘slingshot’ at the medical establishments well as travel along the road to the courts
of law in demand of legal justice without the help of the supporting NGOs. Their
adversaries were powerful giants who were Thai and they rural (semi-tribal) non-
Thai uplanders. Their sudden protests took not only the medical establishment by
surprise but also the lead company and the Pollution Control Department as well.
The supportive NGOs made them aware of the fact that there was a concerned
civil society as well as a legal system that was there to serve them in Thailand and
that it was their right to demand justice. The image of the tribal Karen uplanders
who are culturally one with the environment that has been polluted by industry
also worked in their favour. The suffering of the Karen of Klity Creek became a
symbol of an environmentally suffering community of brachachonThai (Thai public)

whose misery was caused by earlier authoritarian decision making and the callous
management of powerful industry.
Conclusion
The Karen case study shows us that where there are democratically available legal
mechanisms for pursuing justice in developing nations, extra-legal factors are also
necessary for people to gain access to justice. This is particularly the case for those
living in the countryside (Bakker and Timmer 2014). Methods of communitarian
support that makes the mobilisation for justice possible are also important here. The
guiding ‘moral rhetoric’ that rallies NGOs to their support is also a factor. In the
Karen case, the issues coincided with many civil predicaments of Thai society of the
period. Their own issues could connect to public concerns with environmentalism,
lead pollution and its effect on the environment and people’s health and a demand
for a more civically focused health system.
For communities referred to in one international discourse as ‘indigenous peo-
ples’, and in other developmental discourses ‘marginal communities’, the problem
can be further exacerbated by the inability to communicate the felt injustices because
of cultural differences, prejudice and government indifference to their problems
(Niezen 2003: 67). Further, the quest for legal redress can also be a painful and
frightening process (Niezen 2003: 58). Government agencies may discourage mem-
bers in seeking justice through rhetorical and/or physical means. Certain forms of
justice such as ‘environmental justice’ against industrial pollution would need vali-
dation from experts who may not be always willing to grant it due to the scientific
uncertainties involved, and this could also frustrate the seekers of justice (Brown
2000). The type of treatment the health establishment is willing to give based on
certain evidential considerations could also support those seekers of justice are try-
ing to denounce (Swobda 2008: 473). For example, in situations of exposure to
toxic substances, the threshold level is and always has been a political and economic
issue (Ziem and Castleman 2000; Berney 2000; Widener 2000). Lead companies
have maintained that there is a human threshold for lead tolerance and they have
also assumed it to be rather high (Millstrone 1997: 22). Denying a certain treatment
because of an assumption that the body has a higher threshold level of tolerance is to
unintentionally support the claims of the lead industry. This can then work against
the moral and legal claims of the justice seekers that their health has been severely
damaged by lead pollution. In turn, this has repercussion for the type of justice they
seek and compensation received. In such a situation, patient’s choice of treatment
becomes something more than just a health issue but a political protest. Illnesses are
pooled into the civic domain and ailing bodies become signs of protest and injustice
(Kroll-Smith and Floyd 1997).
For many people, the mobilisation for justice can only be carried out through social
support structures such as concerned NGOs and advocacy groups, repeat players who
have experience with the legal world and probono contributions from lawyers and
experts (Rosser & Carnow 2014). Awareness raising by NGOs can provide a bridge
to the legal structures of the country for those people seeking access to justice. How-
ever, being dependent on this issue-focused chain of civic coalitions can also have
certain limitations. For NGOs to be vocal, the national civil society should be a dis-
cursively and politically vibrant one with limited government restrictions. Further,
the issue would have to fall within the concerns of the discursive civic ideology for
it to be made a public concern within civil society, and it is also possible that the
issue could contravene the public trend at any given time. Civic breakthrough for the
support needed could take a long time, and this could discourage mobilisation for jus-
tice as people undergo ongoing prolonged suffering (Das 1999). Further, mobilising
for justice through the civic public sphere could also instigate forms of antagonism
from oppositional forces that can discourage the seekers of justice from pursuing it.
Another delimiting factor which Rosser and Carnow (2014) mention is that although
concerned NGOs provide a bridge for people seeking justice, the latter’s needs can
become subordinated to the NGOs agenda thus muting their voices as well as author-
itatively defining the type of justice that they should or would like to seek (Walker
2001; Forsyth 1999). NGOs can become disillusioned with the justice seekers and
vice versa and subsequently to their abandonment. Civic commotion can also raise
accusations by defendants that justice is being marred by public opinion influenced
by NGO’s public rhetoric. Nevertheless, without the NGOs support access to the
public legal domain could be very difficult. The price for connecting to a coalition of
NGOs who are willing to support the indigenous group on a shared or complemen-
tary issue of public concern has to be weighed against the more negative intrusion of
alien forms of civic societal ideological rhetoric and persuasion. NGOs have to be
aware of their ability to constrain marginal peoples and should refrain from doing
so. They should also be aware that their own issues are being balanced with other
concerns pertinent to the group they are trying to support.
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Chapter 9
Rallying Around Sacred Natural Sites:
Adivasi Mobilisations in East-Central
India
Radhika Borde
Abstract This paper explores the role of sacred natural sites in mobilising com-
munities in India that claim an indigenous identity. How sacred natural sites are
constructed as sites of protest against cultural marginalisation, female disempower-
ment and mainstream development are questions that have been explored via a few
selected case studies. The paper brings insights from the field of cultural geography,
in particular studies of the poetics and politics of sacred spaces, to answer anthropo-
logical questions related to the politics of indigenous mobilisations in India. In each
of the case studies, questions of cultural revivalism in relation to the veneration of
sacred natural sites come very much to the fore. The study adds to anthropological
scholarship on fourth world cultural revivals and contributes to a greater understand-
ing of the operation of strategic essentialism as described by Gayatri Spivak.
Keywords Sacred natural sites · Adivasi mobilisation · Ecological subjectivity ·

Identity · Politics of space · Assertion · Stewardship · Empowerment · Culture
Introduction
This paper explores the role of sacred natural sites in mobilising communities in
east-central India that claim an indigenous identity. How sacred natural sites are
constructed as sites of indigenous protest against cultural marginalisation, female
disempowerment and mainstream development are questions that will be explored
via three selected case studies. Two of the case studies are from the state of Jharkhand,
and one is from Odisha.
The understanding that indigenous communities are necessarily and intimately
connected to nature is one that has been questioned by anthropologists (see Dove
2006). At the same time, scholars working in related fields have championed the tra-
ditional ecological knowledge of indigenous communities (see Berkes 1999). Within
R. Borde (B)
Department of Social Geography and Regional Development, Faculty of Science,
Charles University in Prague, Albertov 6, 128 43 Prague, Czech Republic
e-mail: radhika.borde@gmail.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_9
168 R. Borde
this broad research focus, there are some studies related to the sacred natural sites
of indigenous communities (Verschuuren et al. 2010; Maddock 1983). However,
the question of how processes of indigenous claims-making and mobilisations play
themselves out in relation to these sacred natural sites is inadequately explored. In
studies that discuss, for example, how threats to sacred natural sites have mobilised
indigenous peoples against mining companies (Lee 2008; Arenas 2007), the larger
question of the political function of sacred natural sites as spaces within and through
which marginalised indigenous communities could empower themselves is often
overlooked.
The present enquiry focuses on the increasing valuation of sacred natural sites
locally in the Indian context and their use in indigenous mobilisations in east-central
India. It further focuses on local-scale, micro-politics in relation to the sites, i.e.,
the way they are locally constructed, used and represented, in service to goals of
community empowerment.
The study brings insights from the field of cultural geography, in particular studies
of the poetics and politics of sacred spaces (Kong 2001) to answer anthropologi-
cal questions related to the politics of indigenous mobilisations in India. Questions
related to the luminal quality of sacred natural sites (Eliade 1957) as experienced by
the indigenous peoples, who venerate them and mobilise around them, will also be
explored. Also, underpinning this study are questions of the construction of sacred
space through ritual and behaviour (Sosis 2011) and the socio-political meaning and
function of such a construction. In each of the three case studies, questions of cultural
revivalism in relation to the veneration of sacred natural sites come very much to
the fore. How indigenous cultural revivalism relates to attempts to combat female
disempowerment, cultural marginalisation and mainstream development is another
important question that this study explores. The present enquiry adds to anthropo-
logical scholarship on fourth world cultural revivals and attempts to contribute to
a greater understanding of the operation of strategic essentialism as described by
postcolonial scholar Gayatri Spivak through a close study of three case studies in
which these themes are visible.
Background
The term “sacred natural sites” was proposed by conservationists Lee and Schaaf
(2003) who felt that the role of communities in conserving areas that were of spiritual
significance to them was not being acknowledged by conservation science. Sacred
natural sites have been broadly defined as “areas of land and or water that have
special spiritual significance to people” (Wild and McLeod 2008). They can constitute
specific natural features such as groves, mountains, lakes and springs as well as entire
landscapes or ecosystems. It is often the case that sacred natural sites are believed to
be the abode of a deity or spirit (Verschuuren and Furuta 2016).
‘Adivasis’ is a term that is derived from Sanskrit and has been used since the
1930s to refer to communities that claim an indigenous identity; it can be translated
9 Rallying Around Sacred Natural Sites: Adivasi … 169
as “original dwellers” (Rycroft 2014). It has strong connotations of indigenity and is

used for the purposes of political assertion and claims-making by the communities
that apply it to themselves. The Indian government does not officially recognise
the indigenous identity that Adivasis claim for themselves. Instead, the government
refers to Adivasis as “Scheduled Tribes” and distinguishes them from castes—this
differentiation is argued to be the inheritance of a tribe-caste dichotomy (Rycroft
2014) that was successfully proposed by colonial administrators and ethnographers
(Bates 1995). Indian sociologists such as (Ghurye 1932) have contested the concept
of an Indian tribe-caste dichotomy. In this study, however, the term Adivasis will be
used, and Adivasis’ claims to an indigenous identity will be acknowledged. At the
same time, the paper will steer clear of attempting to argue for or against the veracity
of these claims—I take the position in this paper that the cultural marginalisation
that Adivasis experience, coupled with their relationship to land which is in many
cases less exploitative than that expressed by other Indian communities, allows for
an acknowledgement of their identity claims.
The international indigenous peoples’ movement has been successful in promot-
ing itself as a movement by indigenous people for ecological stewardship. It has
successfully deployed a “politics of morality” (Muehlebach 2001: 424) against the
ecological failures of modern civilisation globally. The movement to secure and pro-
tect Adivasi rights in the states of Jharkhand and Odisha does contain elements of an
ecological critique. Adivasi mobilisations that make use of an ecological vocabulary
can be traced back in time. A pertinent example in this regard would be the empha-
sis that Jaipal Singh Munda, the leader of the Jharkhand Movement, placed on the
naturalistic and pantheistic elements of Adivasi spirituality, coupled with the signif-
icance it granted to sacred natural sites. The Jharkhand Movement was conceived as
a movement aimed at creating a homeland for the Adivasis of east-central India. It
has been partially successful in that the state called Jharkhand was created in 2000.
However, it can be argued that the demand to be allowed to develop along culturally
specific lines, including the demand for the utilisation of the state’s natural resources
in keeping with the environmental subjectivity of Adivasis which was an important
part of the articulations of the Jharkhand Movement (Munda and Mullick 2003), has
not been realised in the present-day policies of the Jharkhand government.
In the state of Odisha, where scholars have argued for the existence of a strong
“tribal-nontribal interface” (Mohapatra 2011: 21) in the culture of the region, the
ecological subjectivity of Adivasis has been accepted and can be argued to have even
been celebrated in historical times. In some Odia myths, Adivasis were represented
as forest kings (Rousseleau 2009). Adivasi traditions of worshipping plants and trees
were given royal patronage—an example in this regard would be the deification of the
Bhramaramari plant by the king of Keonjhar. The Bhramaramari plant was believed
to have the power to cure leprosy. In the seventeenth century, the king of Keonjhar
gave it his patronage; he established himself as the principal devotee of the deified
plant and instituted a class of Adivasi priests charged with the performance of rituals
associated with the plant (Pati 2012). In contemporary times, however, the policies
of the Odisha government do not evince an acceptance of the importance of Adivasi
ecological subjectivity. The Government of Odisha has adopted a policy of export-
170 R. Borde
oriented, mining sector-driven economic growth (Mishra 2010). It is to be noted that

42% of those displaced by development projects such as these are Adivasis (Kapoor
2011).
In contrast to these examples of government policies that are unsympathetic to
Adivasis and their concerns, there are several examples, in India, as well as inter-
nationally, of the support that indigenous peoples have received. Anthropologists
have studied the sympathy expressed at the international level, for expressions by
indigenous peoples in relation to their connection with nature (Pieck 2006; Muehle-
bach 2001; Redford 1991). There are also examples of institutionalised support for
indigenous sacred natural sites such as the Akwé Kon guidelines on assessing the
impact of development projects on indigenous sacred sites, which was formulated as
part of the Convention on Biological Diversity in 2004. The guidelines are defined
as “voluntary guidelines for the conduct of cultural, environmental and social impact
assessments regarding developments proposed to take place on, or which are likely
to impact on, sacred sites and on lands and waters traditionally occupied or used
by indigenous and local communities” (CBD 2004). Though the Akwé: Kon guide-
lines were formulated with the view to conserve site-specific biodiversity after the
link between the conservation of cultural and biological diversity became established
(Djoghlaf 2012), the guidelines can also be seen as an example of a policy instrument
which grants cultural rights to indigenous peoples.
In the Indian context too, there are examples of institutionalised support for Adi-
vasis’ relationship with the land (and often forests) they live on and use. One such
example would be the Forest Rights Act (FRA) which was enacted in 2006 and
empowers forest-dwelling tribal peoples/Adivasis to “protect their cultural and natu-
ral heritage” (Forest Rights Act 2006: Sect. 5, quoted in Vasundhara 2012).The Forest
Rights Act has been described in relation to environmental conservation objectives
and the applicability of community traditions in regard to it, as follows:
A citizen’s rights-based framework of democratic forest governance, built on the integral
relationship between rights and duties is the leitmotif of the FRA. By making conservation
of the natural environment not merely a duty of the forest right holder, but also a right of
communities protecting their forest resources according to their traditions, the Act seeks to
transform the current state of alienation of the tribes and other forest dwellers. ‘State forests’
will thus make way for ‘People’s forests’, preserved and protected by the right holding
individuals and communities themselves through their democratic institutions as citizens of
the forest (as cited by Bose 2010: 14).
The Forest Rights Act is as much about the protection of forests as it is about
the protection of community (often Adivasi community) rights over these forests.
It is argued to be based on the premise, after repeated observations that validate it,
that forest-dwelling communities (which are often Adivasi) tend to conserve forests
(Bose 2010). In this study, however, the focus is laid less on what Adivasis can do
for sacred natural sites and more on what sacred natural sites can do for Adivasis.
In other words, the role that sacred natural sites play as places where Adivasis can
empower themselves is the primary theme.
The three cases studies that this study explores are concerned with various dimen-
sions of the role that sacred natural sites can play in the lives of India’s Adivasis and
vis-à-vis their empowerment. One case study examines a new religious movement
focused on the worship of sacred groves by Adivasi women in Jharkhand; another
explores the institution of a pilgrimage festival centred on a hill in Jharkhand that is
believed to be an ancient former spiritual university by the Santhal Tribe, and the third
discusses the movement to protect the Niyamgiri Mountain in Odisha from being
mined by the UK-based Vedanta Resources on the grounds that the Dongaria Kondh
Adivasis who lived on the mountain believed that it was sacred. Each of these three
case studies will be presented in the subsequent sections of the chapter, following
which the important themes in each will be discussed. The data for these three cases
were collected in 2008, 2009, 2011, 2012 and 2013. In regard to some of these cases,
there have been further developments that occurred subsequent to the data collection
for this chapter, which have for this reason not been captured in the present study.
The Sarna Movement
Since the mid-nineties, sacred groves consisting of Shorea robusta (Sal) trees have
become the focus of a new devotional movement amongst Jharkhandi women. This is
understood to have been initiated by several cases of divine possession that began to
be reported in the region. Typically, these involved women (mostly Adivasis from the
Oraon tribe) experiencing altered states of consciousness, during which they would
believe themselves to be possessed by the Adivasi Earth Goddess. These experiences
of possession were expressed as ecstatic trances, during which the women would
whirl their heads at high speed. The goddess believed to be possessing them is
known as Sarna Mata or Jaher Era and is believed to reside in sacred groves. This
new religious movement has since spread to several other Adivasi communities in the
Jharkhand region. The ecological aspect of the movement is in strong evidence—its
relationship to sacred natural sites can be argued to be reciprocal. The strengthening
of the movement has resulted in biodiversity conservation and the afforestation of
existing sacred groves. It has also resulted in the creation of sacred groves. By way
of the movement, several sites have been sacralised, are being planted with saplings
and have become the focus of Adivasi women’s spirituality. In this context, Sarna
Mata’s worshippers express that the new sites that are selected for sacralisation are
in fact old sacred natural sites that were totally neglected and where Sarna Mata’s
power must be re-established (Borde and Jackman 2010).
Several Adivasi politicians have given the phenomenon of divine possession by
Sarna Mata a new context. They have incorporated the possession trance into an ear-
lier structure of Adivasi prayer meetings and have started what is now known as the
Sarna Prarthana Sabha. Instead of holding prayer meetings in the Akhras (meeting
grounds) or Dumkurias (dormitories) as was the earlier practice, they are held in
Sarnas or sacred groves—to which the women undergoing possession claimed they
were led. The location of the Sarna Prarthana Sabha has done much to influence the
ecological aspect of the Sarna Movement. The movement’s success can be attributed
to its proselytising character—it sends missionaries to villages across the region. The
172 R. Borde
central feature of the Sarna Movement is the weekly ceremony conducted in sacred
groves. In many ways, this is structured along the lines of charismatic Christian
worship. Some of the rituals are also similar to those enacted during Hindu wor-
ship ceremonies—these involve the circumambulation of an earthen platform and
the offering of rice grains, vermillion and incense. A very important aspect of the
ceremony is the pouring of water—women carry pots of water as they perform the
circumambulation and they pour it onto bushes of holy basil which are planted in
the centre of the sacred grove. Interestingly, they believe this is of great symbolic
importance and employ an ecological vocabulary to describe its meaning. They say
that as they circumambulate the platform they imagine that it represents the entire
Earth and that when they pour water onto it, it represents the act of cooling the Earth
which is in danger of being destroyed by the heat that is being generated in it at
the present time. The women who voiced these perceptions were illiterate, and from
what I could gather, this was not a re-wording of something they had heard with
regard to global warming/climate change and the necessary attempts to combat it.
I believe that this was their authentic interpretation of the significance of their rit-
ual. Spontaneous and often mass possession is often witnessed at the Sarna worship
ceremonies. Through the institution of the Sarna Prarthana Sabha, the women who
experience possession by Sarna Mata have created a socially legitimised outlet for
their spirituality and devotional zeal. One of the women who was possessed had
been declared insane by her family, and there were attempts to cure her with the help
of psychiatric treatment—however, this failed, and she remained unstable till she
started participating in Sarna Prarthana Sabha rituals. Today, she is a very important
leader and has been greatly empowered by her possession experiences (Borde 2016).
The social empowerment of women is crucial to the success of the Sarna Move-
ment. Along with religious expression, women are able to channel their energy into
rural development and cultural activities. The Sarna Prarthana Sabhas are held every
Thursday morning. In Adivasi culture, this day is significant in its being the one day
in the week when it is prohibited to give brides away, plough the land or cut trees.
It is considered the day of the mother—mother goddess/Sarna Mata, etc. After the
morning worship, on Thursday evenings, a meeting is held in the village meeting
ground or Akhra. Issues related to village development are discussed, disputes are
solved, and chanda (contribution) is collected from the villagers. This is in the form
of a handful of rice or five rupees per family. This goes towards the expenses of
the Thursday ceremonies, the upkeep of the groves and sometimes towards commu-
nity welfare projects. It is important to stress at this juncture that these meetings are
highly structured. A meeting book is kept, contributions are recorded, and major deci-
sions taken at these meetings are also noted. Each village also has a Sarna Prarthana
Samiti—these are bodies with formally elected members and heads. However, only
some are officially registered. Currently, there is a drive to register as many of these
as possible under the Societies Registration Act. The community welfare projects
undertaken by the Sarna Prarthana Samitis include agricultural development, cottage
industry development, installation of common stoves and tree plantation. The method
employed for tree plantation is very ingenious. Saplings are planted and surrounded
by a thick weed fence. The weed is Ipomea Carnea and is toxic to grazing animals.
This is a traditional method of tree plantation and is much more cost-effective than
erecting other kinds of fencing. A successful mushroom cultivation programme was
launched in one area; another area witnessed the success of the common stove con-
cept—in the area where I did most of my fieldwork, there are plans to engage women
who participate in the Thursday morning rituals in masala preparation and candle-
making. (Borde and Jackman 2010) The other major thrust of the Sarna Movement
is in the domain of Adivasi culture and languages. A drive to encourage children and
young adults to learn and use Adivasi languages has been highly successful. Some
young Adivasi women stated that they were inspired to enrol in an undergraduate pro-
gramme of Adivasi languages at the Regional Languages Department of the Ranchi
University at the motivation of the Sarna Movement’s leaders. Also, Adivasi dances
and folk songs are regularly taught to young children after the Thursday evening
meetings. Traditional foods and products are also promoted. Another major initia-
tive of the Sarna Movement is its campaign against alcoholism and witchcraft. Sarna
Movement leaders and politicians speak out against witchcraft vehemently—but per-
haps not in such a way as to deny its existence. They believe that the Sarna Movement
is a way for Adivasi women to channel the huge spiritual energy they possess in a
constructive manner (Borde 2016).
An important myth connected to the Sarna Movement and which is the inspi-
ration for an annual pilgrimage that the women who participate in the movement
undertake could be usefully mentioned here. The myth contains feminist undertones
and can be argued to influence the aspect of the Sarna Movement that emphasises
women’s empowerment. It is also linked to environmental discourses through its
mythic imagery which speaks of the necessity to cool down the Earth. The myth is
that of the “Rain of Fire”. Every year on the 2nd of February, thousands of devotees
of Sarna Mata flock to a place known as Sirasita in the district of Gumla in Jhark-
hand. This is the site at which Sarna Mata is understood to have protected human
beings from destruction. In the myth, Sarna Mata appears in the role of the consort of
Singbonga. The myth describes that he is angered by the degeneration of the human
race that is his creation, and rains fire on the Earth, scorching the life off from it.
Watching his act and feeling pity for the victims of his rage, Sarna Mata hides a boy
and a girl inside a water gourd. Later, she takes them to Sirasita and puts them into
a crab hole from which a spring issues. She does not inform Singbonga that she has
saved a human pair, but waits for his regret which she knows is inevitable. After
having destroyed the whole of creation, Singbonga realises that there is no longer
anyone left to offer him sacrifices. His consort Sarna Mata can now only serve him
very simple meals. At any complaint from him regarding this, she does not fail to
remind him that it is all his own doing. Singbonga finally laments his impulsive deed
bitterly. When Sarna Mata sees the point to have been made, she produces the boy
and girl she had hidden away—much to Singbonga’s happiness. From the human
pair she has saved, the races that now populate the Earth spring forth (Mundu 2003,
pp. 60–62).
174 R. Borde
The Lugu Buru Festival
Lugu Buru is a forested hill in Jharkhand, not far from the city of Bokaro. It is
revered as a sacred natural site by the Santhals. It is believed to have fallen out of the
memory of the Santhals and was revived as a sacred natural site by young Santhals
more than a decade ago. These young Santhals were told stories of Lugu Buru by
a sadhu called the Aita Pandit who would meditate and perform rituals on Lugu
Buru and who emphasised to them that Lugu Buru was the sacred heritage of the
Santhals. The students went on to institute an annual religious festival which occurs
on a full moon night in November on the summit of the Lugu Buru hill and which
brings together over 100,000 Santhals every year. It is believed that the Lugu Buru
hill is the manifestation of the spiritual power of a sage called Lugu Baba who is
considered to be the founding father of the Santhals. There are reports that the cave
complex on top of the hill is a place where a person can enter a trance-like state.
This cave complex is the most sacred spot on the Lugu Buru hill. On the way up
the hill it is also possible to see several less important natural shrines—these can
constitute a particular species of tree, a collection of rocks and stones, etc. Pilgrims
often pay homage to these lesser natural shrines as they make their way to the top of
Lugu Buru. The sage Lugu Baba is understood to have created an ancient spiritual
university at the Lugu Buru hill where matters pertaining to ritual and worship were
codified for Santhals.
The Lugu Buru forest is rich in biodiversity and streams from Lugu Buru enter
the Damodar River which is a source of drinking water for thousands of people.
However, it can be argued that the most important function of Lugu Buru relates
to its use as a site at which Santhals can combat the cultural marginalisation to
which they are subjected. During the festival in November which brings thousands
of Santhals together, there are also opportunities for Santhals to purchase and sell
their traditional costumes as well as books written in the Ol Chiki script which was
created with Santhal cultural assertion in mind. Santhals have the opportunity to
perform and watch traditional dances etc. During the festival, a podium is set up at
the foot of the Lugu Buru hill and Santhal leaders and politicians address the gathered
community. Discussions are held on socio-religious issues, customs, etc., pertaining
to the Santhal community. I had attended two such festivals at Lugu Buru. At one of
them, the presence of a Santhali woman from Nepal had generated much excitement.
The Santhals present there were proud to know that they could see themselves as an
international community and that Santhals were living in Nepal and Bangladesh as
well as in India.
During the two times I have trekked up to Lugu Buru I have seen old men and
women make the journey with walking sticks. It is also possible to see a few Hindu
sadhus and sadhvis making the pilgrimage. These Hindu ascetics do not belong to
the orthodox strands of Hinduism. They claim that Lugu Buru is an excellent place
in which to perform Sadhana and that there are spiritual benefits to be derived from
mediating there on specific nights of the year. I had met one such Hindu sadhu who
was also a shaman of sorts. He claimed to have been initiated into various spiritual
techniques by a group of sadhvis at Lugu Buru.
There is also evidence of cross-tribal cultural assertion at Lugu Buru. Some of
the Santhal leaders I met at Lugu Buru were active in creating links and forging
networks with Adivasi leaders from other tribes. One of the important elements of
the political discourse, which I saw them articulating together, was an emphasis on
their subjugation, as well as the subjugation of lower caste Hindus at the hands of
Brahmanical thinking. In one of the discussions that I had with them, they emphasised
that Brahmins had created a system that went against nature and that by making people
do things in ways that were opposed to nature they were successful in confusing their
minds. These Adivasi leaders were ready to argue that most Indians, except for a few
Brahmins, were indigenous to the sub-continent.
The Lugu Buru hill functioned as a place that brought the Santhal community
together and as a site that allowed for the discursive construction of an ancient cultural
heritage which was argued to have been forgotten. It also functioned as a site as which
environmental education was imparted. There are signs all over the Lugu Buru hill
which instruct pilgrims to respect the environment on the hill, as well as in general.
It is also true that Lugu Buru is a place that attracts pilgrims who are not Santhal
and not Adivasi. These pilgrims were not excluded in any way from worshipping at
Lugu Buru, and it also cannot be argued that these pilgrims were appropriating the
sacred and cultural heritage of the Santhals, because the management of the Lugu
Buru hill is entirely in the hands of a committee which the Santhals have instituted.
Despite the large crowds that come to Lugu Buru, and the presence of families and
children at the annual festival on Lugu Buru, it remains a mystical sacred natural
site with legends surrounding it that are not always comforting. There are stories of
people getting lost in the cave complex on the Lugu Buru hill and legends that their
spirits still roam the area.
Lugu Buru is a sacred natural site that has become a place at which Santhals can
assert their distinct cultural identity and express their understanding that there may
be a great and glorious Santhal past which is only now being recognised as cultural
and religious heritage. This allows for a collective imagining of more examples of
unsung greatness waiting to be discovered and allows the Santhal community to feel
an enhanced sense of cultural confidence.
The Niyamgiri Movement
The third case study is focused on the Niyamgiri Movement in the Indian state of
Odisha. The Niyamgiri Movement was a more than decade-long protest movement
against the acquisition of the Niyamgiri Mountain in Odisha for bauxite mining by
a UK-based mining company called Vedanta Resources. It can be said to have been
successfully concluded in 2014 with the banning of mining on Niyamgiri. The moun-
tain was the home of the Dongaria Kondh tribe, was believed by them to be sacred
and was claimed as such in several worship ceremonies that were organised with the
176 R. Borde
help of activists. The movement did not only focus on the protection of the Niyam-
giri Mountain from mining, but also questioned mainstream development thinking in
India, which champions the role of the extractive industry in spearheading economic
growth and development, regardless of the negative externalities experienced by the
communities located close to the sites of extraction.
The Dongaria Kondhs believe that they are descended from Niyamraja, a mythical
god-king who is believed to be the creator of the Niyamgiri range of hills and to have
charged his descendants, the Dongarias, with their stewardship. The Niyamgiri range
of hills is understood to be the kingdom of Niyamraja, and this entire landscape is
estimated to extend across 115 square kilometres (Jena et al. 2002). Within this
mythic understanding of the Niyamgiri range of hills, Niyamraja is understood to
be the chief of the gods of the small hillocks (Jena et al. 2002: 191). However,
the religious practice of the Dongarias consists primarily of sacrifices to the Earth
goddess whom they refer to as Dharani Penu and whose husband is understood to be
Niyamraja. A shrine is dedicated to Dharani Penu in each village (Hardenberg 2005).
The protests against Vedanta Resources can be traced to 2002, when the company
started acquiring land for the construction of an aluminium refinery at the foot of
the Niyamgiri Mountain, for which it had signed a memorandum of understanding
with the State Government of Odisha in 1997 (Kumar 2014; Kraemer et al. 2013). In
the beginning, local residents who were opposed to the construction of the refinery
led the protests. Later, activist-minded citizens from neighbouring towns, as well as
professional activists who were active in the region, joined the protests. Initially, local
activists used the language of environmental justice (Schroeder et al. 2008) to protest
against the mining company. They protested that the pollution from the refinery
was damaging the health of the people who lived around it. When it later became
public that Vedanta Resources was also planning to acquire and mine the Niyamgiri
Mountain, which was estimated to contain approximately 75 million tonnes of bauxite
(Temper and Martinez-Alier 2013), the activists supported the Dongaria Kondhs, who
lived on the mountain and worshipped it, in entering the protest movement against
the company.
The Dongaria Kondhs’ religious feelings for Niyamgiri can be understood with
reference to their creation myth which will be narrated subsequently. The kinship
structure of the Dongarias elevates ritual friendship between two persons of the same
sex to the level of a familial relationship with several norms of behaviour prescribed
for the ritual friends and their respective families. One such custom or taboo is an
avoidance relationship between a man and his ritual friend’s wife—they are not
allowed to see each other or call each other by name. (Nayak 1989: 43–44) The
violation of this taboo is understood to be the reason for the Niyamgiri hills being
created and entrusted to the Dongarias.
When questioned during fieldwork about the significance of Niyamraja and
his connection to their sacrificial rituals, a Dongaria man presented the following
narrative:
Niyamraja, the divine and mythical ancestor of the Dongaria Kondhs, had a ritual
friend called Sijimari. One day while Niyamraja was away, Sijimari paid a visit to his
home. Niyamraja’s wife was called Hingabali. She had been instructed by Niyamraja
to serve Sijimari food, but without salt so that he did not enjoy it too much. She had
also been instructed not to let him see her. But Hingabali disobeyed Niyamraja and
served Sijimari food with salt. And he enjoyed his meal very much, and decided to
abduct the cook, his ritual friend’s wife. When Niyamraja found out about this he
was furious. To prevent the abduction, Niyamraja took his axe and struck the ground
with it, making a loud noise. He wanted the noise to reach Sijimari and frighten him.
The places where his axe fell, large valleys were formed, as well as waterfalls and
rivers. This is the story of the creation of the Niyamgiri range of hills. The loud noise
made by Niyamraja’s axe frightened Sijimari, who left Hingabali and ran away. But
Niyamraja’s anger was so great that he did not spare his wife when he found her.
He cut off her nose, ears and breasts with his axe and she turned into a rock. Then
Niyamraja entrusted the Niyamgiri hills to the Dongarias. He gave them seeds and
taught them how to farm the land. He also instructed them in the arts of sacrifice and
told them that they have to sacrifice to the land every time they get something from
it (As narrated by Vadakka Patta of Gartalli village, May 2011).
After the Dongaria Kondhs entered the Niyamgiri Movement, the movement
began to concentrate on opposing the mining project on Niyamgiri. Transnational
advocacy organisations got involved in the Niyamgiri Movement at this stage and
played a role in convincing several European institutions to disinvest in Vedanta
Resources. They also organised protests abroad that attracted the attention of the
international media, and this had a domino effect on the Indian media’s coverage of
the Niyamgiri Movement.
Domestic activists stated that as the Niyamgiri Movement progressed and began to
gain international attention, it became apparent that the external constituency it was
cultivating was primarily interested in the threats to the Dongaria Kondhs’ nature-
based religious culture. In response to this international interest, the narrative of the
Dongarias’ religious feelings for Niyamgiri was pushed to the forefront of the entire
protest movement’s discourse, and it became its dominant theme—locally as well
as internationally. Additionally, while the Niyamgiri Movement was in progress,
in 2006, the Indian legislature passed the Forest Rights Act which, as previously
mentioned, grants communities like the Dongaria Kondhs the right to protect their
“natural and cultural heritage” (Forest Rights Act 2006, Sect. 5). This offered an
important legal resource to the Niyamgiri Movement as the Niyamgiri Mountain
could be protected under the Forest Rights Act as a sacred natural site.
As a result of activists’ emphasis on the Niyamgiri Mountain’s sacred value for the
Dongarias and the threat that Vedanta Resources’ mining project would pose to it, the
sacredness of Niyamgiri for the Dongaria Kondhs was understood to be the key issue
in the Niyamgiri Movement by the Indian Supreme Court which was charged with
coming to a legal decision on the matter—it understood the case in terms of a conflict
between the Dongaria Kondhs who worshipped the Niyamgiri Mountain and a min-
ing company whose mining operation would desecrate the Dongaria Kondhs’ sacred
site. The Supreme Court passed a verdict that the Dongaria Kondhs would have the
opportunity to decide in their traditional village councils consisting of all the adult
members of the community, as to whether Niyamgiri was sacred to them and whether
they were for or against the mining project. Following this verdict, 12 referendums
178 R. Borde
were held in Dongaria Kondh villages and the Dongaria Kondhs emphatically voiced
their opposition to Vedanta Resources’ mining project on Niyamgiri in each of these
12 village-level referendums. This entire process by which local stakeholders were
empowered to make decisions regarding the kind of development they would allow
on lands they depended upon and held dear was termed India’s first “green referen-
dum”.1 After the Dongaria Kondhs expressed an unambiguous opposition to Vedanta
Resources’ mining project on Niyamgiri, the Indian Ministry of Environment and
Forest banned the project. However, since the ban, there have been attempts by the
Government of Odisha to revive the bauxite mining project. Recognising that the fate
of the project hangs upon the Dongaria Kondhs’ acceptance of it, the State Govern-
ment of Odisha has tried to initiate a process by which the Dongaria Kondhs could
decide once more in referendums as to whether they continue to stand opposed to the
mining project on Niyamgiri.2 This attempt by the State Government of Odisha was
forestalled by the Indian Supreme Court which has stated that the Dongaria Kondhs’
previous referendum had already delivered the final verdict on the matter.3 In this
way by highlighting the importance of their sacred natural site with the help of inter-
national and domestic activists, the Dongaria Kondhs have been empowered to take
a stand in relation to the kind of development they want. Many of the activists who
were supporting the Dongaria Kondhs expressed that the Dongaria Kondhs and their
way of life represented an alternative paradigm that was an inspiration to them all.
In their words, the development model propagated by the state of Odisha was a form
of “vampire capitalism”. By demonstrating that they valued their sacred natural site
above any financial compensation that they might receive from Vedanta Resources,
the Dongaria Kondhs became a symbol of connectedness to nature for the people of
Odisha and beyond.
Discussion
The well-known Indian anthropologist L. P. Vidyarthi had proposed the term

nature–man–spirit complex to refer to the religiosity of Adivasis in India (Vidyarthi
1963). This is a concept that is appropriate to the religiosity of the Adivasis that is
expressed through the three case studies that have just been presented. It is important
to keep in mind, however, that these case studies represent highly politicised
1 Sharma, D. C. (2013, August 6). ‘India’s first ’green referendum’ raises hopes… and uncom-
fortable questions’. MailOnlineIndia. Accessed from: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/
indianews/article-2385568/Indias-green-referendum-raises-hopes--uncomfortable-questions.
html#ixzz4Ac6Pt0tM.
2 Satapathy, D. (2015, October, 16) Odisha wants Niyamgiri gram sabha polls again. Business
Standard. Accessed from: http://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/odisha-wants-

niyamgiri-gram-sabha-polls-again-115101500923_1.html.
3 (2016, May, 6) Supreme Court rejects Odisha government’s petition for conducting gram sabha for
mining in Niyamgiri hills. Accessed from: ttp://www.orissadiary.com/CurrentNews.asp?id=67036#

sthash.vNNrPYVi.dpuf.
examples of Adivasi eco-religiosity. The impetus for this kind of politicisation does
not seem to be derived from any kind of alliance with international indigenous
eco-politics. Instead, its focus seems to be the claiming of social and religious space
for Adivasis in India and by Adivasis. These attempts to claim space are expressed
as the claiming of physical space. By staking claim to a particular sacred natural
site, social problems such as women’s disempowerment and exploitative forms of
development are addressed and solutions are sought to them.
It is also important to keep in mind that the mobilisation around sacred natural sites
is nothing like the isolationist policies that were advocated in relation to America’s
Native Americans and their role vis-à-vis natural parks in the USA (Rashkow 2014).
The Adivasis who are mobilising around sacred natural sites in the three case studies
that have been presented in this paper are not rejecting a meaningful engagement
with the world. They are also not arguing that their place lies only in nature. Rather, it
is by staking claim to sacred natural sites that they delineate specific terms by which
they would want to understand and define themselves and would want the world to
understand them.
The manner in which Adivasis are redefining themselves as nature worshipers
and using this self-understanding to reform both their own society and larger Indian
societal discourses can be argued to be the sort of strategic essentialism that post-
colonial scholar Gayatri Spivak argues is a conscious and self-aware strategy that
subaltern groups may use to represent themselves in ways that feed into popular and
romanticised stereotypes, and which may allow for social advancement (Eide 2010).
However, to say that there is just a politics of space in regard to these mobilisations
would be missing the point. There is a poetics of space too. It is important not to
dismiss the mystical awe with which these sites are approached as only a form of
politics. It is also important to keep in mind the mythopoeic lens through which
these sacred natural sites are understood. The sacred natural sites discussed in this
chapter are physical spaces, political spaces and mythopoeic spaces as well. It is not
just Adivasis who are connecting with these sacred natural sites. People from other
communities also revere these sites and in cases such as that of Lugu Buru Adivasis
were informed of the sacred quality of the hill by a Hindu pandit who followed one
of the more unorthodox strands of Hinduism. Non-Adivasi women connect with the
sacred power of the Sarna Mata at Sarnas. There have also been several examples in
history of sites of other religions being built on indigenous or Adivasi sacred natural
sites. More research needs to be done on the mystical and luminal quality of Adivasi
sacred natural sites, and Eliade’s (1957) theorisations could be a good guide for such
an undertaking.
Conclusion
Taken together, the three case studies presented in this chapter explore how sacred
natural sites are constructed as spaces in which questions pertaining to cultural,
social or economic disempowerment, as experienced by marginalised communities,
180 R. Borde
are given expression and channelled into mobilisations aimed at overcoming diverse
forms of marginalisation. It is hoped that this chapter will contribute to a deeper
understanding of this research topic and will inspire further research on the same. It
also contributes to new perspectives on Adivasi politics and identity formation which
this chapter sees as occurring in dialogue with globalised developments pertaining
to indigenous people and in response to the environmental politics and exigencies
of the present time. In each of the three case studies presented in this chapter, myths
and folklore play a very strong role in organising the community’s understanding of
the mythic and religious significance of sacred natural sites. The politics of space is
extremely evident in relation to these three social movements that mobilise Adivasi
communities around sacred natural sites. However, the poetics of space as expressed
in the communities’ mythic understanding of the sacred value of these sites is equally
important. These case studies can be argued to showcase how the poetics and pol-
itics of space (Kong 2001) intersect in a manner that allows for the empowerment
of Adivasi communities (both culturally and politically) as well as for the reform
of the internal social dynamics that are experienced by the members of Adivasi
communities.
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Gland: International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources.
Part IV
Space of Convergence
Chapter 10
Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs)
and Livelihood Promotion of Tribes
of Odisha
S. N. Tripathy
Abstract The paper evaluates the impact of Forest Rights Act (FRA 2006) and
Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act, 1996 and Joint Forest Man-
agement on the livelihoods of tribal people, with tribes of Odisha as case study,
who primarily depend on non-timber forest products. Drawing on secondary sources
of data and observations, the paper focuses on the nature of support contributed
by the NTFPs and Kendu leaves to the tribal community and forest dwellers in the
sustenance for their livelihood. It also examines institutional support involved in sup-
porting livelihood options of the tribes. However, the relation between policy frame
and livelihood options through NTFPs is described inconsistent in the realisation of
development objectives.
Keywords Tribes and forest dwellers · Minor forest produce · Non-timber forest
products (NTFPs) · Joint forest management (JFM) · Kendu leaves · PESA ·
Participation · Community · Livelihoods
Background
Odisha is the second poorest state in India, next to Bihar, with 32.59% of people
1
living below the poverty line in 1011–2012 , as against 26% for the entire country.
Tribes constitute 22.85% of total population of the state (Census 2011) who are the
backward, marginalised and poverty-stricken population. Next only to Chhattisgarh,
1 The Indian Express, Bhubaneswar edition, 5 June 2018. However, percentage of BPL people in
Odisha was recorded 46% in 1999–2000 and 46.4% in 2004–05 (Perspective Planning Commission,
New Delhi). Another estimate puts it 57.20% in 2004–05 (The Pioneer, Bhubaneswar Edition, 5
June 2018). The data are useful to understand implications of JFM and NTFP policy with regard to
the objective of poverty alleviation. The policies and guidelines of the JFM were enunciated in the
Indian National Forest Policy of 1988 and JFM guidelines of 1990 proposed by the Government of
India. The NTFP policy was enunciated in 2000.
S. N. Tripathy (B)
Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, BMCC Road, Pune 411004, India
e-mail: sn_tripathy2004@yahoo.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_10
186 S. N. Tripathy
the state has the largest tribal population in the country accommodating as many as
62 tribal groups. The tribes have a distinct sociocultural trait which has been retained
due to their inaccessible abodes situated in extremely difficult terrain. They pursue
subsistence living based on collection of food, minor forest products and shifting
cultivation. Lack of education, skill, socio-economic backwardness, poverty and
leakages of plan expenditure pose serious problems in inducing rapid socio-economic
development of the tribes. Notwithstanding tribal development experience of more
than six decades, tribes still continue to remain in the grip of underdevelopment,
indebtedness and misery.
In participatory mode of development, various schemes are available to ensure
tribal participation in development process. Joint Forest Management (JFM) is one
such scheme wherein direct participation of the tribals is envisaged with stress on
livelihood sustenance. Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have occupied a signifi-
cant place in livelihood strategy relating of JFM. In view of this perspective envisaged
in the scheme, the present study aims to examine the nature and scope of involvement
of tribals in management of forest resources. Among the tribes of Odisha, collection
of Kendu leaf, an important non-timber forest produce, occupies a crucial livelihood
sustenance activity. Therefore, the paper also attempts at examining the role of Kendu
leaf in tribal livelihood sustenance within NTFP policy frame.
Keeping the objectives in view, on the basis of observation method and with the
support of secondary sources of data, an attempt has been made in this paper to
present the interface between forest/NTFPs and tribes in Odisha.
Role of Forests and NTFPs on the Tribal Community

and Forest Dwellers
The relationship of tribes with forest needs to be looked with the broader dimension
of tribes’ role, contribution and dependence for the sustenance of families in the coun-
tryside on forest. Recognition of tribes’ relations within the forest is a phenomenon
when the destruction of forest caused acute shortage of fuel and fodder; imbalanced
the ecosystem resulting in massive landslides, frequent droughts and environmen-
tal pollution. Most of the forest ecosystems are fragile and reeling under an acute
form of degradation. Each ecosystem has specific problems, which make the associ-
ated research dimensions vast, complex and demanding. The factors attributed to the
present acute problem of fragile ecosystem are: (i) loss of forest land to agriculture,
industries and human settlements; (ii) loss of forest due to multipurpose projects,
construction of roads, erection of transmission lines, quarrying, slashing for shifting
cultivation and clearings made for mining and so on; (iii) degradation due to illicit
felling, lopping for fodder and fuel wood, overgrazing, forest litter removal, forest
fires, over felling, etc.; (iv) human and cattle population explosion around forest land.
Thus, the ecological degradation, erratic rainfall and a high risk of drought in the
area have resulted in food insecurity, increasing out-migration and periodic deaths
10 Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and Livelihood … 187
from starvation. Ecological imbalance is now seriously undermining the livelihood

patterns and increasing vulnerability. The role of forests in maintaining the ecolog-
ical balance, in preventing soil erosion, desertification on serving water resources,
maintaining fertility of the soil and preserving the microclimate in general is well
established. The depletion of forests and the reduction of forest cover are detrimental
for the entire population, as well as detrimental to future generations.
Tribes and forest dwellers being managers of households have more knowl-
edge about trees and deep sense of belongingness with the forest which has been
rarely acknowledged by the forest experts who have scientific outlook and techno-
managerial skills for forest management. Tribes have more practical knowledge than
experts about various types of species available in the locality and their value for
supporting family requirements for food, fire, fodder, income, etc. There have been
several instances where women have favoured species needed not only for family
survival but also for maintaining the ecological balance whereas men from the same
locality have demanded commercial trees for cash earning.
Table 10.1 indicates aggregate annual employment in forest activities by gender. In
the context of specifically the tribal women, many a times they have saved forests from
rapacious contractors despite facing repression from forest administration. The nexus
of contractors/forest administrators and influential local people have been targeting
the poor, powerless women for protesting the forest exploitation in Uttarakhand,
Chhattisgarh, Chota Nagpur region in Bihar, tribal belts in Maharashtra, Gujarat and
Karnataka. In fact, women are struggling to protect forest in almost all the forest
areas as is evident from Vandana Shiva’s work (1988). She has aptly emphasised
the crucial link between gender, development and ecology, and this link is evident
in ecological struggles which women carry out to protect nature and preserve their
survival sustenance (Shiva 1988).
Forests as Supplementary Sources of Income to the Tribes
There exists a symbiotic relationship between the tribes and forests. Orissa, located
on the eastern side of Indian subcontinent, is abundant with natural resources. The
state has an area of 155,400 km2 (4.74% of India’s landmass) with a population of
4.2 crores according to census, 2011 (3.67 crores in 2001 census). Forests are one
of the most important natural resources that cover about 37% of the total landmass
of the state. The concentration of forest is high in Scheduled Areas, which cover
approximately 44.70% of Orissa’s land area with substantially large tribal population.
As has been mentioned earlier, about 23% of the state’s population comprise tribes;
and forest resources occupy a centre stage in the lives and livelihood of them and
other marginalised sections.
Forests particularly, non-timber forest products (NTFPs), provide critical liveli-
hood support to the tribal communities, thus constituting an important means of
sustenance for around 7–8 months in a year. Besides this, all the more important is
188 S. N. Tripathy
Table 10.1 Aggregate annual employment in forest activities by gender (Pant 1980 quoted in Singh
and Burra 1994)
Aggregate employment (million
person-days)
Operations/products Men Women Remarks
I—Harvesting activities
A—Major forest products
Coniferous wood 8.09 0.89 Husband
Non-coniferous wood 36.06 3.56
Pulpwood 10.25 2.45
Firewood 80.67 40.36
B- Minor forest products
Bidi leaves (collecting, drying, 34.24 23.96
packing and manual transport)
Bidi rolling 68.48 54.78
Bamboos, canes and grasses 56.77 39.72
Cashew nut collecting 3.30 2.31
Charcoal 24.80 2.48 Husband–wife
teams
Essential oils 19.39 9.69
Fibres and flosses 17.52 8.76
Gums and resins 26.40 10.56
Grading of gums 40.00 32.00
Honey and wax 0.17 0.17
Horns, hides, etc. 2.68 0.268
Kattha and cutch 2.98 1.49 Family labour
Lac 4.15 2.07 Family labour
Medicinal herbs 77.40 42.33 Family labour
Myrobalans 2.30 1.15 Family labour
Oil seeds 62.48 42.33
Pine oleo-resins 9.52 0.00
Raw tasar and silk 0.66 0.33
Sandalwood 0.08 0.0008
Seeds for propagation 3.25 29.25 Husband–wife
teams
Plantation activities
200–500 person-days, including 31.25 15.69
100–400 women days per hectare
depending upon terrain and area
Note These data represent only direct employment, leaving out the substantial indirect and self-
employment of women
the paramount role played by forests in sociocultural life of the dwellers living in
and around forests.
Thus, the natural resources are the mainstay for the poor tribal household who
depend on free availability of the biomass (forest, water, etc.) than the rich people.
Tribes’ relationship with the natural resources have four distinct characteristics—-
gatherer; user and processor; saviour and protector, implying nursing and regener-
ation. Tribal women in particular being primarily responsible for managing house-
holds in the subsistence economy, forests contribute substantially in maintaining
these households by providing fuel, fodder, minor forest produce for family’s con-
sumption and also for cash earning. Between March and May of every year (the slow
season in agriculture), the tribal households depend almost entirely on forest prod-
ucts for their livelihoods. Early every morning, groups of women set out towards the
forest. Once there, they work individually, collecting such non-timber products as
tendu patta, char, sal seeds, palesh, sarai, mahua/dori, harra, kusum, sisal, bamboo,
chhind, mango, jamun and many others. From the forest products they accumulate,
the women produce foods such as fruit and oil, and medicines. Forest products also
become raw materials for making a number of items for the home, such as bidi,
brooms, baskets, mats, rope, home-made toothbrushes and leaf plates. Some forest
products (such as char, lac, datoon, leaf plates, marula fruit) are sold for a small cash
income, which is sometimes used for buying clothing, oil or spices. Tendu leaves, an
important forest product, are collected by tribal women during the ‘tendu season’.
Most of the tribes survive on collection of the forest products for fulfilling their
requirement of fuel, fodder, fruit, food, fertiliser, fibre and so on. In their diver-
sified economic system, agriculture, animal husbandry, fishing hunting and other
forest activities make significant contribution. The mode of non-timber forest pro-
duce (NTFP) trade exhibits great variation by type, region, season, etc. Traders make
advance payments to primary collectors, and later buy goods at very low rates and
sell them in cities for huge profits. These modes have set up exploitative elements
due to non-payment of prices fixed for NTFPs. Traders also function as moneylen-
ders and buy NTFPs towards repayment of debt or interest. While private traders
and middlemen buy NTFPs through agents and subagents at the primary level, the
government agencies procure specified items, such as tamarind, hill broom grass,
mahua flower, sal seed, Kendu leaves, directly from the primary collectors at the
local collection centres.
Livelihood Needs and Poverty Alleviation of Tribes
Among the modes of exploitation in trading activities, differential prices, grading of

the products, limited processing, creation of situations towards more indebtedness,
means of distress sales, metric system of weights and measures are very important.
In situations, where weaker sections are prone to sell as much they can to meet
their pressing consumption needs, the exploitative elements become more active, to
further exploit out of the situation (Refer to Fig. 10.1).
190 S. N. Tripathy
Felt need for money by an individual with respect to subsistence, health,

marriage, rituality, etc.
Income generating opportunities Yes

and earnings matched with need
money
rupee/ surrender of asset/thing in lieu of
Repayment (perpetual) of loan in kind /
No
Written/non-written collateral
Compulsion to borrow
Money (loan ) flow

Sources available to
finance the felt needs
Friends& relatives
Moneylenders
Landlords
Traders
Debt trap (leading to poverty)
Fig. 10.1 Poverty as a sequel of informal sources (money lending) of credit (Source Author)
Though market is the most powerful channel of communication particularly in

the tribal region, the NTFPs indeed face ‘buyers’ market’. In such a situation, the
middlemen indeed largely benefit from the commercialisation process in terms of
appropriating a greater share of value. Thus, relationship between primary collectors
and middlemen (in a sense) is symbolic. It has been observed that much of the
miseries of tribal and other forest-dependent communities are primarily due to lack
of access to forests to collect NTFPs. Even if collection is not prohibited from the
revenue and protected forests, the right to process some NTFPs and sell the products
freely in the markets has not been granted. Market intermediaries including private
traders form a dominant link between the primary gatherer and the final consumer
(Table 10.2).
The intervention programmes of the NGOs or the government should address to
the financial needs of the poor tribals and forest dwellers through enabling them to
access to microfinance rather than subsidies to assist the poor, to come out from the
poverty cycle. Self-Help Group (SHG) bank linkage scheme has been introduced
to meet the financial needs of the poor in general and tribals and forest dwellers in
particular. It is shown in Fig. 10.2.
Table 10.2 Trade of a few selected NTFPs in tribal regions of Orissa (Mallik and Panigrahi 1998)
NTFPS items Selling price I Price II Price III Price IV Price %
by primary Selling price difference: Selling price difference: Local-level difference: Agents difference: Appreciation
collectors at by primary primary by primary primary subagent primary entrusted by primary by agents of
the village collectors at collectors and collectors to collectors and collectors and TDCC, OFDC, collector and OFDC/TDCC
the village weekly market village-level village-level local-level etc. agent of
weekly market sale sub agent subagent subagent TDCC/OFDC
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Harida 1.50 2.0 0.50 2.0 0.50 2.75 1.25 3.50 2.0 233.3
(100.00) (133.33) (133.33) (183.33)
Khanda- 1.5 2.0 0.50 1.75 0.25 2.0 0.50 52.50 1.0 166.7
Khai (100.00) (133.33) (116.67) (133.33)
Patal 3.0 4.0 1.0 3.50 0.50 3.75 0.75 4.50 1.5 150.0
Garuda (100.00) (133.33) (116.67) (125.00)
Padma 22.0 2.5 0.5 2.50 0.50 2.75 0.75 3.0 1.0 150.0
10 Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and Livelihood …
Chakra (100.00) (125.00) (125.00) (137.50)

Char seed 120.0 150.0 30.0 150.0 30.0 200.0 80.0 220.0 100.0 183.0
(100.00) (125.00) (125.00) (166.67)
Mahua 3.0 4.0 1.0 4.0 1.0 4.25 1.25 4.50 1.50 150.0
Flower (100.00) (133.33) (133.33) (141.67)
Amba 8.0 12.0 4.0 14.0 6.0 16.0 8.0 18.0 10.0 225.0
Sadha (100.00) (150.00) (175.00) (200.00)
191
192 S. N. Tripathy
Felt need for money by an individual with respect to subsistence,

health, marriage, rituality, education etc.
Yes
Matched with earnings
etc
/contributions at periodical meetings by SHG
Repayment of loan in easy installments
No
Deficit spending units
Sources available
Money (loan ) flow

Social collateral
Grammen Group NBFC
Self-Help Group (SHG)
DWCRA Group
SGSY Groups
Savings of SHG members/Grants/loans of governments and

NBFC/MFIs
Repayment of loan
Loans from
Banks
Repayment of loan
Refinancing from NABARD
Fig. 10.2 Financial implications (Source Author)

As shown in Fig. 10.2, borrowing from moneylender, trader and landlord, many
a times tantamount to a debt trap that pushes a person into poverty. After the micro-
finance intervention in the tribal and rural regions, the scenario is slowly changing.
Microfinance (financial services such as saving, credit, insurance, consumer loans
and money transfer to the poor who have no access to banks until recently) has cer-
tainly elevated the forest dwellers from the exploitative traditional (moneylender)
sources of financing.
Joint Forest Management (JFM) and Support to Tribes
In the context of Odisha, intensive endeavours were made at the policy level to link
Panchayat with JFM. The Orissa Gram Panchayat Rules, 2002, vests certain powers
to the PRIs with regard to administration of non-timber forest products (NTFPs). The
Gram Panchayat constitutes the JFMCs on recommendation of concerned forester
and constitutes an executive committee for the purpose of implementation of the
JFM programme with approval of the Conservator of Forests. The state also has
supervisory role for PRIs through constitution of a subcommittee on JFM by the Gram
Panchayat, which reviews once in a quarter, the functioning of the JFMCs. However,
there exist certain contradictions in the policies. The state JFM guidelines do not
provide details on the composition, constitution and the functions of subcommittee
on JFM by the Gram Panchayat. Further, the state NTFP policy outlines that the
Panchayat ownership of NTFPs does not extend to Protected Areas and Reserve
Forests and is limited to territorial jurisdiction of Gram Panchayats. This can act as
another potential source of conflict as tribes residing within such areas have been
collecting NTFPs from these forests only.
JFM shall operate in degraded forestland (reserve and protected forests) having
potential for regeneration. However, sanctuaries and national parks and forestland
allotted for the purpose of commercial or industrial plantation or any other depart-
mental afforestation scheme shall be excluded from the domain of JFM. A single
village committee may be allowed to develop up to a maximum forest area of 200 ha.
In the succeeding period, the forest area limit has been amended to ‘around 200 ha’
and in order to undertake forest protection and management activity, the Gram Pan-
chayat has constituted Vana Samrakshana Samithi (VSS). VSS shall comprise as
its members two adults from every household in the village including those who
have been exercising any rights, concessions or privileges over the forest area. One
member from each household should be a woman. VSS shall have 100% rights over
intermediate products such as leaves, fuel wood, fodder, grasses, fencing materials
and 50% rights on every major harvest or final felling of timber and poles in return of
protection and management responsibilities. The period following 1993 witnessed
constitution of Vana Samrakshana Samithi (VSS) as one of the main activity of forest
department. A close look into the JFM trend in the state reveals a sudden increase in
194 S. N. Tripathy
number of VSSs in the year 1999. As a result of mounting pressure from the ground
for legal recognition to the protection efforts, the then Chief Minister made a commit-
ment to constitute VSS in all the forest-protecting villages. Following this, the forest
department in different parts of the state carried out VSS formation process hastily.
The forest department claims to have constituted 9,606 VSS undertaking protection
of 8,518 km2 of forest areas in the state till September 2005 (official sources of the
Conservator of Forests, Orissa).
JFM addresses the dual issue of protection of forest cover and providing income-
generating options to the forest dwellers successfully. In India, 100 million people
live in or near forests and almost all these people are poor, living below the poverty
line. They are categorised as the Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes and Other
Backward classes. All of them largely rely on forest especially on NTFP for their
subsistence. They practise unsustainable methods of harvesting NTFP, cattle grazing,
etc., leading to erosion of forest cover. This and other biotic and economic pressures
led to serious depletion of vital forest resources. JFM was created to tackle the chal-
lenges of achieving poverty reduction by sustainable forest management involving
the forest dwellers (see Saxena 1999). While selecting tree species for plantation, the
JFM committees should consider long and short gestation period species (see MoEF
1999); this will balance long-term and short-term goals of stakeholders, mainly the
forest dwellers and forest department. For long-term species, sal can be opted, as it
not only has high timber value but also high NTFP value.
There are many grounds for failure of JFM, the foremost being the emphasis on
a formal and uniform organisational structure. JFM framework prescribes for con-
stitution of a committee termed as Vana Samrakshana Samithi (VSS) with defined
membership (MoEF 1999). The recently enacted JFM resolution 2000 by GOI (cf.
MoEF 1990) talks about facilitating a uniform structure for JFM committees, i.e.
society in all the states and registration of all JFM committees under the Society
Registration Act, 1860. This is in contrast to diverse institutions and organisational
arrangements under2 Community Forest Management (CFM), which go through
changes in response to internal dynamics, local situations and context. Since CFM
initiatives are self-emergent, dynamic and have grown over a long period taking into
account local need and conditions, they seldom felt the need for a formal organi-
sational structure. Though their organisational structures differ, they are essentially
democratic bodies reflecting the ground realities of the area. On the other hand,
appointment of Local Forester in the position of Secretary replacing the natural lead-
ership virtually puts the power on the hands of forest officials. Since the forester had
responsibilities of number of committees at the same time fails to perform the duty
of a functional leader and is unable to give adequate time to the affairs of the com-
mittee. The local communities powerfully resent the replacement of local leaders by
official members, such as the forester (as the member secretary), Naib-Sarpanch (as
2 Locally evolved Community Forest Management (CFM) arrangement is informal and locally
evolved. Joint Forest Management is formal arrangement based on policy guidelines of Government
of India. It is to be mentioned that the concept of Community Forest Management (CFM) was
officially recognised for the first time in Vietnam with the implementation of the Law on Forest
Protection and Development (2004).
President) and ward member. In certain areas, local communities have responded to
this state of affairs by following both locally developed systems and JFM rules and
regulations. The forest-protecting committee maintains two registers simultaneously,
one during the meeting of the self-evolved committee and the other whenever the
forester convenes the meeting of VSS. Moreover, local communities also find the
limit of forest area to be allocated to a Joint Forest Management committee (VSS)
unacceptable. The initial JFM resolution (see MoEF 1990) provided for allocation of
‘maximum of 200 ha’ of forest area to a committee, which was changed following an
amendment to ‘around 200 ha’. Even though the policy situation has changed, things
do not seem to get better at the implementation level. Forest areas brought under com-
munity protection varies, while area allocated to JFMC is limited to 200 ha ignoring
the ground realities which often leads to inter-village conflicts on forest boundary.
Unequal Power Relationship
JFM though professes to treat local communities as equal partners but in actual
structures an imbalanced power relationship exists putting the authority of decision-
making in the hands of forest department. Approval of Memorandum of Understand-
ing (MoU) between local communities and forest department needs ratification by
the DFO. Further, FD holds the discretion of terminating the MoU. CFM groups find
this unacceptable as they consider themselves de facto decision-makers on the matter
of forest resources since the initiation of forest protection. Microplanning exercise to
prepare resource management plan at microlevel under JFM is supposedly to be car-
ried out in participation with the local communities. But, the implementation process
in the field witnessed a departure from the guideline. In most of the cases, microplan
preparation was a hastily performed activity carrying active participation of forest
official, whereas local communities stayed behind passive participants.
Forest officials have done very little to address the equity and gender issues. Con-
trary to it, there are cases where forest officials were found supporting to the elite
sections resulted in appropriation of benefits by the latter. JFM has also failed to
promote reasonable and democratic participation of all sections. Despite the provi-
sions of 33% representation of women in Executive Committee, this hardly takes
place. These processes have resulted in marginalisation of forest dependents and
particularly women.
Benefit Sharing: Local People Needs Versus NTFPs
NTFPs are integral to the lifestyle of forest-dependent communities. They accomplish

basic requirements, provide gainful employment during lean periods and supplement
incomes from agriculture and wage labour. Medicinal plants have an important role
in rural health (Prasad and Bhatnagar 1991). But most controversial issue in JFM has
196 S. N. Tripathy
been that of benefit sharing. JFM offers a system of 50:50 benefits sharing between
the JFMC and FD on all final harvests. To the local communities, this appears to
be a ‘share cropping system’, which is unreasonable since forest is not a crop. This
system of benefit sharing reflects the ‘timber/revenue-oriented’ attitude of forest
department. In Orissa, local communities have initiated forest protection with the
primary objective to meet their local forestry needs by ensuring a sustained flow of
forest products (especially, NTFPs), and commercialisation of forest resource has
never been in their protection agenda. Moreover, JFM follows rigidity in rules and
regulations, which are in disagreement with the flexible rules for benefit sharing
in CFM, evolved depending on the need of the community (see MoEF 1998). The
members of JFM committee were given 100% rights on intermediate harvest such
as, dry firewood, small timber and NTFPs (MoEF 1998). However, for a long period
till 2000 most of the economically important NTFPs remained under the monopoly
control of the state and the members (co-managers of forest resource) were looked
upon as the labourers who received wage labour in return of collection of forest
produces. Even though monopoly of the state was removed from a majority of NTFPs
in 2000 and the regulation authority was transferred to Gram Panchayats, these have
largely remained notional in absence of enabling mechanisms.
Operational Inconsistencies
Even after a decade has passed after implementation of JFM, many ground-level
staff are not conceptually clear about JFM. The formation of VSS as stipulated
in the resolution of 1993 is not followed properly. Formation of JFM committees
usually turns out to be a target-fulfilling exercise, which points out gross flaws in
implementation. There exist several cases, which show formation of VSS in official
record but are non-existent in the ground. MoU between the VSS and the forest
department is not signed in majority of the cases, and this seems to be deliberately
done to keep the local communities away from decision-making.
JFM is based on an administrative order and thus, the JFM committees formed
lack a legal identity. There is a growing need felt among the JFM practitioners and
supporters for implementation of a legislation on JFM. There is an apprehension
within these groups that JFM in absence of a legal backing might face the same fate
like any other failure government programme. Simultaneously, there is also increased
demand for tenurial security and custodian rights with local community groups (cf.
MoEF 1998).
In 1996, Orissa Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoEF) came out with
another resolution seeking to declare the community-protected forests as ‘Village
Forest’. The resolution provided for considering the village as the unit for manage-
ment of forest resource. This has been a ground-breaking step by the government and
considered as a progressive resolution enacted so far in forestry sector as it talked
about the tenurial rights of the forest-protecting communities for which they have
been advocating for long. The implementation of the resolution, however, witnessed
lack of political will and interest on the part of forest officials and it remained as a
dead letter in the official records.
The impact of this inconsistency can be noticed in deprivation and subsequent
migration of male members. This has multiple implications. Studies find that dis-
tressed migration of male members inter alia results in increase in female-headed
households; feminisation of poverty; impact on reproduction and population growth
in sending areas; no formal entitlements to land or ownership; dependent on irregular
and insufficient remittances; loss of social and other support networks; not enough
labour to work the land and limited political participation (Tripathy 2005).
In the perspective of inclusive growth and sustainable development, the high
growth rates accomplished by the Indian economy can translate into development
only if different marginalised sections get their shares of the gains from progress
and take part in the economic transition in progress. The tribal people constituting
approximately 10% of the total population make up some of the most deprived
sections of India. The distinctive feature about the tribal people is their nearness
to nature, specifically forests. Economic development not sensitive to the ecologies
of their habitations and their special ties with the environment has alienated these
people from mainstream development.
Operational inconsistency and resulting tribal exclusion in the process of securing
their livelihoods under the regime of NTFP policy is examined with Kendu leaf as a
case of reference.
Kendu leaf (Diospyros melanoxylon) has its importance as a very precious renew-
able natural resources used for ‘bidi wrapping’. Kendu tree grows in both barren
forest areas and cultivated soils. The tree develops a lot of root suckers and can be
made to grow profusely through artificial injuries to its root system. Therefore ‘bust
cutting’ operation to Kendu species generates a lot of leaves. As the Kendu species
requires a bushy character under repeated hackings, its role in generating supple-
mentary income through creation of employment opportunities during lean period
by way of bush cutting plucking processing, binding, etc., requires serious thinking
in a state like Orissa where most of the forest dwellers, tribals and economically most
backward people depend to earn their livelihood by taking various activities relating
to Kendu leaf.
Odisha is one among the few important states of India in the field of production of
Kendu leaves. The share of Orissa in collection of Kendu leaves (KL) in India is about
20% and occupies third position after Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.3 Among
the Kendu leaf-growing districts undivided Bolangir, Sambalpur district has been
considered to be the best as fetching better price in market. The leaves collected
from bushes are generally shorter, thicker, brittle and curvaceous. Therefore, the
former category is preferred for bidi wrapping. Softer pluckers delivering the K.L.
Ken (bundle of 20 leaves in Orissa) are dried in the open for around ten days and
stored for about three weeks in a Phadi house. Then leaves are sorted for different
grades and repacked in bigger bundles weighing 5 kg each. The processed bundles
of specific grades are packed in a bag which consists of 12 bundles and weighs 60 kg
3 Our Forest Our Future, Odisha Forest Development. https://www.odishafdc.com/about_ofdc.php.

198 S. N. Tripathy
each. The share of Kendu leaf revenue to total forest revenue was lowest 4.86%
(Dash 2000: 161). Not only Kendu leaf has been dominating the revenue structure
in the forestry sector to government of Orissa but also it has been playing a crucial
role in the socio-economic development of pluckers who are primarily dwelling in
and around the forest, particularly tribals. Among all NTFPs, KL plucking is one
of the most important sources of livelihood for the poor particularly in the western
and central parts of Orissa, i.e. Bolangir, Sambalpur, Kalahandi, parts of Koraput,
Angul, Sundergarh, Keonjhar and Phulbani districts. It is important to mention that
some of these districts are the poorest districts in the country and is largely inhabited
by Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The districts are affected by recurrent
droughts with high degree of migration, food insecurity and even starvation (Tripathy
1989, Dash 2000). During the summer months in the absence of other employment
sources, KL is one of the few sources of liquid cash to the poor. Studies show that
KL generates about ten million person-days of work during the lean summer months
for lakhs of tribals and Dalits (see Vasundhara 1998).
Prior to March 2000, the NTFP policy of the state was revenue-based and control-
oriented. The state to protect its revenue interest had taken complete command over
certain commodities like bamboo, KL and sal seeds. For the rest of NTFPs, it was giv-
ing lease to private parties/corporations and in the process created monopoly interest.
This policy of the state favoured the traders/merchants/moneylenders and industrial-
ist interest along with its own. As a result, the marginalised section which critically
depends on NTFPs was exploited and never got the fair price for their produce. This
policy of the state presumes that state is the owner of forest and its produces. In late
80s and 90s, there was strong criticism against this policy orientation. As a result of
concerted efforts by the people at different levels, the NTFP policy was changed in
March 2000.
Basic Features of NTFP Policy 2000
There is a shift in the objective of NTFP management, i.e. from state revenue max-
imisation to that of sustainable rural livelihoods. A paradigm shift in the policy was
intended through recognising the necessity of transferring ownership rights over
minor forest produces (MFPs) from the forest department to the Gram Sabhas/Gram
Panchayats. The policy aimed at deciding to do away with monopoly trading rights
which used to benefit only a small group of traders at a huge cost to millions of tribal
and forest-dependent poor. The policy was a significant departure from the old one in
the sense that it recognises the critical importance of NTFPs in the livelihood of tribes
and the rural poor, and seeks to give primacy to welfare of forest-dependent poor over
revenue objectives of the state. Further, it seeks to decontrol NTFP trade and encour-
age competition for NTFP procurement by conferring rights over 67 NTFP items to
Gram Sabha as opposed to the erstwhile policies of monopoly leasing. Again, the
policy document says that such changes have been brought about in pursuance to the
provisions of PESA.
The resolution categorises forest produces/MFPs into three groups, i.e. specified
forest produces (KL, Bamboo and Sal seeds), NTFPs (this includes 60 items along
with seven tree-based oilseeds) and MFPs or leased barred items (basically includes
various barks, tubers and medicinal herbs). In a sense, the state presents for the first
time a definition of MFP and also simultaneously has attempted the NTFP concept
to its fold. This classification has no scientific validity. More importantly, implicit to
this classification is the revenue interest of the state. It comes out clearly when one
examines the list of items included in the NTFP. It has included those items, which
are ‘low-value’ forest produces. Of these the people collect only five to six items on
a significant scale. On the other hand, the state still preserves its right over the items,
which provide significant revenue to its coffer. Take the case of KL, bamboo, etc., in
a nutshell the classification only re-establishes the control of the state over forest pro-
duces by safeguarding its revenue interest and hoodwinks the forest-dependent poor.
The state covertly makes the distinction between minor forest produce and NTFP
and uses the unilateral definition to deny the forest-dependent poor of their rights
over the MFPs. Moreover, the definition has been kept open; to include products as
the state might decide from time to time in future. Thus, as the commercial value of
other products currently in the MFP list increases, the government can bring it under
its fold.
Rights Over NTFPs in Reserved Forests and Protected Areas
Gram Sabhas have been denied rights over NTFPs from reserve forest areas. Again
customary rights of natural inhabitants of areas coming under wildlife sanctuaries
and national parks have been totally ignored. The resolution mentions that Gram
Panchayats would not be able to lease out NTFPs from reserve forest (RF), protected
forest, but does not specify if the forest department would have the rights to allocate
procurement rights for NTFPs in RF.
Concluding Remarks
Development of economic conditions can only be acceptable if the livelihoods are

pursued in an ecologically prudent way. In other words, sustainability is an integral
part of development particularly relevant when the resource base is forest. Women’s
economic involvement has a crucial place not only because they spend their incomes
with thrift and attention to families’ welfare and sustenance, but they are also likely
to operate with caution against eroding the resources that sustain them.
Articles 244 and 244A read with Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution
outline in detail the powers, privileges, rights and responsibilities of the President,
200 S. N. Tripathy
Union Government and the governors regarding the Scheduled Areas. In addition,
Article 46 of Part IV Directive Principles of State Policy of the Constitution states
that ‘The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests
of the weaker sections of the people and in particular of the scheduled castes and
the scheduled tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of
exploitation’.
In addition to the above, special provisions for Scheduled Tribes have also been
made through certain Acts and orders which are protective and ameliorative in nature.
Laws protecting land rights of the tribal communities have recognised their traditional
rights over it and restricting its alienation to non-tribes.
In above backdrop of analysis, we can suggest that the Government should ensure
instant payment at the time of purchase of products (at present the working advance
provided by the Orissa Forest Development Corporation Ltd. reaches the KL Wing
5-6 months after the KL lection season is over); along with ensuring Group Insurance
for KL Pluckers on the lines of Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh. Mechanisms for
linking quality of KL leaves with purchase prices should be explored. Possible local
institutional arrangements to improve the quality of KL produced through various
arrangements such as contracting out bush cutting to KL Pluckers associations, VSS
etc., linking bonus to Phal-wise realisation of sales, integrating the possibility of
purchase of some other NTFPs with KL collection so as to improve the overall
utility of the infrastructure, etc., should be explored.
Our legal frame should be restructured with the right to life of the common man
particularly the poverty-stricken tribes as the central point. First of all, all unconsti-
tutional elements should be identified and eliminated from all the laws particularly
those concerning the command over resources, ownership of means of production
and existence of labour (Sharma 2010).
Section 4 (M) of Panchayats Extension in Scheduled Areas (PESA) authorises
the Gram Sabha to act in all areas where the tribes face threat to their survival and
welfare because of their continued exploitation. The PESA creates legal space for
direct community action, and therefore, PESA directly confers ownership to the
Gram Sabha on minor forest produce (MFP) which has been a support for their
survival. But it has been observed that this right has been neglected or violated rather
than adhered to. The commercial value of MFP has been appreciated resulting in the
nationalisation of MFP and thereby optimising the state’s revenue.
All development projects in tribal areas were considered ‘public purpose’ even for
private mining industries. This is the biggest fallacy of our development paradigms
in tribal areas. The land acquisition act should be amended in consonance with the
PESA Act so that rights of the people are protected in fifth schedule areas. No
act of force should be used when there is conflict over resources and as per the
recommendation of the 28th Report of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
Commissioner, law should be passed prohibiting use of force in case of disputes over
resources in the tribal areas. There should be tribal development plan in collaboration
and coordination with the department of forest whose involvement is critical for
the promotion and implementation of legal provisions pertaining to tribal land and
resource entitlements.
Further, forest policy which incorporates the development of tribes, along with
regeneration of forests and its commercial exploitation with forest dwellers as the
main, active and productive participants in the economic benefit of such exploitation,
can tend to succeed better than otherwise (Pati 1989).
The draft National Tribal Policy (NTP) also remarks, ‘Land is the most important
source of livelihood for STs. However, and in spite of State enactments to prevent
alienation of tribal land, wrongful alienation of tribal land is the single most important
cause of pauperization of tribes…’. Further, they are prevented from exercising their
traditional rights over the forests, even as the forests have been opened up to all sorts
of plunder and destruction by the process of so-called development. Suggesting that
the ‘deep sense of exclusion and alienation’ among tribes was responsible for unrest
in certain tribal areas, the NTP states candidly: ‘A situation is thus developing where
the STs view the state as their exploiter and enemy, and the preachers of violent
actions as their protector and friend. Tribal people tend to support these violent
movements as they feel that it would help them get their rights, protect them from
exploitation and redress their grievances’.
References
Dash, Chita Ranjan. 2000. Forests and Tribals: A Study on Kendu Leaf Pluckers in Patnagarh (KL)
Division in Bolangir District (Orissa). In Glimpses on Tribal Development, ed. S.N. Tripathy,
157–180. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.
Mallik, R.M., and N. Panigrahi. 1998. Study of Domestic and Commercial use of including Marketing
of NTFPs. Sweden: Scandia Consults Natura.
MoEF. 1990. Joint Forest Management Resolution. Resolution No. 6-21/89-FP. New Delhi: Depart-
ment of Environment, Forests and Wildlife.
MoEF. 1998. Report of the Expert Committee on Conferring Ownership Rights of MFPs on Pan-
chayats (unpublished). New Delhi: India, Government of India.
MoEF. 1999. National Forestry Action Plan, vol. 1. New Delhi: Government of India, Ministry of
Environment and Forests.
Pant, M.M. 1980. Role of Women in Forestry. Paper Presented in a Seminar on Role of Women in
Community Forestry. New Delhi: Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India (cited in Singh
and Burra 1994).
Pati, R.N. 1989. Strategy for Sustainable Use of Forest Resources and Development of Traditional
Shifting Cultivators in Orissa, India. In Tribal Development in India, ed. R.N. Pati and Basantibala
Jena, 71–88. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House.
Prasad, R., and P. Bhatnagar. 1991. Wild Edible Products in the Forests of Madhya Pradesh. Journal
of Tropical Forestry 7 (3): 210–218.
Saxena, N.C. 1999. World Bank and the Forestry Sector in India. In Alleviating Poverty Through
Participatory Forest Management; An Evaluation of India’s Forest Development and World Bank
Assistance. Washington, D.C.: Operations Evaluation Department.
Sharma, B.D. 2010. Unbroken History of Broken Promises- Indian State and Tribal People. New
Delhi: Shayog Pustak Kuteer.
Singh, Andrea M., and Neera Burra. 1994. Women and Wasteland Development in India. New Delhi:
Sage.
Shiva, Vandana. 1988. Staying Alive: Women Ecology and Survival in India. New Delhi: Kali for
Women.
202 S. N. Tripathy
Tripathy, S.N. 1989. Bondedlabour in India. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.
Tripathy, S.N. 2005. Female Headed Households in India. New Delhi: Sonali Publishing House.
Vasundhara. 1998. Non-Timber Forest Products and Rural Livelihoods with special focus on Existing
Marketing system and Policy Constraints: A study in Bolangir and Nuapada districts. Report
prepared on Behalf of Department of International Development Government of UK for The
Proposed Western Orissa Rural Livelihoods Project. Bhubaneswar: Vasundhara.
Chapter 11
A Content Analysis of Education Among
the Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand:
Emphasising Government’s Perspective
and Conscientiousness
Binod Narayan and Utpal Kumar Chakraborty
Education is a fundamental right and the basis for progress in

every country….
Ban Ki-Moon, United Nations Secretary-General.
Abstract The paper presents a content analysis of educational scenario of tribes in

the state of Jharkhand, India. It highlights the literacy rates, the educational status
among the tribal groups, and points out literacy gap across gender, tribes and rural–ur-
ban divide in each category. It also compares the educational scenario of tribes of
Jharkhand with that of in selected states. The paper reports various schemes and pro-
grammes in the field of educational empowerment implemented by the Government
of India and Government of Jharkhand. Essentially, the paper critically examines
government intervention and achievement in the field of education with a view to
understand the progress towards the attainment of universal elementary education
with tribes of Jharkhand as case study.
Keywords Scheduled tribes · Literacy rates · Gross enrolment ratio · Gender

disparity · Empowered action group · Particularly vulnerable tribal groups ·
Educational schemes and programmes · Dropout rates · Ashram schools ·
Scholarships
Introduction
Education has been formally recognised as a human right since the adoption of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. This has since been affirmed in
numerous global human rights treaties, including: The United Nations Educational,
B. Narayan (B)
Department of Sociology, Ranchi University, Ranchi 834008, Jharkhand, India
e-mail: bnsocioru@rediffmail.com; bnsocioru@gmail.com
U. K. Chakraborty
Department of Sociology, A B M College, Jamshedpur 831003, Jharkhand, India
e-mail: chakraborty.u007@gmail.com
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_11
204 B. Narayan and U. K. Chakraborty
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), Convention against Discrimination

in Education (1960), The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights (1966) and The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimina-
tion Against Women (1981). The United Nations since 2000 has also been promoting
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to achieve free universal primary edu-
cation for all, regardless of gender. This is a goal that the 2010 Education for All
report clearly indicates has achieved some progress (Watkins et al. 2010; also see
Ramachandran 2009).
Keeping these in mind, the Planning Commission in India has also targeted in its
Eleventh Five-Year Plan to increase literacy rate of persons of age 7 years or more
to 85% and reducing gender gap in literacy to 10 percentage points by 2011–12. In
India, the provision of tribal education is important since the tribal population of
10.43 crore, accounting for 8.6% of the total population in 2011 is larger than any
other country in the World. On an average, difference between the literacy rate of
general population and that of scheduled tribes has been around 14.03 percentage
point.
There are over 700 Scheduled Tribes notified under Article 342 of the Constitu-
tion of India, spread over different states and union territories of the country (GoI
2008–09). While some tribal communities have adopted a mainstream way of life,
at the other end of the spectrum, there are certain Scheduled Tribes, 75 in number
known as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs), earlier termed as Primi-
tive Tribal Groups (GoI 2013–14). The list of Scheduled Tribes is State/UT specific
and a community declared as a Scheduled Tribe in a State need not be so in another
State/UT.
Despite more than half a century of various affirmative action policies and pro-
grammes, the scheduled tribes are still lagging far behind in the different walks of life
such as education, employment, good health, empowerment. In this backdrop, it is
imperative to put forth Article 21A of the Constitution of India which states as—“The
State shall provide free and compulsory education to all children of the age of six
to fourteen years in such manner as the State may, by law, determine”. Nevertheless
such an amendment in the Constitution of India, even after nearly 60 years of inde-
pendence and 55 years of development planning, India is far away from the goal of
universalisation of elementary education (Tilak 2008). There remains little improve-
ment in the overall status, particularly educational status of ‘Scheduled Tribes’ in
India. A large number of STs does not have access to successive stages of education.
Literacy Rates of Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India:

An Overview
Table 11.1 indicates the percentages of literacy rates of STs by sex and urban–rural
divide from 1961 to 2011. It is evident from Table 11.1 that there has been a consid-
erable increase in the literacy rates of tribals from 1961 to 2011, i.e. 8.53 to 58.96%.
11 A Content Analysis of Education Among the Scheduled Tribes … 205
The literacy rates among ST males and females in rural India were 13.37 and 2.9%,
respectively, which increased to 57.39 and 32.44% during the period of reference.
The literacy rates among females also rose significantly during this period. Among
the tribal women, living in urban areas there is nearly sixfold increase in the literacy
rates, i.e. 13.45% in 1961 to 70.03% in 2011. Simultaneously, the literacy rates among
rural tribal women also increased from 2.90 to 46.9% during these five decades. The
same is shown in Table 11.1a. However, instead of several interventions by the central
and state governments in context to promote gender sensitisation and minimise the
gap between rural–urban indicators, the literacy rate instead, progressive in nature
though, has not attained the level of national average.
Table 11.1a illustrates the comparative literacy rates of STs and total population
from 1961 to 2011. It may be observed that the literacy rates among the STs have
Table 11.1 Percentages of literacy rates of STs by sex and urban/rural from 1961 to 2011 (GoI
2013)
Male Female Person
1961 Rural 13.37 2.9 8.16
Urban 30.43 13.45 22.41
Total 13.83 3.16 8.53
1971 Rural 16.92 4.36 10.68
Urban 37.09 19.64 28.84
Total 17.63 4.85 11.3
1981 Rural 22.94 6.81 11.92
Urban 47.6 27.32 37.93
Total 24.52 8.04 16.35
1991 Rural 38.45 16.02 27.38
Urban 66.56 45.66 56.6
Total 40.65 18.19 29.6
2001 Rural 57.39 32.44 45.02
Urban 77.77 59.87 69.09
Total 59.17 34.76 47.1
2011 Rural 66.8 46.9 56.9
Urban 83.2 70.3 76.8
Total 71.7 54.4 58.96
Table 11.1a Comparative literacy rates of STs and total population since 1961 (GoI 2013)
Category/census year 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Total population 28.3 34.45 43.57 52.21 64.84 72.99
Scheduled tribes 8.53 11.30 16.35 29.60 47.10 58.96
Gap −19.77 −18.15 −19.88 −22.61 −18.28 −14.03
increased significantly. However, a gap in literacy rates when compared with the
total population is maintained since the last six decades. The gap in literacy rates is
maxim in the year 1991 which was 22.61 percentage points, and it declines to 14.03
percentage points in the year 2011.
Table 11.1b presents the literacy rates among the STs in terms of rural and urban
divide from 1961 to 2011 in India. It indicates that the urban and rural literacy rates
of STs in 1961 were 22.41 and 8.61, respectively, which after six decades rose to
76.8% among the STs from urban areas and that of 56.9% from those from rural
background. Further, the Table 11.1b also presents the gap in literacy rates among
the STs from urban and rural background since 1961. It was at minimum in the
year 1961 which was 14.25 percentage points and the maximum at 29.22 percentage
points in the year 1991. However, the table of reference presents a declining trend in
urban–rural literacy gap after 1991.
Table 11.1c illustrates the comparative literacy rates of males and females in rural
India from 1961 to 2011. The female literacy rate was 2.9% in 1961 which increased
significant to 46.9% in the year 2011. However, despite increase in literacy rate, the
gender gap in literacy rates is evident from Table 11.1c. The aforementioned table
also presents the male–female literacy gap in rural areas since 1961; it shows a gap
of 24.95 percentage points in 2001 which is at the highest. In the year 1961, level
of literacy rate among the STs in India was low; nevertheless, the gap between male
and female literacy rates was 10.47 percentage points.
Table 11.1d presents the comparative literacy rates of males and females in urban
India from 1961 to 2011. The male and female literacy rates among the STs in urban
India were 30.43 and 13.45%, respectively, in 1961 which significantly increased
to 83.2 and 70.3% in 2011. Instead of increase in literacy rate, there remains a gap
between male and female literacy rates in urban India as is evident from Table 11.1d.
The gap was maximum in the year 1981, i.e. 20.28 percentage points, which however
due to several conscientiousness from the Government declined to 12.9 percentage
points in 2011.
Table 11.1b Comparative literacy rates of STs in rural and urban since 1961 (GoI 2013)
Urban 22.41 28.84 37.93 56.60 69.09 76.8
Rural 8.16 10.68 11.92 27.38 45.02 56.9
Gap −14.25 −18.16 −26.01 −29.22 −24.07 −19.9
Table 11.1c Comparative literacy rates of males and females in rural India since 1961 (GoI 2013)
Male 13.37 16.92 22.94 38.45 57.39 66.8
Female 2.9 4.36 6.81 16.02 32.44 46.9
Gap −10.47 −12.56 −16.13 −22.43 −24.95 19.9
Table 11.1d Comparative literacy rates of males and females in urban India since 1961 (GoI 2013)
Male 30.43 37.09 47.60 66.56 77.77 83.2
Female 13.45 19.64 27.32 45.66 59.87 70.3
Gap −16.98 −17.45 −20.28 −20.9 −17.9 −12.9
Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for Elementary Stage
Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) for elementary stage (classes I–VIII) of education
is defined as percentage of enrolment in elementary stage to the estimated child
population in the age group of 6 to below 14 years. GER for children in this stage has
increased from 102.4% in 2004–05 to 119.7% in 2010–11 for STs and from 93.5%
in 2004–05 to 103.9% in 2010–11 for all categories. However, a marginal decline
of GER is noticed in the year 2011–12 in case of STs and all categories. Table 11.2
indicates year-wise Gross Enrolment Ratio in respect of all category and Scheduled
Tribes at elementary stage (I–VIII). It also indicates the gap in GER of boys and
girls between two categories, namely ‘all category and ST category’, for elementary
stage (I-VII) in India.
The enrolments in these stages include underage and overage, and hence, the
total percentage may be more than 100 in some cases. Gender disparity (GD) in
GER at elementary stage has steadily declined for both the categories as is presented
in Table 11.2 for elementary stage (I–VIII). In 2000–01, the gender disparity for
all categories was 17.9 and 29 percentage points for ST category indicating high
Table 11.2 Gross enrolment ratios (GER) for elementary stage (I–VIII) (GoI 2012)
Year All category Scheduled Tribe category Gap Gap
Boys Girls Total GD Boys Girls Total GD Total Girls
2000–01 90.3 72.4 81.6 17.9 102.5 73.5 88.0 29 +6.4 +1.1
2001–02 90.7 73.6 82.4 17.1 99.8 77.3 88.9 22.5 +6.5 +3.7
2002–03 85.4 79.3 82.5 6.1 86.7 73.9 80.5 12.8 −2 −5.4
2003–04 87.9 81.4 84.8 6.5 90.6 81.1 86.1 9.5 +1.3 −0.3
2004–05 96.9 89.9 93.5 7 108.5 95.8 102.4 12.7 +8.4 +5.9
2005–06 98.5 91.0 94.9 7.5 111.9 100.6 106.4 11.3 +11.5 +9.6
2006–07 100.4 93.5 97.1 6.9 114.7 104.2 109.6 10.5 +12.5 +10.7
2007–08 102.4 98.0 100.3 4.4 116.3 108.9 112.7 7.4 +12.4 +10.9
2008–09 102.5 99.6 101.1 2.9 119.0 113.4 116.3 5.6 +15.2 +13.8
2009–10 102.5 100.4 101.5 1 119.1 115.2 117.2 3.9 +15.7 +14.8
2010–11 104.5 103.3 103.9 1.2 120.5 118.7 119.7 1.8 +15.8 +15.4
2011–12 97.2 97.6 97.4 0.4 103.0 100.6 101.8 2.4 +4.4 +3
incidence in the category. However, it has declined to 0.4 percentage and 2.4 points
for all category and ST category, respectively, in 2011–12. During this period, GD
of all category and ST category girls has increased from 1.2 to 3.0 percentage points,
though the trend is erratic with a significant decline in 2002–03 by 5.4 percentage
points and a spectacular increase in by 2010–11 by 15.4 points.
States Having Literacy Rates Less Than Country’s Average

and Status of Jharkhand
Table 11.3 indicates the ten states having literacy rates less than country’s average
(58.96%) for ST population in census 2011 and status of Jharkhand. It indicates that
Jharkhand is having literacy rate (57.1%) for STs which is less than that of country’s
average (58.96%). However, it occupies second position next to West Bengal among
the 10 selected states.
Literacy Trends in Empowered Action Group (EAG) States
In India, the eight socioeconomically backward states of Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jhark-

hand, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan, Uttaranchal and Uttar Pradesh, referred
to as the Empowered Action Group (EAG) states, lag behind in the demographic
transition. Table 11.4 presents the effective literacy rate for eight Empowered Action
Group (EAG) states and non-EAG states. It is evident from the table of reference that
the literacy rates for all three groups, namely total persons, males and females, have
been higher in non-EAG states as compared to EAG states in the three censuses of
Table 11.3 States having ST Sl. No Country/State Literacy rate

literacy rates less than
country’s average for STs India 58.96
(GoI 2011) 1 Andhra Pradesh 49.2
2 Madhya Pradesh 50.6
3 Jammu and Kashmir 50.6
4 Bihar 51.1
5 Odisha 52.2
6 Rajasthan 52.8
7 Tamil Nadu 54.3
8 Uttar Pradesh 55.7
9 Jharkhand 57.1
10 West Bengal 57.9
Table 11.4 Effective literacy rate in EAG and non-EAG states (GoI 2011)
1991 2001 2011
Person Male Female Person Male Female Person Male Female
India 52.21 64.13 39.21 64.83 75.26 53.67 74.04 82.14 65.46
Non- 60.41 70.34 49.2 70.64 79.25 61.53 78.24 84.76 71.42
EAG
EAG 41.65 56 25.68 57.22 70.09 43.21 68.86 78.96 57.99
1991, 2001 and 2011. However, it is satisfying to note that change in percentage points
of literacy rate in EAG states is higher for all three categories during 2001–2011 as
compared to non-EAG states which indicates that EAG states are catching up with
non-EAG states.
Table 11.5 presents the male–female gap in effective literacy rate for EAG and
non-EAG states for censuses of 1991, 2001 and 2011. It may be estimated that the
male–female gap in literacy is declining at faster pace in EAG states. The decline is
5.92 percentage points in EAG states as compared to 4.38 percentage points in case
of non-EAG states during 2001–2011.
Literacy Trends in Empowered Action Group (EAG) States

and Status of Jharkhand
Table 11.6 indicates the effective literacy trends in EAG states of 2001 and 2011. It
also highlights the percentage increase in the number of literates from 2001 to 2011
and the status of Jharkhand among the EAG states.
Table 11.6 illustrates the increase in number of literates. The percentage increase
in number of literates is remarkable in all EAG states. Bihar (74.83%), Jhark-
hand (59.24%) and Uttar Pradesh (56.40%) have shown the highest rise. Rajasthan
(40.68%) and Chhattisgarh (39.61%) are in the middle, and Madhya Pradesh (38.73),
Uttarakhand (37.05%) and Odisha (36.68%) are placed in the rear.
Table 11.7 indicates the literacy rate of total population and ST population and
gap in literacy rate in Empowered Action Group states in 2001 and 2011. It indicates
that the literacy gap in Jharkhand declined from 12.9 percentage points in the year
Table 11.5 Male–female gap 1991 2001 2011

in effective literacy rate (GoI
2011) India 24.85 21.59 16.68
Non-EAG 21.14 17.72 13.34
EAG 30.32 26.89 20.97
Note In 1991 census, figures for Jammu and Kashmir are not
included as no census was held in the state
Table 11.6 Literacy trends in Empowered Action Group (EAG) states and status of Jharkhand
(GoI 2011)
Rank India/States No. of literates No. of literates Absolute Percentage
in 2011 in 2001 increase in increase in the
number of number of
literates literates
2001–2011 2001–2011
India 778,554,120 560,753,179 217,700,941 38.82
1 Bihar 54,390,254 31,109,577 23,280,677 74.83
2 Jharkhand 18,753,660 11,777,201 6,976,459 59.24
3 Uttar Pradesh 118,423,805 75,719,284 42,704,521 56.40
4 Rajasthan 38,970,500 27,702,010 11,268,490 40.68
5 Chhattisgarh 15,598,314 11,173,149 4,425,165 39.61
6 Madhya 43,827,193 31,592,563 12,234,630 38.73
Pradesh
7 Uttarakhand 6,997,433 510,5782 1,891,651 37.05
8 Odisha 27,112,376 19,837,055 7,275,321 36.68
Table 11.7 Literacy rate of total population and ST population and gap in literacy rate in Empow-
ered Action Group (EAG) states (2001–2011) (GoI 2011 and GoI 2013–14)
Rank India/States Literacy rate Gap in literacy Literacy rate Gap in literacy
2001 rate 2011 rate
Total ST Total ST
India 64.8 47.1 17.7 73.0 59.0 14.0
1 Bihar 47 28.2 18.8 61.8 51.1 10.7
2 Jharkhand 53.6 40.7 12.9 66.4 57.1 9.3
3 Uttar Pradesh 56.3 35.1 21.2 67.7 55.7 12.0
4 Rajasthan 60.4 44.7 15.7 66.1 52.8 13.3
5 Chhattisgarh 64.7 52.1 12.6 70.3 59.1 11.2
6 Madhya Pradesh 63.7 41.2 22.5 69.3 50.6 18.8
7 Uttarakhand 71.6 63.2 8.4 78.8 73.9 4.9
8 Odisha 63.1 37.4 25.7 72.9 52.2 20.6
2001 to 9.3 percentage points in 2011. Among eight EAG states, Jharkhand holds
fourth position in the ST literacy rate in 2001, whereas with a declining literacy rate
for STs, it stands sixth in the year 2011. Comparing the gap in literacy rate, it shows
better position with an improvement in its status from third position in the year 2001
to second position in 2011 among the eight EAG states.
Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand: An Overview
Jharkhand is a state with a high proportion of Scheduled Tribe population, 26.3%

against an all-India average of 8%, and a high percentage of area under forest cover,
about 29% against the Indian average of 23%. Table 11.8 indicates 32 tribal groups
including 08 Primitive Tribal Group (PVTG). Out of 32, the numerically major
among them are Santhal, Munda, Oraon and Ho. The PVTGs are Asur, Birhor,
Birajia, Korwa, Savar, Pahariya (Baiga), Mal Pahariya and Souriya Pahariya. It is also
evident from Table 11.8 that the literacy rate when compared with the numerically
major tribes and that of PVTGs only Birjia cross the percentage of 50 in PVTGs.
Tribes of Jharkhand: At a Glance
See Table 11.8.
Literacy Rate Among the Numerically Larger STs

in Jharkhand
Table 11.9 indicates the literacy rate of numerically major tribes in Jharkhand as per
census 2001 and 2011. It shows that Oraon is having highest literacy rate in 2001
as well as in 2011. However with 50.8% literacy, Santhals occupy tenth position in
2011. The literacy rate has significantly increased among Kharwars from 20.6% in
2001 to 64.3% in 2011.
Table 11.10 indicates the male–female literacy rate and the gap in male and female
literacy rates in census 2011. It indicates that among the numerically major tribes,
the Kharwar males (76.9%) and Kharia females (58.9) have the highest literacy rates.
But instead of increase in literacy rate, the female literacy rate among the numerically
major tribes is low as compared with their male counterparts.
Literacy Rate Amongst the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal

Groups (PVTGS) in Jharkhand
Table 11.11 indicates the literacy rates among the PVTGs of Jharkhand. When com-
pared with the national average literacy rate, the literacy rates among the PVTGs in
the state are quite low. However, literacy rates of some of the PVTGs can be compa-
rable with those of some major tribes. Moreover, the rate has significantly increased
among the PVTGs, almost double in 2011 over 2001. The Birjia with 50.2% literacy
rate in 2011 has first rank among the PVTGs. The lowest literacy rate among the
Table 11.8 Literacy rates and total ST population across gender in 2011 (GoI 2013)
Sl. ST Name Total population (2011) Literacy Literacy (2011)
No Total Male Female 2001 Total Male Female
1 Asur 22,459 11,473 10,986 29.10 46.9 58.0 35.4
Agaria
2 Baiga 3,582 1,829 1753 17.34 36.7 43.3 29.6
3 Banjara 487 242 245 23.47 40.3 55.4 25.6
4 Bathudi 3,464 1,754 1,710 33.26 51.2 63.1 39.2
5 Bedia 100,161 50,207 49,954 37.89 58.0 69.0 46.9
6 Binjhia 14,404 7,320 7,084 38.78 56.3 68.9 43.4
7 Birhor 10,726 5,472 5,254 17.55 34.5 41.3 27.4
8 Birjia 6,276 3,174 3,106 31.22 50.2 61.7 38.4
9 Chero 95,575 48,860 46,715 40.17 63.6 76.2 50.4
10 Chik 54,163 27,126 27,037 48.93 64.5 75.3 53.6
Baraik
11 Gond 53,676 26,925 26,751 43.68 59.8 71.0 48.6
12 Gorait 4,973 2,527 2,446 45.86 62.0 72.6 51.0
13 Ho 928,289 459,209 469,080 39.16 54.0 67.0 41.4
14 Karmali 64,154 33,203 30,951 44.02 62.4 73.7 50.3
15 Kharia 196,135 97,139 98,996 51.01 65.9 73.0 58.9
16 Kharwar 248,974 126,763 122,211 29.60 56.4 68.2 44.2
17 Khond 221 114 107 60.76 62.4 76.0 48.4
18 Kisan 37,265 18,880 18,385 29.08 49.5 60.2 38.5
19 Kora 32,786 16,487 16,299 35.05 55.5 68.5 42.4
20 Korwa 35,606 18,000 17,606 14.29 37.9 45.8 29.7
21 Lohra 216,226 109,383 106,843 38.94 56.2 67.1 45.1
22 Mahli 152,663 76,631 76,032 36.43 54.2 66.0 42.4
23 Mal 135,797 67,791 68,006 20.90 39.6 49.1 30.2
Paharia
24 Munda, 1,229,221 614,199 615,022 47.91 62.6 72.9 52.4
Patar
25 Oraon, 1,716,618 8,55.210 861,408 52.46 67.0 75.9 58.1
26 Parhaiya 25,585 13,070 12,515 12.59 33.1 41.5 24.3
27 Santal 2,754,723 1,371,168 1,383,555 33.42 50.8 62.9 39.0
28 Sauria 46,222 22,970 23,252 21.70 39.7 48.9 30.6
Paharia
29 Savar 9,688 4,864 4,824 18.06 33.7 43.3 24.0
30 Bhumij 209,448 104,910 104,538 41.50 56.7 70.4 43.0
31 Kawar 8,145 4,082 4,063 – 64.3 76.9 51.7
32 Kol 53,584 27,037 26,547 – 47.7 60.3 34.8
Total 8,645,042 4,315,407 4,329,635 47.10 57.1 68.2 46.2
Table 11.9 Literacy rate among the numerically larger ST groups in Jharkhand (GoI 2013)
Literacy rate All STs Santhal Oraon Munda Ho Kharwar Lohra Bhumij Kharia Mahli Bedia
(State)
2001 40.7 33.42 52.46 47.91 39.16 29.6 38.94 41.2 51.01 36.43 37.89
2011 57.1 50.8 67 62.6 54 64.3 56.2 56.7 65.9 54.2 58
Increase 10.4 17.38 14.54 14.69 14.84 34.7 17.26 15.2 14.89 17.77 20.11
11 A Content Analysis of Education Among the Scheduled Tribes …
213
214
Table 11.10 Male and female literacy rate among the numerically larger STs in Jharkhand (GoI 2013)
Literacy rate All STs Santhal Oraon Munda Ho Kharwar Lohra Bhumij Kharia Mahli Bedia
(State)
Males 68.2 62.9 75.9 72.9 67 76.9 67.1 70.4 73 66 69
Females 46.2 39 58.1 52.4 41.4 51.7 45.1 43 58.9 42.8 46.9
Gap 22 23.9 17.8 20.5 25.6 25.2 22 27.4 14.1 23.2 22.1
B. Narayan and U. K. Chakraborty
Table 11.11 Literacy rate among the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs) 2001 and 2011 (GoI 2013)
Literacy rate All STs Asur Birhor Birjia Korba Mal Paharia Parhaiya Sauria Paharia Savar
(State)
2001 40.7 29.1 17.55 31.22 14.29 20.9 12.59 21.7 18.06
2011 57.1 46.9 34.5 50.2 37.9 39.6 33.1 39.7 33.7
Increase 16.4 17.8 16.95 18.98 23.61 18.7 20.51 18 15.64
215
PVTGs is recorded among the Paharias with 33.1%. Table 11.12 presents the literacy
gap between PVTG males and females which varies between 15.64 and 23.61%.
Literacy Rates of Scheduled Tribes in Context

of Total/Rural/Urban Population
There has been considerable variation in the progress made in education across Indian
states, ‘with some states lagging behind and others surging ahead’ (Clarke and Jha
2006). Table 11.13 indicates the literacy rate of STs in India and Jharkhand with
respect to rural–urban areas. Instead of the efforts undertaken by the central and
state governments, the literacy rate in rural areas among the STs is found to be lower
than that of urban STs. A similar trend of lower literacy rate among the females
of rural areas is noticed either with respect to both in the national and Jharkhand
context.
Dropout Rate
The problem of dropout has been continually troubling the primary education sys-
tem not only in India but in other developing countries also. To address the issue,
the Government of India has inserted Article 51A(k) in the Constitution of India
vide 86th Amendment Act, 2002, making parents responsible to ensure opportuni-
ties for education to their child/ward between the age of 6 and 14 years. According
to the Financial Management Information System (FMIS) report (2006–07), almost
three-fourths of the children (68%) in the state drop out before completing their
elementary level of education (cited in Rustagi and Menon 2013). According to the
World Bank Report (2007), education indicators in Jharkhand were also markedly
unfavourable in comparison to both the all-India average and the major Indian states.
SSA Household census 2005 reflects that poverty appears to be the most compelling
factor for leaving the children out of school. Household work (25%), earning com-
pulsions (23%), lack of interest (14%), migration (9%) and lack of access (8%) left
many children out of School (World Bank: 2007: 87–88). Many children, who enter
school, are unable to complete secondary education and multiple factors are respon-
sible for children dropping out of school. Risk factors begin to add up even before
students enrol in school that includes poverty, low educational level of parents, the
weak family structure, pattern of schooling of sibling, and lack of preschool expe-
riences. Family background and domestic problems create an environment which
negatively affects the value of education. In a study, Kumar and Das (2004) found
many strong factors of dropout such as ‘disinterest’ of parents and children towards
acquiring education. Dropout among ST continues to be high. A majority of ST
children who enrol in class I drop out within a few years of entering school. Official
Table 11.12 Male and female literacy rate among the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs), 2001 (GoI 2013)
Literacy rate All STs Asur Birhor Birjia Korba Mal Paharia Parhaiya Sauria Paharia Savar
(State)
Males 68.2 58 41.3 61.7 45.8 49.1 41.5 48.9 43.3
Females 46.2 35.4 27.4 38.4 29.7 30.2 24.1 30.6 24
Gap 22 22.6 13.9 23.3 16.1 18.9 17.4 18.3 19.3
217
Table 11.13 Literacy rates of Scheduled Tribes [total/rural/urban] (Census 2011) (GoI 2011 and
2013) (Figures in percentage)
Sl. State/UTs Total Rural Urban
No Person Male Female Person Male Female Person Male Female
1 India 59.0 68.5 49.4 56.9 66.8 46.9 76.8 83.2 70.3
2 Jharkhand 57.1 68.2 46.2 55.2 66.6 43.9 75.4 83.2 67.8
Gap −1.9 −0.3 −3.2 −1.7 −2.2 −2.7 −1.4 0 −2.5
Table 11.14 Dropout rates of ST students in comparison to India 2010–11 (GoI 2012)
Sl. Country/State Classes I–V Classes I–VIII Classes I–X
No Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total
1 India 37.2 33.9 35.6 54.7 55.4 55 70.6 71.3 70.9
2 Jharkhand 39.6 35 37.5 60.5 49.4 55.8 80.8 78.5 79.8
3 Gap +2.4 +1.1 +1.9 +5.8 −6 +0.8 +10.2 +7.2 +8.9
dropout rates of tribal children from school in 1988–89 were as high as 78% between
classes I and VIII. Almost 65% of tribal children leave school between classes I and
V. Dropout rates are extremely high among girls in general (68%) and tribal girls in
particular (82%). Class-wise enrolments at the primary stage also suggest that the
sharpest drop in enrolment of tribal children is between classes I and II (NCERT 1998
cited in Nambissan 2000). Despite various steps taken by the State governments to
check dropout, including free distribution of books and stationery, the post-matric
scholarship, financial assistance to all ST students for pursuance of post-metric stud-
ies in recognised institutions within India, the impact on dropout rate has been very
low (see Kumar 2008). Table 11.14 indicates that the overall dropout rate of STs
in Jharkhand is similar to that of Country’s dropout rate for STs in classes I–V and
I–VIII, but more than that in classes of I–X when compared to the national figure
among the STs.
The case of tribal dropout rate in Jharkhand is still very high. Table 11.14 also
indicates that the dropout rates for the boys and girls in classes I–V were 39.6 and
35%, respectively, whereas for India, it was 37.2 and 33.9% for the category. Similar
trend of higher dropout rates among the boys and girls was found in classes I–X
in Jharkhand as compared to corresponding national figures. However in classes
I–VIII, the dropout rate for ST girls in Jharkhand is lower than that of their national
counterparts.
Enrolment Ratio of ST Students
Enrolment ratios (per cent enrolment of population in age group corresponding to the
standards) as is very well known are not reliable indicators of educational progress
due to considerable inflation caused by over reporting and enrolment of overage

children. A better picture of educational progress is illustrated in Tables 11.15, 11.16
and 11.17 which compare ST Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) with national Gross
Enrolment Ratio. Above tables of reference indicate that GER of ST boys is more
than that of ST girls in all classes. It is higher in classes I to V (6–10 years) which
is 137.2% for ST boys and 136.7% for ST girls in India. However, in Jharkhand it
was 164.9 and 164.15%, respectively, for both boys and girls. In India, the same is
estimated 90.7 and 87.0%, and in Jharkhand 84.0 and 80.8% for both boys and girls in
classes VI to VIII (11–13 years). Table 11.16 presents GER for classes I–VIII (6–13
years), I–X (6–15 years) and I–XII (6–17 years) which is 119.7, 53.3 and 106.8,
respectively, as against 132.8, 40.9 and 114.0 percentage points for Jharkhand.
Table 11.17 indicates that the GER in classes I–XII (6–17 years) for STs in
Jharkhand is significantly higher than that of India with respect to boys, girls and
total. However in classes XI–XII (16–17 years) and classes IX–XII (14–17 years),
GER for all categories is recorded negative which is a matter of utmost concern
indicating that age groups of thirteen plus are vulnerable in this scenario. Varied
Table 11.15 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled Tribe—classes I–V and classes VI–VIII
(GoI 2012)
Sl. No Country/State Classes I–V(6–10 years) Classes I–VIII(11–13 years)
Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total
1 India 137.2 136.7 137.0 90.7 87.0 88.9
2 Jharkhand 164.9 164.1 164.5 84.0 80.8 82.4
3 Gap +27.7 +27.4 +27.5 −6.7 −6.2 −6.5
Table 11.16 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled Tribe—classes I–VIII (6–13 years), classes
IX–X (14–15 years) and classes I–X (6–15 years) (GoI 2012)
Sl. Country/State Classes I–VIII Classes IX–X Classes I–X
No (6–13 years) (14–15 years) (6–15 years)
Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total
1 India 120.5 118.7 119.7 57.1 49.1 53.3 108.2 105.3 106.8
2 Jharkhand 134.1 131.6 132.8 42.7 39.0 40.9 115.5 112.4 114.0
3 Gap +13.6 +12.9 +13.1 −14.4 −10.1 −12.4 +7.3 +7.1 +7.2
Table 11.17 Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER)–Scheduled Tribe—classes XI–XII (16–17 years),
classes IX–XII (14–17 years) and classes I–XII (6–17 years) (GoI 2012)
Sl. Country/State Classes XI–XII Classes IX–XII Classes I–XII
No (16–17 years) (14–17 years) (6–17 years)
Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total
1 India 32.7 24.8 28.8 45.4 37.3 41.5 96.8 92.8 94.8
2 Jharkhand 11.1 9.1 10.1 27.6 24.5 26.0 99.0 95.5 97.3
3 Gap −21.6 −15.7 −18.7 −17.8 −12.8 −15.5 +2.2 +2.7 +2.5
socio-economic and demographic factors might be responsible for school dropouts.

Sikdar and Mukherjee (2012) have specified 20 reasons for school dropouts. In
another study, Choudhury (2006) found attitude towards education as an important
determinant of school dropout.
Gender Parity Index
The Gender Parity Index (GPI) is a socio-economic index usually designed to mea-
sure the relative access to education of males and females. In its simplest form, it is
calculated as the quotient of the number of females by the number of males enrolled
in a given stage of education (primary, secondary, etc.). Gender Parity Index reflects
the enrolment of girls in school in comparison to boys. In India, parental attitudes
regarding the importance of educating girls may contribute to the gender gap in
education (Miller 2007). Ghosh (2007) focuses on the gender gap in literacy and
education among the Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand and West Bengal as measured
by the Gender Disparity Index. The female literacy rates among the Ho and Mahali
in Jharkhand and the Lodha in West Bengal are low, with high gender disparity, as
compared with other tribes. The gender disparities among most of the tribes tend to
increase at the higher level of school education. The index for ST children is almost
same as compared with all categories of children except for classes IX–X and I–XII.
Jharkhand is having better GPR in classes IX–X in classes I–XII (Table 11.18).
The number of Scheduled Tribe girls per 100 ST boys in Jharkhand reveals that
there are 95 girls in classes I–V, 96 girls in classes VI–VIII, 96 girls in classes I–VIII,
91 girls in classes IX–X, 95 girls in classes I–X, 84 girls in classes XI–XII classes,
whereas it was 89 and 95 in classes IX–XII and I–XII, respectively (see Table 11.19).
The data reveals that in comparison to India in Jharkhand, the number of ST girls
per 100 boys is significantly greater in classes IX–X, XI–XII and IX–XII. In a study,
Sengupta and Guha (2002) found that parental education had the strongest positive
influence on girls’ school enrolment chances, the impact of mother being stronger
of the two.
Table 11.18 State-wise Gender Parity Index—ST 2010–11 (GoI 2012)

Sl. No Country/State Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes
I–V VI–VIII I–VIII IX–X I–X I–X I–XII
1 India 1.00 0.96 0.99 0.86 0.97 0.76 0.96
2 Jharkhand 1.00 0.96 0.98 0.91 0.97 0.82 0.97
3 Gap 0 0 0.01 +0.05 0 +0.06 +0.01
Table 11.19 Number of Scheduled Tribe girls per hundred boys (GoI 2012)
Sl. No Country/State Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes Classes
I–V VI–VIII I–VIII IX–X I–X XI–XII IX–XII I–XII
1 India 94 91 93 81 92 74 78 91
2 Jharkhand 95 96 96 91 95 84 89 95
3 Gap +1 +5 +3 +10 +3 +10 +11 +4
221
Table 11.20 Results of High School Examination 2010—annual and supplementary examination
results—percentage-wise-ST students (GoI 2013)
Sl. No Name of the Total Out of the total, number Percentage of students
board numbers of of students passed with passed with marks
students marks
passed 60% 50% Below 60% 50% Below
and to 50% and to 50%
above below above below
60% 60%
1 Central 25,479 10,041 5349 10,089 39.4 21.0 39.6
Board of
Secondary
Education
2 Council for 3396 2632 630 134 77.5 18.6 3.9
the Indian
School
Certificate
Examination
3 Jharkhand 61,814 11,100 21306 29,408 18.0 34.5 47.6
Academic
Council,
Ranchi
The Situation of STs in the Secondary and Higher

Secondary Examinations
Table 11.20 indicates the achievement/performance of ST students of Jharkhand in

annual examinations. It shows that only 18% of the students secured 60% and above
marks in Jharkhand Academic Council examination, while 39.4% and 77.5% of stu-
dents secured the same in the CBSE (Central Board of Secondary Education) Board
and CISCE (Council for the Indian School Certificate Examinations) examinations
respectively. It also indicates that out of 61814 students 47.6% passed with below
50% marks. Whereas in Higher Secondary Examination—2010—Annual and Sup-
plementary Examination Results indicate that 71.9% of students secured below 50%
marks in their examination where as only 2.2% of the ST students secured 60% and
above marks in Jharkhand Academic Council, examinations (see Table 11.21).The
academic performance of the students those appeared from Central Board of Sec-
ondary Education, and Council for the Indian School Certificate Examination at
Higher Secondary level was also higher than that of students who appeared from
Jharkhand Academic Council, Ranchi as 43.8 and 75.3% students from these board
secured 60% and above marks in their Higher Secondary examinations.
Table 11.21 Results of Higher Secondary Examination 2010—annual and supplementary exami-
nation results—percentage-wise ST students (GoI 2013)
Sl. No Name of the Total Out of the total, number Percentage of students
board numbers of of students passed with passed with marks
students marks
passed 60% 50% Below 60% 50% Below
and to 50% and to 50%
above below above below
60% 60%
1 Central 15,143 6626 4780 3737 43.8 31.6 24.7
Board of
Secondary
Education
2 Council for 1487 1120 286 81 75.3 19.2 5.4
the Indian
School
Certificate
Examination
3 Jharkhand 28,617 637 7417 20,563 2.2 25.9 71.9
Academic
Council,
Ranchi
Safeguards and Schemes for Educational Development

of Scheduled Tribes in India
Over the years, there is a spectacular change in educational scenario of the STs. This
has been the outcome of interventions of welfare government. The government has
adopted and implemented various schemes and programmes in this direction. As has
been said, there are constitutional provisions to safeguard the educational interest
of the tribal students. Articles 46, 15(4), 16(4), 29(1) and 350 have provisions to
promote, facilitate, financially assist and safeguard the educational interests of the
tribes. On the basis of these provisions, various schemes and programmes have been
adopted to realise educational objectives. Some of them are discussed below:
Umbrella Scheme for Education of Tribal Children: The Umbrella Scheme
subsumes related Centrally Sponsored Schemes. It has two components. Component
one is to provide critical gap filling in the area of infrastructure. Component two
is scholarship to enable ST children from pre-matric stage to the highest level of
education through appropriate and adequate financial support. The Umbrella Scheme
subsumes following existing schemes of the Education Division of the Ministry of
Tribal Affairs.
i. Establishment and strengthening of ashram schools
ii. Establishment and strengthening of hostels
iii. Vocational training in tribal areas
iv. Pre-matric scholarships

v. Post-matric scholarships.
Establishment of Ashram Schools in Tribal Sub-Plan Areas (1990–91): The
main objective of the scheme is to promote and extend educational facilities in
tribal areas on the pattern of the old gurukul type of education. This is a Centrally
Sponsored Scheme on a cost-sharing basis between the centre and the states. How-
ever, Central Government provides 100% central share for construction of all Girls’
ashram schools and also for construction of Boys’ ashram schools in Left-Wing
Extremist-affected areas (identified by Ministry of Home Affairs from time to time).
For the Boys’ ashram schools, other than those mentioned above, funding to State
Government is on 50:50 basis. During 1996–97, Rs. 3000.0 lakh was provided for
the construction/extension of 77 ashram schools. However, the data reveals that in
2008–09, 2009–10 and 2010–11, no funds have been released for Jharkhand state
(Table 11.22).
Construction of Hostels for Girls and Boys (1989–90): The main objective of the
scheme is to promote literacy among tribal students by providing hostel accommoda-
tion to those tribal students who are not in a position to continue their education either
because of the remote location of their villages or because of their poor economic
condition. Table 11.23 indicates that against the budget provision of Rs. 7800.00
lakh for 2011–12, Rs. 716.00 lakh was released for construction of 33 hostels in
Jharkhand. Table 11.24 indicates that under the scheme of Hostels for ST Girls and
Boys from 2011–12 to 2013–14, funds released for Jharkhand were 716.00 lakh in
2011–12. No fund was provided for other two years.
Vocational Training in Tribal Areas (1992–93): The scheme is equally applica-
ble to tribal boys and girls. The main aim of the scheme is to develop the skills of the
tribal youth to enable them to get employment or become self-employed. It aims to
improve their socio-economic condition by enhancing their income. Table 11.24 indi-
cates the amount of funds released by central government in the respective financial
years 2011–12, 2012–13 and 2013–14.
Table 11.22 Releases of funds and number of ashram schools sanctioned under the scheme of
establishment of ashram schools in tribal sub-plan areas from 2008–09 to 2010–11 (GoI 2013–14)
Sl. no Financial year India Jharkhand
Amount* School Seat Amount* School Seat
1 2008–09 3000.0 77 16,850 0.00 0.00 0.00
2 2009–10 4100.00 54 2720 0.00 0.00 0.00
3 2010–11 5416.54 24 4470 0.00 0.00 0.00
4 2011–12 7500 79 10,400 NA NA NA
5 2012–13 6100.00 40 3800 NA NA NA
6 2013–14 7217.00 30 10,260 NA NA NA
*Rupees in Lakh
Table 11.23 Releases of funds and number of hostels sanctioned Under the Scheme of Hostels for
ST Girls and Boys from 2011–12 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14)
Amount* School Seat Amount* School Seat
1 2011–12 7800.00 94 6304 716.00 33 1850
2 2012–13 7800.00 34 2205 0 0 0
3 2013–14 10,105.50 44 2820 0 0 0
*Rupees in Lakh
Table 11.24 Releases of grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries under the Scheme of Vocational
Training in Tribal Areas from 2011–12 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14)
Sl. No Financial India Jharkhand
year Amount* Centre No. of Amount Centre No. of
beneficiaries beneficiaries
1 2011–12 600.00 38 2977 NA NA NA
2 2012–13 265.00 25 2087 NA NA NA
3 2013–14 610.92693 11 2000 NA NA NA
*Rupees in Lakh
Table 11.25 Releases of grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries under the Scheme of Pre-matric
Scholarship for needy Scheduled Tribe student from 2012–13 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14)
Amount* No. of Amount* No. of
1 2012–13 11,173.00 2,012,145 1472.00 119,936
2 2013–14 21,943.19 2,123,512 0.00 0
*Rupees in Lakh
The Pre-matric Scholarships Scheme: The scheme of Pre-matric scholarship for

needy Scheduled Tribes children studying in classes IX and X was introduced with
effect from 1.7.2012. It has the twin objectives of supporting parents of Scheduled
Tribes students for education of their wards studying in classes IX and X so that the
incidence of dropout, especially in transition from the elementary to secondary and
during secondary stage of education is minimised, and to improve participation of ST
students in classes IX and X of pre-matric stage, so that they perform well and have a
better chance of progressing to post-matric stages of education. Under the scheme, till
31 March 2014, an amount of Rs. 219.43 crore has been spent for 2123512 students.
Table 11.25 indicates the grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries in 2012–13 and
2013–14 in Jharkhand. It is evident that 119936 tribal children benefited in the year
2012–13 from an amount of Rs. 1472.00 lakhs. No allocation was made during
2013–14 under this scheme.
Table 11.26 Releases of grant-in-aid and number of beneficiaries under the Scheme of Pre-matric
Scholarship for needy Scheduled Tribe student from 2011–12 to 2013–14 (GoI 2013–14)
Sl. No Financial year India Jharkhand
Amount* No. of Amount* No. of
1 2011–12 86,564.76 1,775,240 3374.06 61,454
2 2012–13 73,074.35 1,867,067 1344.21 53,032
3 2013–14 74,839.41 2,034,563 3267.40 72,878
*Rupees in Lakh
The Post-Matric Scholarships Scheme (PMS) (1944–45): The objective of the

scheme is to provide financial assistance and access to the latest books to Scheduled
Tribes students studying at post-matriculation levels to enable them to complete their
education. Table 11.26 indicates that Rs. 3374.06, Rs. 1344.21 and Rs. 3267.40 for
the years 2011–2012, 2013–14 and 2013–14 were released by the central govern-
ment to Jharkhand under the scheme benefitting 61454, 53032 and 72878 students,
respectively.
Upgradation of Merit: The scheme, which was operating as a separate scheme
earlier has, in the Tenth Five-Year Plan, been merged into the scheme for post-matric
scholarship. The objective of the scheme is to provide remedial and special coaching
to ST students in classes IX to XII and also to provide special coaching to prepare
students for entry into professional courses. Table 11.27 indicates that only 30 tribal
students were benefited under the Scheme from 2008–09 to 2010–11.
Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowship (RGNF) (2005–06): The objective of the
scheme is to provide fellowships in the form of financial assistance to students belong-
ing to the Scheduled Tribes to pursue higher studies such as M.Phil and Ph.D. The
ministry has furnished a statement showing the budget estimates, revised estimates
and actual expenditure incurred under the above-mentioned scheme during the last
three years as well as budget estimate for 2013–14 (Table 11.28).
Table 11.27 Releases of Sl. no Financial Amount (Rs. in No. of

grant-in-aid and number of year lakh) beneficiaries
beneficiaries under the
Scheme of Upgradation of India Jharkhand India Jharkhand
Merit (GoI 2013–14) 1 2008–09 73.2956 3.05 478 30
2 2009–10 50 0 348 0
3 2010–11 56.06 0 200 0
4 2011–12 197.06 0 968 0
5 2012–13 31.51 0 213 0
6 2013–14 6.24 0 32 0
Table 11.28 Budget Year Budget Revised Actual

estimates, revised estimates estimates* estimates* expenditure*
and actual expenditure
incurred under RGNF (GoI 2010–11 75.00 60.69 60.69
2013–14) 2011–12 62.00 84.93 84.93
2012–13 90.00 45.00 45.00
2013–14 90.00 – –
*Rupees in crore
Setting up Educational Complexes in Low Literacy Pockets for the Develop-

ment of Women’s Literacy (1993–94): The primary objective of the scheme is the
promotion of education among tribal girls in the identified low literacy districts of
the country. The scheme also aims to improve the socio-economic status of the poor
and illiterate tribal population through the education of women.
Top-Class Education Scholarship Scheme (2007–08): The scheme provides
for full tuition fees for Government Institutions and non-refundable dues for private
institutions: ceiling of Rs. 2 lakh per student per annum plus other allowances if
applicable. The objective of the scheme is to encourage meritorious ST students
for pursuing studies at degree and post-degree level in any of the selected list of
institutes, in which the scholarship scheme would be operative.
Book Bank Scheme: Many ST students selected in professional courses find it
difficult to continue their education for want of books on their subjects, as these are
often expensive. In order to reduce the dropout rate of ST students from professional
institutes/universities, funds are provided for purchase of books under this scheme.
National Overseas Scholarship Scheme for Higher Studies Abroad: This is a
non-plan scheme, which is in operation since 1954–55. The objective of the scheme is
to provide assistance to the ST students selected for pursuing higher studies (master’s,
doctoral and post-doctoral level) in certain specified fields of engineering, technology
and science only.
Programmes and Budget Under Ministry of Human

Resource Development, Government of India
Progress in literacy and education depends upon the prosperity of children to go to

school and also to complete education as it is a fundamental right to every child as it is
mentioned in the Indian constitution. Table 11.29 indicates the centrally sponsored
programmes and budget allotted which are implemented in the Education Sector
under Ministry of Human Resource Development Government of India.
Table 11.29 Centrally sponsored programmes in the Education Sector under Ministry of Human
Resource Development (Rajya Sabha Starred Question no. 2886 dated 22.3.2013)
Sl. No. Name of the scheme Budget allocation 2013–14 in crore of
Rs.
1 Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) 8079.2
2 Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya 183938.44 (Rs. in Lakh) (2012–13)
3 National Programme for Education of –
Girls at Elementary Level (NPEGEL)
4 Mid-day Meal Scheme(MDMS) 3917.5
5 Mahila Samakhya 58
6 Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan 3647.2
(RMSA)
7 Scheme for setting up of 6000 model 900
schools at block level as benchmark of
excellence
8 Scheme for construction and running of 405
Girl’s hostel for secondary and higher
secondary schools
9 Scheme of Vocationalisation of 72.09
Secondary Education at +2 level
10 Scheme of ICT @ School 315
11 Inclusive Education for the Disabled at 45
Secondary School (IEDSS)
12 Quality improvement in school –
13 Strengthening of Teachers’ Training 449.39
Institutions
14 Adult Education and Skill Development 514.8
Scheme
15 Scheme for Providing a Quality 157.5
Education in Madarsas (SPQEM)
16 National Means cum-Merit Scholarship 63
Scheme
17 Scheme for Infrastructure Development 45
in Minority Institutions (IDMI)
18 National Scheme for Incentive to the Girl 90
Child for Secondary Education
19 Appointment of language teachers 5.22
20 Setting up of New Polytechnics and –
Strengthening of Existing Polytechnics
21 Pre-matric scholarship scheme 174.27
22 Eklavya Model Residential School –
(EMRS)
Initiatives Undertaken by the Welfare Department

Government of Jharkhand
Pre-matric scholarship: In the year 2015–16, a total of Rs. 26150 lakh has been
allocated for this purpose. This scholarship is provided at three levels, namely primary
(classes 1 to 4), middle (classes 5 and 6) and higher school (classes 7 to 10). A total
of 34, 26,667 students have been provided with scholarships across the state.
Scholarship for students in technical Education: For this purpose, the state
provides Rs. 50,000 per student as tuition fees and maintenance expenses to those
students who pursue technical education within or outside the state.
Cycle Distribution Plan: For this purpose, from the year 2014–15, the department
has decided to give Rs. 3000 per student through direct benefit cash transfer system.
Under this scheme, a total of 313,264 students, including 44,266 SC students have
been provided with cash to buy cycles.
Distribution of uniform to girl students of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled
Tribe: Under this scheme girl, students of SC and ST are given two sets of white
shirt and navy blue skirt worth Rs. 500 per student. For this, the department has spent
Rs. 300 lakh for Scheduled Tribe students to all the blocks of the state. In the current
financial year, about 50,000 scheduled tribe students have been provided with these
uniforms.
Residential Schools: Department of Welfare runs 132 residential schools for
the SC, ST, OBC and PVTG students; more than twenty thousand boys and girls
are receiving education in such schools. The schools provide free residential facility,
food, dress, study material and other necessary items to the students. Apart from this,
for procuring newspapers and magazines, Rs. 3000 per school per year for higher
secondary schools, Rs. 2000 for high schools and Rs. 1500 for primary schools are
being provided. For the maintenance of the library in these residential schools, Rs.
5000 per school per year for higher secondary schools, Rs. 3000 for high schools
and Rs. 1000 for primary schools are being provided. Currently, among 104 schools,
63 schools provide elementary education, 33 schools provide secondary level edu-
cation, while in 9 residential schools, and education for the +2 level has been started
(Table 11.30).
Eklavya and Ashram Vidyalay: At present, in Jharkhand with the help of NGOs,
300 bedded 4 Eklavya schools and 200 bedded 3 ashram schools are running success-
fully in districts like Dumka, Sahibganj, West Singbhum, Gumla, Saraikela, Jamtara
and Ranchi. At present, about 1200 and 600 students reside in the Eklavya and ashram
schools in the state, respectively.
Construction of hostels and their maintenance for students of SC, ST, OBC
and other minority groups: In the year 2015–16, under the scheme 19 ST hostels
have been renovated.
Table 11.30 Number of residential schools for students of SC, ST and OBC communities (GoJ
2015–16)
Residential school Scheduled Total Primitive Total Total number of
Tribe Tribal Group schools
Boys Girls Boys Girls
+2 Schools 5 4 9 0 0 0 9
High school 24 9 33 0 0 0 33
Middle school 34 11 45 0 0 0 45
Primary school 8 1 9 5 4 9 18
Total 71 25 95 5 4 9 104
Conclusion
The paper has tried to situate the educational scenario of ST students in Jharkhand in
comparison with Tribal India and important tribal and EAG states. It has also made
inter-tribal comparison among Jharkhand tribes. In Jharkhand, the literacy rates and
other indicators of educations such as enrolment show a progressive trend. Dropout
rates, gap in rural urban divide and gender gap are declining. Whatever the trend in
Jharkhand is also the trend in the nation and other states selected for comparison. The
trend also exists across male–female and rural–urban divide. But the rate of progress
is not the same in all the cases. Gaps still persist. The progressive trend as it has been
found results from various central and state schemes implemented for the education
of STs in Jharkhand. What is important is to direct efforts to bridge the gap between
male–female and rural–urban literacy, and enrolments and dropouts.
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Chapter 12
Documentation and Digitisation
for Access to Traditional Medicine
Knowledge in Southern Odisha
Rashmi Pramanik
Abstract The present paper attempts to address the problem of documentation of tra-
ditional knowledge and suggests a digitisation method for the purpose. The present
study, conducted in the Semiliguda block of Koraput District, tries to explore the
importance of documentation and digitisation of tacit indigenous medicinal knowl-
edge, available in oral tradition and analyses the inadequacy of the existing frame-
works in protecting and enhancing access to traditional medicine knowledge in one
hand. On the other, it reports collection and preservation of plants in the herbarium
for identification and reports identified plants following Haien’s Flora. The paper
strongly argues the digitisation process of documentation of indigenous medical
knowledge for preservation and further access.
Keywords Documentation and preservation · Traditional medicine knowledge ·

Health care · Digitisation · Intellectual property rights · Traditional medicinal
plants · Specimen · Herbarium
The present paper underscores the perspective of development through culture in

the field of health care. Realising the importance of traditional medicine knowledge
system and its imminent danger of loss, the paper argues for its preservation through
documentation in the digitisation process. More significantly, the paper enumerates
some traditional plant medicines used by tribal people of Semiliguda block of Koraput
District in Odisha and the efforts initiated by the research team for their preservation
in the Council of Analytical Tribal Studies (COATS), Koraput.
Traditional Medicine Knowledge and Documentation Needs
Traditional medicine, often known as ethno-medicine, refers to the study of tradi-

tional medical practice which is concerned with the cultural interpretation of health,
diseases and illness and also addresses the health care seeking process and healing
R. Pramanik (B)
Department of Anthropology, Sambalpur University, Jyoti Vihar, Burla 768019, Odisha, India
e-mail: rashmipramanik@yahoo.co.in
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_12
234 R. Pramanik
practices (Krippner 2003). Therefore, the practice of ethno-medicine is a complex

multidisciplinary system constituting the use of plants, spirituality and the natural
environment and has been the source of healing for people for millennia (Lowe et al.
2001: 170). Knowledge of traditional medicine is also understood as an integral part
of the indigenous knowledge of local communities which according to Sithole (2007)
is a complete body of knowledge, know-how and practices maintained and developed
by the people, generally in rural areas, who have extended histories of interaction with
the natural environment. This interaction sets understandings, interpretations and
meanings that are part of a cultural complex. The World Health Organization (WHO
2001) rightly defines traditional medicine to include a diversity of health practices,
approaches, knowledge and beliefs incorporating plant, animal and/or mineral-based
medicines; spiritual therapies; manual techniques; and exercises, applied singly or
in combination to maintain well-being, as well as to treat, diagnose or prevent ill-
ness. Traditional medicine is appreciated worldwide for its total care approach, easy
access, ready availability, cost-effectiveness, apparent lack of side effects as well as
its personal and holistic approach to the treatment of health-related matters.
In traditional medicine system as stated, use of plants has a significant place. From
time immemorial, plants and its allied products have been used in the treatment of
various ailments all over the world especially in local communities in developing
countries. Dependency on plants made humans to acquire the knowledge of economic
and medicinal properties of plants by trial and error method. In case of medicinal
plants, it has been estimated that almost 25% of plants species have some sort of
medicinal use somewhere of the world (see Ramawat et al. 2009: 7–9). In addition, the
statistics of modern drug development shows that these natural products are the major
source of inspiration for recent drug development. Significantly then, plant forms
the main ingredients of medicine in a traditional system of healing and has been the
source of inspiration for several major pharmaceutical drugs in recent years. India is
proud to be rich in biodiversity as it possesses about 8% of the estimated biodiversity
in the world with around 12,600 species (Amuthavalluvan 2011). Therefore, with
the tendency in modern medicine to assimilate and re-assimilate natural remedies
in common practice, under various forms, the potential of regional flora becomes
important.
The fact of the matter is that traditional medicine knowledge begins with the
knowledge of local plants species to identify edible, medicinal and poisonous ones.
Traditional medicine knowledge goes beyond knowledge of what plant specie(s) is
used for the treatment of a particular ailment. According to Nijar (1996: 16), to
transform a plant into a medicine, one has to know not just the current species but
also its location, and since some plants are lethal in certain time of the year, one
also has to know the proper time for collection, the part to be used (some part of
a plant could have beneficial medicinal use, while another part of same plant could
constitute a deadly cocktail), and how to prepare it as well as the posology.
Traditional medicine knowledge is a component of the traditional knowledge sys-
tem which in turn is a part of the total human knowledge system. Human knowledge
system usually combines both explicit and implicit knowledge. ‘Explicit knowledge’
represents recorded knowledge and available in various media like books, period-
12 Documentation and Digitisation for Access to Traditional … 235
icals, letters, reports, memos, literature, audio-visual material, CDs films, videos,
etc., or electronic formats like data, software, websites, etc., which is formal and
easy to communicate with others. It is also known as declarative knowledge. In con-
trast, implicit or ‘tacit knowledge’ represents personal knowledge, which is confined
in human mind and difficult to formalise or codify and also difficult to communi-
cate to others. This tacit knowledge helps the end-user to gain explicit knowledge
as and when any individual requires. ‘Tacit indigenous knowledge’ (TIK) has been
used interchangeably with other co-terminus terms like traditional knowledge, com-
munity knowledge, folkloric knowledge and local knowledge, to encompass the
long-standing information, wisdom, traditions and practices of certain indigenous
peoples or local communities. It is developed from experience gained over centuries
and is used at the local level by communities as the basis for decisions pertaining to
the fulfilment of their day-to-day needs and is transmitted orally from generation to
generation. It is stored in peoples’ memories and activities and is expressed through
stories, songs, art, legends, folklore, proverbs, dances myths, cultural values, beliefs,
rituals, community laws, local language and taxonomy, agricultural practices, equip-
ment, materials, plant species and animal breeds. Thus, one of the basic features
of traditional knowledge is that it is unwritten and exists in the minds of the local
people. It is transmitted orally from one generation to another.
The origin of traditional knowledge or indigenous knowledge can be traced back
to the ancient period. People used such knowledge from generation to generation for
their livelihood in an unaccounted manner. However, the importance of traditional
knowledge does not lose its value with the change of tradition into modernity. It plays
a significant role in the lifestyle of the members of the local community and hence
is an essential resource for any human development process. It forms the basis of
decisions pertaining to food security, human and animal health, education, natural
resource management and other vital activities. It is an integral part of the culture
and history of local communities and hence a common asset in their efforts to gain
control over their lives. No doubt, such knowledge is recognised to be beneficial in
development strategies (see Brokensha 1990).
Traditional Medicine Vis-a-Vis Health Care
Health care practices constitute a major element in every culture. The medical system
prevalent in a society is a combination of traditions, beliefs, techniques, ecological
adaptation, etc. This system is an integral part of society and provides the means to
the member of the society for maintaining health and preventing and curing diseases
(Medhi 1995). Allopathic doctors and clinics are not easily available among many
rural communities of the world, and in such situations, they still had to rely on
traditional medicinal systems as their primary health care. Again in many cases,
people are practising traditional heath care system where modern medical facilities
have been established and doctors are easily available. This is because modern doctors
do not offer any psychological or spiritual consolation. Religious beliefs, practices
236 R. Pramanik
and institutions have been important parts of the health care sector throughout the
centuries. Faith-based curing and healing of some serious health problems such
as mental illness and various other visible bodily and psychosomatic diseases are
witnessed among many organised religious denominations (Howard and Janet 1992).
Religious specialists as healers and curers are at the forefront of dealing with the
problem of health and disease in almost all societies and particularly in traditional
societies (Scupin and DeCorse 1995). Health professionals need knowledge of culture
and cross-cultural relationship skills because health services are more effective when
responsive to cultural needs. The most important fact about traditional medicine is
the way it is integrated into a whole culture. The concept of health and disease are
basically biological, but it has a close relation with the sociocultural system of a
society. Every culture has its own concept of disease and illness and some specific
ways of coping with it.
Documentation Needs
Two interrelated issues emerged from the discussions demanding attention. The first
one is that traditional knowledge in general and traditional medicine knowledge based
on plant resources in particular do not belong to written traditions. The knowledge
was orally transmitted from generation to generation within the traditional setting.
The tradition being in the process of change and the associated enabling traditional
ambience of oral transmission losing ground in modernity, the undocumented tradi-
tional knowledge is in the process of disappearance. The second issue concerns its
strategic relevance and importance in the contemporary and future human develop-
ment process. The contrasting situation therefore demands intervention in order to
preserve traditional knowledge and its documentation therefore is very important.
Warren (1991) commented that the collection and storage of indigenous knowledge
should be supplemented with adequate dissemination and exchange among inter-
ested parties using newsletter, journals and other media. In the context of the health
care system, the combination of both traditional and modern practices is recognised
to make important contributions, and hence, documentation of traditional health care
practices would be very useful for the benefit of humankind.
The documentation need is more imperative in present times because of the vul-
nerability of the knowledge to biopiracy within the frame of intellectual property
rights (IPR) regime. Two important points emerge from the discussion which makes
it imperative to preserve traditional plant medicine knowledge, namely its declining
stage in the context of the transformation process from tradition to modernity, and
the threat in IPR regime.
Declining State of Traditional Medicine Knowledge System
Indigenous peoples are the repository of unique knowledge of the natural resources
on which they depend around the world. The main reasons that contribute in the loss
of indigenous knowledge are rapid land degradation such as accelerated destruction
of forests, people’s access to modern medicine and exposure to modern culture and
acculturation or adoption of modern culture. This shows that the passing down of
customs from generation to generation is now in imminent danger of disappearance.
The vast knowledge of traditional uses of plants is not fully documented, and most
of the knowledge is conveyed from generation to generation by word of mouth.
Documenting Indigenous Medicinal Knowledge (IMK) may help to preserve implicit
indigenous medicinal knowledge. Today, the cultural survival of many indigenous
communities is threatened, and some traditional systems of disseminating knowledge
may already be lost. Modern lifestyles and the disruption of traditional ways of life
may cause younger generations to lose interest in learning about traditional medicine.
Traditional languages used to pass down information may no longer be as widely
understood.
In order to conserve traditional medicine knowledge, it is necessary that invento-
ries of plants with therapeutic value are carried out and the knowledge related to their
use documented in systematic studies. These studies can have other values too for
society besides conserving traditional knowledge, for they can help to identify plants
with market potential that can generate incomes for local communities. Hence, doc-
umentation of cultural heritages as a whole of the country in particular is one of the
ways of preserving indigenous knowledge of the people on medicinal plants before
it is lost irretrievably.
Intellectual Property Rights
Traditional medicine knowledge lies in its importance to the pharmaceutical industry

especially in the area of drug development. Undeniably, traditional medicine has
the capacity to provide novel inputs into the drug development process, as well as
boost pharmaceutical drug discovery by very high margin. The immense benefit of
traditional medicinal knowledge in the pharmaceutical drug development has given
rise to bioprospecting as well as its illegal counterpart—biopiracy. The challenges
of the digital era tend to focus on the ownership rights of companies and individuals,
but far more daunting to the poor in developing societies are the challenges raised
from waves of legislative changes to copyright and patenting law that are led by
multinational companies seeking to define ownership of knowledge and to a large
extent what knowledge is (Randhawa 2009, quoted in Christian 2009). The ability
of IPR to erode traditional knowledge becomes evident on closer examination of the
unique characteristics of traditional knowledge. In most cases, traditional knowledge
resides in a community as opposed to an individual.
238 R. Pramanik
Western notions of copyright and individual rights to privately own and control
information are at odds with the traditional notion that knowledge is collectively
owned and shared. Hence, the application of IPR in attempt to preserve and pro-
tect traditional knowledge would result in a dilemma. First, Western concept of IPR
does not admit of communal ownership. Hence, if we seek to preserve and protect
traditional knowledge by privatising it, such attempt will divest it of its basic charac-
teristics of communal ownership. This would be destructive rather than a preservative.
Application of modern IPR regime to traditional medicine knowledge will also have
the effect of depriving the local people access to such knowledge as ownership of
the knowledge will be vested in the patent holder. More so, in the world where the
access to knowledge movement seems to be gathering momentum, an attempt at pri-
vatisation of traditional knowledge would meet serious opposition from this group
also. If, on the other hand, traditional knowledge is left without any basic form of
protection, it will result in difficulty of access as the holders will be unwilling to
disclose for fear of biopiracy along with the resultant effect of expropriation without
compensation. This would result in restrictive access to knowledge.
The need for a sustainable framework that meets the diverse interests associated
with traditional medicine knowledge especially the local people is now becoming
all the more crucial. This is further substantiated by the fact that the current trend
in the globalisation of knowledge especially in relation to once relatively obscure
TK requires the establishment of a framework that will address the fear of local
communities in making their knowledge accessible for beneficial use. A sustainable
framework to this effect will be one that will preserve the communal rights character-
istic of traditional knowledge, enhance access to traditional knowledge for scientific
discovery and innovation while at the same time granting traditional communities
equitable access to any commercial benefit arising from the use of such knowledge.
Obstacles to Documentation
These benefits notwithstanding, the ease with which information could be copied and
transmitted raises issues as to the ability of the communities to continuously ensure
ownership and conservation of their knowledge and that its sacred features are not
compromised. The other dimension is the individualistic nature of some traditional
medicine knowledge. Although traditional medicinal knowledge is generally con-
ceived as being communal in nature, undoubtedly, there are aspects of traditional
medicine knowledge which usually resides in an individual as opposed to a group
or the community. According to Mgbeoji (2006), it is incorrect to assert that the
knowledge and skills possessed by native healers are in the public domain. This
belief according to him is flawed because native healers, as a matter of fact, rarely
reveal the secrets of medicinal or herbal remedies which they individually possess.
Local communities are usually apprehensive of documentation of their traditional
knowledge outside their traditional oral medium for fear that it may be misused,
stolen, used against them or that they will lose claim to the knowledge after docu-
mentation. These fears have in many cases presented serious obstacles to successful
documentation of traditional medicine knowledge. Another problem that also merits
attention in relation to the documentation of traditional medicine knowledge has to
do with verification of the knowledge. If a particular drug or plant species is alleged
to cure a particular ailment, there is a need to verify this claim before documenta-
tion. Verification of traditional medicine knowledge during documentation is a big
challenge since in most cases, the individuals or institutions involved in the doc-
umentation are not really traditional healers themselves and may have to depend
on some other sources for verification of information they receive. Magara (2002,
quoted in Christian 2009) also observed that the oral nature of traditional medicine
knowledge makes it difficult to ascertain the authenticity of oral sources that are
often forgotten. The challenge in some cases may boil down to how to document
some unrecorded traditional medicine knowledge without validation and claim that
it works. Verification is very important to the extent that it serves as a safety measure
to counter the deadly effect that may result from the application of wrong or bogus
treatment to an ailment.
Traditional medicine knowledge is the absence of collaborative effort by various
government agencies in developing countries. Various government departments and
agencies as well as even NGOs are actively involved in traditional medicine knowl-
edge documentation. But unfortunately, the efforts are not well coordinated and in
most cases resulting in waste or duplication of efforts. The benefits of traditional
medicine knowledge therefore warrant efforts to deal with the obstacle to documen-
tation and accessibility. Documentation in some permanent form will be beneficial
not only for the local communities but for common good of all by creating a large
door for innovation and development. Current trend in information communication
technology provide mediums for the digitisation of traditional medicine knowledge
as well as access to same. Such digitisation will serve as a focal reference for research
and development of traditional medicine.
Documentation and Digitisation
Traditional knowledge cuts across numerous developmental issues including food

and agriculture, biodiversity, desertification and the environment, human rights, cul-
tural diversity, trade and economic development (Okujagu 2009, quoted in Christian
2009). As mentioned, one of the basic features of traditional medicine knowledge
lies on the fact that it is transmitted orally and/or by observation from generation
to generation in a given community. Just like indigenous knowledge, traditional
medicine knowledge is predominantly tacit, embedded in the practices and experi-
ences of its holder(s). While the medium of transmission is usually through personal
communication and demonstration from the tutor to the pupil or apprentice, from
parents to children, Sithole (2007) observed that the traditional medium adopted for
preservation includes taboos, symbols, myths/legends, rituals as well as poetry and
folklore. This method of preservation of traditional medicine knowledge in tradi-
240 R. Pramanik
tional societies is quite inadequate in a complex and dynamic world. In traditional

societies, there was hardly any effort at comprehensive documentation of traditional
medicinal knowledge. In rare cases where bare documentation exists, it was usu-
ally in the traditional dialect of the local communities. This feature of traditional
medicine knowledge also constitutes a major threat to its preservation. Since it is
usually undocumented, the knowledge dies with the holder(s) if not transmitted or if
the chain of transmission is broken.
One of the best modern approaches to the preservation of traditional knowledge is
documentation in some permanent form and public accessibility using information
and communication technologies. There are many benefits that derive from doc-
umentation and digitisation of traditional medicine knowledge. Furthermore, high
population pressure which has led to high demand for medicinal plants and intensive
land use for agricultural and livestock expansion pose a great danger to the very
existence of plant diversity. Many plants which were earlier easily found are becom-
ing scarce, and at risk of becoming extinct unless strong, conservation measures are
taken. To preserve the traditional knowledge of plant use or our biodiversity gen-
erally and to be able to suggest ways for their conservation, it is important to have
readily available information on medicinal plants that still exist, where to find them
and their uses.
Digitisation of traditional medicine knowledge is the surest means of documen-
tation for preservation given its oral nature. Any documentation ensures the preser-
vation of this delicate knowledge and ensures wider dissemination. But digitisation
is a more effective method in this regard. It will result in the codification of best
practices which can be transmitted across communities in a large scale. Addition-
ally, documentation and online accessibility of traditional medicine knowledge are
expected to provide an active tool for research and innovation. Gupta (2005: 172,
quoted in Christian 2009) was of the view that this will act as ‘a bridge between
modern science, modern medicine and traditional knowledge, and can be used for
international advanced research based on information on Traditional Knowledge
for developing novel drugs’. Further to that, documentation of traditional medicine
knowledge provides room for validation or authentication of the knowledge claim.
Praxis in Social Science Research
With the backdrop of the significance of documenting traditional plant medicines,

research was conducted. The purpose was not to study the plants and record them
following a traditional approach. The most important part of this research was to
make the findings available to all who are interested in it. Obviously, documentation
for the purpose dissemination of knowledge among the common people and its use
for common benefit in the area of health care was a significant contribution of this
study.
Area of Study
The District Koraput is popularly known as the land of aboriginals due to their
sizeable population which acts as the natural laboratory for the documentation of
traditional knowledge. It is located between 82° 5 East and 83° 13 East longitude
and between 18° 13 North and 19° 10 North latitude with an area of 8807 km2 .
The district is the home to as many as 25 different tribal communities like Paroja,
Saora, Bhumia, Godaba, Didayi, Dogaria, Kondha, etc. Semiliguda block is situated
22 km away from the headquarters with a geographical area of about 313.56 km.
After the initial survey, Renga Panchayat was selected as the study area considering
the availability of Godaba tribal herbalists.
Objectives
The present study tried:

• to explore the importance of documentation and digitisation of tacit indigenous
medicinal knowledge;
• to critically explain the inadequacy of the existing frameworks in protecting and
enhancing access to traditional medicine knowledge; and
• to record medicinal plants and preserve them in collaboration with the institution
having the facilities.
Methods Used
A preliminary survey was conducted in the Semiliguda block of Koraput District

to prepare a database about the local Godaba healers in prescribed forms. Then,
information about the ethno-medicinal uses of plants to treat various diseases was
collected by the methods given below from those healers who were interested to
disclose information. Three basic approaches were adopted to study the uses of
plants by Godaba communities:
• An interview-based approach in which questions related to the uses of plants for
different purposes (i.e. medicine, food, fuel, fodder, etc.) was recorded with the
help of an informant while making visits to the forests for the collection of plant
species and their identifications.
• An inventory-based approach involving the collection of plant specimens and
subsequent interviews with informants registering the local names and uses of the
plants collected.
• An interactive discussion approach through meetings and discussions held with
various stakeholders like traditional herbal healers (vaidyas), school teachers,
242 R. Pramanik
social workers and local people to record about the different uses of plants, meth-
ods and periods of collection, their conservation strategies and the fate of tradi-
tional knowledge systems, etc. The folklore knowledge about the use of plants for
medicinal purposes was also collected.
These Godaba healers were interviewed about the plants that they use for medic-
inal purpose, the disease for which they use the plants, the parts which they use and
the mode of application. Informants were chosen with the help of elderly people and
school teachers in the study sites. Unstructured interviews were conducted, with the
help of a local translator. Before conducting the interviews, informants were briefed
about the aims of the study.
Results and Discussion
The study reveals 20 ethno-medicinal plant species that are frequently used for the
treatment of various ailments in Semiliguda block. The medicinal value of each plant
was enumerated. The result of the study is presented in Table 12.1.
Though the accessibility of Western medicine for simple and complicated diseases
is available, many people in the sample area of Semiliguda block still continue to
depend on medicinal plants, at least for the treatment of some simple diseases such
as cold, cough, fever, headache, poison bites, skin diseases and tooth infections.
Well-knowledge healers have good interactions with patients, and this improves the
quality of health care delivery. The present-day traditional healers are very old. Due
to lack of interest among the younger generation as well as their tendency to migrate
to cities for lucrative jobs, there is a possibility of losing this wealth of knowledge
in the near future. It thus becomes necessary to acquire and preserve this traditional
system of medicine by proper documentation and identification of specimens.
Digitisation: Collaborative Efforts of COATS and Research

Team
Traditional medicines are an invaluable resource for humankind. It is used to refer

to both traditional medicine system and various forms of indigenous medicine.
Tribal people are endowed with enriched traditional wisdom to use available nat-
ural resources around them. Each tribe has explored the medicinal property of herbs
in their area by observation and trial and error method. They followed their own
health practices, beliefs, spiritual therapies and exercises. They are comprehensively
knowledgeable in the usage of plant for treating various diseases. Due to accessibility,
availability, low cost with less side effects and reliable therapeutic efficacy, traditional
Indian medicine drew the attention of the global market and many pharmaceutical
companies in discovering natural bioactive compounds. Therefore, it is important to
Table 12.1 Medicinal plants used by traditional healers from Semiliguda block (Source Author)
No. Scientific name Odia name Local name Family Description of plant Parts used Name of the disease Mode of application
1. Adhatoda vasica Nees Basanga Bhotachali Acanthaceae A bushy shrub with large Bark Stomach pain For stomach pain, bark is
minutely pubescent elliptic crushed and taken
acuminate leaves with a
foetid smell and large white
flowers
2. Asparagus racemosus Shatavari Deobadini Liliaceae An erect shrub with woody Tuber Joint pain, stomach pain For joint pain, tuber is
prickly shoots. Leaves crushed and applied. For
reduced to minute scales. stomach pain, tuber is
Flowers white, boiled in water and is taken
sweet-scented long in very
short racemes
3. Ageratum conyzoides Pokasungha Gandhiridala Compositae An erect hairy herb with Leaf Scabies Leaf paste is applied on
ovate hairy petioled leaves. scabies
A very common plant often
found as weed in cultivated
fields
4. Artocarpus integrifolia Panasa Phanas Moraceae Large tree with dense Root Lactation in expectant Fresh root is crushed and
elliptic entire leaves, mother taken orally to enhance
petiolate. Stipules glabrous lactation in expectant
long sheathing and leaving mother
an annual scar mark after
falling. Flowers tepals-2.
Large fruit
12 Documentation and Digitisation for Access to Traditional …
5. Argemone mexicana Agara Kantakusum Papaveraceae A prickly herb with Latex Rheumatic pain, infection Latex is massaged on body
pinnatifid greenish-white of eye to get relieve of rheumatic
leaves. Flowers yellow. pain. Thin liquid is applied
Capsule long on eye for eye infection
6. Brassica juncea Sorisa Sorsu Cruciferae Herb with long-petioled Seed Skin disease, cold For any type of skin
compound leaves, often disease, mustard oil is
small leaflets along the applied along with
petiole, glabrous or white turmeric. For cold, mustard
hairs near base of plant. oil is heated along with
Flowers bright yellow, garlic and applied in feet,
pedicels and calyx palm and chest
(continued)
243
Table 12.1 (continued)
244
7. Calotropis gigantea Arakha Arak Asclepiadaceae A stout shrub. Leaves large Root, Latex Migraine, snakebite In case of migraine, the
broad subsessile. Flowers latex is inserted into the
light purple, large in cymes vein of the forehead. The
root of the plant is taken
orally for snakebite
8. Caryota urens Salapa Salpa Palmaceae A stout palm with ringed Root To get relieved from the For ladies who have taken
trunk. Leaves pinnate and effect caused due to intake salap during pregnancy, to
long. A female flower lies of salapa in case of remove the effect of salap,
in between two males. Fruit pregnant women. the root of the tree is taken
globose along with bamboo leaf,
bark of tamarind tree and
bark of champa tree are
boiled and given to the
patient
9. Citrus medica Lembu Lembu Rutaceae A thorny bush. Flowers Fruit Boil, vomiting For boil, lemon oil is
often unisexual and pink applied. For vomiting
fruit mamillate at the apex. lemon juice is taken along
with water
10. Coloassia esculenta Saru Jungle jaba Araceae Tubers small. Leaves dark Tuber Boil The paste of the tuber is
green in colour. Flower in applied locally to cure boils
spadix
11. Curcuma Montana Sakuta Haladikastura Zingiberaceae A herb with elliptic or Rhizome Fever The rhizome crushed and
oblong leaves. Flowers in taken orally
dense spike
12. Cassia occidentalis Kalachakunda Kalachakunda Caesalpiniaceae An erect herb with Leaf Wound The paste of the leaf is
compound leaf. Flowers applied on wounds
yellow in axillary and
terminal racemes. Pod
long, flat
13. Cardiospermum Phutaphutika Mandibatha Sapindaceae An annual wiry herb with Tuber Joint pain For joint pain, tuber is
halicacabum acuminate leaflets. Flowers boiled in water, crushed
white. Capsules depressed and is applied
pyriform and winged at
angles
(continued)
R. Pramanik
14. Curcuma longa Haladi Haldi Zingiberaceae A herb with rhizomatous Rhizome Roundworm, skin disease, For children, a paste of
stem. Leaves usually snakebite turmeric and neem is given
oblong. Spikes short with orally to cure roundworm.
peduncle For skin diseases, paste of
turmeric is applied along
with mustard oil. Turmeric
is also used against
snakebite
15. Gossypium hirsutum Kapa Balukanda Malvaceae A coarse, stunted, rounded Root and Cough Root and fruit are crushed
bush, much branched, fruit together and taken.
yellowish-green, usually
covered with dust from the
character of the numerous
hairs on the shoots, petioles
and leaf veins. Leaves are
thin, three lobed, lobes
short, triangular, with
straight margins. Base
rounded, cordate. Balls
large, spherical, ovate,
cotton white
16. Ocimum canum Banatulsi Banatulasi Labiatae Erect slender herb. Stems Leaf Migraine For migraine, leaf of
densely pubescent. Leaves Ocimum canum is crushed
12 Documentation and Digitisation for Access to Traditional …
elliptical, entire with along with garlic and

slender petiole. Flowers in applied along with oil
a whorl in terminal racemes
17. Lawsonia inermis Manjuati Manjuati Lythraceae A large shrub with often Root Jaundice The root is crushed and
thorny branches. Leaves taken with water of raw
opposite. Flowers small in rice to cure jaundice
terminal panicled cymes.
Fruits dry: seeds many,
smooth
(continued)
245
246
18. Mangifera indica Aamba Aam Anacardiaceae Trees with flowers in Bark, kernel Diarrhoea, bleeding of nose The bark of mango along
terminal panicles. Fruit, with the bark of Psidium
drupe large with fleshy and guava is crushed together
fibrous mesocarp and taken to cure diarrhoea.
The juice of mango kernel
is poured into nose to stop
bleeding in nose
19. Allium cepa Piaja Piaj Liliaceae Usually a pungent smelling Bulb Cough and cold Burned onion and ginger is
herb with tunicate bulbs. taken along with flower of
Leaves mostly narrow and Plumeria rubra to cure
flat. Flowers cough and cold
greenish-white in umbels
20. Acorus calamus L. Bacha Bacha Arecaceae A herb with long leaves. Root Dumb The root is given to
Flowers light green children who are unable to
speak
R. Pramanik
collect, document the traditional knowledge of tribal people on traditional medicine

and conserving information on indigenous medicinal plants for exploiting as novel
bioactive compounds for treating infectious diseases.
Digitisation of all this information is possible because of the development of a
database system. Antidiabetic plants used in ethno-medicine is digitised and made
available in online. It consists of information like the name of the plant, geograph-
ical distribution and part of the plant investigated, dosage, active constituents with
antidiabetic property with their structures, physical and chemical properties and its
action. In order to bring out the knowledge of traditional medicine to the modern
world and to make it accessible from everywhere, a database has to be generated.
There are many databases on medicinal plants. The data can be searched through the
search page available in the top panel. Basically, the user can search the database
by three names such as the scientific name of the plant, vernacular name and finally
by the disease name. The left panel contains title like plant name, vernacular name
and disease which are hyperlinked. The search results appear on the new page with
the details of the plants. Detailed information about the plants is being displayed
in a separate web page containing a common name, scientific name, family, classi-
fication, physical characteristics, medicinal uses, active constituents and references
which is hyperlinked. The photograph of each plant is also displayed on the same
page. In the disease search option, all the plants used for the particular disease will
be displayed. Each one is hyperlinked with its plant profile file.
The collected plants were preserved in herbarium for identification. The plants
were identified with the help of local experts by following Haien’s Flora and sub-
mitted in COATS, Koraput. Herbarium of specimens was prepared and deposited
in COATS, Koraput. The Council of Analytical Tribal Studies (COATS) is a presti-
gious institution which is the first of its kind established by a voluntary organisation
to undertake extensive studies on tribals and their problems with the sole object of
supplementing the efforts of Govt. in the sphere of socio-economic development of
tribals in this area of their predominance which is an epitome of tribal problems in
the state. The institution has a distinct feature in contrast to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Training and Research Institute, Bhubaneswar, functioning under
the administrative control of the STs and SCs Development Department of Govern-
ment of Orissa, providing training facilities which are only confined to government
servants, whereas COATS imparts training to all (both Government servants and
NGOs) apart from providing wider scope in the spheres of teaching and research to
those interested in tribal affairs and allied matters. The institution takes the first step
to develop a database or repository of indigenous traditional knowledge. It is required
for making a selection and scrutinisation of data to be stored in a database. The storage
and retrieval of indigenous traditional knowledge is a difficult process which requires
classification, indexing and assigning metadata for making the database accessible
to the users. Keeping this in mind, it considers the storage and steps are taken to
consider the classification of textual data, graphical, pictorial, audio-visual picture
of indigenous traditional knowledge in a database. By developing the database is not
the end of the process. The next important step taken is to promote the library ser-
vices as it prepares the strategy of information services to disseminate information.
248 R. Pramanik
It is essential to propagate the use of indigenous traditional knowledge for human

causes through certain activities such as seminars, workshops, debates, lectures and
exhibitions in which such stories of indigenous traditional knowledge use need to be
reflected.
Adequate publicity measures have been taken up so that people are aware of the
use of indigenous traditional knowledge in their daily livelihood. Library plays a very
significant role in acquisition, organisation and dissemination of knowledge in any
subject. Libraries available in rural areas are the sources of such indigenous tradi-
tional knowledge and can act as a key agency in the local community for collection,
organisation and preservation of local culture. A significant measure that is taken up
by the institution is that after identifying and collecting such information, the appro-
priate technology is used for capturing that knowledge in a variety of media such as
audio, video, digitised, electronic database. All such knowledge available in libraries
is then digitised in systematic classification, cataloguing and indexing so that effec-
tive retrieval can be made. Whenever required, retro-conversion of those documents
can be done for developing the digitised format. The traditional knowledge digital
library is developed with the objective to protect the ancient and traditional knowl-
edge of the country from exploitation such as biopiracy and unethical patents. Such
system of digital library strengthens indigenous traditional knowledge system which
will be ultimately used for sustainable development of people. The present research
team took advantage of the documentation process of the COATS to preserve the
plant medicine samples collected from the field.
Concluding Remarks
Odisha is the land of enriched cultural heritage and traditions. It has a vast reservoir
of indigenous knowledge existing in rural society. Indigenous traditional knowl-
edge—the real knowledge—exists in people’s mind and local society, which is more
informal in nature. This sort of knowledge represents the human mind with insight
into how a large number of communities manage their livelihoods through an infor-
mal knowledge system. In spite of the present modern world, the people and knowl-
edge seekers are searching for traditional knowledge to unfurl the mystery of such
knowledge system and revive the indigenous traditional knowledge scenario. It is
an acknowledged fact that the indigenous traditional knowledge system is essential
for development for which it is required to prepare documentation of such knowl-
edge sources existing and useful for the people at large and develop a documentation
centre in a state like Odisha. The responsibility of the documentation centre is to
identify the knowledge sources, information sources and acquire the details of each
knowledge entity, classify them, prepare metadata and develop databases to pre-
serve those information for further use. The preparation of electronic database of
indigenous traditional knowledge is the need of the hour. The collection and storage
of indigenous knowledge should be given priority with right dissemination among
interesting organisations and individuals. Promotional activities and publicity mea-
sures are required to be taken up to promote the use of libraries that appear to be
very significant in acquisition, organisation and dissemination of indigenous tradi-
tional knowledge-related information to the users and the public. Until an equitable
framework which defines and addresses the legitimate diverse interests of all the
parties in this dispute is put in place, access to TK will continue to be difficult and
problematic. It is hoped that this research will contribute to the ongoing debate as
to the appropriate framework that will adequately protect the basic characteristics of
TK while at the same time ensuring access to traditional knowledge and information.
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Chapter 13
Land, Property Rights and Management
Issues in Tribal Areas of Jharkhand:
An Overview
Hari Charan Behera
Just like in heaven, everybody wants a piece of land

—John Steinbeck
Abstract The paper examines the shift in tribal perception of land as a free good
to its commoditisation and associated problems in the absence or poor management
of land records. Within this framework, it makes a contrast between customary and
statutory provisions and practices under land record management. It argues that
modern laws are biased and also responsible for replacing ‘customary practices to
favour the modern state machinery to acquire tribal land, displace tribal people and
dispossess them from their livelihood’. Therefore, the paper suggests that tribal land
management in the era of globalisation should address to the issues of protection and
preservation of tribal customary rights on land on the face of threats from modern
laws.
Keywords Property rights · Land records · Land management · Customary

practices · Cadastral survey · Tenancy act · Land tenure · Globalisation · Kuntikatti
Introduction
Land (property) is the central factor of production in agrarian economies (Bell 1990).
It is more important in industrial economies and in other form of economies as well.
In order to protect land and other property rights, the statutory land management
practices were introduced not only in India but also in many other parts of the world.
A number of researchers have found land revenue collection as the prime reason
H. C. Behera (B)
Sociological Research Unit, Indian Statistical Institute, Giridih, Jharkhand, India
e-mail: hcbehera@gmail.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_13
252 H. C. Behera
to establish land revenue administration. Still some other attribute identifying true
property holder and estimating correct land revenue as the basis of establishing
land revenue administration. In fact, land revenue administration includes all of the
functions. Giving justice to true property owner, the landowner and the cultivator
along with adequate security cover was the government’s welfare approach soon
after independence. The zamindar and the intermediary interventions were banned
or restricted under the new land reforms during post-independence era. Erstwhile
tenure system was so complex, and the root of intermediaries was so strong that
many authors had noted about resistance to land reforms by zamindars, who tried
to manipulate land record, and further resorted to violence (Thorner 1956; Thorner
and Thorner 1962; Appu 1996). Over a period of time, there is shift in attention in
land property management along with shift in economic approach. But land issues
remain noteworthy in contemporary debate and discourse.
Property rights are fundamental in every planning process. Unfortunately, peo-
ple have to endure difficulties due to poor governance in many developing and
underdeveloped nations. In the sub-Saharan and the South Asian nations, there
are different types of agrarian practices. Most of the nations in these regions have
conflict-ridden transition in property management due to land property rights viola-
tion of the indigenous communities living in large numbers in these regions (Toulmin
2005–06; Byamugisha and Zakout 2000). There is long history of conflicts in the
countries for land and forest rights violations of local and indigenous communities
(Campbell et al. 2000: 337; Kagwanji 2009: 4; also see Deininger and Castagnini
2006; Deininger 2003). The indigenous communities ranging from Africa to Asia
have often fought for recognition of their customary practices for a peaceful tran-
sition of society. Neoliberal policies have pushed for transnational business leading
to issues like land grabbing, land alienation or dispossession. But establishing the
customary norms with codification of practice and legal recognition to such practice
is barely established in many communities.
Many studies report that the conflict in rural or tribal communities is primarily due
to a legal and political clash in resource ownership, possession, use, inheritance and
other tenurial rights (Goldstein and Udry 2008). Community rights are consistently
neglected after post-economic reforms period in the country. Poverty is perpetuated
due to lack of good governance on land and allied property issues. De Soto writes,
‘without an integrated formal property system, a modern market economy is incon-
ceivable. Had the advanced nations of the West not integrated all representations into
one standardized property system and made it accessible to all, they could not have
specialized and divided labour to create the expanded market network and capital
that have produced their present wealth’ (De Soto 2000: 172). Of course non-western
countries have tried to integrate their system in order to build a standardised prop-
erty system. However, they have failed to resolve both institutional and procedural
complexities.
13 Land, Property Rights and Management Issues in Tribal Areas … 253
‘Land’ as State Subject
In India, land is a state subject. According to the entry No. 18 of the Seventh Schedule
(the state list) of the Constitution of India, land including assessment and collection
of revenue, maintenance of land records, land management, collection of revenue,
etc., fall within the purview of the state government (DoLR, Draft NLUP 2013).
In the Constitution, maintenance of land records has been further clubbed with the
record of rights and cadastral surveys and they have been placed under the 45th
entry of the state list in the 7th Schedule. The system of land record varies across
states on the basis of land tenure system inherited since colonial time. The number
of property-related registers varies considerably among the states (see Behera 2009).
Different institutions involve in property management, but their nature of activities
varies. The property registration department discharges the functions of registration,
and collection of registration fee and stamp duty, creates and maintains deeds, etc.
The revenue department is solely responsible for maintenance and updating of land
records. Meanwhile, the revenue department collects land revenue, crop statistics and
initiates the process of land acquisition for public and private purposes. The Survey
and Settlement department on the other hand undertakes cadastral survey. It involves
land survey, measurement and settlement of rights, assessment of revenue, etc. These
three departments play a pivotal role in property management. Unfortunately, these
three departments work in silos with no or very little coordination.
Recently, efforts have been made to bring better coordination through various
central-sponsored schemes. Massive investment for creation of fresh data, updating
of land records, computerisation and digitisation of land records and successively new
institutional arrangement for streamlining these activities have been developed by
central government. Extensive debates and deliberations on reform measures in land
administrations have taken place. Some states like Karnataka in the south, Gujarat in
the west and others have made the application of ICT model successively leveraged
for better citizen centric delivery of services. In Karnataka, the Bhoomi model of land
record modernisation has been able to gather greater appreciation both nationally and
internationally. In these states, land records are fairly updated, well maintained and
well managed. But in the states of eastern part, particularly in Jharkhand, the land
record management is grossly neglected. The status of computerisation is in less
advanced stage.
Since past few years, the Jharkhand state government has tried to provide online
services of land records including online payment, registration, mutation, etc. Online
delivery of land records is initiated. But this practice is still under trial and not fully
implemented across the state. Land records are not updated for generations. Land-
related disputes are frequent at the village level. The enormity of this problem in
India is revealed by the fact that around 8 million of the 20 million pending civil
cases in India as of year 2000 are related to land (USAID n.d.). Though exact figure
is not reported in the state of Jharkhand, the density of land issues will be definitely
high particularly in the tribal belts. Both social and institutional conflicts pertaining
to land management are a common practice in Indian villages. The nature of property
254 H. C. Behera
rights is not well conceived by a few states in the eastern and in the north-eastern
parts of the country. Therefore, property rights are not settled adequately.
Tribe, State and Identity
There has been critical debate concerning tribe, state and identity for decades. The
debates on these aspects are associated with ‘land’ and ‘territory’, both of which may
be used alternatively in the context of tribal studies. Without further going deep into
such definitions, a more convenient definition of ‘territory’ by Oxford Dictionary
as ‘an area of land under the jurisdiction of a ruler or state’ is used in this discus-
sion. When a debate concerning tribe starts, it cannot certainly escape the issues of
‘commonality’ and ‘communality’. ‘Anthropologists define a tribe as a collection
of groups of people who share patterns of speech, basic cultural characteristics and,
in the traditional sense, common territory. The most important feature is, however,
that members of a tribe feel that they have more in common with each other than
with neighbouring groups. The sense of communality both binds the members of a
tribe together and distances them from non-members of the tribe’. Therefore, with-
out further defining the tribe, two important characteristics such as communality and
commonality attract the most. Though anthropologists indulged into the subject of
defining tribe based on certain characteristics such as ‘politically or socially coher-
ent and autonomous group occupying or claiming a particular territory’ (RAI 1951:
66)1 but the notions on socially and politically coherent and autonomous group are
both contested2 . In modern state with establishment of legal, political and economic
institutions, and with the nature of functioning of bureaucracy the issue of tribal
identity is in question and tribal autonomy at stake. The question of land therefore is
not the question of material subject alone, rather it is a question of culture, identity,
and ethnicity concerning to tribe who traditionally love to live in their territory with
peace and tranquillity. Perhaps there is hardly any tribe who now live with complete
social, cultural and political autonomy without any adverse effect to their identity
and integrity in the modern state. The question has become further more critical when
the territorial integrity is affected, sentiments are hurt and economy and livelihood
severely disturbed. Land has become a subject of material progress for infrastructure
growth and economic development while undermining the value of culture, ethnic-
ity, identity, communality, commonality and even statehood. But the macro-progress
claimed by state is non-inclusive. Further, it has created polarisation in the society.
The tribal and indigenous communities have been victim of marginalisation of such
1 See Morris Marsh (1988) and Lewis (1972) for an understanding of the concept ‘tribe’.
2 André Béteille’s observation in this regard is worth mentioning. He observes the existence of a
tribe fitting any theoretical definition is at best an anthropological imagination (see Béteille 1981).
In a same vein, Morton Fried suggests that what anthropologists study today is ‘tribe as a secondary
sociopolitical phenomenon, brought about by the intercession of more complex ordered societies,
states in particular. The ‘pristine tribe,’ on the other hand, is a creation of myth and legend, pertaining
either to the golden age of the noble savage or romantic barbarism’ (Fried 1975: 114).
inequitable progress. The modern laws have replaced customary practices to favour
the modern state machinery to acquire tribal land, displace tribal people and dispose
them from their livelihood. It is not India alone where tribal and ethnic issues are
discussed so intensively. In the sub-Saharan African nations, the issues of indige-
nous communities concerning land have been highlighted by many scholars and
researchers (Van Asperen 2014).
Tribal Land Issues in the Indian Context
The issues of displacement and land alienation due to development projects have been
a subject of critical debate for the scholars of social sciences, activists and civil society
organisations. The recent development affairs have much rapid and profound adverse
effect and nonetheless it is a global concern. This concern has apparently coincided
with the violation of fundamental rights to livelihood and survival of marginalised
groups. In India, over 50 million people are displaced due to development projects
and above 10 millions are alone from tribal communities. A figure reported by De
(1998) for a period 1951–89 shows that out of the total 21.3 million displaced persons
(DPs), the number of DPs in the tribal region was 11.75 million (MoRD 2004).
However, this report is about the pre-economic reforms. The number of displaced
persons from among the tribal communities after economic reforms is not accounted
systematically. However, the recent controversies over land acquisitions from mining
project in Niyamagiri hills of Kalahandi and Kalinganagar steel project in Jajpur
districts of Odisha, Jaduguda uranium plants in East Singhbhum district of Jharkhand,
etc. have made the intensity of the issue of displacement of tribal communities very
clear after economic reforms.
The issues of ethnicity, culture, biodiversity, etc., have further developed critical
discourse in anthropology and sociology alike. Mining and pro-industrial movement
during post-economic reforms has further accentuated the feeling of despair among
the marginalised groups. Apart from the fundamental issue of livelihood and sur-
vival, the loss of rich biodiversity in the Niyamagiri hills under bauxite project has
raised number of questions to the clearance of project (Saxena et al. 2010). It is
not about the issue of tribal men alone who are affected due to land alienation but
about the associated female counterparts and loss of their occupational engagement,
household income opportunity and eventual loss of economic freedom and livelihood
opportunity, due to such development.
Agriculture is the mainstay of tribal economy. More than half of the agricultural
workforce in tribal society belongs to women. They contribute their labour in terms
of transplantation, weeding, harvesting, etc. The income and livelihood opportunity
of women through household agriculture is abiding force to unity and integrity and
food security of the family in particular and community in general. Many scholars in
tribal studies have reported about significant participation by women in pre- and post-
agricultural ritual practices, and the division of labour in agriculture. Rehabilitation
256 H. C. Behera
and resettlement planning have virtually ignored or failed to address these gender
concerns at such micro-level.
Tribals have become the victim of discrimination, displacement and dispossession
of rights since beginning of colonial time. ‘Displacement becomes problem because
of the dispossession that results from it’ (Areeparampil 1996: 1524). The tribal terri-
tories were annexed, their resources were exploited, and the people were forcefully
evicted from their territory in the name of development since colonial administra-
tion. Land Acquisition Act (LA Act) 1894 came into force in March 1894. The LA
Act has been introduced for acquisition of land for public purpose and for the com-
panies. The issue of so-called public purpose has been debated for the ambiguous
connotation and sometimes for adverse implication. The anthropologists have been
champion for the community cause. The protagonists who talk for development of
the deprived communities have found the land issue more critical. The compensation
bar for the acquired land from a patta (title) holder has been increased in recent time.
Lack of identification of true land owners due to poor land record management and
lack of recognition to customary practices in land management have made it difficult
to recognise real affected families. Both forest land and agricultural land of the tribal
communities having restriction over their transfer are also acquired under the Land
Acquisition Act. Though this Act laid provision for compensation to the title holder
whose land was acquired, the compensation has not benefitted many people who
used forest land without title are under authority’s scrutiny. A large number of tribal
people were prosecuted, harassed and denied access to the forest resource which
they used to access for over centuries. The subsequent forest laws bred new form
of excruciation among the forest communities, the tribes and the traditional forest
dwellers. The successive dissent is a consequence of the tribal affliction (Rao and
Behera 2017: 32). Neglecting the tribal prerogative traditional customary practices
and hesitating implementation of modern land record management in tribal areas in
true sprit are also the reasons for furthermore conflicts in tribal areas.
State, Resources and Rights Violation Excruciate
The rights issues of the tribal communities became the matter of anthropological
discourse since beginning of colonial restriction on forest and agriculture along with
the practice of huge extraction of rent. Ramachandra Guha, a noted historian added,
the progressive diminution of ‘rights’ and consequent loss of control over natural
resources evoked a sharp reaction from the forest communities (Guha 1983). Both
forest and agriculture have provided key livelihood support to the tribals in the
absence of alternate economic opportunities. The land, both forest land and agricul-
ture land, and agrarian issues have formed the basis to tribal movements in India since
colonial time. Sengupta (1989) has raised a theoretical question of both tribal and
peasant movements despite the fact that he derived an agrarian connection between
these two. He noted that ‘Chotanagpur is one of such areas where the anomaly is most
glaringly manifested. The communities identified as Scheduled Tribes include many
predominantly and partly agricultural communities who might as well be described

as peasants. Nor has this transition occurred in the recent past-they were engaged in
agriculture even in the nineteenth century. It is not surprising that movements involv-
ing such communities show an essentially an agrarian character. What is surprising
is that in spite of this they are rarely seen as cases of “peasant movements” but are
included in tribal movements without any introductory remarks about the transition
from tribe to peasant’. Thus, while it is important to differentiate peasant from tribe,
the connection between tribe and peasant, and tribal and peasant movements cannot
be avoided. As already discussed, it is the agrarian relation that is most affected
due to land alienation, and is the root cause for land-based protests (Sengupta 1989:
48–49).
The entire discourse of land and property rights issues of tribal and other indige-
nous communities falls within the purview of the anthropology and of other social
science disciplines and the scholars who have shown sincere interest on tribal studies.
Since land is concerned to livelihood and occupation, mainly forest-based economy
and agriculture, the question of survival and territorial integrity is debated under
anthropological thought and approaches. The anthropological perspective is not only
concerned about culture and institutional dimension but also about the entire social
structure concerning social network and other functional dimensions. In addition, the
economy, livelihood, polity and state interventions which are the part of the structural
arrangement have profound place in the anthropological debate. Sociologists have
further highlighted social issues, social conflict and other social and societal impact
of land and property rights. It is a key governance issue for the scholars of political
science and public administration. Economists have deeply studied the impact of
new economic policies and the nature of transition under neoliberal economic poli-
cies. Privatisation, globalisation and liberalisation are key dimensions discussed by
scholars irrespective of their subject background. Honestly speaking, the perspective
of understanding land and property rights issues is rather holistic and concerned with
multiple issues and dimensions.
In view of the above, the present study is designed to critically examine the per-
spective of land and property rights issues of tribal and other indigenous communities
with reference to its nature and scope in tribal areas of Jharkhand. It also attempts
to examine land tenure policy and practice followed in Jharkhand by situating it in
national development context.
An Overview of Land Tenure in Jharkhand with Special

Provisions for Tribes
There are different types of land such as private land and government land under
customary and statutory forms of practices in the state. Private land could be acquired,
inherited, purchased, etc. The land further could be privileged land or mortgaged land.
About two dozen types of land based on land use practices are reported under the
258 H. C. Behera
revenue administration like anabad, anabadi, kesar hind, khas malik, gm am, gm
khas, gochar, jamabandi raiyat, debsthal, raiyat, government land, common land,
sevayat, etc. In Jharkhand, multiple land tenure practices are noticed in Chotanagpur
areas, Santhal Pargana area, Palamu and Singhbhum areas of Jharkhand. Special
rights provision to the original settler of the village by cutting the forest was first
recognised by the British administration. Mundari-Kuntikattidari a special tenurial
rights in Chotanagpur region which defined ‘A mundari who has acquired a right to
hold jungle land for the purpose of bringing suitable portions thereof under cultivation
by himself or by male members of his family…(The CNTA 1908 Section 8 of JAJ,
nd)’. This right was especially given during preparation of original record of rights.
Land reclaimed after the date of the preparation of the record by kuntikattidars of
the village cannot, therefore, be classed as Kuntikatti (Section 134) but they are
korkar (The CNTA 1908 Section 8 of JAJ, nd). Thus, korkar lands are those lands
which are not reclaimed by the kuntikattidars or by raiyats of the village who are not
kuntikattidars. ‘Bhuinhari lands are another type of land owned by Bhuinhars, the
descendants of the Pioneer families who cleared the jungle and brought that particular
area under cultivation, which are really the ancestral holdings of the descendants. ‘All
the tenures except Bhuinhari Tenures and Mundari-Kuntikatti Tenures have vested in
the state in terms of Section 3A and Section 4 of the Bihar Land Reforms Act, 1950’
(JAJ n.d.). According to Sinha (2012), Bhuinhari and Mundari-Kuntikatti Tenures
are unique institutions where rights vest into the descendants of the original settlers
that being Mundas, Mankis or Jeth Raiyats. However, due to lack of understanding
they have been treated as tenures equivalent to Zamindari.
Two prominent tenancy Acts were introduced by the British for recognition of cus-
tomary rights and restriction on transfer of land from tribal to non-tribal. These Acts
are the Chotanagpur Tenancy (C.N.T.) Act 1908 and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy
(Supplementary Provisions) Act, 1949. The C.N.T. Act 1908 applies to the areas
in the Chotanagpur with restriction in land transfer under Section 46. Section 46
(a) says, ‘an occupancy raiyat who is a member of Scheduled Tribe may transfer
with the previous sanctions of the Deputy Commissioner his right in his holding or
a portion of his holding by sale, exchange, gift or will to another person who is a
member of Scheduled Tribe and who is a resident within local limits of the area of
the police station within which the holding is situated’. The amending provisions of
1938 removed local area restriction if the transfer is between the Scheduled Tribes
and may not essentially need permission from the DC’s in such circumstance. The
Bihar Scheduled Areas Regulation 19693 inserted Section 71A in the CNT Act to
undo the wrongs committed in contravention to the provisions of Section 46, 48 or
240 of the Act (see JAJ n.d.). Section 71A of the C.N.T. Act gives power to restore
3 The Scheduled areas of Jharkhand have been specified in the Scheduled Areas (States of Chhatis-
garh, Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh) Order, 2003 (Constitution order, 192), have been rescinded
vide the Scheduled Areas State of Jharkhand. The Scheduled Areas include Ranchi, Lohardaga,
Gumla, Simdega, Latehar, East Singhbhum, West Singhbhum, Sarikela Kharsawan, Sahebganj,
Dumka, Pakur, Jamtara, Palamu (Rabda & Bakoria Panchayats of Satbarwa Block) and Godda (Sun-
derpahari and Boarijor blocks). Source: http://www.jharkhand.gov.in/documents/10179/2712021/
Presidential%20Order%20for%20the%20Scheduled%20Areas%20of%20Jharkhand.
possession to member of the Scheduled Tribes over land unlawfully transferred and
Section 71 B of the C.N.T. Act prescribes penalties for any lawful transaction or
any contravention to the Section 46 of the C.N.T. Act. Chapter XI (Section 76) of
CNTA establishes precedence of custom, usage or customary right even over the
Act; Chapter XII allows for the preparation of record of rights (khatian), recording
all pre-existing conditions such as land rights, forest produce from forest and waste
land, right of the resident to reclaim jungle land or the waste land, etc. (Vasan 2005).
The Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949 was another such Act to ban transfer of
tribal land in the Santhal Pargana areas. Section 20 of the SPT Act 1949 provides
restriction on transfer of land. This particular section of the SPT Act provides that
no transfer by a raiyat of his right in his holdings or any portion thereof by sale, gift,
mortgage, will, lease for any other contract or agreement shall be valid unless the
right to transfer is recorded in the record-of-rights (Sinha 2012). However, transfer
of land is allowed under many restrictions. Unlike C.N.T Act in which there are
clear definitions to Mundari-Kunt-Kattidari or Bhuinhari, raiyats, the use of such
terms are not used in S.P.T Act 1949. Village Headman was appointed by the D.C. or
other duly authorised officers to hold the office of village headman, whether known
as Pradhan, Munsatajur, Manjhi or otherwise but does not include a mulraiyat (JAJ
n.d.). Mulraiyat is an original settler of the village in Santhal Pargana areas. There are
mainly two types of villages such as khas and non-khas villages. Khas villages are
appointed with village headman for collection of rents on behalf of the government.
Therefore, khas villages are under direct control of the revenue administration of the
government. This law tried to codify some of the customary laws relating to land.
Both CNTA and SPTA laws were enacted to protect tribal’s agrarian and livelihood
interest. The Scheduled Area Regulation 1969 (SAR) is instrumental to provide
direction for restoration of illegally alienated land to individuals. SAR courts have
been established to expedite the process of restoration (Sharan 2005, 4443). Despite
that, the illegal appropriation of Adivasi forest rights in Jharkhand continues today.
Khatian II for record of rights that record user rights and common rights to land and
forest are systematically disappearing (Vasan 2005).
Considering the nature of land tenure in Jharkhand, there are numerous land
tenure practices in Jharkhand which have varied presence in different geographical
regions and in the ethnic and cultural context of the state. British duly recognised
many customary practices with provisions under the C.N.T. Act 1908 and the S.P.T.
Act 1949 though with subsequent amendments the ease of transfer of land and dilu-
tion of customary land tenure apparently have taken place. Recently, amid protest
from opposition parties in the state, efforts have been made to move ordinances for
amendments to the SPT and CNT mainly concerning GM land (gairmazrua khas).
The Land Property and Record Management
Property issue is universal. This issue is furthermore complex in the developing

countries. The property rights issues in India are well classified on the basis of both
260 H. C. Behera
social and institutional perspectives. The property rights are generally a recognised
social practice, which are either customarily or statutorily defined (Bottomore 1971).
Land property ownership also determines social status and social esteem. Property
has legal basis which is an important component of the social structure. In Jharkhand,
the property-related issues are furthermore complex and connected with culture and
ethnicity, social security, and livelihood. About 26% of total population belong to
tribal groups in Jharkhand (Census-2011, Government of Jharkhand) who mostly
depend on agriculture and forest resource for their livelihood. It is important to note
that land still remains the only source of subsistence for the vast majority among
rural people in general and tribal people of Jharkhand in particular. Since legal
ownership is vested with property carrying formal social and economic importance,
land was recognised widely as property in the modern land administration. ‘The
legal ownership of assets such as land gives its holder multiple rights. In its complete
form, ownership conveys the rights to use the asset, to exclude others from using it,
to transfer the asset to others, and to retain these rights’ (Galiani and Schargrodsky
2011: S331).
Despite ever-increasing economic value of land and perpetual threats from mid-
dlemen and private parties, the land records in Jharkhand are not in a state of perfect
management. The land records are not found updated in many households. Land-
related disputes, resistance and violence are part of the Jharkhand agrarian history.
The state lags behinds other states as far as modernisation of land record is concerned.
The old scheme of computerisation of land records and strengthening revenue admin-
istration and updating of land records miserably failed in the state. But this has slowly
gained momentum under the new scheme of national land record modernisation pro-
gramme. Original cadastral survey was undertaken last in 1921 in undivided Bihar,
and no sincere resurvey has been undertaken since.
The original cadastral survey and revisional survey maps were not handed over to
Jharkhand state after its formation in the year 2000. According to a report, the cadas-
tral survey maps include over 82,000 sheets, and in their absence Jharkhand has been
unable to implement the central government’s National Land Records Modernisa-
tion Programme (NLRMP) launched in 2008 (The Telegraph, June 4, 2016, Calcutta
online edition). Further, farmers in rural areas find mutation of land records as a
difficult affair. Therefore, it is undertaken among very few farmers in a specific time
frame. Corruption is a common occurrence at the lower revenue functionary. Many
studies have reported about lack of adequate attention and poor service delivery of
record of rights in tribal areas (Behera and Singh 2014). Recently, the state govern-
ment is taking proactive measures to implement the central-sponsored schemes in
the state.
Land Issues at the Grass Root Level: An Inquiry Through

Field Observation
Land property has the basis with its legal values. States carry responsibility to protect,
preserve and maintain land resources and ensure property rights to every citizen
irrespective of their background. But unfortunately, the poor at the village level
do not get adequate support in the existing institutional arrangement. These poor
mainly belong to particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PTGs), other tribal groups
and Dalits (the Scheduled Caste communities). My visit to Chalkari, a Birhor colony
(a settlement of the Birhor, the PTGs) in the foothill of Topchachi block in Dhanbad
district, provides some insights into the issue of property rights of this indigenous
group. Traditionally, the Birhors are the forest dwellers, hunters and food gatherers.
But their efforts to make a settled life have posed challenges from the forest officials.
No rights have been extended to the members of the households under the Forest
Rights Act, 2006. According to the Times of India report dated 2 June 2015, the Act
has not been implemented properly in the state even after nine years of its launching
and till mid 2015 only about 22,400 individual titles have been doled out in the state.
The current government at the state took proactive step, and it is reported that the
Chief Minister asked the bureaucrats to distribute land ownership to the villagers in a
time-bound manner. Status implementation of the Forest Rights Act 2006 in the state
of Odisha has shown a far more impressive result. By August 2016, nearly 385,960
individual titles have been issued (Government of Odisha 2016).
In the absence of secured property rights, the livelihood issues of the Birhors in
Jharkhand have been far more complicated than their traditional lifestyle, especially
after they have resettled by administration. They continue with their traditional skill
of rope making from the limited resource they avail from forest but market does not
support their products fetching a fair price. Since hunting (their traditional social
practice) is banned, they cannot continue it either for food supplement any longer.
Now, majority of the youths from this tribal community are forced to engage as wage
earners or as casual labourers during lean seasons. However, on the positive side,
the district administration has set up school, health centre, provided drinking water
facility and a few other facilities as community development measures. It is not about
primitive tribal community who thrive to get justice for their land rights. The other
communities, the tribal communities and the Dalits, have similar problems. Land
records they possess are mostly not updated.
The visit to Sizuwa village in Bengabad block of Giridih district in Jharkhand fur-
ther exhibits a complex property relation in the society. According to Laxman Yadav,
56-year-old resident of this village, his khatiyan has not been updated for more than
five generations. The khatiyan is still in the name of his late great grandfather Nanku
Raut who was erstwhile landlord during zamindari system. Nanku Raut had 62.32
acre land which has been reduced to about five acre per household after subsequent
partitions. LaxmanYadav the fifth-generation descendant had about five acres land
which would be reduced to less than 2 acres if partitioned among three of his male
descendants (sons). The rent is paid collectively among the extended kin members,
262 H. C. Behera
but there are conflicts within the kin members with regard to allocation of land on
the basis of its position (spatial distribution). Everyone wants their piece of land
next to village main road and on the frontage of the tola facing the east direction.
Apparently, it fetches a better price. However, those in possession of this property
now had occupied land through generations in times when this was the rear end the
village.
More complicated are the affairs of the Kol community living here. Samlal Kol
reiterates the issues of ethnic identity and conflict in relation to property. Most of
the 30 households of Kol community are descendants of a few families who had
settled here. The question to their ethnicity and identity remains unanswered. They
had about 4 acres of land each during the period of zamindari abolition. Some opine
that the land was offered by the then Zamindar, Nanku Raut. The third generation
received land of about 3 acres each from bandobasti two decade back. According to
Samlal Kol of Kolhaiya tola (hamlet) in the Sizuwa village, he had got 3 acres land
jointly with his brother Hari Kol. He had a total land of about 3.5 acres most part of
which is tanr land (hard soil). The inherited land from his forefathers had not been
mutated thereafter. The communities living here had the opinion of exorbitant cost to
get mutation of their khatiyans (the record of rights). Since the community had not
received tribal status then their ancestors had sold out land to other non-tribals. Now,
there is restriction on transfer of land, which they believe can protect their lands.
Although a lack of updating land records is common in Jharkhand villages, where
conflicts are an everyday affair, this gets more complicated in the industrial zones.
Jambad and Rautgadi are the two villages of Giridih block in the periphery of the
industrial zone where the medium-scale rolling mills have been set up. These villages
are not even five kilometres away from the Giridih town, yet they had lacked basic
irrigation, drinking water, health and sanitation facilities. The families in Jambad
had lost a large chunk of their land to the rolling mills set up in this village. Now
except a few households, majority of the households were under marginal and very
marginal landholding categories. However, that is not the issue alone; the issue is
about the drastic change in quality of land after industrialisation. Most of the fertile
and wet lands had turned to be dry land (tanr land). Groundwater levels have fallen
affecting rabi or the winter crops. The entire agrarian scenario has transformed to
non-agrarian status with majority of the household members, particularly the youths
have engaged in casual labour in the nearby rolling mills. Therefore, agricultural
practice has been neglected. The old members of the village realise that industries
have not benefitted the development of the village.
Land Acquisition, Land Alienation and Displacement Issues

in the State
Jharkhand has rich deposit of natural resources including forests and mines. Most of
the resources are under direct control of the state or the centre. After nationalisation
of coal mining, the Coal India Limited governs most of the coal mining areas. The
state controls vast chunk of other smaller mining resources. A long list of legislation,
like the Land Acquisition Act 1894, Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Devel-
opment) Act 1957, Indian Forest Act 1927, The Indian Wild Life (Protection) Act
1972, Atomic Energy Act 1962, and other related Acts and legislations, empow-
ers the state/centre to acquire land for public purposes. Conversely, there exist a
number of protective land laws that restrict transfer of land from certain communi-
ties, mainly from the tribal communities to the non-tribal communities. However,
the land acquisition for public purpose often contest the protective land legislations
applied in tribal areas as most of the mineral deposits and forest and other natu-
ral resources are found with numerous instances in these areas. ‘The Chotanagpur
Tenancy (CNT) Act (1908) and Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SPT) Act (1949) were
enacted specifically to protect tribal land from being expropriated by non-tribals. It
was already mentioned that the Sections 6 and 47 of the CNTA clearly restrict the
transfer of land in the Chotanagpur region, only to member of the same caste/tribe
as the original raiyat. Section 49 makes overriding allowances to the state to acquire
land for certain specified purposes, including mining. Mining has been the single
largest cause of land alienation in Jharkhand in the past. About 34.4% of all land that
was acquired for development projects from 1951 to 1991 was for mining projects
(Ekka and Asif 2000: 67, source: George 2005). There are different types of public
land: gairmazruakhas/fallow land, wasteland, grazing land, etc., which have been
persistently interfered with community rights as well as individual private property
rights. The rule of law is often in conflict at the grass-roots level institutions and
institutional service delivery mechanisms. Mining and industries have opened up in
many districts contributing to the gross domestic product (GDP) output contributing
to economic growth. These sectors also enable the states to get better royalty. The
states have benefitted directly from mining and industrial outputs; the communi-
ties were supposedly getting benefits from the wholesome outreach initiatives. But
unfortunately, this has not happened except under the condition that they may get
compensation for the land acquisition. The benefit in terms of monetary compensa-
tion is not a practical solution for long-term benefits. Jharkhand is among the states
with largest percentage of poor population. The state being the ultimate proprietor of
land has dictated resource utilisation. The tendency of the state has moved towards
commercialisation of land resource. This tendency of commercialisation and com-
moditisation of land is one of the causes of the conflict against outsiders (Fernandes
2014: 160). Land acquisition for mining, industries and other non-agricultural use
has increased while land alienation has remained critical among the tribal and other
indigenous communities. Odisha and Chhattisgarh have faced similar issues with
almost alike spatial or geographical conditions.
Jharkhand has passed through conflict-ridden transition. The colonial period had
experience of series of tribal movements against the monopolistic administration that
goes against the interest of cultivators. Vidyarthi writes, ‘Chotanagpur and Santal
Parganas have witnessed a series of successive rebellions right from the days of the
foundation of British rule in this part of the country. The freedom loving tribal people
of Chotanagpur were only people who fought relentlessly against the British army for
264 H. C. Behera
years for every inch of land before they could accept British over lordship’ (Vidyarthi
1972: 441 Quoted in Behera 2014: 326). During the colonial regime, the agrarian
movements by the Santhal and the Mundas forced the state to recognise customary
practices. Despite protective measures, land alienation continues in Jharkhand and
restoration of illegal occupied land remains under confusion. Particularly, restoration
of illegally occupied tribal land under the SAR provisions has been criticised due to
its low performance (Rao 2003; Sharan 2005). ‘According to government records,
up to 2001–02, 60,464 cases for restoration involving 85,777.22 acres of land were
filed out of which 34,608 cases were upheld involving 46,797.36 acres of land were
filed out of which 34,608 cases upheld involving 46,797.36 acres of land and the rest
were rejected. The possession of land could be given only in 21,445 cases involving
29,829.7 acres of land’ (Sharan 2005; Ekka 2011). Landlessness has increased in
the backdrop of rising land alienation and distressed selling prevails in many tribal
pockets. The Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste communities’ fight continues
consistently seeking justice for property. For decades, there have been uninterrupted
land acquisitions for mining and industries. Despite protective measures and rights
of settlement of waste lands, grazing lands, nalas, roads and other common property
(now classified as gairmazrua aam), land alienation remains a critical human rights
issue in the post-industrial state. Studies report misuse of CNTA and SPTA in relation
to transfer of land (Ekka 2011).
Large-scale displacement of indigenous population as mentioned in the reset-
tlement and reconstruction model by Cernea (1988) has caused potential risks like
landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, increased
morbidity and mortality; loss of access to common property, social disintegration,
loss of access to community; violation of human rights (Cernea 1988). In general,
the poor have been further pushed to destitution. Since independence, millions of
households from tribal and rural communities have been displaced for development
projects. Mathur (2013) noted, until recently dams were a major cause of displace-
ment. Jharkhand is a classic instance of displacement issue. Large amount of tribal
land has been converted into commercial use during post-independence period.
The property rights of the agrarian communities remain in conflict in all the
regions. But the issues are more complex in the regions where the rights are not well
defined and unrecorded. The recognition to customary rights of the communities over
land was a result of long protracted struggle of the community before independence
and has been violated even more ever since. Repeated amendments in land laws have
diluted the core values of erstwhile Chotanagpur Tenancy Act 1908 and the Santhal
Pargana Tenancy Act 1949. It may be attributed that extremism has its presence
more in the non-settled areas where the property rights are more in conflict. There
are no defined rights; the people do not have productive assets. In such scenario
where the families are deprived and distressed, there is possibility they are easily
trapped with violent initiatives of the non-state actors. The issue is complex in both
Santhal Pargana and Chotanagpur areas as there is conflict in relation to property and
land management. The customary practices although recognised during the British
regime, people could not get due rightly since management of such land has been
neglected. There is complexity in land tenure laws. Uncultivated ‘waste’ and jungle
land account for the largest amount of common land in Jharkhand referred to as
gairmazrua khas (gm land). Legal status of people’s rights in gm land is not clear
in post-independence India. Legal ambiguities, coupled with vesting of such land in
the state, have eroded these rights and effectively dispossessed many cultivators who
have been occupying such land for years (Upadhya 2005).
How Is Property Right Significant in the Context

of Economic Reforms?
Globalisation has spread its presence in almost every region of the world. Liberal-
isation and privatisation along with globalisation have conquered all space. It has
been studied by scholars that rapid mining and industrialisation have already affected
the environment. The Damodar River became the world’s most polluted river after
mining came into existence. Large-scale mining, particularly under the influence of
liberalisation and privatisation, has caused massive damage to the land resources of
the area (Areeparampil 1996). After coal, iron and mica, it is uranium now, which
has attracted the state’s attention for massive investment in mining. Though the
state provides largest quantity of raw materials, however, the indigenous people of
this region lack adequate development intervention. Despite laws to protect land
from alienation and safeguard interest of the community, the recent industrial policy,
e.g. Jharkhand Industrial Policy 2001 and Jharkhand Vision Document 2010 and
many other recent initiatives, have prompted exploitation of state’s natural resources
(Sundar 2005; Ekka 2011).
From the year 1999 to the year 2009, development projects for mining, infras-
tructure projects such as dams and power plants have displaced 160000 people in
the states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Odisha. However, it is
unclear whether and to what extent the government has resettled them and compen-
sated them (IDMC 2010; cited in USAID n.d.). This is not Jharkhand alone, but all
other states, and the centre’s own initiatives to make the country investor friendly to
better foreign direct investment have nevertheless created a demand for more land,
mostly agricultural land and forest land, making the living of the indigenous commu-
nities under stress. Apart from livelihood and food insecurity, the other challenges
are the social insecurity in the event of loss of land. These issues are connected to land
policies and other economic policies that determine land use. Large-scale disposses-
sion of farmers is taking place with rapid industrialisation, urbanisation, and also for
the much-needed infrastructure like railways and road networks. But unfortunately,
reforms in land administration for a transparent and efficient service delivery remain
neglected. It reveals the government’s apathy in a state like Jharkhand, which has
not been able to effectively implement modernisation of land records. This is at the
backdrop when most of the states are anticipating the linkage of spatial data and non-
spatial data in the computerisation; in Jharkhand, the computerisation of non-spatial
data or attribute data has not been successful. Despite provision of compensation and
266 H. C. Behera
social impact assessment for identifying project-affected landless families, tenants

and cultivators under the Land Acquisition Rehabilitation and Resettlement (LARR)
Act of 2013,4 identifying true landowner without formal legal rights will be difficult.
In tribal areas, it is the lack of property rights that has prevented farmers from getting
compensation under land acquisition process. Since current economic policies are a
global process with its influence in every geographical region, establishing property
rights is vital to provide justice to the poor.
According to Sinha (2012), the former Secretary to Government of India on the
land rights of the tribal, there is a gross lack of understanding regarding the tribal
way of life, their social, cultural, religious, and land-related institutions leading to
trampling of their rights, uprooting of the tribals and injuring their ethos. By a strange
quirk of fortune, the bulk of the mineral resources are located in the areas inhab-
ited by tribals. The result has been that despite having a protective set of formal
laws protecting the customary laws which continue to govern the tribal affairs, they
have been given a go by. Hence, the integrity of the tribal institutions stands badly
compromised, thereby endangering the entire tribal way of life based upon the land
relations.
Essentials of Land Use Policy
There are numerous land laws pertaining to ownership, control, uses, development,
record management, etc. Most of the land laws and land use practices vary across
states. But in the absence of comprehensive land use policy for optimal utilisa-
tion of land obtained for specific purpose, there is hardly any scope for inclusive
development. Uncontrolled spatial expansion of non-agricultural activity is a nature
of manipulation of land laws to encourage conversion of agricultural land for non-
agricultural purpose which amounts to ‘accumulation by dispossession5 ’ as discussed
by Harvey (2003). Despite restriction on transfer of tribal land, the land acquisition
policy allows the state to acquire such land for the public purpose. The industries and
business take the liberty to acquire more land than their real requirement. The state
facilitates such acquisitions on behalf of parties. The existing policies also allow the
tribal elites to acquire more land from poor tribal with their upper hand in complex
legal process and purchasing capacity. Therefore, there is even no complete restric-
tion on transfer of tribal land in reality. It may be noted that the current land use
practice in the country is more about horizontal expansion of land area in size than
its optimal use. Prime agricultural land, the cultural-sensitive areas and the rich bio-
diversity are mostly affected under the existing land use practice. In last one decade,
4 The LARR Act of 2013—The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act of 2013 is a most comprehensive Act provides fair opportunity
to the land owner under land acquisition. Details can be accessed from http://indiacode.nic.in/acts-
in-pdf/302013.pdf.
5 ‘Accumulation by dispossession is a notable contribution of David Harvey who has derived the
basis from the Marx’s analysis of ‘primitive capital accumulation’ (Rao and Behera 2017: 26).
the Government of India has taken initiatives to formulate such land use policy. Some
brainstorming sessions were carried out by the centre in collaboration with GTZ, a
German-based international agency. A Draft National Land Utilization Policy6 was
developed during last period of UPA-II which is yet to get final consent. Therefore,
no national land use policy developed nor implemented in the country.
Emphasis on Better Land Record Management
The property management reflects progress of the state or the nation. A conscious
state keeps all property well documented and managed. Since land is a vital immov-
able property, land records should be well managed. Rural development is constrained
with ambiguity in land resource management in which disputed land records and lack
of updated land records pose great challenges. In India, land rights are presumptive in
nature and no conclusive rights of the landowner have been ever established. There-
fore, the state does not fulfil the obligation of survey and resurvey periodically and
settlement of land-related disputes due to number of legal challenges and counter
challenges arise from different parties. There are instances where the same property
is registered in the name of different parties without exclusive evidence of prop-
erty ownership rights. The marginal communities, mainly the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe communities, are mostly in disadvantageous situation with regard
to their property due to overlapping of community rights and individual rights. Statu-
tory and customary provision of land rights remains in transition, and no rights have
been conclusive rights to their property. Jharkhand has historic land struggles and
disputes. Most of the land issues are also associated with ethnic issues, and the issues
of survival and progress. The land tenure in Jharkhand is most complex, and there
are classification of areas such as SPTA, CNTA and others to provide protection to
the tribals. Despite restriction on transfer of tribal land to non-tribal, the real poor
may find it difficult to preserve their land against land acquisition process initiated
by the state and from the local elites who wish to purchase land from the poor.
With diminishing land revenue collection by the states, the resurvey has witnessed
mere negligence. As a result, the land records lack updating and chances of land dis-
putes remain high. It is noticed that majority of households do not have updated land
records. The issues as seen on the surface are not the true pictures of the society. The
system of land disputes cannot be just confined with the conflict over land adminis-
tration. It requires a thorough introspection in which the element of social structure
within the kinship system also plays an important role. The so-called development
intervention in mineral resource-rich state is a myth without adequate focus on its
own indigenous people. Land rights are frequently violated, and the land has been
6 Draft National Land Utilization Policy developed in 2013 as a framework for land use planning and
management is an attempt to develop an effective National Land Use Policy which has provisions
for protection, conservation and effective use of land for growth and sustainable development. It
has addressed concerns for indigenous communities including tribes and their cultural and social
values apart from economy and livelihood.
268 H. C. Behera
alienated as a part of development intervention since colonial time. Despite protec-

tive land laws, land alienation from peasant landholders continues. Large quantum
of land everyday turns to be wasteland due to mining and most other fertile lands
falls into the trap of mining, hydroprojects and other development projects. As far
as land issues are concerned, the communities face the brunt of development and
administrative negligence. These issues are further supplemented with corruption,
ligation, a lack of transparency, accountability and lack of efficiency in the system.
The excessive regulatory practices have with or without in contravention to the pro-
visions under land laws; however, they have adverse effect on peaceful existence of
tribal communities in the state.
Conclusion
Since independence there are large number of debates, discourses and publications
on the issues of land alienation, displacement and dispossession of peasants and
tribal communities. Scholars from anthropology and other social science disciplines
have addressed issues and concerns of vulnerable communities including tribes. No
doubt, land is essential for any move for infrastructure growth and development. But
since tribal presence is high in many mining belts or in the forested regions, it is
apparently clear that the tribal communities bear the brunt of development. But it
is important to note that any rational move for development project has fairly less
chance of displacement which can reduce sociocultural disturbance and livelihood
threats. Several development projects have acquired land based on overestimation by
the project planners on behalf of the private investors or the State. As a result, it has
caused irrational land transfer and involuntary displacement. Large chunk of land is
not utilised for the purpose it was acquired. The new economic drive has increased
land value to an unprecedented high price. Therefore, the chances of acquiring land
both legally and illegally remain high. Most of the land transfers for development
projects are facilitated by state. State can acquire land by its will with legal weapon
to defend. The Land Acquisition Act is an extremely powerful legal weapon under
which land can be acquired for public purpose. Also, it can restrict transfer of land
with the help of other land legislations. Therefore, laws are just used as tool to
regulate land property for acquisition, use, and transfer among others. But they have
not been sincerely used as protective tools for development of tribal communities.
Jharkhand is not an exception to such instances. Rather, the communities in the state
have faced maximum hardship from time to time; they have resorted to resistance,
violence and uprisings. Since state is the custodian of land records, it is important
at the part of the state to protect its people, mainly marginal and vulnerable groups
like tribal and other indigenous groups from illegal and excess land transfer. Further,
it should restore the land already transferred illegally to empower the vulnerable
groups.
Under neoliberal economic drive, it is important that the land rights of the com-
munities should be better protected. Effort should be made by the state to ensure
transparency and efficiency in the system. It may require adequate focus of revi-
sional survey by using modern cadastral survey methodology along with changes in
institutional approach. Therefore, it may require revival of existing institutions and
strengthening participatory approach. Involvement of people is must. Gram Sabhas
can be a part of participatory decision-making under the 5th Scheduled areas. Fast-
track courts should resolve property disputes. There should be revival of Scheduled
Area Regulation (SAR) courts to restore illegally alienated tribal land. Nonetheless,
effort should be made to introduce conclusive land rights. The NLRMP should be
implemented sincerely at a much faster pace. For development projects, the LARR
Act must be applied sincerely. The land laws prohibiting land transfer from tribal
to non-tribal should be thoroughly reviewed and limitations should be highlighted.
Finally, it is very important that the land use policy should be developed and strongly
implemented in all the states for both survival and sustainable development.
Acknowledgements I thank Shri Ashish Aman Sinha for field assistance and other useful support
in preparing this article. Thanks are due to Professor M. C. Behera for his valuable inputs to the
paper.
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Chapter 14
Mining and Anthropology in Indian
Industrialism
Rajanikant Pandey
Abstract This chapter examines available ethnographic contributions made in

anthropological and interdisciplinary writings on mining and mining-related indus-
tries in Indian context with the focus largely on the central and east-central India
mining belt. While anthropologists by extrapolating the discourse of ‘industrialism’
have made the pioneering ethnographic contribution mostly on a sociocultural pro-
cess and its impact upon the tribal population, interdisciplinary academics have taken
industrial modernisation and displacement as a major theme in conceptualising min-
ing field. The present study takes a chronological approach in assessing the literature
on mining in the Indian context to conceptualise the theoretical shifts needed in future
ethnographic inquiries on the subject. The paper borrows insights from theoretical
and methodological shifts in global ‘mining ethnographies’ and proposes incorpo-
ration of new and exciting concepts and categories for scientific enquiry on ‘new
extractivism’ in the Indian situation.
Keywords Mining anthropology · Industrialism · Ethnography of mining ·

Industrial anthropology · Tribal · Indigenous · Chronological approach ·
Displacement · Migrant labour
Introduction
Industrial anthropology is one of the latest specialisations in anthropology. Inspired

by the remarkable works of Malinowski (1922), Mauss (1925) and Firth (1929),
we have various ethnographies detailing simple economies like hunting-gathering,
herding, shifting and peasant mode of agriculture. This tradition later extended its
interest to market for understanding the change triggered by money economy. The
early anthropological stock of studying so-called traditional culture was last to come
within the fold of industrial revolution, and therefore, the study of it grew late in
R. Pandey (B)
Department of Tribal Studies, Central University of Jharkhand, Brambe,
Ranchi, Jharkhand 835205, India
e-mail: rajanikant.pandey@cuj.ac.in

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_14
274 R. Pandey
the discipline. Furthermore, except for the rare contribution of Mayo (1933/2004),
inquiries of mechanised industry and its culture are an obvious late entrant in anthro-
pological discourse. The industrial anthropology as a distinctive branch of cultural
anthropology is yet to be established profoundly. However, corporate or business
ethnography is emerging as a specialisation in the field of economic anthropology
(see Urban and Koh 2013) and is reshaping the concept of industrialism in anthro-
pology.
It is commonplace that colonial entrepreneurs started extracting raw materials
from a distant land for manufacturing hubs in Europe, which resulted in the exposure
of colonies as a rich source of natural resources. Later, the availability of easily
exploitable cheap labour attracted industrial development in the colonies, but to a
limited extent. Mining of natural resources was one of such early industrial projects
possible in these remote lands. Historically, mining of resources and its exploitation
is an ancient practice and many small-scale communities used metals extracted from
the earth’s crust (see Coulson 2012). The focus on mining as an early industrial
activity of local communities and its detailed ethnographic inquiries were largely
absent from the anthropological literature. Surprisingly, the use of metals by local
communities gave clues to geologists and miners about the availability of resources
in an area. Anthropologists from the colonial institutions like Rhodes-Livingstone
Institute in Africa have pioneered the studies of social change by affecting the tribe
in Zambian (Rhodesian) mining belts (Wilson and Wilson 1945).
A systematic review of anthropological literature on resource extraction
industry depicts that ethnographic writing on mining has a strong tradition. Anthro-
pological works of Powdermaker (1962), Nash (1979), Taussig (1980), Robinson
(1986), Simmons (1989), Godoy (1991), Finn (1998), Ferguson (1999), and many
others have diverse approaches towards mining industry in the past. However, these
efforts have not gained prominence in the core economic discussions and so mining
remained at the margin of the anthropological studies. Nevertheless, today, economic
anthropology is increasingly interested in global capitalism, transnational corpora-
tions and associated politics of natural resources like land, water, forests and minerals.
Anthropologists are actively taking initiatives towards interrogating the issues and
challenges emerging in mining territories because of the heated scholarly contesta-
tions between indigenous rights to resource and demands for sustainable energy in
the future. This has resulted in the production of a good number of monographs (see
Bainton 2010; Rajak 2011; Finn 2012; Kirsch 2006, 2014; Welker 2014; Golub 2014;
Rolston 2014; Stewart and Strathern 2014; Li 2015; Jacka 2015; O’Faircheliagh
2002, 2008, 2015) dealing with complexities of mining recently. Few ethnographic
works on oil extraction (Sawyer 2004 and Shever 2012) have inspired the possi-
bilities of specialised ‘anthropology of oil’ (Reyna and Behrends 2008; Behrends
et al. 2013 and Rogers 2015) as well. However, the field of mining anthropology
is still conceptually fragmented, and attempts are required to create coherence and
develop a domain for the ‘ethnographies of mining’ in the house of anthropology.
Anthropological institutions are taking up the cause of mining research more seri-
ously. The dedicated network of ‘Anthropology of Mining’ in European Association
14 Mining and Anthropology in Indian Industrialism 275
of Social Anthropologists is one such attempt which provides a platform for mining
researchers (EASA 2016).
In this paper, I am trying to examine the anthropological writings on mining and
mining-related industries in India. The review of literature makes it amply clear
that there is a paucity of work which covers the mining-led industrialisation in pan
Indian context. Most of the anthropological works are focused on the central and
east-central Indian mining belt, which further indicates the uneven industrialisation
pattern in India. Pandey (2015) in his review of mining literature in the global context
has proposed to theoretically differentiate between mining ethnographies of ‘indus-
trialism’ from today’s ‘late-industrialism’. This framework could also be utilised to
conceptualise the future of mining anthropology in the Indian context.
Mining and Industrial Anthropology in India
Archaeological findings suggest the use of metals for at least six thousand years in
different parts of South Asia. It can rightly be said that small-scale mining must have
been the occupation of indigenous people, as there are splendid evidences of metal
usage in Indian subcontinent (see Chakrabarti 2009). There are detailed accounts
and vast literature on occupation-based classification of caste and tribe in India, but
there are very limited ethnographic works focused on mining communities. In the
Indian context, mining as traditional occupation was seldom studied by anthropolo-
gist as primary economic activity. There are examples of artisan tribes like Asur in
Jharkhand who smelt iron since centuries (Singh 2008). Mining as traditional com-
munity economy has yet to be ethnographically studied. Modern mining industry
has been a vital topic of discussion among anthropologists because there is unprece-
dented overlap of tribal area and mining belts in the country (see Bhushan et al.
2008 and Bhushan and Juneja 2011); therefore, social science scholars interested
in the studies of ‘impact of industrialisation’ have taken mining industry as their
research set-up. Anthropologists have made a predominant contribution in the study
of mining-based industrialisation by considering it as a sociocultural process and
by examining its impact upon the tribal population. Therefore, in the previous stud-
ies, mining has never been considered as the core of inquiry and researches have
been framed around the issues of mining-induced industrialisation and urbanisation.
Industrialisation has been projected as a positive development for job creation and
poverty alleviation in tribal areas. There is an obvious lack of systematic inquiries of
specific nature of ‘mining industry’ as an ethnographic site in these initial studies.
The first and foremost objective of mining studies in anthropology has been the
study of industrial growth in tribal areas and its impact on the socio-economic life of
tribal population. Most of the writings are optimistic towards industry-led develop-
ment of tribes and describe the challenges in the emancipation of tribal population
in newly industrialised areas. The second prominent theme is the issue of labour
exploitation. Inspired by Marxist ideology and its variant Naxalism in tribal areas,
Indian industry has seen surge in trade union movements. This has motivated few
276 R. Pandey
anthropologists to inquire about the problem of tribal labour migrant and local labours
in mining industry. The third theme is conspicuous because in most of these studies,
the problem of mining-induced displacement and rehabilitations of tribal communi-
ties has been addressed.
The social disorganisation of local communities is another prominent theme which
addressed problems like alcoholism, smuggling, theft and prostitutions in industrial
areas. However, environmental disruption owing to mining has been occasionally
identified but never became the main focus in the early writings on mining. The
‘industrialism and industrial society’ has not been theoretically conceptualised for
their characteristics to present a new insight into the culture of industrial order.
Industry itself has not been an object of study in most of these researches (Holzberg
and Giovannini 1981).
It is very difficult to thematically divide these early works on mining in India
because of the overlapping nature of research orientation and findings. The present
paper takes a chronological approach in assessing the mining-related anthropological
literature in the Indian context to conceptualise the theoretical shifts in present-day
inquiries. The paper finally borrows insights from theoretical and methodological
shifts in global mining anthropology (Pandey 2015) and proposes the incorporation
of emerging concepts and categories for the future inquiries of mining ethnography
in the Indian context.
Mining in Indian Anthropology
The review of literature on mining anthropology in India has never been attempted and
undoubtedly, a comprehensive attempt first time on the subject is rather a herculean
endeavour. The published material which has been taken into account is mostly out of
print, and so the challenge was to collect these materials from pages of rotting journals
of unmanaged departmental libraries. The unpublished Ph.D. theses are missing from
university records, and it was really difficult to contact every researcher individually
and try to know things through interviews. For developing this paper, there was the
need of meeting many of these researchers personally and to conduct the fieldwork
for literature review. I have to skip several unpublished M.Phil. and Ph.D. materials
at this stage because of their unavailability even with original authors. Here, a survey
of anthropological literature on ‘mining and mining-related industries in India’ has
been conducted, and these studies can be considered as the founding text in ‘mining
anthropology in India’.
Elwin (1958) wrote an early monograph on Tata Iron and Steel Company Ltd. This
is an introductory writing about an industrial corporation and the work deals with the
story of Tata Steel from its inception and contextualises its economic significance
in the making of modern India. Elwin being a missionary has been considered a
prominent figure in anthropology in India because of his writings on tribal people and
their life. However, while writing on Tata Steel, he failed to represent the tribals, who
have been displaced from Sakchi and Kalamati villages that are now, respectively,
called Jamshedpur and Tatanagar town.
Orans (1958), an American anthropologist, wrote one of the earliest papers titled
‘A Tribal People in Industrial Setting in India’. In this paper, he highlighted the impact
of industrial set-up in Jamshedpur and its effect upon Santal people. In addition to
this, he dealt with economic issues like labour recruitment and cultural issues like
religion and marriage which were affected by industry. He later on published a
book The Santal: A Tribal in Search of Great Tradition (1965) wherein he discussed
the findings in detail. This anthropological study also covers the history of about
60 years since the establishment of TISCO in 1907 and provides a detailed account
of the assimilation process affecting the tribal life.
One of the earliest anthropological works dedicated to ‘mining’ in the context of
tribal situation in India is traced back to the work of Kurup (1959, 1961). He in his
studies of Parasia Coal Mines of Madhya Pradesh reflected on the changing economy
of tribes because of industrialisation in the area. In these two papers, he discussed
the sociocultural condition of Gond people of Madhya Pradesh who were working
in coal mines. He collected data from 50 Gond households out of approximately
300 families living in the vicinity of the mining project. He presented a comparative
analysis of the change in the life of Gond mining families in relation to the traditional
families and reflected upon the loss of moral values and tradition among the industrial
labourers (Bhandari 1980).
Sharma (1960, 1962) in his papers dealt with the labour issues like absenteeism
in the factory of tribal workers. This study is interesting because it has examined the
workers motivation and alienation and has also identified that the establishment of
TISCO has uprooted 18 villages of Bhumij, Hos, Santals and Hindus. However, these
people have been accommodated in newly established bastees of mix population.
These bastees have attracted migrant workers, who are both tribal and non-tribal,
from the neighbouring districts and states as well. The disintegration of cultural
life, forest ecology and agricultural economy has been highlighted (Haldar 1993a).
Das and Banerjee (1962) studied the Impact of Industrialisation on the life of the
Tribals of West Bengal primarily in those areas where there are heavy industries like
Chittaranjan Locomotive Works, Hindustan Cable Factory and Durgapur Steel Plant.
This study describes both positive and negative changes on displaced Santals and
other communities (Bhandarai 1980).
In an interesting project, Roy Burman (1965) conducted a study on the Rourkela
Steel Plant in Orissa. He conducted a survey of tribal economy and assessed the
deployment of tribals in industrial sector. Roy Burman enumerated that around 1231
families were uprooted and also described the policy and practice of resettlement of
locals displaced because of the steel plant. The monetary compensation along with
equal amount of land was given to displaced families. The family members who
wanted to work and stay in the industrial town were provided a place for staying in
the rehabilitation colonies near the steel plant.
Renowned scholar Vidhyarthi (1969a, b) pioneered the study of industrial com-
plexes in mid-India at the anthropology department of Ranchi University, and many
of his colleagues and students followed this initiative to study and restudy the indus-
278 R. Pandey
trial growth in the tribal-dominated Chotanagpur region. The region is one of the
richest mineral areas of the country and is famous for its thick coal and iron deposits.
In 1856, the British started coal mining in Jharia, Bokaro, Karanpura and Dhanbad
regions. The iron ore industry started in 1907. The area is also the tribal heartland
of our country. In the post-independence period, rapid industrial growth in the tribal
area has been changing the tribal landscape. The influx of migrant labourers created a
mosaic of cultural coexistence which was initially unknown to anthropologists largely
involved in studying the ethnographies of homogenous tribal villages. Anthropolo-
gists became interested in observing and describing this transcending present of the
life of tribal people. It was the reason behind the initiation of industrial studies by
Vidyarthi. In the anthropology department of Ranchi University, several researches
were carried out on the impact of mining and mining-related industries on tribal and
village people of those days of Bihar. The industrial anthropology of Heavy Engi-
neering Corporation in Ranchi (Vidyarthi 1971; Roy 1974; Chaudhury 1977) and
Patratu Industrial Complex (Singh 1966; Jha 1986) focused upon non-mining devel-
opment in the region. At the same time, mining and related industries like Bokaro
Steel City (Sarkar 1970 and Mishra 1981), Jharia Coalfield (Sharma 1970), Bermo
Coalfield (Srivastava 1979) and Kiriburu and Ghatkuri Iron Mine (Haldar 1977) were
considered for carrying out their respective researches (Haldar 1993a).
Bokaro Steel Plant, a landmark site in Indian industrialism, was studied by Sarkar
(1970), highlighting the impact on local population in area. He conducted his doctoral
fieldwork during the formative stage (1967–69) of steel plant and presented the data in
relation to land acquisition. A total of 32,390 acres of land was acquired for this steel
plant, townships, dam, railways, etc., and displaced around 6000 families. Agriculture
was the main occupation of 94% of the uprooted families, but they were compelled to
abandon their traditional economic practices. The neighbouring villages experienced
the impact of steel factory as well. Most of the economic benefits were enjoyed by the
upper caste landholding families, who invested in business near Factory Township
(Jha 1981 and Haldar 1981). Studies on Jharia Coalfield (Sharma 1970) and Bermo
Coalfield (Srivastava 1979) are examples of increased emphasis on anthropological
studies of mining-led industrialisation in tribal areas. Reufel, a German research
scholar, studied the impact of Rourkela Steel Plant on tribals for his doctoral thesis
at the University of Bonn. He was associated with the anthropology department of
Ranchi University during his field studies (1993a, b). Haldar (1977, 1981) pinned
his research interest in mining-related issues throughout his career. In his doctoral
study on the four mining sites of Chotanagpur—two coal and two iron ore—he
reflected on the social and economic life of labourers those belonging to tribal families
based on the case studies of 148 families. This work highlights the extended family
structure moving towards nuclear units because of economic hardship in the mining
territory. The family and kinship bonds are weaker in industrial society compared to
traditional native places. He also presented an economic comparison of labour class
in mechanised and non-mechanised mines stating that the lives of mechanised miners
are better than non-mechanised miners. The earning and expenditure of mechanised
mine worker are better than those working in non-mechanised mines, even though
tribal labourers in both cases are ‘lower’ and ‘lowest’ income class in mining towns.
The migrant labourers were found maintaining their obligations and loyalties towards
their village peers. However, in mining town–village hierarchy is no more practised.
Children born in town are being enculturated into new culture away from the guidance
of village elder as well as their tradition and custom. He also found negligence with
regard to taking nutritional diet and excess consumption of liquor among labourers
(Haldar 1993b).
Das Gupta can be recognised as a researcher with a lifelong commitment to min-
ing. He studied the nature of displacement in Chittaranjan Locomotive Works in
Chaibasa area for his doctoral work (1964) at Calcutta University. He identified that
330 Santhal families were displaced from six villages and resettled on a very small
patch of land for making huts. Agricultural lands were not provided. Many of the
displaced tribal persons settled themselves back into the industrial area and started
living in labour jhuggees to find work with contractors. They were not employed
by the Chittaranjan Locomotive Works directly (Das Gupta 1991). His continu-
ing interest in industrialisation resulted in an interesting collaborative project on
mining industry. Choudhury and Das Gupta (1970) conducted a preliminary sur-
vey of iron ore mines like Noamundi, Barajamda and Gua of Singhbhum region of
south Bihar (present West Singhbhum of Jharkhand). The second phase of study
surveyed Chaibasa Cement Factory and Jhinkpani. It was found that the majority of
the labour force in mines belonged to Ho tribe of the region. Both men and women
worked in mines, and they formed a small work unit of husband–wife or brother—
sister to carry out difficult and unsafe work in mines together. The men performed
the strenuous tasks like earth cutting, ore dressing, stacking and loading on trucks
and trains. Women were involved in cleaning and carrying baskets. To understand
the occupational structure in the nearby villages, Barajamda and Khasjamda ham-
lets were studied. The tribals adopted a dual economy of industrial work in mines
and agricultural work in the field to support their families. However, some of the
households still liked to pursue their traditional agriculture and foraging lifestyle
(Das Gupta 1991).
Das Gupta later published a book ‘Impact of Industrialisation on Tribal life of
South Bihar’ (1978) from Anthropological Survey of India. The book discussed
the role of Chaibasa Cement Works, Jhinkpani, on the Ho tribe of Singhbhum area
of South Bihar (presently West Singhbhum of Jharkhand) during the period of the
study. The majority of labour force composed of Ho people. The field locations
of the study were classified based on industrial impacts. The three types of (only
two types are mentioned) field locations were ‘traditional village’ without industrial
impacts, ‘industrial village’ from where the labourers had migrated and ‘industrial
town’ where industry is actually situated. The migration from egalitarian tribal vil-
lage to multicaste town situated them in the lower stratum of society. Das Gupta even
observed that villagers had taken up the opportunity to go beyond subsistence pro-
duction and engaged in vegetable gardening for town market. He found many of the
daily commuters dividing their time between field and factory. Among the workers
in Chaibasa Cement Works, there were around 44% local tribals in its workforce.
He highlighted the lack of educated Ho members to take up top jobs in the factory;
the result was that they were confined to the unskilled and semiskilled work. People
280 R. Pandey
of the Ho tribe were involved in polygamy during the period of the study, probably
for the need of looking after the needs of village as well as town (Das Gupta 1978,
1973, 1982).
Naskar and Das Gupta (1984) studied the Bison Horn Maria of Bailadila mine in
Bastar region of Chhattishgarh and found a similar impact on the tribal labourers in
mines. The study problematises the impact of mining industry and includes various
divisions like ore, crushing plant, scanning plant, loading plant and the workshop
unit on Bison Horn Maria of Dantewada Tehsil of Madhya Pradesh during the time
of study. The field data was collected from one exposed village, one non-exposed
village and one industrial complex. National Mineral Development Corporation and
railway acquired the land by displacing Maria people of Kirandul Village, but they
were compensated. The paper discusses the economic impacts like shift in the occu-
pation of the villagers from agriculture to industry along with the detail on their
occupational structure. The researchers observed that the majority of unskilled job
went to tribal people and their representation in skilled job was nil. The paper also
describes the number of criminal incidences that occurred during a period of ten
years (1970–1980) when the project was conducted and thus highlighted the nega-
tive impacts of industrialisation.
In a similar field situation, Joshi (1982) studied the Bailadila mining range of
then Dantewada Tehsil of Madhya Pradesh and described the socio-economic change
among Gond tribe. He divided the mining region based on the geographical features
as northern and southern region. He also considered the varying ways in which the
northern and southern tribals adapted to mining. Northern tribals came from com-
paratively developed areas and were hence better skilled and had better acceptance
at mines. However, the southern tribals came from forested and hilly areas of the
mining region and hence were poorly skilled and faced more exploitation. They were
exploited by contractors, baniyas and fellow caste workers. This exposes the different
kinds of acceptance even within the tribal groups in mining complexes. The stereo-
types of considering tribals by outsiders as inferior human race, unfit for technical
works, kamchor, sarabi, mama log, affected the psyche of tribal labour in mines.
Tribals developed a negative attitude towards mining industrialisation. Further, he
discussed the situation of girls and young women migrating to mining town and get-
ting trapped in undignified domestic work of elite families in the area. Compared to
Muria and Bison Horn Maria, the girls from Halba community with their attractive
features were getting acceptance in various jobs of the mining town. The rise of
industry led to monetisation of economy in the tribal villages of the area. The cloth-
ing and consumption of modern food and amenities were visible in mining town. In
addition, the researchers even mentioned about the disruptive socio-economic and
environmental impacts like water pollution, land alienation, deforestation, immoral
trafficking of tribal girls, increase in crime like gambling, bootlegging and robbery,
liquor vending, exploitation of tribals at market place by baniyas, marwaris and pun-
jabi businessmen. These negative impacts are not described in detail. He also raised
the problem of underdeveloped hinterland away from mining town. There were lim-
ited impacts of industry in the peripheral villages, and rare cases of sanskritisation
had been noticed by him. Pictures of Hindu god and goddess were visible in tribal
huts, and they had started practising rituals and beliefs of Hindus in the town.
Anthropological Survey of India (AnSI) took up studies on industrialisation, and
few studies were published in relation to mining-based industrialisation of tribal
areas. The one important work from AnSI was Sukumar Banerjee’s Impact of Indus-
trialisation on the Tribal Population of Jharia-Raniganj Coal field Areas (1981).
This study provides a detailed account of the Santal (also spelt as Santhal) commu-
nity which is affected and incorporated by collieries. The data discusses about the
division of labour inside factory and contribution made by Santals in different kinds
of work. He classified the tribal workers as daily commuters, original inhabitants
and migrants depending upon their mobility. The book gives a detailed ethnographic
account of the Santal commuters from the neighbouring areas as well as the Santals
living in Moira Colliery of Raniganj and Bhowra colliery of Jharia mining fields.
The book describes the issues of cultural disorganisation like drinking, absenteeism
and labour–management conflict because of shifts in tribal life to the culture of
industrialisation.
Based on the study conducted under a project of Ministry of Home Affairs (GoI)
to assess the impact of mines on tribal economy, Srivastava (1990) published Tribal
Encounter with Industry: A Case Study from Central India. The study reflected upon
the Bailadila mining complex in Chhattisgarh for understanding the transformations
in that region. The report provides rich data on the geographical and ecological setting
of mining project, historical beginning of mining operation, census and household
data, and population structure of the area before assessing the transformation of tribal
culture. His findings on sex ratio, population density, workers participation, urban-
isation pattern, etc., are similar to that of Joshi’s study mentioned above. He also
statistically enumerated the negative impacts of mining like land alienation, water
pollution, loss of economic resources, exploitation of tribal women and increase in
crime rates. The report recommended the ministry to create employment opportu-
nity for tribals through reorientation of tribal economy as per the requirement of
industrial economy by emphasising vegetable cultivation, poultry and dairy-based
opportunities. Change in forest policy, vocational training of tribal youths, change
in land laws, compensation to the affected families by water pollution, etc., are his
major recommendations.
Gerard Heuze, a French scholar, who did his fieldwork in 1986–87 in the Dhan-
bad collieries, published the book Workers of another World: Miners the Countryside
and Coalfields in Dhanbad (1989/1996). This book is an ethnographic work which
attempts to highlight the life of mine workers in and out of mine in the Marxist wane.
It problematises the labour as important an aspect of mining ethnography and focuses
on the workers’ struggle within the mine establishments (ibid.). He highlighted the
different aspirations of two classes of workers—those who are doing ‘good work’
(permanent employees in public sector) and those who are doing ‘dirty work’ (casual
workers without regular employment). In the mining territory, mixing of culture and
subsequent acculturation of tribals and low-caste migrants occur which has been
discussed in the book. The evolution of new Jati identity and sanskritisation in the
mining town has been widely found. The author outlined the problems of indus-
282 R. Pandey
trial anomy like alcoholism, frequent social violence, lack of cohesion in society,
prostitution and emerging class differences. The role of left-wing extremism, Jhark-
hand movement and labour unions, has also been cited to reflect upon the situation
where employers and employee come face to face. This mining ethnography in nut-
shell deals with workers in coal mines and represents the first ethnographic work on
industrial anthropology of India.
Recently, Parry conducted interesting inquiries on the steel towns of India. He
has taken ethno-historical approach to understand the Nehruvian vision of creating
modern temples like steel plants in Bhilai and Rourkela. He investigated the love,
sex, childhood and family life in the industrial towns situated in the tribal region of
India (Parry 1999, 2001, 2003, 2004, 2005; Parry and Struempell 2008). Mukherjee
(2014) in her study on women in the mining town brought forth the untouched issue of
gender in the extractive industry of India at fore. She clearly outlined the differential
impacts of mining-led industrialisation on Maria tribal women and men of Bailadila
mining range of Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh. The study was conducted on the
mining projects of National Mining Development Corporation (NMDC) in villages
of Bacheli and Kirandul, which later changed in small industrial townships. She out-
lined the role of male authority on the economic and political rights of women and the
ways through which industrialisation-led caste influx has acculturated the traditional
male–female relationships. She concluded that ‘absence of a coping mechanism or
support system within society made Maria women vulnerable to stress. This vul-
nerability further grew with new forms of development. These not only snatched
women’s livelihoods which were dependent on the forest, but also deprived them
of new forms of employment available to their men. In a situation where women’s
mobility is restricted and their survival strategies have been compromised by min-
ing practices, they face a herculean task of providing food security for the family’
(Mukherjee 2014: 244).
Beyond the optimism of industrial modernity and development, and challenges
of labour-related literature in the anthropology of mining, the other major issue was
disorganisation and displacement of tribals in the mining towns. There is a vast
interdisciplinary literature on the mining-induced displacement and rehabilitation
challenges in the tribal areas (Sharma 1977; Devi 1983; Lahiri-Dutta 2007, 2014;
Areeparampil 1999; George 2009, 2015). The mining-induced displacement studies
in anthropology partially focused on these interdisciplinary studies. The issue of
displacement was an obvious topic of interest, whenever industrial projects in the
tribal areas are discussed. However, the ethnographic criticisms directed towards
mining-related displacement were rare and insignificant in affecting the long-term
policy changes in project affected areas. Patnaik (2002) in his study of aluminium
refineries in Kalahandi and Rayagada districts in Odisha brought forth the nature of
emerging protest in the tribal areas and the role of various actors in formulating and
strategizing these protests. The contribution of Hari Mohan Mathur on displacement
literature has a profound impact on the enhancement of anthropological interest.
Mathur (2013) discussed the problem of displacement in coal mining context by
taking the examples of Coal India Limited. Detailing the compensation policies of
Coal India and its limited impact on the affected people, he highlighted the challenges
of resettlement planning in mining areas.
Mining Anthropology Today and Tomorrow
The collaborative work of Padel and Das represents the contemporary phase in Indian
mining anthropology. Out of this Earth (2010) is an anthropological study of the alu-
minium industry that has been set up in the Niyamgiri Mountains of Odisha, having
world’s largest reserves of high-quality bauxite. According to the researchers, the
estimated amount of bauxite is more than two trillion dollars, which is nearly twice
of India’s annual gross domestic product. Mining firms operating in India accrue
better benefit because of subsidies in the form of cheap electricity, loans, land and
water. Padel and Das (2010) in their study stated about the effects of this policy on
Dongaria Kondhs, who live in that region and worship the mountains as sacred since
long time. Thus, aluminium is at the centre of a conflict between corporation and
local communities. Aluminium cartel is working at the international level to exploit
the resources which sustain the life of tribals in the region. Corporates want rapid
extraction and consumption of bauxite resources, whereas indigenous communities
want to preserve the nature from unsustainable mining. Not only mining affects the
local ecology and economy, it also triggers long-term cultural genocide. Both Padel
and Das have been active as part of the transnational advocacy group and protesting
aluminium cartel in the region. This work highlights the local protests and the ongo-
ing judicial battle between corporation and Dongaria Kondh. This anthropological
work is highly in line with the recent global ethnographic work on mining and is a
representative of engaged mining anthropology (Kirsch 2014).
Karlsson’s (2009, 2011) writings on uranium mining in Khasi areas of Megha-
laya fills the regional gap in the studies of mining issues in anthropology. ‘Mining
Matters’ in the book Unruly Hills interrogates mining-related opposition in the hills
of Meghalaya as another example of indigenous challenges that the natural resources
of north-east India are experiencing, which is the extension of autonomy issues in
the region. The ethnographic understanding of mining in the north-east India will be
highly influenced by the politics of indigeneity fused with local environmentalists. In
the recent volume of Resources, Tribes and Development, there are few papers (see
Dash 2014) which discussed mining-based industries and corporate social responsi-
bility projects.
Pandey (2014) studied the anthropological implications of changing legal policies
on tribals in the mining districts. He proposed the theoretical shift from ‘Nature-Man-
Spirit Complex’ to ‘Mine-Man-Multinational’ in mining areas amidst legal proposal
for direct profit sharing. Emerging discourse and practices of corporate social respon-
sibility need to be ethnographically scrutinised for its influence in empowering tribals
in the vicinity of mining-based industries. The Government of India in 2014 wanted
to amend the bill to introduce direct profit sharing with the tribal people, which could
have paved the way for international best practices in the extractive industry.
284 R. Pandey
Conclusion
Mining of metal, oil and gas in the present era is marred with dialectics of neoliberal
capitalism and environmentalism. Today, the issues of indigenous tribal rights to
resources and territories fused with identity politics and sub-nationalism are the
most dominant theme in ethnographies of mining. In Anthropocene period, real and
lived experiences of industrial disasters and irreversible climate changes are affecting
human species everywhere in the world including Indian subcontinent. This industrial
order of the present time has been conceived as ‘late-industrialism’ (Fortun 2012,
2014). The extractive industry is facing emergent challenges of resource depletion
and global energy crisis at one hand and civil society activism and environmental
conservation on the other. Ironically, the idea of corporate social and environmental
responsibility is being propagated as a remedial mechanism for continuing mining as
sustainable practices. The critic of corporate social and environmental responsibility
is another important theme in the ethnographic studies of mining.
The future anthropological inquiries of the extractive industry in India must incor-
porate these new theoretical and thematic shifts in insights for investigating the role
of all stakeholders like corporate, civil society, state and indigenous communities in
the shaping of mining projects in tribal India. The pro- and anti-mining voices are
emanating from all sets of stakeholders. The role of these actors and their various
enactments needs to be identified ethnographically. This will shape the future of
mining anthropology in India.
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Part V
Embryonic Synthesis
Chapter 15
Epidemiology of Blood Pressure Among
the Tribes of Odisha
Kanhu Charan Satapathy, Prasanna Kumar Patra and Shyama Mohapatra
Abstract The paper examines and compares the systolic blood pressure, diastolic
blood pressure and heart rates among Bhumij, Santal, Bathudi, Munda and Savar
tribes living in different ecological conditions in three districts, namely Mayurbhanj,
Keonjhar and Jajpur, of Odisha. It also makes a comparison between male and female
population. The study reveals that the tribes in Odisha are in transition in terms of
blood pressure. Primarily, the study as presented in the paper tries to understand the
variation in hypertension and its association with socio-economic and demographic
factors resulting from exposure to development forces.
Keywords Epidemiology · Systolic bold pressure · Diastolic blood pressure ·

Heart rate · Pulse rate · Mean arterial factor · BMI · Ecological conditions
Introduction
Like all other developing countries, large-scale urbanisation/modernisation has been

taking place in India as well as in Odisha with effective changes in lifestyles, occu-
pational patterns and dietary habits leading to appreciable increase in the preva-
lence of chronic metabolic conditions like hypertension, cardiovascular diseases
(CVDs), diabetes and metabolic syndromes (Mukhopadhya et al. 1996; Reddy 1998;
Banerji et al. 2003; Manimunda et al. 2011; Mandani et al. 2011; Meshram et al.
2012). Tribal communities in India especially in Odisha are experiencing phenom-
enal changes on the social, cultural and economic fronts, for the past 50 years due
to large-scale developmental activities and urbanisation. Furthermore, new “urban
K. C. Satapathy (B) · P. K. Patra · S. Mohapatra

P.G. Department of Anthropology, Centre of Advanced Study, Utkal University,
Bhubaneswar 751004, India
e-mail: kanhucharansatapathy@gmail.com; kanhu_c@yahoo.com
P. K. Patra
e-mail: pkpatra@rediffmail.com
S. Mohapatra
e-mail: shyama.richie@gmail.com
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_15
292 K. C. Satapathy et al.
centres” are developing quickly near rural and tribal areas. Of different communi-
ties, the tribal communities have been of particular interest as their living, lifestyle
and cultural practices are so different from the non-tribal. Traditionally, it has been
believed that tribal population groups are less exposed to sociocultural and economic
changes, so they are not affected by the processes of sociocultural and ecological
changes (Kshatriya and Acharya 2016). In recent years, it cannot be denied that
they are not exposed to forces of change. Not only they are exposed to forces of
change, they have also adapted to changing lifestyle. Consequently, diseases not
known to them traditionally are found among the tribal. Mention may be made of
high blood pressure which was not found in traditional tribal communities. Now
studies have begun to ascertain the extent of the prevalence of high blood pres-
sure or hypertension among different tribes. Some tribes like the Jenu Kuruba tribe
of Mysore (Hathur et al. 2013), the Nomad tribes of Rajasthan (Sachdev 2012),
Nicobarese tribal population of Car Nicobar Island (Manimunda et al. 2011), the
tribal groups of Nilgiris (Ramalingam et al. 2012) and the tribes of Odisha and
West Bengal (Mohapatra et al. 2015; Kshatriya and Acharya 2016) have been stud-
ied. The common conclusion from all the above studies is that hypertension is on rise
among the tribes. Again, it can be further being said that many of the tribal population
are becoming susceptible to various lifestyle risk factors. This proposition is verified
by investigating the blood pressure among the tribal population groups of Odisha in
order to address health risk factors in a more meaningful way.
Materials and Methods
Area and People
The state of Odisha occupies a unique position in the tribal map of India for having
the largest variety of Scheduled Tribes. The state is the homeland of 62 different tribal
communities numbering 95, 90,756 as per 2011 census. The present study included
six tribes belonging to Mayurbhanj (Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar), Keonjhar (Bathudi
and Santal) and Jajpur (Munda) districts of Odisha, India (Fig. 15.1). It was carried
in four hamlets of Mayurbhanj district, namely Bhumij-dominated Bhunda Sahi and
Dunguri Sahi, Bathudi-dominated Danamara and Savar-dominated Dehuri Sahi of
Shymakhunta block, two hamlets of Keonjhar district, namely Bhogpur dominated
by Bathudi tribe and Bada Rotuan and Sana Rotuan villages dominated by Santal
tribe and Purunapani village of Sukinda block of Jajpur district dominated by Munda
tribe.
15 Epidemiology of Blood Pressure Among the Tribes of Odisha 293
Fig. 15.1 Geographical location of selected districts in Odisha state on India map
Mayurbhanj District
Mayurbhanj having maximum tribal concentration is taken as the point of reference

for comparison, because it is one of the most important Scheduled districts of Odisha.
It occupies a unique position being endowed with lush green vegetation, different
fauna and rich cultural heritage. The district has a rich mineral base and is home to
the Similipal Biosphere. It is a tribal-dominated district. Mayurbhanj district extends
from 21° 16 north to 22° 34 north latitude and 85° 40 east to 87° 11 east longi-
tude. The district is bounded by Medinipur district of West Bengal in the north-east,
Singhbhum district of Jharkhand in the north-west, Balasore district in the south-east
and Keonjhar district in the south-west and spread over an area of 10,418 km2 . The
administrative headquarters is located at Baripada. Total population of the district
is 2,519,738, and ST is 56.6% as per 2011 census. A majority of the geographical
area is inhabited by about 53 tribes. The major tribes found in Mayurbhanj are the
Santals, Kolha, Bhuyan, Bathudi, Gond, etc. A brief profile of the sample tribes is
presented below.
Bhumij
Bhumij, an Austro-Asiatic group, speaks Bhumij language. As per census of India

(2011), the sex ratio of the tribe is 1010 females per 1000 males. The literacy rate
among the Bhumij is 52.06%, out of which male comprises 63.60% and female
comprises 40.70%. The Bhumij family is nuclear, patrilineal and patripotestal (Ota
and Mohanty 2015). The clan system regulates marriage, and adult marriages are in
vogue.
Bathudi
Bathudi, an Indo-Aryan group, speaks Odia language. As per census of India (2011),
the sex ratio of the tribe is 1041 females per 1000 males. The literacy rate among the
Bathudi is 63.71%, out of which male comprises 75.74% and female 52.27%. The
settlements are generally uniclan and homogeneous. Family is nuclear, patrilineal
and patripotestal (Ota and Mohanty 2015).
Savar
Savar speaks Sora (Mundari) or Odia (Indo-Aryan) language. They are also called
Saora, Saura and Sahara. It is a PTG in Odisha. As per census of India (2011), the
sex ratio of the tribe is 1023 females per 1000 males. The literacy rate among the
Savar is 54.99%, out of which male comprises 66.81% and female 43.56%. They
are artist by nature who can compose and sing songs instantly and make beautiful
wall paintings (icons) which have made them famous all over the world (Ota and
Mohanty 2015).
Keonjhar District
Keonjhar is situated in the northern part of Orissa. The district of Keonjhar is highly
rich in mineral resources and has vast deposits of iron, manganese and chromium
ores. About 30% of its total area is covered with tracts of dense forests. But the
district, in spite of its immense mineral and forest wealth, still remains economically
backward. The town of Kendujhar or Kendujhargarh is the district headquarters. The
district has an area of 8240 km2 and lies between 21° 1 N and 22° 10 N latitude and
85° 11 E and 86° 22 E longitude. It is bounded by Mayurbhanj district and Bhadrak
district to the east, Jajpur district to the south, Dhenkanal district and Sundargarh
district to the west, and west Singhbhum district of the state of Jharkhand to the
north. Total population of the district is 1,801,733, and Scheduled Tribe is 695,141
as per 2011 census.
Santal
Santals in Odisha speak Santali (Mundari) language. As per census of India (2011),
the sex ratio of the tribe is 1008 females per 1000 males. The literacy rate among the
Santals is 55.57%, out of which male comprises 68.07% and female 43.26%. The
Santal is the third largest tribe in India after the Gond and the Bhil (Ota and Mohanty
2015).
Jajpur District
Jajpur district is located in the eastern region of the state. The district of Jajpur extends
from 85° 40 east longitude to 86° 44 east longitude and from 20° 34 north latitude
to 21° 10 north latitude. The district consists of 10 blocks, 09 tehsils, 280 GPs and
4286 words, and in 1993 it got its separate administrative identity. Jajpur is poised as
country’s largest steel hub with many major units starting production and yet others
are trying to find their place in its rich industrial scenario. Ever a land of fertile soil
and rich mineral resources, Jajpur is also known as a melting pot of many religions,
faiths and beliefs. Total population of the district is 1,826,275, and the Scheduled
Tribe constitutes only 6.90% as per the 2011 census.
Munda
Munda is a major tribe of Odisha and is an Austro-Asiatic group which speaks

Mundari language. As per the Census of India (2011), their population in Odisha is
558,691 and the sex ratio of the tribe is 1001 females per 1000 males. The literacy
rate among the Munda is 54.92%, out of which male comprises 64.66% and female
45.24% (Ota and Mohanty 2015).
The tribal populations of Odisha are socially and economically underprivileged
groups. Traditionally, the tribes of Odisha mainly earned their livelihood from for-
est produce, cultivation and manual labour in farms. However, because of industrial
growth and other developmental activities, several tribal people of Odisha are migrat-
ing and accepting menial jobs which alter their dietary habits as well (Kshatriya and
Acharya 2016).
Ethical Statement
This research has been carried out in conformity with the ICMR’s ‘Ethical Guide-
lines of Biomedical Research on Human Participants (2006)’. The subjects who had
voluntarily participated were considered.
Sample
The study comprised a total sample size of 572 tribal participants. Out of them 119
were from Bhumij community, 147 from Bathudi community and 91 from Savar
community of Mayurbhanj district. Similarly, 77 from Santal community and 78
from Bathudi community of Keonjhar district and 60 from Munda community of
Jajpur district also participated.
Field Survey Design
The present cross-sectional study was conducted between 21 January 2014 and 7
February 2016 in three different phases to collect data.
Measurement
The primary information of the participants such as name, tribe name, age, sex and
other family information was recorded in a structured format. Systolic and diastolic
blood pressures (SBP and DBP, respectively) were recorded thrice using a standard
mercury sphygmomanometer (diamond mercury sphygmomanometer) on the right
arm of the participants. The average of the three measurements was recorded. The
heart rate was measured using stethoscope, and the pulse rate was measured by
counting the pulse from the vein in one minute. In each test, measurement was taken
thrice and average was recorded.
Individual Classification
For assessment of the individual with hypertension or borderline hypertension, mer-

cury sphygmomanometer and stethoscope were used and the recommendation of the
Joint National Committee-VII (2003) was adopted for hypertension classification
which is shown in Table 15.1.
Table 15.1 JNC-VII for Category SBPa DBPa

hypertension classification
(Source author) (NHLBI Normal <120 And < 80
2004) Pre-hypertension 120–139 Or 80–89
Stage 1 hypertension 140–159 Or 90–99
Stage 2 hypertension ≥160 Or ≥ 100
a SBP Systolic blood pressure; DBP Diastolic blood pressure
Statistical Analysis
After incorporating and systematising the data into Microsoft Excel 2007, further
analyses were conducted using SPSS version 20.0. Descriptive statistics, such as
mean and standard deviation (SD), were used. The prevalence percentages of hyper-
tension in men, women and the overall population were calculated.
Results
The results of the measurements of mean systolic blood pressure, mean diastolic
blood pressure, mean heart rate, mean pulse rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of
Mayurbhanj district; Bathudi and Santal of Keonjhar district and Munda of Jajpur
district are given respectively in Tables 15.2, 15.3, 15.4, 15.5, 15.6, 15.7, 15.8, 15.9,
15.10, 15.11, 15.12 and 15.13.
From Tables 15.8, 15.9 and 15.10, it is seen that the mean heart rate of male
in Bhumij community is 74.83, Bathudi community is 75.58, Savar community is
73.15, Santal community is 63.94, Bathudi community of Keonjhar district is 66.80
and Munda community is 75.32. The mean heart rates of female in Bhumij, Bathudi
and Savar communities of Mayurbhanj district are found to be 69.67, 78.68 and
80.00 respectively; whereas the mean heart rates of female in Santal and Bathudi
communities of Keonjhar district are 62.61 and 69.00 respectively, and 73.62 for
Munda community of Jajpur district. The result is significant of Bhumij, Bathudi
and Savar communities of Mayurbhanj district and Santal and Bathudi communities
of Keonjhar district. Tables 15.11, 15.12 and 15.13 show that the mean pulse rate of
male in Bhumij community is 73.17, Bathudi community is 74.29, Savar community
is 72.07, Santal community is 61.58 and Bathudi community of Keonjhar district
is 63.15 and Munda community is 75.42. The mean pulse rate of female in Bhu-
mij community is 68.26, Bathudi community is 76.91, Savar community is 78.31,
Santal community is 60.45, and Bathudi community of Keonjhar district is 64.70
and Munda community is 74.24. The result is significant of Bhumij, Bathudi and
Savar communities of Mayurbhanj district and Santal and Bathudi communities of
Keonjhar district.
298
Table 15.2 Mean SBP of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj district (Source Author)
Particulars Bhumij Bathudi Savar
Age Ses N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation
group
20–29 M 17 124.41 25.671 22 120.23 20.844 18 109.44 11.362
F 10 120.00 11.547 34 111.62 11.724 21 112.38 15.542
30–39 M 20 126.00 14.564 8 125.63 13.999 11 118.64 15.345
F 11 125.91 20.226 16 114.88 14.175 15 118.00 21.280
40––49 M 9 125.56 16.287 9 132.00 15.158 8 120.63 33.428
F 15 127.87 19.265 14 120.14 14.920 3 130.00 26.458
50–59 M 8 125.63 14.985 13 141.92 28.834 3 110.00 18.028
F 4 130.00 8.165 7 119.29 12.392 4 135.00 31.091
60+ M 11 152.27 35.168 14 143.21 23.502 6 115.83 18.280
F 14 148.79 22.358 10 150.00 22.608 2 155.00 63.640
Total M 65 129.92 24.133 66 131.64 23.500 46 114.46 18.685
F 54 131.59 20.941 81 119.14 18.614 45 119.33 23.563
Total 119 130.68 22.661 147 124.75 21.786 91 116.87 21.261
Note: F = 10.46, df = 2, p < 0.05
K. C. Satapathy et al.
Table 15.3 Mean SBP of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district (Source Author)
Particulars Santal Bathudi
Age group Sex N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation
20–29 M 11 125.64 12.060 10 118.30 10.371
F 18 115.44 12.881 10 126.00 18.379
30–39 M 13 120.85 10.527 6 119.67 9.993
F 9 124.44 10.138 9 115.56 10.138
40–49 M 3 128.33 12.583 17 125.53 15.108
F 8 115.00 12.817 9 126.00 12.207
50–59 M 3 108.33 14.434 7 128.57 19.688
F 7 121.86 11.291 7 124.57 10.309
60+ M 3 131.33 25.007 1 190.00 .
F 2 115.00 7.071 2 135.00 7.071
Total M 33 122.94 13.514 41 125.00 17.595
F 44 118.20 12.096 37 123.68 13.642
Total 77 120.23 12.854 78 124.37 15.757
Note: F = 3.21, df = 1, p > 0.05
Table 15.4 Mean SBP of Age group Sex N Mean Std. Deviation
Munda community of Jajpur
district (Source Author) 20–29 M 13 121.54 10.556
F 12 110.50 13.938
30–39 M 11 117.64 9.912
F 8 112.50 12.817
40–49 M 2 130.00 14.142
F 4 125.00 12.910
50–59 M 3 120.00 20.000
F 3 127.67 9.713
60+ M 2 133.00 9.899
F 2 175.00 21.213
Total M 31 121.29 11.542
F 29 119.28 20.933
Total 60 120.32 16.635
Note: F = 7.41, df = 4, p < 0.05
300
Table 15.5 Mean DBP of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj district (Source Author)
Age Sex N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation N Mean Std. Deviation
group
20–29 M 17 82.94 18.713 22 79.32 13.740 18 72.78 10.463
F 10 80.00 12.247 34 73.44 10.584 21 73.57 10.505
30–39 M 20 86.15 9.631 8 81.50 10.323 11 83.91 9.544
F 11 80.91 13.382 16 75.63 10.308 15 76.33 10.601
40–49 M 9 76.67 15.411 9 87.56 12.043 8 76.25 12.174
F 15 85.27 13.874 14 79.29 11.579 3 83.33 23.094
50–59 M 8 72.50 8.864 13 85.77 14.555 3 75.00 15.000
F 4 86.25 11.087 7 77.14 10.351 4 86.25 9.465
60+ M 11 86.82 20.158 14 74.29 11.242 6 77.50 12.145
F 14 82.14 11.720 10 84.50 11.891 2 75.00 21.213
Total M 65 82.43 15.542 66 80.91 13.263 46 76.80 11.411
F 54 82.67 12.478 81 76.57 11.197 45 76.33 11.937
Total 119 82.54 14.176 147 78.52 12.317 91 76.57 11.611
Note: F = 5.960, df = 2, p < 0.05
Table 15.6 Mean DBP of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district (Source Author)
20–29 M 11 80.09 11.802 10 80.20 10.433
F 18 76.39 7.890 10 80.40 6.786
30–39 M 13 82.00 10.985 6 79.67 10.690
F 9 89.89 4.910 9 82.22 4.410
40–49 M 3 86.67 5.774 17 84.76 7.806
F 8 80.00 9.258 9 82.22 8.333
50–59 M 3 82.00 15.875 7 84.57 10.876
F 7 73.86 14.565 7 91.14 5.640
60+ M 3 95.33 12.858 1 100.00 .
F 2 85.00 7.071 2 80.00 0.000
Total M 33 83.00 11.657 41 83.24 9.666
F 44 79.80 10.344 37 83.30 7.214
Total 77 81.17 10.968 78 83.27 8.537
Note: F = 1.78, df = 1, p > 0.05
Table 15.7 Mean DBP of Age group Sex N Mean Std. Deviation
Munda community of Jajpur
district (Source Author) 20–29 M 13 88.46 6.887
F 12 81.08 12.340
30–39 M 11 85.45 11.067
F 8 80.50 13.169
40–49 M 2 100.00 14.142
F 4 87.50 12.583
50–59 M 3 86.67 15.275
F 3 86.67 5.774
60+ M 2 90.00 0.000
F 2 105.00 21.213
Total M 31 88.06 9.723
F 29 84.03 13.407
Total 60 86.12 11.726
Note: F = 1.68, df = 4, p > 0.05
302
Table 15.8 Mean heart rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj district (Source Author)
group
20–29 M 17 73.41 6.315 22 72.91 8.394 18 72.44 9.593
F 10 65.60 5.060 34 78.53 9.346 21 84.57 13.208
30–39 M 20 76.10 7.181 8 77.00 12.421 11 74.00 13.849
F 11 72.73 6.650 16 81.12 9.237 15 75.27 9.215
40–49 M 9 78.00 9.592 9 77.44 9.812 8 72.13 4.357
F 15 71.60 6.243 14 76.93 11.964 3 70.00 7.211
50–59 M 8 73.00 7.010 13 76.46 10.063 3 69.33 8.327
F 4 65.00 5.033 7 74.29 8.281 4 83.00 3.830
60+ M 11 73.45 9.342 14 76.93 11.035 6 77.00 12.884
F 14 69.43 6.198 10 80.80 11.933 2 76.50 12.021
Total M 65 74.83 7.680 66 75.58 9.898 46 73.15 10.265
F 54 69.67 6.452 81 78.68 10.022 45 80.00 11.780
Total 119 72.49 7.573 147 77.29 10.053 91 76.54 11.506
Note: F = 8.165, df = 2, p < 0.05
Table 15.9 Mean heart rate of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district (Source Author)
20–29 M 11 63.00 5.196 10 67.90 4.067
F 18 63.83 9.389 10 70.90 5.425
30–39 M 13 64.46 5.317 6 65.50 5.282
F 9 60.33 4.743 9 69.67 4.416
40–49 M 3 65.00 11.533 17 67.41 5.523
F 8 61.25 7.723 9 71.00 3.969
50–59 M 3 68.33 6.506 7 63.86 5.928
F 7 64.29 7.973 7 62.29 2.928
60+ M 3 59.67 7.371 1 74.00 .
F 2 61.50 4.950 2 71.00 4.243
Total M 33 63.94 6.118 41 66.80 5.311
F 44 62.61 7.794 37 69.00 5.312
Total 77 63.18 7.111 78 67.85 5.391
Note: F = 21.21, df = 1, p < 0.05
Table 15.10 Mean heart rate Age group Sex N Mean Std. Deviation
of Munda community of
Jajpur district (Source 20–29 M 13 75.08 4.291
Author) F 12 72.75 3.646
30–39 M 11 76.36 9.277
F 8 75.75 7.996
40–49 M 2 68.50 2.121
F 4 74.25 2.217
50–59 M 3 73.00 8.888
F 3 73.33 7.024
60+ M 2 81.50 12.021
F 2 69.50 2.121
Total M 31 75.32 7.273
F 29 73.62 5.321
Total 60 74.50 6.408
Note: F = 0.586, df = 4, p > 0.05
304
Table 15.11 Mean pulse rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of Mayurbhanj district (Source Author)
group
20–29 M 17 71.76 6.078 22 71.68 8.459 18 71.33 8.289
F 10 64.40 4.402 34 76.24 8.015 21 83.24 13.003
30–39 M 20 74.80 6.502 8 76.00 11.314 11 72.82 13.761
F 11 72.00 6.450 16 79.81 8.581 15 73.40 9.560
40–49 M 9 75.33 9.434 9 76.00 8.888 8 70.50 5.099
F 15 69.60 5.616 14 74.93 10.630 3 68.67 7.572
50–59 M 8 71.50 5.831 13 74.54 9.153 3 69.33 8.327
F 4 65.00 5.033 7 73.14 6.817 4 81.00 2.000
60+ M 11 71.82 8.122 14 76.07 11.296 6 76.33 11.483
F 14 67.57 6.477 10 80.00 10.873 2 72.50 17.678
Total M 65 73.17 7.044 66 74.29 9.559 46 72.07 9.671
F 54 68.26 6.192 81 76.91 8.970 45 78.31 12.011
Total 119 70.94 7.082 147 75.73 9.300 91 75.15 11.276
Note: F = 9.412, df = 2, p < 0.05
Table 15.12 Mean pulse rate of Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district (Source Author)
20–29 M 11 61.36 5.714 10 64.40 3.921
F 18 61.33 5.709 10 65.50 3.837
30–39 M 13 61.46 4.156 6 63.50 6.834
F 9 59.44 5.126 9 62.67 4.359
40–49 M 3 60.67 8.505 17 62.94 4.130
F 8 59.88 5.592 9 65.22 3.270
50–59 M 3 64.67 5.033 7 61.14 4.180
F 7 60.14 4.947 7 65.29 6.157
60+ M 3 60.67 2.517 1 66.00 .
F 2 60.50 0.707 2 65.50 4.950
Total M 33 61.58 4.925 41 63.15 4.481
F 44 60.45 5.187 37 64.70 4.320
Total 77 60.94 5.074 78 63.88 4.446
Note: F = 14.83, df = 1, p < 0.05
Table 15.13 Mean pulse rate Age group Sex N Mean Std. Deviation
of Munda community of
Jajpur district (Source 20–29 M 13 75.46 5.724
Author) F 12 74.00 5.543
30–39 M 11 75.36 8.041
F 8 75.75 8.102
40–49 M 2 71.50 3.536
F 4 74.75 6.850
50–59 M 3 75.33 8.386
F 3 74.33 6.028
60+ M 2 79.50 12.021
F 2 68.50 4.950
Total M 31 75.42 6.835
F 29 74.24 6.328
Total 60 74.85 6.566
Note: F = 0.11, df = 4, p > 0.05
Table 15.14 Blood pressure distribution in Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar communities of Mayurbhanj
district (Source Author)
Age Sex Normal Hypertension Normal Hypertension Normal Hypertension
group blood N (%) blood N (%) blood N (%)
pressure pressure pressure
N (%) N (%) N (%)
20–29 F 5(4.20) 3(2.52) 29(19.73) 0(0.00) 16(17.58) 1(1.22)
M 15(12.60) 1(0.84) 18(12.25) 2(1.48) 19(20.88) 0(0.00)
30–39 F 8(6.72) 3(2.52) 14(9.52) 0(0.00) 9(9.89) 1(1.22)
M 15(12.60) 3(2.52) 7(4.76) 1(0.74) 3(3.66) 0(0.00)
40–49 F 13(10.92) 1(0.84) 13(8.84) 1(0.74) 2(2.44) 1(1.22)
M 5(4.20) 4(3.36) 7(4.76) 2(1.48) 0(0.00) 2(2.44)
50–59 F 3(2.52) 0(0.00) 5(3.40) 1(0.74) 3(3.30) 0(0.00)
M 7(5.88) 1(0.84) 8(5.44) 5(3.70) 3(3.30) 0(0.00)
60+ F 7(5.88) 5(4.20) 5(3.40) 4(2.96) 3(3.30) 2(2.44)
M 7(5.88) 4(3.36) 10(6.80) 1(0.74) 0(0.00) 1(1.22)
Total F 49(41.18) 12(10.08) 48(32.65) 6(4.44) 33(36.59) 5(6.10)
M 36(30.25) 13(10.92) 68(46.26) 11(8.15) 25(30.49) 3(3.66)
Total 85(71.42) 25(21.01) 116(78.91) 17(12.59) 58(67.07) 8(9.76)
The distribution of the studied populations by age and sex is presented in

Tables 15.14, 15.15 and 15.16, and the prevalence of high blood pressure was more in
males of Bhumij and Bathudi community of Mayurbhanj district, Santal and Bathudi
of Keonjhar district and Munda of Jajpur district than in females. But in case of Savar
community, females are more affected than males.
Table 15.17 shows the mean arterial pressure of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar of
Mayurbhanj district, Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar and Munda of Jajpur district. It
transpires from the table of reference that 32.77% of males and 23.53% of females
of Bhumij, 40.74% of males and 21.48% of females of Bathudi, 36.59% of males
and 40.24% of females of Savar communities of Mayurbhanj district have normal
mean arterial pressure; 27.27% of males and 37.66% of females of Santal, 32.05% of
males and 28.21% of females of Bathudi communities of Keonjhar district and 25%
of males and 30% of females of Munda community of Jajpur district have normal
mean arterial pressure.
Discussion and Conclusion
In recent times, a group of biological anthropologists favour political–economic

analysis of human biological variations and health in addition to already existing
Table 15.15 Blood pressure distribution in Santal and Bathudi communities of Keonjhar district
(Source Author)
Age Sex Normal blood Hypertension N Normal blood Hypertension N
group pressure N (%) (%) pressure N (%) (%)
20–29 M 10(12.99) 1(1.30) 10(12.82) 0(0.00)
F 18(23.38) 0(0.00) 9(11.54) 1(1.28)
30–39 M 12(15.58) 1(1.30) 6(7.69) 0(0.00)
F 8(10.39) 1(1.30) 9(11.54) 0(0.00)
40–49 M 2(2.60) 1(1.30) 14(17.95) 3(3.85)
F 8(10.39) 0(0.00) 8(10.26) 1(1.28)
50–59 M 3(3.90) 0(0.00) 5(6.41) 2(2.56)
F 7(9.09) 0(0.00) 7(8.97) 0(0.00)
60+ M 2(2.60) 1(1.30) 0(0.00) 1(1.28)
F 2(2.60) 0(0.00) 2(2.56) 0(0.00)
Total M 29(37.66) 4(5.20) 35(44.87) 6(7.69)
F 43(55.84) 1(1.30) 35(44.87) 2(2.56)
Total 72(93.50) 5(6.49) 70(89.74) 8(10.26)
Table 15.16 Blood pressure Munda

distribution in Munda
community of Jajpur district Age Sex Normal blood Hypertension N
(Source Author) group pressure N (%) (%)
20–29 M 6(10.00) 7(11.67)
F 9(15.00) 3(5.00)
30–39 M 10(15.67) 1(1.67)
F 8(13.33) 0(0.00)
40–49 M 0(0.00) 2(3.33)
F 2(3.33) 2(3.33)
50–59 M 1(1.67) 2(3.33)
F 1(1.67) 2(3.33)
60+ M 0(0.00) 2(3.33)
F 0(0.00) 2(3.33)
Total M 17(28.33) 14(23.33)
F 20(33.33) 9(15.00)
Total 37(61.67) 23(38.33)
Table 15.17 Mean arterial pressure of the tribes of Odisha (Source Author)
MAP Sex Mayurbhanj Keonjhar Jajpur
Bhumij Bathudi Savar N Santal N Bathudi Munda
N (%) N (%) (%) (%) N (%) N (%)
MAP normal M 39(32.77) 55(40.74) 30(36.59) 21(27.27) 25(32.05) 15(25.00)
(< 100) F 28(23.53) 29(21.48) 33(40.24) 29(37.66) 22(28.21) 18(30.00)
MAP (100– M 12(10.08) 12(8.89) 8(9.76) 7(9.09) 10(12.82) 9(15.00)
< 107) F 15(12.61) 18(13.33) 4(4.88) 14(18.18) 12(15.58) 6(10.00)
MAP (=>107) M 14(11.76) 6(6.58) 6(7.32) 5(6.49) 6(7.69) 7(11.67)
F 11(9.24) 15(9.88) 15(18.29) 1(1.30) 3(3.85) 5(8.33)
human ecological approach to the study of health (Mohapatra et al. 2015). The
present study provides crucial insights regarding the tribal health in Odisha. The
findings revealed a high prevalence of hypertension among the studied Odisha’s
tribes.1 Variation in blood pressure has been the subject of extensive research because
it is a common risk factor for cardiovascular and renal disease. Blood pressures
and rates of hypertension have been shown to increase in traditional populations
undergoing modernisation. It may be observed that among Bhumij (Mayurbhanj),
Santal and Bathudi (Keonjhar) tribes, their male members beyond the age of 60 show
maximum mean systolic blood pressure; among Bathudi and Savar (Mayurbhanj) and
Munda (Jajpur) tribes, it is found in the female members beyond the age of 60 years.
But while 152.27 are recorded as maximum mean systolic blood pressure in Bhumij
population, it is 143.2 in Bathudi population and 120.63 in Savar population of
Mayurbhanj district; 131.33 in Santal Population and 190.00 in Bathudi population
of Keonjhar district and 175.00 in Munda Population of Jajpur. From all the tribes,
Bhumij has the highest mean systolic pressure (15.2, 15.3 and 15.4). The maximum
mean diastolic pressure is observed in males of Bhumij (86.82) beyond 60 years of
age; in males of Bathudi (87.56) falling in 40–49 age group, in females of Savar
(86.25) falling in 50–59 age group of Mayurbhanj district; in males of Santal (95.33)
beyond 60 age, in males of Bathudi (100.00) of Keonjhar district and in females of
Munda (105.00) beyond 60 years of age in Jajpur district. So it is seen that Munda
has the highest mean diastolic pressure as compared to the other tribe (Tables 15.5,
15.6 and 15.7).
Previous studies from India (Table 15.18) have reported variable hypertension
prevalence, and most have used WHO criteria (i.e. 160 mmHg and/or 95 mmHg).
1 The obesity, under-nutrition and cardiovascular disease are becoming triple burden on the Indian
tribes (Kshatriya and Acharya 2016). In the present study, the prevalence of hypertension among the
tribes of Odisha is observed. The present study is focused on population undergoing industrialisation
and people staying in their indigenous environment. It is observed that the studied populations are
having high blood pressure. The reason behind high blood pressure among the studied populations
can be attributed to high salt intake (Mohapatra et al. 2015), adulteration, increasing availability and
purchase capability of foreign liquor in the areas of industries which help in the increasing trend of
blood pressure.
Table 15.18 Prevalence of Population/place of Prevalence (%) References

hypertension in Indian study
populations Men Women
Rural
Rajasthan 6.9 8.8 Baldwa et al. (1984)
Himalayas (high 2.4 2.4 Puri et al. (1986)
altitude)
Rajasthan 6.1 7.3 Hussain et al. (1988)
Maharashtra 2.9 4.1 Jajoo et al. (1993)
Rajasthana 23.7 16.9 Gupta and Sharma
(1994)
Around Delhi 4.1 3.3 Chadha et al. (1990)
Population around 4.1 3.3 Chadha et al. (1990)
Delhib
Andhra Pradesh 4.5 8.3 Reddy (1998)
(lower castes)a
Andhra Pradesh 13.7 6.2 Reddy (1998)
(Middle castes)a
Wadabalija (Andhra 22.6 19.8 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Settibalija (Andhra 27.9 21.4 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Tibetans (Odisha) 35.2 32.8 Tripathy et al.
(2006)
Urban
Haryana 6.0 7.1 Gupta et al. (1978)
Delhib 25.9 22.2 Gopinath et al.
(1994)
Jaipur 29.5 33.5 Gupta et al. (1995)
Rajasthana 29.5 33.5 Gupta et al. (1995)
Delhi 11.7 13.7 Chadha et al. (1990)
Delhib 10.8 12.3 Chadha et al. (1990)
Andhra Pradesha 18.9 12.3 Reddy (1998)
Wadabalija (Andhra 18.4 18.4 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Settibalija (Andhra 27.1 26.1 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Bhubaneswar 37.1 23.9 Banerji et al. (2003)
(Odisha)
(continued)
Table 15.18 (continued) Population/place of Prevalence (%) References

study Men Women
Tribal
Lepchas (Sikkim)a 45.3 34.0 Mukhopadhya et al.
(1996)
Yerukala (Andhra 2.8 1.2 Reddy (1998)
Pradesh)a
Khondh (Andhra 7.8 11.5 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Valmiki (Andhra 13.5 32.4 Kusuma et al. (2004)
Pradesh)a
Santal (West 9.8 13.9 Kshatriya and
Bengal) Acharya (2016)
Santal (Odisha) 10.7 8.4 Kshatriya and
Acharya (2016)
Bhumij (Odisha) 12.9 16.4 Kshatriya and
Acharya (2016)
Bathudi (Odisha) 5.0 19.0 Kshatriya and
Acharya (2016)
Bhumij 10.9 10.1 Present study
(Mayurbhanj)
Bathudi 8.2 4.4
(Mayurbhanj)
Savar (Mayurbhanj) 3.6 6.1
Santal (Keonjhar) 5.2 1.3
Bathudi (Keonjhar) 7.7 2.6
Munda (Jajpur) 23.3 15.0
a SBP 140 and/or DBP 90 mmHg; b SBP 160 and/or DBP 90 mmHg
The present study results are thus not directly comparable to the other studies from
India since the present study uses JNC-VII criteria for classifying hypertension. It
is observed that the percentage of the population with normal blood pressure in
Santal and Bathudi of Keonjhar district is more than the Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar
of Mayurbhanj district and Munda of Jajpur district. A more number of females
of all the tribes expect Bathudi of Mayurbhanj district are having normal blood
pressure than males. In Bhumij community, the percentage of population affected by
hypertension is 21.01%, in Bathudi community it is 12.59% and in Savar community
is 9.76% of Mayurbhanj district; in Santal community it is only 6.49%, in Bathudi
it is 10.26% of Keonjhar district, and in Munda community of Jajpur district it is
38.33% (Tables 15.14, 15.15 and 15.16).
The present study reveals that the tribes in Odisha are in transition in terms of
blood pressure. However, as reported, hypertension was not so common among the
tribes of India. Significant number of hypertensive cases has been observed in all
the communities; the Munda (Jajpur) and Bhumij (Mayurbhanj) population show a
higher percentage of hypertensive cases than the Bathudi (Mayurbhanj and Keon-
jhar), Savar (Mayurbhanj) and Santal (Keonjhar) communities. The differences in
blood pressure among them are multi-factorial and among the Munda the incidence is
high due to comparatively more impact of industrialisation. Among the Bhumij, it is
due to high salt intake. However, before any conclusive inference can be made on rea-
sons that contribute to increasing trend of hypertension among the tribal population,
it requires further investigation.
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Chapter 16
Mother Care Among Some Bathudi
Tribal Women in Simlipal Reserve Forest
Area in Eastern India
Sutapa Mukhopadhyay and Ranjana Ray
Abstract The present paper examines the health condition, in terms of nutritional
status, of the Bathudi women at the time of pregnancy and at post-delivery condition,
obviously aspects of reproductive health status. The Bathudi is a tribe who live in the
Simlipal Reserve Forest area, Mayurbhanj district, Odisha, and are far away from
the modern system of health care. In view of this, the study attempts to ascertain the
extent to which the community members are aware of the modern medical facilities,
the extent to which medical infrastructure is accessible and the extent to which
their traditional healthcare practices influence their contemporary practice of availing
modern health facilities.
Keywords Bathudi · Mother care · Food taboo · Nutrition · Immunisation ·

Fertility · Recommended dietary allowances · Anthropometric measurements ·
Antenatal · Intranatal and post-natal stages · Calorie
Introduction
Existence of humankind in the Indian subcontinent can be traced as far back as two
million years (Dennel 2009). Human beings have survived through this vast span of
time. Survival of any living species depends upon its successful reproduction and
propagation. Mothers play a vital role in this respect. There were situations in time and
space when mankind lived without the help of modern healthcare services. Even in
this time of globalisation and with the emergence of the concept of one global village,
there are people who live away from the access of modern healthcare facilities. From
S. Mukhopadhyay (B)
Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta, 35, B.C. Road, Kolkata 700019,
West Bengal, India
e-mail: sutapamukhopadhyay.anth@gmsail.com
R. Ray
Department of Anthropology, University of Calcutta, Res: 49/53, Prince Gulam Md. Shah Road,
Kolkata 700033, India
e-mail: prof.ranjana.ray@gmail.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_16
314 S. Mukhopadhyay and R. Ray
time, immemorial people lived with the help of the indigenous method of mother and
childcare. Motherhood is an important aspect of survival. The authors have taken up
a project among a group of tribes living in somewhat isolated situation in the Simlipal
Reserve Forest area, district Mayurbhanj, Odisha. Initially, the work was part of a
project in Departmental Special Assistance Programme of UGC, in the Department
of Anthropology, Calcutta University, under present authors. Later on, the authors
have continued with fieldwork in the area among the tribes, and this paper is the
outcome of the research carried out since the year 2000 till 2015 with a gap of five
years between years 2009 and 2015. The numerical data for this paper are taken in
the year 2014.
There is no appropriate definition of tribe, not even in the Constitution of India,
although a number of scholars have provided definition for the tribe. In India, tribe
is more an administrative term (see Singh 2002) than a social category. A tribe may
be considered as a territorial group, who speaks a common language of their own
and/or the language of their neighbours. Kinship operates as a strong associative
(Yadav 2000). According to Sahlins (1968), economy of tribal people is marked by
small-scale production, restrictive division of labour, underdeveloped transport and
communication and low productivity. British policy was to keep the tribes isolated
from the mainstream. Government of post-independent India is making all effort to
bring the tribes out of isolation and for the development of the lot.
The main purpose of the work is to find out healthcare services among such
relatively isolated group of people. There are two objectives. One is to provide
information for the developmental activities; the other is to get some idea about the
healthcare practices, which might have been present in remote past under similar
situation. So far, not much work has been done on mother care among the tribes
residing in the tiger reserve of Simlipal forest. Earlier research on this aspect was
done among Kharia tribes in the same area by the present authors (Ray et al. 1999).
Kharias depended more on forest product for their livelihood and lived within the
tiger project area of the reserve forest.
The present work is on another tribe in the same area. This tribe is known as
Bathudi. This group belongs to the Scheduled Tribe category in the state of Odisha.1
As opposed to Kharias, the Bathudis are a settled agriculturist group, living along
the periphery of the reserve forest. In this paper, nature of mother care among some
Bathudi women is presented. Mother care may be divided into phases like antenatal,
intranatal and post-natal (Park 1997).
Antenatal Phase
At this phase, regular check-up of the health condition of pregnant mother is nec-
essary. In accordance with the gestation weeks, growth of the foetus within is to
1 The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Act, 1976 (www.
thefreedictionary.com/Scheduled+castes+and+scheduled+tribes) accessed on July 25, 2016).

16 Mother Care Among Some Bathudi Tribal Women … 315
be noted. Major component of antenatal care is advice. Pregnant mother is more

receptive to advice at this stage for her and the baby. This is crucial stage because the
baby takes all the nourishment from the mother for its physical and mental growth
(Jelliffe and Jelliffe 1972). Vital things like brain, bone and blood are formed in the
baby during this phase (Shah and Shah 1978). The measures that are to be taken
during this stage are given below.
(i) A pregnant woman requires supplementary nutritive calorie. For the expectant
mother, 60,000 kcal over and above normal metabolic requirement is necessary.
For a lactating mother, 550 kcal is required over and above normal requisite
nourishment. On an average, a pregnant woman gains 12 kg of weight during
pregnancy. A poor Indian woman gains 6.5 kg on average (cf. ICMR 1977).
(ii) Immunisation is very important for pregnant mothers. Around twenty weeks of
pregnancy, the first Tetanus vaccine should be given. The second one is given
after 4–6 weeks of the first dose. Third vaccine is given one month before the
expected date of delivery.
(iii) Personal cleanliness, maintenance of oral hygiene, rest and sleep, light outdoor
work and exercise are necessary for pregnant mother. Heavy manual job is
absolutely prohibited.
(iv) Such warning signals as swelling of feet, headache, blurring of vision and
bleeding and discharge from the vagina should immediately be reported.
(v) Mother craft advice should be imparted at this stage. These are on nutrition,
hygiene, child bearing, cooking, family planning and family budget.
In order to prevent anaemia during pregnancy, Government of India has pro-
grammes for providing the expecting mother daily with 16 mg of elemental iron and
5 g of folic acid through antenatal clinic, health centres and sub-centres.
Intranatal Phase
Although childbirth is a natural phenomenon, complications may arise. A large pro-

portion of Indian population resides in rural areas. Home delivery with the help of
female health worker, midwife or an elderly female relative of the pregnant woman
is usually done. For home delivery, clean hand, clean room and a clean chord are of
absolute necessity for the midwife. The baby should be immediately put to the breast
placed next to the mother.
Post-natal Phase
Care and rapid restoration of health for the mother are important in the post-natal
period. The mother is to be advised on breastfeeding, childcare and family planning.
Colostrum, the secretion of the breast for the first two days, should not be wasted but
fed to the newborn. This is important because it is rich in nutrients and immunoglobins
providing the baby capability to combat against diseases.
In India, the average pregnant mothers suffer from anaemia, malnutrition and
other forms of maternal depletion syndromes. During the childbearing age, a woman
passes through a series of cycles of pregnancy, prolonged lactation and consequent
pregnancy, without any rest in between the successive childbirths. All this time, poor
diet supplies her only with marginal nutrition.
The Tribe Bathudi
The Bathudis are mainly found in Odisha and Bihar. In Odisha, their main concen-
tration is on Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar districts (Singh 1994). Bathudi claims that
they migrated from Bakua in the Simlipal hills. The probable homeland of Bathudis
is the Panchpir and Sadar subdivisions of Mayurbhanj district. From there, they
migrated to Keonjhar in Odisha. The Bathudis are short-statured, delichocephalic,
with a medium nose and a broad facial form (Singh 1994). They speak a dialect of
Odia. The Bathudis are mostly marginal farmers who also work as labourers for con-
tractors in forest, on road and in irrigation projects. Earlier, they practised shifting
cultivation, which is discontinued since the last century. Bathudis practise endoga-
mous marriage. They have clan exogamy. At present, they have adult marriage but
earlier child marriage was practised. Marriage is usually arranged by negotiation.
Polygyny is allowed. Divorce is allowed with the permission of the village council.
Bathudis are basically agriculturists. Some are landowners. Rice is their staple food.
They also take termites and red ants. They take the services of Hindu Brahmins,
barbers and washer men. They worship Hindu gods. They either cremate or bury
their dead.
Methodology
For the present study, a number of methods were used. The authors adopted
standard anthropological field techniques (Pelto 1970). These were both verbal and
non-verbal. Both structured and unstructured schedules for interview were framed.
Data were collected on important topics relevant to the present study. These were
based on age at marriage, age-specific fertility study and age at first childbirth,
distribution of pregnant and lactating mothers, anthropometric measurements of
mother, diet survey and immunisation of mothers during antenatal period. For diet
survey, the interview and objective methods of weighment were followed (Aykroyd
and Krishnan 1937; Weiner and Lourie 1981). Calculation was made on intake in
terms of per consumption unit per person per day. The actual intake is compared
against actual requirement. Assessment of food requirement of women was done
on the basis of National Research Council Recommendations of Daily Dietary
Allowances Chart, produced by Food and Nutrition Board (Gopalan and Rao 1980).
Standardised cups, bowls and spoons were used at the time of weighing for easy
estimation of raw food staffs, both solid and liquid.
Villages and the People
The field investigations were carried out in the four villages of Simlipal reserve
forest area within Panchpir subdivision of Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. They are
Borsiaronoi, Kurkutia, Sansiaronoi and Bonkati. The village Borsiaronoi is further
divided into two localities or Sahis, known as Borsiaronoi Sahi 1 and Borsiaronoi
Sahi 2. Except the village Bonkati, which is situated within Bisoi block, the rest of
the villages are under the block of Joshipur. The villages are surrounded by Simlipal
Reserve Forest. The land is forested and undulating in nature. It generally rises and
merges into the Simlipal range. Most of the trees are northern tropical semi-evergreen
species, such as Sal, Sisu, Kendu, Mahua, Kusum, Mango and Piasal. Tributaries of
River Bhondon flow close to the villages. The Simlipal range forms the backdrop
for all the villages. Borsiaronoi Sahi 1 is about 12 km away from Joshipur township,
situated on the eastern bank of the River Bhodon. Borsiaronoi Sahi 2 is situated 4 km
to the Western side of the village Borsiaronoi Sahi 1 and is 16 km away from Joshipur
township. Kurkutia is situated on the eastern bank of River Bhondon, is adjacent to
Borsiaronoi Sahi 1 and is at a distance of 14 km from Joshipur town. Sansiaronoi
Sahi is a dispersed type of village, situated within the reserve forest area. The altitude
of this village is much higher than the other ones. Joshipur township is about 18 km
away. A river dam is present next to this village. Bonkati Sahi is situated on the bank
of the River Bhondon. Joshipur town is about 22 km away. A number of streams of
the River Bhondon are flowing near this village.
The villages are of mono-ethnic type. Twenty Bathudi families reside in
Bonsiaronoi Sahi 1. The total Bathudi population of this village is 113. Out of this,
the male population is 49 (43.36%), whereas female population is 64 (56.64%).
Six Bathudi families live in Borsiaronoi Sahi 2. The total population is 24, out
of which 13 are male members and 11 are female members. Six Bathudi families
reside at Sansiaronoi village. The total population of this village is 34. The male
and female population are 15 and 19, respectively. Eight Bathudi families inhabit
Kurkutia village. Total population of this village is 37 out of which 14 are male and
23 are female. Sixteen Bathudi families are the inhabitants of Bonkati village. Total
population is 98, 46 are male, and 52 are female. The total population of the sample
villages is 306. Out of these, male is 137 and female 169.
The sex-wise distribution of Bathudi population in the sample villages shows that
the female members are more in number than male members except in Bonsiaronoi
Sahi 2.
Facilities in Villages
The availability of health services in the localities is grossly inadequate and is located
far away from the villages. There are two hospitals. One is situated at Joshipur, and the
other is at Monda within Bisoi block. Joshipur hospital is approximately 15–16 km
away from the villages. Villagers of Bonkati occasionally go to Monda Hospital,
which is 9 km away. People need to travel to access the healthcare services, which
inflates the opportunity cost. Under the Integrated Child Development Scheme, the
Government of India has created some good healthcare centres in this locality. Such
centres are known as Anganbaris (also spelt Anganwadi) and are located within one
kilometre from the villages Bonkati and Kurkutia. The Public Health Centre (PHC)
is situated within 4 km from the sample villages. Essential medicines are not always
available in local PHC. The main purpose of Anganbari is to provide basic healthcare
facilities to the local mothers and children. Non-formal education, immunisation and
nutrition are given to the mothers, both pregnant and lactating, and to children up
to 6 years of age. The women remain busy either with their household jobs or are
engaged in subsistence activities like agricultural operations or collection of forest
products. In the process, they usually miss the cooked food. In most cases, due to
non-availability of the vaccines, the mothers are not immunised on time. Most of the
villagers go to the local traditional health practitioners (herbal medicine man) who
reside near the village Kurkutia. In case of complicated diseases, the villagers go to
the hospitals at Joshipur or at Monda.
The Bathudis of Borsiaronoi and Kurkutia get water from deep tube well, which
they use mostly for drinking. Other personal and household works are done with the
stream and river water. The villagers of Sansiaronoi and Bonkati use stream and river
water for drinking. Same source of water is used both for bathing and for washing
clothes and utensils.
Literacy rate is very low among the females. Two primary schools are situated
near the villages Kurkutia and Bonkati. For secondary education, one has to go either
to Joshipur or to Monda township. Out of the total 169, Bathudi females 111 (65%)
are illiterate and the rest 58 (35%) females have education up to primary level. The
last group are simply literate and are not properly educated. It is not possible for girls
to attend school regularly because they have to take care of their younger brothers
and sisters when their mothers go for outdoor jobs. The eight- or nine-year-old girls
stay at home and help their mothers in household jobs. Not much interest is noticed
for people to pursue education.
Subsistence Pattern and Economy
Most of the Bathudis in the present study are engaged in agriculture excepting those
from the village Sansiaronoi, who are landless and depend upon daily wage labour
and collection of forest products for living. Both male and female members take
part in the subsistence activities. They work as daily labourers in other people’s
field and/or in their own agricultural fields, or collect forest products. Out of the
fifty families, seven of them have some land holdings. They have approximately
3–4 kathas (one katha is equivalent to 0.1652506 acre) of land each, where they
cultivate rice and rabi crops. Twenty-eight families are sharecropper and foragers,
and six families live as agricultural labourers. There are a number of people who have
mixed subsistence pattern. Four such families live on cultivation, collection and daily
labour. Four families have service holders as well as cultivators. Members of one
family combined service as occupation with collection and cultivation. Services done
are at local educational institutions, local PHC and post office. The male members
of the family were reported taking up service.
Many women work in the fields. Some women are found working at a very
advanced stage of pregnancy. Lactating mothers also go to the fields for agricul-
tural jobs. They work for 4–5 h from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. They get recess for lunch in
the afternoon at about 1’0 clock until 3’0 clock. Agricultural operations carried out
by women are weeding, harvesting, husking, winnowing and storing of the grains.
Weeding and harvesting of sheaves are done before lunch break. The rest of the work
is done after the midday meal. They get their wages in cash at the end of the day.
Payment depends upon the workload. Approximately, the daily wages for females
were Rs. 10/- to Rs. 15/- and for males Rs. 10/- to Rs. 20/- in the year 2008, and
recently it is increased to Rs. 150/per day irrespective of male and female. However,
cost of living also has gone up since last decade and not always they are paid accord-
ing to minimum wage norm of the state. During the idle season of agriculture, they
collect forest resources.
One of the secondary occupations of the Bathudis is collection of forest products.
This is usually carried out during the summer months, when other jobs are not
available. Both male and female members collect forest products and sell them in
the local market at a very low cost. Shal leaves, Mahul kernels, edible tubers, honey,
wax, wild fruits, edible herbs and gum are the items collected. Literacy rate is very
low among Bathudis. Therefore, present scholars took great care about collection of
the monthly income from Bathudi families with minimum error. The cost of each
consumed food item was also gathered together with the income of each family.
The average monthly income of the Bathudis under the present study ranged from
Rs. 350/- to Rs. 1500/- per family per month. Only seven families had monthly
income ranging from Rs. 1500/- to Rs. 2000/-, and one family earned above Rs.
2000/- per month. People with higher income are engaged both in cultivation and in
service sector.
Women of the Village
Age at Marriage
It is found in the present study that Bathudi women are married between the ages
of 15 to 25 years. Average age for marriage in the villages studied was 18 years.
No unmarried women were found after 25 years of age, and no one was married
below 13 years of age. In the present case, only two girls were married at 13 years
of age. No one became mother below 15 years of age. Most cases of marriages were
recorded within the age group of 21–25 years.
Health Status Studies Among Bathudi Mothers
A health study was conducted on the basis of anthropometric measurements on moth-

ers which is presented in Table 16.1. Parameters taken for these studies were height,
weight, mid-upper arm circumference and skin fold thickness. These anthropometric
measurements were objective methods of nutritional assessment.
A total number of 56 women were measured. The study was made on mothers
including pregnant and lactating mothers. The mean height was 145.76 cm. One
woman was 97.6 cm tall. Rest of the women had more or less similar height, which
varied between 144 and 158 cm. The weight is taken in kilogram. Mean weight
was 43.84 kg. Weight ranged between 34.4 and 52 kg. The mid-arm circumference
showed a mean value of 23.1 cm. Range was 19.8–29.3 cm. Mean triceps skin fold
was 6.66 mm, range being 5–8.9 mm. Ideal weight for Indian female for 146 cm
in height is 48 kg (see Mahdevan 1986: 326). The present study group has shown
slightly lower value. Bathudi mothers in this work may be considered as short-
statured (Singh 1994: 94) and lean. Although they are not well nourished, they are
not severely undernourished.
Table 16.1 Anthropometric measurements of the Bathudi mothers of five villages under study
No. of mothers Height (cm) Weight (kg) Mid-upper arm Triceps skin fold
circumference (mm)
(cm)
56 Mean = 145.74 Mean = 43.84 Mean = 23.1 Mean = 6.66
S.D. = +8.269 S.D. = +3.977 S.D. = +1.45 S.D. = +0.865
Range Range 34.4–52.0 Range 29.3–19.8 Range 5.0–8.9
97.6–158.0
Source Author
Immunisation of Bathudi Mothers
Expanded programme of immunisation (EPI) has failed to cover successfully in this

area. One of the reasons of failure of this programme is that the visits of health staff
in the villages are irregular. Secondly, the women of the villages hardly have time
to visit the centres at the stipulated time because they were either busy in subsidiary
activities or engaged in household chores. Incomplete immunisation of the pregnant
mothers is a very common feature in this locality.
The study shows that the distribution of Folifer tablets (iron tablets) among the
mothers is very irregular. Out of 56 mothers, only 9 mothers have taken iron tablets
regularly from first trimester (each packet contains 60 tablets), and 26 mothers did not
complete their medicinal doses. Most of them have taken only two to three packets of
iron tablets, and later they had completely stopped taking the tablets. It was reported
that 21 mothers did not take any packet at all during pregnancy.
Every mother should be given at least 2 doses of tetanus toxoid at one-month
interval to protect against maternal and neonatal tetanus. Unfortunately, acceptance
of this vaccine is still very low among the Bathudi mothers. Out of 56 mothers, 38
have taken only single dose of TT vaccine and 18 mothers were not immunised at
all. Neither health workers nor mothers were concerned with the completion of the
immunisation.
Food for Women
Nutrients can be divided into three categories according to their function. They are
energy-giving nutrient, bodybuilding nutrient and protective nutrient (Jelliffe and
Jelliffe 1972).
In all five villages, rice is the staple food. Table 16.2 presents food types and intake
per day by the pregnant women in first, second and third trimesters studied in five
villages. They take wheat bread (Chapati) only when they are sick. Practically, no
food taboo exists among the people except for expectant and new mothers. Usually
up to about six months after childbirth, women are not allowed to eat certain food.
These are non-leafy vegetables; sour fruits like tamarind; the hog palm; pulses like
biridal (pigeon pea); flesh food like meat; fish and egg. Bathudi lactating mothers
believe that the baby would suffer from stomach trouble if they consumed the above-
mentioned food. Recommended diet for such mothers is boiled rice with pinch of salt
and few non-tabooed boiled leafy vegetables. Women are allowed to take the so far
tabooed foods, only when the baby is given substitute for breast milk. At antenatal
period, she avoids eating sugar, jaggery, jackfruits, ripe mango, sweet potato and
eggs. The belief is that these foods may cause wastage of pregnancy. They eat less
to produce a small foetus for easy labour during parturition. Pregnant mothers of
Bathudi believe that the milk is food for the calf. If a pregnant mother takes milk,
Table 16.2 Food types and intake per day by the pregnant women in first, second and third
trimesters in the study area
Food stuff (g) RDA by ICMR (g) Mean values of food intake (g) by the pregnant
Bathudi women in different trimesters
I II III
Cereals (rice) 475 220 230 230
Pulses 60 12 15 15
Roots and tubers 50 55 60 60
Leafy vegetables 100 30 39 45
Other vegetables 40 20 26 28
Fats and oils 25 5 5 5
Sugar and jaggery 30 – – –
Milk and milk products 250 – – –
Fruits/honey 30 – – –
Meat/fish/egg 30 – – –
Source Author
Note Consumption of cereals, pulses, leafy vegetables, fats and oils, sugar and jaggery, fruits, milk
and milk products by the pregnant women in three trimesters was less than the values of Recom-
mended Dietary Allowances (RDA) of ICMR. The pregnant mothers do not take milk products,
meat/fish, egg and fruits in antenatal state
she will be cursed by God and her baby will die in her womb. Similarly, the egg is
tabooed, for it is the future bird!
It appears that diet of Bathudi mothers is highly deficient in nutrients necessary
for a pregnant mother. The food intake per day in each trimester of pregnant women
was collected by weighment method. The weights of edible foods in raw state were
used for weighment.
Table 16.3 presents food intake values of the lactating Bathudi mothers in the study
area. Recommended diet during post-natal period indicates that lactating mothers
neither take any protein diet nor consume cereals and vegetables sufficiently. Mothers
consume only sweet-tasted fruits, but sour-tasted fruits are completely avoided by
them.
Food Preparation and Cooking Methods
Water soaked precooked rice with a pinch of salt is regularly eaten by them in the
morning. In the daytime, mothers consume gruel and rice. In the evening, they take
boiled rice without starch. Pulses are cooked by boiling as is usually done in India.
Salt, dried chillies, turmeric and onions are added to pulses while cooked. Leafy
vegetables are mostly eaten after frying it with little edible oil and pinch of salt
and green chillies. Green vegetables after they are meticulously peeled are cut into
Table 16.3 Food intake values of the lactating Bathudi mothers in the study area
Food stuffs (g) RDA by ICMR Mean values of food intake (g) by the lactating
Bathudi women in post-natal period
Cereals (rice) 400 250
Pulse 55 15
Green leafy 150 40
vegetables
Green vegetables 125 32
Meat/fish/egg 60 –
Fruit/honey 30 15
Milk products/milk 225 –
Sugar/jaggery 50 20
Oil/fats 50 5
Source Author
pieces and boiled with adequate salt and chillies and if available with oil. Turmeric
and onions are added to boiled vegetables for taste. Oil and fat consumptions are very
low among them. Mustard oil is costly and is sparingly used. Oil, made from the
seeds of Mahua fruits, is mainly used in cooking. The oil is pressed at home. Other
kinds of cooking oil are from Kusum and gingelly (til) seeds. Very small amount
of spices are used in all items of cooked foods. The most common spices used by
them are turmeric, cumin, coriander and dried chillies. Honey is used as medicine,
especially for cough and cold.
Childbirth
Place of delivery for 99% women are at home. At the time of delivery, traditional
midwife attends the mother. Most of the pregnant mothers continue with their normal
life and work until the labour pain is felt. At parturition, the woman goes into that part
of the room kept as a lying place. A near relative or an older woman acts as midwife
of the village. A blade or a razor or a broken piece of glass or a bamboo sliver cuts
off the umbilical cord. A hole is dug in the courtyard or in one corner of the room,
after birth, and the chord is planted in the hole. The health workers of Anganwadi
are provided with a delivery kit consisting of safety razor, a piece of gauge and an
antiseptic lotion for the naval chord. Only the midwives of Bonkati and Kurkutia use
this kit. Midwives of other villages smeared the chord stump with boiled ghee as an
antiseptic measure.
Fertility Condition of Women
In order to understand the fertility condition, data were collected on the number of
live birth, stillbirth and death at infancy. A total of 56 mothers were present in the
villages at the time of this study. It was found that total numbers of live birth were
137, stillbirths were 9, and death at infancy due to diseases was 15. Birth spacing
between the children was mostly 1 year to 2 years. Such a narrow range of birth
spacing is extremely hazardous to the health of the tribal mothers.
Health Care
Usually, no special health care is given to the pregnant mothers. They do all types of
household works and outdoor jobs, even up to third trimester of pregnancy. Mothers
carry firewood from jungle, fetch water from stream or river, and engage themselves
as labourers and in agricultural jobs. Although healthcare centres provide nutritive
food to them, expectant and nursing mothers hardly have time to visit the centre at the
stipulated time. The pregnant women take no extra foodstuffs. Most of the women
are incompletely immunised by the TT vaccines. Health staffs irregularly visit the
villages; as a result, they do not get oral medicine regularly.
Lactating mothers also engage themselves in all sorts of household jobs after
21 days of childbirth. They start to do outdoor jobs after six months. Sometimes, the
child is taken to its mother by other women to the agricultural field for breastfeeding.
Food intake is not sufficient for the nursing mother. As a whole, poor health condition
is a common feature of these tribal women. Antenatal care and post-natal care are
not satisfactory because mothers are deprived of all kinds of healthcare facilities.
The traditional prohibition on certain food stuff also causes deficiency.
Conclusion
The study is made on healthcare system of Bathudi mothers of Simlipal Reserve

Forest area, Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. A number of people studied are 306, out
of which 56 are mothers. Prenatal care, safe delivery and postpartum care can have
a significant impact on the health of women and their newborn babies. Immunisa-
tion, micronutrient supplementation, counselling, the detection and prompt referral
and treatment of obstetric complications are necessary. Study shows that all the
above-mentioned facilities are highly inadequate among the Bathudi mothers. It has
been observed that limited subsistence strategy, poor economic condition, illiteracy,
biological, social and cultural factors are highly affecting the health conditions of
women under study. Although women were not severely undernourished, they were
not well nourished either. Mother care is still in the indigenous level. Dependence is
still largely on nature and traditional system.
Although child marriage is infrequent among the Bathudis, other social and cul-
tural factors which have adverse effect on the Bathudi mothers include traditional
delivery system, lack of modern medical facilities and food taboos during antena-
tal and post-natal periods and narrow birth spacing. These are creating hindrances
towards a comprehensive development of health status. However, birth is a natural
process and in the remote areas nature and age-old traditional systems are still taking
care of such mothers even in this age of modernisation.
Under such a situation, compulsory primary education, improved sanitation, pre-
ventive healthcare system and economic improvement have to be implemented for
improving the mother health status in Simlipal Reserve Forest area.
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3, Scheduled Tribes Issues and Challenges. New Delhi: Institute of Sustainable Development,
Lucknow/Anmol Publication Pvt. Ltd.
Part VI
Borderline Interdisciplinarity
Chapter 17
Local Knowledge in Managing Upland
Agriculture by the Adis in Arunachal
Pradesh, Northeast India
Prasanna K. Samal, Rajiv Mili and Mihin Dollo
Abstract The paper has made a scientific enquiry to discuss the relevance of tradi-
tional indigenous knowledge in ecological management. In view of this, the study has
documented indigenous practices of soil management in traditional agro-ecosystem
by applying scientific tools of analysis. It has documented high crop diversity and
diverse cropping patterns, weed diversities, and management of biomass adopted
by Adi shifting cultivators in the hills of Arunachal Pradesh for the long-term sus-
tainability of traditional agro-ecosystem. Particularly, the paper has focused on the
unique Panpeng method, an indigenous method used by them in hill slopes during
shifting cultivation to reduce soil degradation.
Keywords Panpeng · Soil degradation · Crop diversity · Weeds · Biomass ·

Agro-ecosystem · Traditional knowledge · Management · Sustainable
Agriculture accounts for the major share of land use in the globe, as pasture and crops
alone, according to a report of FAO (2002: 97), took up 37% of the earth’s land area
in 1999. Over the coming decades, many agriculture-related environmental problems
are likely to take serious proposition. However, some problems may deepen more
slowly than in the past and some may even be reversed. Declining of soil fertility is
one of those serious problems in the globe today, and if remain unchecked, it will
drastically affect the crop yield as well as land degradation (Smith 2001; Critchley
et al. 2004) that ultimately will influence the UN Millennium Development Goals
(UN 2005) to reduce poverty. Management of soil fertility is important to maintain
P. K. Samal (B)
Department of Tribal Studies, Indira Gandhi National Tribal University (IGNTU), Amarkantak,
484887 Madhya Pradesh, India
e-mail: samal.prasanna@gmail.com; prasannasamal@rediffmail.com
R. Mili
NIF-India, Guwahati Cell, Technology Complex, IIT Guwahati, Guwahati 781039, Assam, India
e-mail: rajivmili125@gmail.com
M. Dollo
North Eastern Region Community Resource Management Project, Sympli Building, Dhankheti,
Shillong 793001, Meghalaya, India
e-mail: mihindollo@gmail.com

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_17
330 P. K. Samal et al.
the sustainability of agro-ecosystem, and the adding of commercially available fer-

tiliser limits the long-term benefit, thereby enhancing the soil degradation (Juroszek
et al. 2006). It was often thought that traditional communities lack soil management
practices. However, in recent past, it has been well acknowledged that traditional
soil knowledge of traditional communities may have pivotal role to play in long-
term sustainability of agro-ecosystem (Samal and Dhyani 2007), and the traditional
soil nutrient optimisation practices by the Adis of Arunachal Himalaya is an example
in this direction.
The state of Arunachal Pradesh is located in the eastern most region of India
bordering Myanmar in the East, Tibet in the north and Bhutan in the west. It covers
an area of 83,743 km2 that shares 2.5% of the total geographical area of India,
15.76% of the Indian Himalayan region and 43.62% of the “biological hotspot”, the
Eastern Himalaya. Zoo-geographically, the state is part of the oriental region and
lies at the junction of the Indian and Indo-Chinese sub-regions (Chowdhery 1997).
The state’s unique location at the bio-geographic realms further enriches the region’s
biodiversity (Chauhan 1997). The higher reaches of its mountains form the southern
fringes of the Palearctic region. All these factors have resulted in Arunachal Pradesh
being the abode of the richest assemblage of flora and fauna in India (Hajra and
Mudgal 1997). The state is estimated to have more than 23.5% of flowering plants
reported in the Indian sub-continent, i.e. about 5,000 plant species that include 450
species of medicinal plants. The state hosts about 200 species of mammals. It has also
been designated as a globally important “Endemic Bird Area,” and of the 1,200 bird
species in India, nearly 657 species have been recorded from Arunachal (Samal et al.
2013). The richness of the biodiversity of the state could be gauged from the basic fact
that it contains 11 sanctuaries, 2 national parks and 1 biosphere reserve. Apart from
hosting the rich and unique biodiversity, the forests of Arunachal Pradesh sequester
highest quantity of carbon in the country. Besides, the state has huge potential of
forest-based natural resources that includes many endemic and rare wild floras and
faunas of ecological and economical importance, varieties of indigenous crops and
vegetables, and livestock that meet the need and aspiration of the upland ethnic
communities and mainstream people of the region. Culturally, the state is also quite
rich being home to 26 major and more than 110 sub/minor tribal communities with
diversified cultural identities and social set-up. Thus, this signifies that the state is
located in strategically important and ecologically fragile region of the nation.
Across the state of Arunachal Pradesh, shifting cultivation is predominant being
the primary means of livelihood sustenance for the majority of tribal communities
with exception to Apatanis, Khamptis and Monpas. About one billion people (22%
of the population of the developing world in tropical and subtropical countries) that
belong to at least 3,000 different ethnic communities are estimated to rely directly or
indirectly on some forms of shifting cultivation (Dollo et al. 2007; IFAD et al. 2001).
In Northeast India, shifting cultivation, a primary and often the only agricultural
practice, is available to address the need for food security of the majority of the
upland communities. The agro-ecosystem, commonly known as jhum, was once
considered to be an efficient system of cultivation being sustainable both ecologically
and economically; it, however, is gradually becoming untenable under pressure from
17 Local Knowledge in Managing Upland Agriculture … 331
a number of factors (Choudhury and Sundriyal 2003). Apatanis are famous for paddy-
cum-fish cultivation (Rai 2005) while Monpas for their integrated oak forest and
agro-ecosystem (Farooquee and Rao 1998), a unique type of agroforestry. Besides,
a sporadic distribution of pastoral economy is reported in higher altitude, above
2,600 m msl. The Khamptis on the other hand are famous for wet rice cultivation in
the plains of Lohit district (Behera 1994), now Namsai distinct.
The present study was conducted covering the Adi-inhabited areas, the East Siang
and the West Siang districts of Arunachal Pradesh extending between 93° 57 to
95° 23 E and 27° 69 to 29° 20 N. Both the districts cover an area of 12,330 km2 that
has been divided into 32 circles under 10 subdivisions (Anon 2005) having a total
population of 191,314. The Adis, a major and dominant tribal community of the state,
inhabit the central part of Arunachal Pradesh, which is strategically important and
ecologically significant region in Eastern Himalaya that sustains high biodiversity
and provides ecosystem services to low land region. Literally, Adi means the “man
of the hills”. They have their own rich traditions, culture, myths, legends, tales and
folklores. The Adis traced their origins from Tani “the first human being” as their first
ancestor; they called him as Abo Tani. Adi tribes are very rich in their cultures and
traditions; it can be comfortably understood by the natural behaviour and characters
of the Adi people. Their gestures or appearances reflect the richness of their culture.
Basically, they are naturalist and a follower of Donyipolo as their religion and practise
animism (Roy 1960). In social parameters, Adis may be considered as one of the
developed tribes of Arunachal Pradesh. Adis follow a three-tier tribal council system
for administration and trial of the civil and criminal cases. It exercises a centralised
authority over every important matter, affecting the life of the community. Kebang
(tribal council) is the major sociopolitical institution, which deals with judicial issues,
developmental issues and social and agro-religious issues.
The community, a few years ago, was considered having been divided into two
broad categories, the Padam-Minyong and the Galo based on some minor differences
in material culture, hair dress and social institutions. The former has been divided
into 10 sub/minor groups, the Minyongs, Padams, Panggis, Pasis, Ashings, Milangs,
Komkars, Shimongs, Karkos and Boris, whereas the Galo group consists of four
subgroups, the Galos, Pailibos, Ramos and Bokars. They belong to the mongoloid
stock and are factual and not philosophical in nature (Nyori 1993). At present, the two
ethnic groups have distinct Scheduled Tribe (ST) status, Adis and Galo. They inhabit
the tropical and subtropical belts of the state that are largely dependent on shifting
agriculture (Borang 1997). They are largely dependent on shifting agriculture; how-
ever, in recent past they have been developing terrace and valley rice cultivation in
selected villages. Shifting cultivation is still in large in the Adi-dominated areas as
subsistence agriculture like any other tribes of the north-east. Recently, they also
practise wet rice cultivation (WRC). They have a good knowledge in conservation
of natural resources especially in the field of Etnomedicine, Ethnobotany and Eth-
nozoology. Hunting is their favourite sport which can be reflected from the old-age
celebration of a hunting festival such as Aaran. Apart from hunting, collection and
gathering of wild edible leafs, roots, mushrooms, fruits are also pursued. Mithun
(Bos frontalis) has been the important form of wealth among the Adis along with
various kinds of beads and brass bowls.
It is utmost important to document and highlight the traditional farming system
of the Adi community that has evolved eco-culturally based on traditional ecological
knowledge (TEK) and is sustainable without or limited external inputs. The qual-
itative relationship of the Adi people like other ethnic communities of the Indian
Himalaya with their immediate environs and natural resources has over long peri-
ods of time based on necessities and experiences. Their ecosystem is perpetuated
through culture in balance with the production systems and social heritage (Samal
and Dhyani 2007). The cultural influence of the Adi people on use and conserva-
tion of resources is quite significant, which helped evolved adaptive strategies to
make effective use of natural resources (Samal et al. 2010). Innovation and practices
of sustainable use and conservation of bioresources within the Adi village ecosys-
tem are based on their traditional knowledge accumulated through trial and error
and years of experience over generations. Fortunately, the role of indigenous and
traditional knowledge, innovation and practices in the mountain ecosystems in the
sustainable use, management and conservation of bioresources is recognised by Con-
vention on Biological Diversity (CBD). Article 7 of CBD pronounces that “subject
to its national legislation, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations
and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional lifestyles
relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity and promote
their wider application with the approval and involvement of the holders of such
knowledge, innovations and practices …”. Further Article 10(C) of CBD also states
to “protect and encourage customary uses of biological resources in accordance with
traditional cultural practices that are compatible with conservation or sustainable
use requirements”. However, the traditional knowledge, innovations and practices
on productive sectors like land, agriculture, forestry, grazing and animal husbandry,
horticulture, agro-based cottage industry are fast disappearing resulting in habitat
loss, leading to loss of resources, particularly the biological diversity. Knowledge
Innovation and Practice (KIP) is being threatened and eroded by growing tide of
technification, questioning of “traditional systems” by the “cultured societies” and
unsustainable use of natural resources (Gadgil et al. 1993). It is also apparent that
any planned intervention on development that would sustain man and environment
in the Himalayas must understand, respect, strengthen and encourage community
oriented resource use and conservation programme based on traditional knowledge
and cultural principles (Dollo et al. 2009).
It has been observed that the ecological farming system of the Adi community
helps to maintain soil vigour. Further external interventions without understanding
the local eco-cultural setting may disrupt the community evolved sustainable farm-
ing practice. This paper based on in-depth research and information collected therein
aims at analysing traditional soil conservation practices and advocates that revitali-
sation of such practices would help in the sustainable farming practices in the fragile
Himalayan ecosystem.
Methodology
The study was conducted in Siang belt (see Fig. 17.1) covering two districts, namely
East Siang and West Siang of Arunachal Pradesh, India, to investigate the vari-
Fig. 17.1 Map of the study site (Source Author from GIS data)
ous practices involved in managing soil nutrient optimisation. Five villages under
three circles in two districts were taken as representatives for in-depth study. All the
sampled villages are inhabited by the Adi community. Information on geographical
context, household and demographic profile (Table 17.1) and land use and depen-
dency (Table 17.2) of the villages was generated through household survey in the
sampled villages. A semi-structured questionnaire was used to generate the baseline
information on agricultural activities of the study sites. Informal discussions with
farmers, senior persons and Gams (traditional village head) of the villages were made
to trace the historical background of various practices involved therein and also to
understand the agricultural system of the locality. The traditional practices were doc-
umented through extensive field verification in on-farm condition. The plants and
crop samples were collected and identified with the help of taxonomist from Botan-
ical Survey of India, Arunachal Field Station and Economic Botanist from National
Bureau of Plant Genetic Resources, Shillong, India. The collected crop samples were
deposited in GBPIHED for record and regional research station of NBPGR for nec-
essary Germplasm conservation. Standard literature on the subject was consulted
from various central and state departments, published bulletins and reports.
Table 17.1 Geographical extent, household numbers and demographic profile of sampled villages
(Source Author)
Village Location Altitude Household Family Population Male Female
(m msl)a size
Rengo 28° 19 10.2 N 351.7 ± 44 (14.19) 6.16 271 (14.62) 134 137
94° 58 30.5 E 14 (49.45) (50.55)
Dosing 28° 19 53 N 603.8 ± 36 (11.61) 6.92 249 (13.43) 120 129
94° 58 46.4 E 14 (48.19) (51.81)
Pangin 28° 12 37.2 N 483.1 ± 82 (26.45) 5.15 422 (22.76) 222 200
94° 59 36.2 E 8 (52.61) (47.39)
Koreng 28° 12 37.2 N 433.1 ± 44 (14.19) 5.95 262 (14.13) 142 120
94° 59 36.2 E 8 (54.20) (45.80)
Rumgong 28° 18 42.2 N 400 ± 104 6.25 650 (35.06) 321 329
94° 52 23.7 E 14 (33.55) (49.38) (50.62)
Total 310 6.09 1,854 939 915
(mean) (50.65) (49.35)
a Value ±accuracy of reading; value in parentheses is percentage in each category
Table 17.2 Farming systems and proportion of villagers depending on different on- and off-farm sectors in study villages (Source Author)
Village Total households Dependency on different agricultural systems (%) Dependency on different sectors (%)
SC TRC SC + TRC + H SC + TRC TRC + H Agr Agr + SS Agr + SSI
Rengo 44 13.63 (6) 9.09 (4) 52.72 (23) 11.36 (5) 13.63 (6) 91 (40) 9 (4) –
Dosing 36 27.78 (10) 5.55 (2) 8.33 (3) 30.56 (11) 27.78 (10) 83.33 (30) 8.33 (3) 8.33 (3)
Pangin 82 1.21 (1) 18.29 (15) 18.29 (15) 52.45 (43) 9.76 (8) 69.51 (57) 28.05 (23) 2.43 (2)
Koreng 44 25 (11) 13.64 (6) 18.18 (8) 22.73 (10) 20.45 (9) 70.45 (31) 18.18 (8) 11.36 (5)
Rumgong 104 23.08 (24) 49.03 (51) 2.88 (3) 25 (26) – 56.73 (59) 41.35 (43) 1.92 (2)
17 Local Knowledge in Managing Upland Agriculture …
SC Shifting cultivation, TRC terrace cultivation, H horticulture, Agr agriculture, SS service sector, SSI small-scale industry
Values in parentheses are number of households
% Values are with respect to the total households of respective villages
335
Result and Discussion
Managing Soil Losses
In upland agriculture, particularly in higher degree of slope, a maximum run-off is the

normal phenomenon (Gardner and Gerrard 2003; Singh 2005; Patiram and Kumar
2005), which is associated with loss of soil and soil nutrients. Adis being inhabitants
in the rough topography in the Eastern Himalaya (Nyori 1993; Singh 2003) have
encountered this problem by evolving soil management tactics that are ecologically
efficient and culturally suitable in the shifting agro-ecosystem. The Panpeng/Pan-
eng is one of the techniques developed traditionally by the community over the
century that is employed for soil conservation in upland agriculture. To protect the
soil erosion, farmers use partially burnt logs, which have fallen down during the
slashing of the forests in the field for agriculture. The logs are placed parallel to each
other across the gradient of the hill slope so that it can check the erosion by run-off
during rainy season. This helps in blocking the run-off that carries away the top and
organic rich soil from the surface area. The logs are supported either by wooden poles
(locally called Sipit/Hipit) or by tree stumps locally called Hiir. The resources used
in the system are locally available and are collected from forest, which is fairly close
to their agricultural field. Stone and boulders are also used in making bund if they
are found available. Male farmers are involved in making bund being supported by
women in collecting materials. In addition, the weeds that grow in the crop field are
uprooted and mulched along with the logs, which further strengthen the effectiveness
of reducing soil loss and run-off. The Panpeng also checks the stone pebbles that fall
from the upper sloppy areas of the field, which otherwise would have damaged the
crops and reduce the agronomic yields.
In moderately sloped area, the certain patches of the plot have been cut down
into slightly plain pockets and made terraces. The terraces are made from locally
available stone boulders, which are piled one after another to strengthen the bund,
locally called Lingkar. This helps in harvesting rain water and also checking run-off
and nutrient leaching from the soil surface. The harvested water percolates into the
ground, holds the soil particle together and enriches the moisture content of the soil
(Liu et al. 2002; Sommer 2000: 123–42). Moreover, the harvested rain water run-
off carries beneficial microorganisms and mineral content, which penetrate into the
ground and enhance soil biota.
Cropping Pattern and Crop Combination
Because of undulating topography, most of the agricultural activities of the region

are slope based on varied crop combinations, cropping pattern and cultivation
period (Table 17.3; Fig. 17.2). During the study period, 46 number of crop species
(Table 17.4) were recorded by the Adi farmers. These crops not only sustain the food
Table 17.3 Major crops and cropping patterns in upland agro-ecosystems (Source Author)
Land use Cropping Cropping Sowing-harvesting time
type pattern
Traditional Monoa Dry rice/fallow May–September
Finger June–December
millet/fallow June–December
Jobs April/May–December
Tear/fallow
Ginger/fallow
Mixed Dry rice; May–September/October; June–December;
maize; pulses; July/August–December;
spices; April/June–December/January;
vegetable April/May–throughout the year.
Emerging Mono Wet rice June/July–November–December
(trans- Orange April/May–September/December
formed) Large March/May–September/October
cardamom March/April–December/January
Jenkins palm
Mixed Ginger; April/May–December;
mustard; February/March–May/June; June–December;
maize; finger April/May–throughout the year
millet;
vegetables
a Rarely practice, particularly in second year of cultivation
Fig. 17.2 Major crops and their occurrence in the study site (Source Author)
security of the farmer but also maintain the ecological balance of the soil ecosystem
in the region.
The entire crop profile can be divided into five major categories based on their
utilisation where leafy and fruit vegetables contribute the highest share (47.83%),
followed by spices and condiments (19.56%), pulses (13.04%), tubers and rhizomes
(10.87%) and the least is shared by cereal and pseudocereal (8.7%) although it is the
Table 17.4 Crop profile in upland agro-ecosystems of Adis in Arunachal Pradesh (Source Author)
Name of the Local Family Sowing–harvesting period
species name
Oryza sativa L. Ammo Poaceae June to December
Coix lacryma jobi Angyat Poaceae June to December
L.
Zea mays L. Hapa Poaceae June to December
Eleusine Mirung Poaceae June to December
coracana (L.)
Gaertn.
Glycine max (L.) Adi Fabaceae July–August to December
Merr rontung
Amomum Tirbin Zingiberaceae March–May to November–December
subulatum Roxb.
Cajanus cajan Peret Fabaceae April–May to December
(L.) Millsp.
Spilanthes Marchang Asteraceae February to Throughout the year
paniculata Wall.
ex DC
Citrullus lanatus Pumri Cucurbitaceae March–May to November–December
(Thunb.) Matsum.
and Nakai
Cucurbita Paum Cucurbitaceae March–May to November–December
maxima Duchesne
Cucurbita sp. Pao/Pani Cucurbitaceae March–May to November–December
pumra
Cucumis sativus Makung Cucurbitaceae March–May to November–December
L.
Cucumis sp. Mari Cucurbitaceae March–May to November–December
Cucurbita sp. Epum Cucurbitaceae April–May to July–December
Cucurbita sp. Ejuk Cucurbitaceae April–May to July–December
Carica papaya L. Omri Caricaceae Throughout the year
Ananas comosus Tako- Bromeliaceae September–October July–September
(L.) Merr. belang
Vitis repens Okung Vitaceae February Throughout the year
(Lam.) Wright
and Arn
Clerodendron Oin Verbanaceae February–March Throughout the year
colebrookianum to
Walpers.
(continued)

species name
Solanum Kopir Solanaceae February–March June
melongena L. to
Solanum sp. Kopi Solanaceae February–March June
to
Solanum sp. Banko Solanaceae February–March June
(big) to
Solanum indicum Banko Solanaceae February–March June
Auct. (small) to
Lycopersicon Tumpuluk Solanaceae February–March Throughout the year
esculentum Mill. (big) to
Lycopersicon Tumpuluk Solanaceae February–March Throughout the year
esculentum (small) to
Momordica Bitter Cucurbitaceae June to August–September
charantia L. Guard
Capsicum Hiben Solanaceae Aug to November
annuum L.
Capsicum sp. Hitum Solanaceae June to November
hilum
Capsicum sp. Himi/simi Solanaceae June to November
Capsicum sp. Hiker/sikir Solanaceae June to November
Capsicum sp. Peit Solanaceae June to November
marhi
Xanthoxylum Onger Rutaceae June to November
oxyphyllum
Perilla frutescens Namji Lamiaceae April–June to December–January
(L.) Britton
Phaseolus Adi peron Fabaceae April–June to December–January
vulgaris L.
Brassica Tuhing Brassicaceae February–March April–May
campestris L. to
Brassica sp. Tuka Brassicaceae February–March April–May
to
Citrus sinensis L. Tasing Rutaceae March–April September–December
Citrus grandis Robab Rutaceae March–April September–December
(L.) Osbeck
Zingiber Kelong Zingiberaceae April–May December–January
officinale Roscoe
Zingiber sp. Kekir Zingiberaceae April–June December–January
(continued)

species name
Dioscorea alata Uly Dioscoreaceae April–May December–January
L.
Colocasia Enge Araceae April–May December–January
esculenta L.
Colocasia sp. Dabad Araceae April–May December–January
enge
Allium sativum L. Adi talap Liliaceae April June–July
Manihot Ehing Euphorbiaceae May September–December
esculenta (L.) engin
cassava
Ipomoea batatas Engin Convolvulaceae May September–December
(L.) Lam tare
staple food crops of the region. All these crops are cultivated in mixed type with varied
sequential sowing and harvesting time frame (Fig. 17.3), and each category of crops
plays pivotal role in managing soil natural resources. The crops remain standing
in the field all most round the year where the highest number of species remains
available in the month of June (40) followed by September (38), July and August
(37 each), October and November (36 each) and May (32) while the least number of
crops remains available in the month of February (11) and January (12). The sowing
of crops starts in February and continues up to June where it reaches the peak, and
from the June itself, the harvesting starts and ends in January. Keeping diverse crop
groups in on-farm condition not only helps to conserve the agro biodiversity and
entire livelihood security for the community (Hore 2005) but also maintains the soil
health (Jarvis et al. 2000; Bisht et al. 2007).
It has been observed that the Adi farmers cultivate rice as major food crop in their
fields. It is associated with varieties of vegetable crops such as soya bean, common
bean, varieties of cucurbits (locally known as Paum, Pao, Pani Pumra, Mari, etc.) and
oil seeds like mustard (Tuka, Tuhing). The fast growing vegetable crops provide soil
cover early in the season, shielding the impact of rain drops (Verhallen et al. 2003).
In addition, it promotes rapid vegetative cover growth, checks soil loss and helps in
the improved structural stability of soil (Guerena and Born 2007). Meanwhile, the
mixed cropping meets the nutrient demand of both human being and soil system. The
pulses, especially the legume bearing crops, fix atmospheric nitrogen in their root
systems, which not only enhances the soil fertility (Samal and Dhyani 2007; Shah
1997) but also reduces disease, nutrient losses and helps to degrade toxic compound
from the soil ecosystem. The crops are harvested sequentially with specific time
frame. The sequential sowing and harvesting reduce the inter-specific competition
among the crops for nutrient optimisation and check the excess nutrient loss from
the soil ecosystem.
Fig. 17.3 Diversity, sequential sowing and harvesting of crops across the study sites (Source
Author)
It is interesting to note that in moderately steep-sloped area, farmers prefer to

cultivate deep rooted crops like colocasia (Engge), sweet potato (Engin Tare), tapioca
(Ehing Engin) and spices such as ginger (Takeng). These deep rooted crops hold the
soil particles together by their root system and check nutrient leaching, whereas the
broad and dense leaves of the crops act as vegetation cover (Verhallen et al. 2003)
of the entire system so that loose soil particle will not erode from the soil surface.
Weed Flora and Their Management Practices
Weeds are integral part of vegetation cover in most of the known terrestrial ecosystem.
They are obnoxious plants described as unwanted (Blatchley 1912: 191), non-useful,
often prolific and persistent, interfere with agricultural operations, increase labour,
add to costs and reduce yields (Robbins et al. 1942: 543) and have developed a power
of aggression, persistent and act as a menace to the best development of crop (Nelson
1946; Islam 1996). In many studies, it is reported that weeds in cropland are not only
reducing the yield (Hihdyatullah and Sen 1942; Haq 1955; Panikar 1950, 1953; Seth
1958; Joshi and Singh 1965; Tripathy and Mishra 1971) but also the quality of the
product and the losses caused by weeds exceed the losses from any other category
of agricultural pests like insects, nematodes, diseases, rodents (Rao 1983). However,
proper management of weed in agriculture may lead to good agronomic yield in
crop field as they are the pioneers of nutrient recycling process of any degraded or
disturbed ecosystem.
The study revealed 55 species (Table 17.5) of weeds under 53 genera and 28 fami-
lies in both shifting and wet rice agro-ecosystem of the sample villages in Arunachal
Pradesh. Among the weed flora, family Asteraceae represents the highest species
(21.43%), followed by Poaceae (17.86%) and Commelinaceae and Melastomaceae
(14.29% each). Four families, namely Acanthaceae, Cyperaceae, Lamiaceae and
Rubiaceae, represent 10.71% each in the agro-ecosystems of the study sites. Mean-
while, another four families, namely Balsaminaceae, Euphorbiaceae, Rosaceae and
Tiliaceae, represent two species each (7.14%) across the study site. Most of the weed
species in the study sites are annual herb (83.65%), and the rest are herbs/under
shrubs, shrubs and climbers (each represents 5.45%), respectively.
The Adi farmers are outstanding weed managers. Normally, they uproot the weeds
and mulch them on the Panpeng bund or deposit and burn in their crop fields. The
ashes (Mekor) in the field help in accumulation of organic manure in the soil. Some
weeds are uprooted and kept on the rock surface of the field. The weeding is done
thrice in a season. The first weeding (Amhur mubin) is done just after the sowing
of seeds in the month of June to July followed by second weeding (Rigbu) in the
month of August–September and final one is done in the month of November just
before harvesting. Women are the primary workforce of entire weeding process, but
males are also involved in the practice if they get free time. The common weeds like
Cynodon dactylon Pers., Cyperus flavidus Retz., Cyperus pilosus Vahl., Spilanthes
paniculata Wall. ex D.C Cyperous tenuispica Steudel., Setaria pallidiforea Staph and
Hubb., Pogostemon alsholtzoides, Borreria articularis (L.f) F.N.Will, Urena lobata
Linn., Cuphea balsamona Cham. and Schltd., Scleria tessellata Willd., Pouzolzia
sp. etc. occur in cropland. The farmer’s perception is that the uprooted weeds dry up
and get decomposed slowly and the organic nutrients of weed biomass get released
steadily, that are available to the crops during growing season. The slow and steady
release of nutrients from weed biomass helps to reduce the wasteful nutrient leaching
from the agro-ecosystems. In terrace cultivation, weeds are uprooted and dumped in
the crop field. To decompose the uprooted weeds, entire crop field is filled up with
water, which remains stagnant for a month. In the mean time, decomposed weed
biomass releases nutrient to soil. The farmers do not use chemical fertiliser for the
growth and development of crops in their crop field, and thereby, they practise purely
organic farming. Another interesting point is that farmers discarded the application
of chemical fertiliser as they experienced by practice that chemical fertiliser would
destroy the soil ecosystem and affect in crop yield and productivity.
Table 17.5 Weeds of upland agro-ecosystem in the study areas of East Siang and West Siang
district (Source Author)
Family Species Habit Ecosystem Locality
Acanthaceae Difflugossa Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
colorata (Nees)
Burm F
Phlogacanthus sp. Shrub Shifting Rengo
Strobilanthes sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Amaranthaceae Alternathera Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
sessilis (L.) R.Br
Asteraceae Ageratum Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
conyzoides L.
Crassocephalum Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
crepid-
ioides(Benth).S.Moore
Eupatorium Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
odoratum L.
Mikania micrantha Climber WRC Rengo
Kunth
Spilanthes Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rengo
paniculata Wall. ex
D.C
Youngia japonica Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
(L.) D.C
Balsaminaceae Impatiens Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
balsamina L.
Impatiens laevigata Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Wall. ex Hook. f.
and Thomson
Brasicaeae Cardamine sp. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Commelinaceae Anelima sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Commelina diffusa Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Burm.F
Cynotis sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Murdania nudiflora Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
(L.)Brenan.
Cucurbitaceae Melothria Climber Shifting Rengo
heterophylla (Lour)
Cogn.
Cyperaceae Cyperous Annual Herb WRC Rengo
tenuispica Steudel.
Myriscus sp. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
(continued)

Scleria tessellata Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Willd.
Equisetaceae Equisetum debile Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
Roxb.
Euphorbiaceae Euphorbia hirta L. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Phyllanthus niruri Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
L.
Fabaceae Crotolaria sp. Herb/Undershrub Shifting Rumgong
Lamiaceae Elsholtzia blanda Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Benth.
Perilla ocymoides Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
L.
Pogostemon Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
alsholtzoides
Lycopodiaceae Lycopodium sp. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Lythraceae Cuphea balsamona Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Cham. and Schltdl.
Malvaceae Urena lobata L. Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Melastomaceae Amplectrum Herb/Undershrub Shifting Rumgong
assamicum C.B.Cl.
Melastoma Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
malabathricum L.
Sonerila sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Osbeckia crinita Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Benth.
Onagraceae Ludwigia sp. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Oxalidaceae Oxalis corniculata Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
L.
Poaceae Cynodon dactylon Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
(L.) Pers.
Digitaria sp. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Panicum notatum Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Retz.
Poa annua L. Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Setaria pallidiforea Annual Herb WRC Rumgong
Staph and Hubb.
Polygonaceae Polygonum Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
capitulum
(continued)

Rosaceae Rosea sp. Shrub Shifting Rumgong
Rubus alpestris Bl. Shrub Shifting Rengo
Rubiaceae Borreria hispida Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
(L.) K. Schum.
Hedyotis costat L. Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Rubiaceae Hedyotis ulmifolia Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Wallich.
Schizaeaceae Lygodium Climbing fern Shifting Rengo
japonicum
Thunb.ex Murr.
Scrophulariaceae Torenia bicolour L. Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
Solanaceae Solanum nigrum L. Annual Herb Shifting Rengo
Tiliaceae Triumfatta sp. Herb/Undershrub Shifting Rengo
Triumfetta pilosa Annual Herb Shifting/WRC Rumgong
Roth
Urticaceae Pouzolzia sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Violaceae Viola sp. Annual Herb Shifting Rumgong
Other Biomass Management
Biomass plays a pivotal role in managing fertility of soil and high agronomic yield
in any agricultural system. Traditional farmers are well acquainted with managing
their resources with limited or no external input to sustain their agricultural system.
Instead of putting chemical fertilisers, farmers manage soil fertility through biomass
management. Earlier, Government agencies implemented many schemes to optimise
maximum production from the system and found good return initially, which in long
run was inadequate and unsustainable in successive cropping period. Besides, high
external inputs such as chemical fertilisers, high labour input not only increased the
economic cost of agricultural production but also destroyed the soil biomass and
thereby leading to environmental degradation. The process compelled the farmer to
discard the inappropriate technologies. They, therefore, continue with their age old
practices which are not only sustainable but also ecologically and socially viable.
While harvesting the crops, the Adi farmers harvest only the spike, fruit, cob,
pod and rhizome portion and leave major portion of biomass in the field itself.
Farmer’s perception in this context is that biomass will recycle and enhance the soil
nutrient. In another sense, the Adis maintain ecological balance so that in coming
days their offspring will continue their cultivation on the same field by restoring the
nutrient of the soil through biomass recycling process. Crops like paddy (Ammo),
millet (Mirung, Ayak), maize (hapa), cucurbits species (Making, Mari, Paum, Pao)
are harvested only by spike or fruit portion, and rest biomass are left on the field.
In case of leguminous crops like soya bean (Rontung), bean (Peron), the crops are
uprooted completely at initial stage, followed by harvesting of fruit pods and then
remaining other biomasses are spread over the field. In case of rhizomatous crops
like ginger (Takeng), tapioca (Ehing Engine), yam (Engge), only rhizome part is
harvested while rest parts are left in the field. The left crop biomass is vital in
rebuilding depleted soil as it ensures a continuous energy source for soil (Sullivan
2003). The biomasses transform organic molecules into mineral elements that are
readily available to plants and help in maintaining good soil structure by transforming
organic matter into humus and producing compounds that cement small soil particles
together, promoting both increased drainage and moisture retention. This benefits the
environment by reducing the problems associated with the land and also by helping
to close the cycle of organic matter and nutrient elements and thus the development
of truly sustainable soil ecosystem.
Conclusion
Agriculture is the primary source of sustenance for the Adi as well as many other
ethnic communities living in Eastern Himalayan region where nearly 90% of the
populations are dependent on agriculture and allied activities. Hence, it is utmost
important to manage agro-based resources for sustainable utilisation. But in recent,
past numbers of problems are affecting the proper management of agriculture-related
resources out of which soil and biodiversity are major concerns of the region.
Soil erosion in hilly area is widely recognised by both outside observers and
indigenous people as a serious problem that has not only decreased agronomic yield
and crop biomass productivity but also exacerbated poverty. In addition, frequent land
degradation due to excess input of inorganic fertiliser for quick return and gradual
loss of biodiversity due to developmental activities are some of the serious concerns
for the policy-makers in this mountain ecosystem. Appropriate techniques which suit
to the local socio-economic and eco-cultural set-up can check these problems and
also promote sustainable agricultural development. In this context, the Panpeng used
by the Adis may be an option for checking soil loss and enhance agronomic yield.
Since Panpeng has been developed by the community itself through trial and error
practices and being practised by the community from time immemorial, it suites best
to the socio-cultural set-up and agro-ecological habitat of the region.
Secondly, maintaining diversity is one of the prominent features of the Adi eth-
nic community. The tribal farmers are outstanding managers of crops that maintain
dynamic process of crop evolution and adaptation and lead towards sustainable devel-
opment of agricultural production systems. Moreover, the distribution of crop genetic
diversity being maintained in on-farm and the processes being used to maintain this
diversity is worth acquiring. Further, the socio-economic and eco-cultural factors
influencing farmers to maintain diversity in in situ condition irrespective of gen-
der, age and socio-economic status of the community are important parameters for
developing an action plan for on-farm management.
Weeds and unused biomass in agriculture are important part for sustaining agro-
ecosystem. Weeds add organic matter to the crop field and the greater percentage of
nutrients, which weeds absorb, could be returned to the soil in the form of compost or
organic matter. By covering the soil surface, weeds minimise the force of falling rain
drops and thereby check soil erosion. Besides, most of the weeds are good forage
for grazing animals that are dependent on vegetation. In summer specially when
there is lacking of fodder, weeds that remain on the harvested field are eaten by the
grazing animals. Apart from these, the Adi farmers of Arunachal Pradesh uproot
weeds which is either mulched or burnt on the field. Burning of weeds leads to an
accumulation of potash and valuable phosphate released to the soil prior to cropping.
Acknowledgements Authors express sincere thanks to the Director, GBPNIHESD, Kosi-

Katarmal, Almora, for providing facilities. Thanks are also due to Mr. Tazing Jamoh, Mr. Takeng
Jamoh (Rumgong village), Mr. Tapum Tabi (Goan Burah (GB), Rengo village), the Gaon Burahs
and villagers of Rumgong of West Siang district, and Rengo, Dosing, Pangin and Koreng of East
Siang district who helped during field investigation.
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Chapter 18
Tribal Philosophy: An Epistemological
Understanding on Tribal Worldview
Heni Francis Ariina
Abstract This paper presents an epistemological understanding on tribal worldview

and thus makes a significant contribution to contemporary academic engagement in
tribal studies by specialised disciplines. Essentially, the paper contests the stereotypes
that tribal knowledge on nature, cosmos, ethics and religious views is unscientific
or incoherent with the science, and therefore, lacks philosophical explanation. A
preliminary attempt is made in this paper to develop a perspective of tribal philosophy
in oral tradition, sources of knowledge, the mode of transmission and types of learning
pursued among the Nagas of Northeast India. The philosophical enquiry is made in
the attempt to answer such general questions as how do tribes know of what they
know?; what are the sources of knowledge?; how do tribal people conceptualise the
relationships among human being, world and god?; and do they have any ontological
insight into the reality?; with Naga community as case study.
Keywords Epistemology · Tribal worldview · Tribal philosophy · Folklore · Oral

philosophy · Sources of knowledge · Belief system · Tradition
Introduction
To venture into the realm of ‘tribal philosophy’, one needs to comprehend the nature
of the tribal worldview (see Adhikary 1984; Redfield 1962; Vidyarthi 1963) for an
understanding of the concept of worldview). The scope of tribal worldview, however,
is very vast and covers a wide range of areas. It can be comprehended both in general
and particular contexts. In the later sense, the worldview is specific to individual
tribes and covers both material and non-material aspects of life in their ecological
setting. To put it simply, the worldview of the tribes living by seashore or river plains
are different from those living in hills and forests.
H. F. Ariina (B)
Delhi University, New Delhi, India
e-mail: francisariina@gmail.com
Present Address
23A, F/F, Savitri Nagar, New Delhi 110017, India
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7_18
352 H. F. Ariina
In the context of Northeast India, the tribes basically live in the terrain of hills
and mountains. They grow vegetation and practice terrace and Jhum (shifting) culti-
vation. They have no scripts of their own. They are known to the ‘others’ by various
names such as primitive tribes, animists, jungle people, adivasis, aboriginals, people
practicing naturalism, totemism and the list goes on (Rao 2004: 616). The tribal
community has rich cultures and traditions which they have been following for thou-
sands of years. Apart from a variety of flora and fauna, relations with human–nature
and supernature, the folklores, folktales, legends, beliefs, myths, symbols, songs and
dances constitute the very quintessence of their life.
The diverse cultural practices create a fertile ground for the anthropology as it
indicates a special field for the study of social phenomena1 (Rao 2004: 617). The
sociologists study the orthogenetic and heterogenetic changes.2 Historical studies on
tribes also provide substantive materials for the analysis of the process of human civil-
isation by explaining the present in relation to the past. These studies are inevitable
to understand the tribes, tribal land and culture. What intrigues one’s mind is per-
haps the curiosity on ‘tribal philosophy’, a subject less ventured and systematised. In
addition, the possibility of even having ‘tribal philosophy’ begins to grope in igno-
rance for lack of articulation. In the discourse, one may have doubt on the epistemic
subject and its viability, the possibility of having attained certain ‘gnosis’, besides
metaphysics, aesthetics and logic. The ‘sceptic mind’ is invariably present in each
person and surface prominently in oneself when a ‘mind’ is conditioned to view tribal
worldview (Weltanschauung) from the prism of established institutions and founded
theories of knowledge. The problems are widely compounded with different ques-
tions from philosophical dimensions as the study from other disciplines would raise
inquisitive insights in the framework of disciplinary area of interest.
Nevertheless, the present paper is a preliminary attempt to understand tribal world-
view from philosophical perspective. The objective of the article is neither to defend
nor to critique the past writings or existing writings on tribes, cultures, traditions and
people. The readers may, however, find it either way in reading the thoughts on the
article. My humble attempt to begin with the concept of ‘tribal philosophy’ is to cap-
ture the phenomenon and transcendental aspects of tribal worldview found in ‘oral
knowledge’ which is otherwise losing its relevancy rapidly from the globalised struc-
tured knowledge. The topic itself suggests in knowing the epistemology of ‘tribal
1 In brief, anthropology takes a broad approach to understand different aspects of the human expe-
rience. Its study considers the past through archaeology, to see how human groups lived thousands
of years ago and what was important to them. Further, it inquires into the origins and meanings of
the variety of peoples, culture and societies they recently encountered. In fact, anthropology studies
culture in a total perspective, not any specific field or phenomenon.
2 Changes are expected to take place due to the implementation of development projects which
exert great impact on human life. And these changes affects inter and intra social structure and
its institutions. Yogendra Singh in his book ‘Modernisation of Indian Tradition’ broadens this
view and his conceptualisation of modernisation deals with orthogenetic and heterogenetic changes
in Indian society. This creates a room to explain changes due to interaction of urbanisation and
industrialisation. Yogendra Singh viewed that structural changes were initiated by the British and
continued in independent India, and India benefited from the technological changes of modernity,
but not wholly discarding the traditional way of life (Singh 1973: 25–27).
18 Tribal Philosophy: An Epistemological … 353
philosophy’ through the oral tradition and examines the epistemology and the pos-
sibility of engaging the tribe’s worldview and ideas. How do they know? What are
the ways of knowing? How do tribes conceptualise the relationships among human
being, world and god? Do they have any ontological insight into the reality? These
are some of the questions taken as preliminary points of enquiring the nuances of
‘tribal philosophy’ and epistemology.
Northeast India comprising eight states covers an area of 262,230 square kilome-
tres and accommodates more than 200 tribes displaying distinct cultural traits and
ethnic diversity. Despite diversity, there are overlapping common features across the
tribes. But a tribe does not identify it in terms of common characteristics; rather it
asserts its identity as a distinct community/culture. However, considering this limi-
tation and acknowledging the vastness of rich tribal cultures and traditional beliefs
of Northeast India, the present paper attempts to understand the epistemology of
Naga worldview—A Makhrü Hrü worldview3 —with reference to a few aspects of
the culture picked up randomly. It is to be mentioned that Naga is a generic term and
consists of several ethnic groups like Angami, Ao, Rengma Mao, Tangkhul, Zeliang,
Rongmei, Lotha, Sumi (Sema), Chakhesang etc.
The Saga of Woman
Once in olden days, the story is told, and the forefathers lost the knowledge of the time
of sowing paddy seeds. They were intensively involved in hunting and went too far
from their village(s) that they could not carry out agricultural activities on time. The
periodical head hunting (pidu piva), a traditional practice of tribal feuds that existed
till the advent of the British in the Naga communities in establishing one’s might and
authority over other villages or another individual, and yearly destruction of paddy
grains by natural calamities like hailstorm contributed towards the loss of seasonal
knowledge of sowing seeds. The paddy plants would not fruitfully bear grains as
sowing was either too early or too late. Subsequently, they also lost paddy seeds
(otho mati,) millet seeds (osütho mati) and other agricultural seeds for cultivation.
The village elders wanted to know the right season—time for sowing seeds—and it
was suggested that elders would only have that knowledge from Tamarimei village.4
When the elders went and asked the time for sowing paddy seeds, Tamarimei people
refused to share seeds and expressed their ignorance of having the knowledge of
3 Makhrü Hrü—are progeny of Makrü fü (known as Makhel). Makhel—Makhrü fü is situated in

Senapati district of Manipur and few kilometres from the boarder of Nagaland. Makrü fü is a
historic place for the Naga as Naga tribes dispersed from Makhel, and the legends of migration are
substantiated by the existing monuments, monoliths, stones, etc. The first grand dispersal of Naga
took place from Makhel.
4 Tamarimei literally means relatives (ota orimei). Location of the village Tamarimei—relative’s
village—is not exactly known, but it is believed to have been situated at an approximate distance
of 30–50 km somewhere to the East of Mao Naga villages in the present state of Manipur. To walk
on foot one has to cross high peaked Mountains.
354 H. F. Ariina
sowing seeds. Fortunately, there was a Mao Naga lady who was married to a renowned
warrior of Tamarimei. Knowing the intention of visiting relatives, she decided to
help them by supplying seeds and divulging the knowledge of time of sowing seeds.
So, she fed paddy (Thomovü) and millet (Osütho) to a big roaster (Hodzü kajü) and
presented it to the elders. She implored the elders to kill the roaster once they crossed
the village gate5 and then to collect consumed paddy and millet seeds which are in
intestine of the roaster. She also secretly told the visiting elders, she would lull her
little baby to sleep, and the elders should figure out the meanings from her lullaby.
And so, she went beside the laid-up fire woods of the house and lulled her baby to
sleep:
Howa howa ho (rhythmic melody)
Howa hoyi ho (rhythmic melody)
Ho othe theli-e ho, (to sow paddy seeds)
Oh chütepa ti pali-a ho (wild pear trees will blossom)
Ho othe thelo-a da (sow paddy seeds)
Oh livopa ti pali-a ho (bohemia tree will blossom)
Othe thelo-a da (Sow paddy seeds)
Hoyi howa-e ho (rhythmic melody)
Mikrasüpa ti pali-a ho (peach tree will blossom)
Ho othe thelo-a da (sow the paddy seeds)
Oh chütepa ti pali-a ho (when wild pear tree blossom)
Osütho ti tholo-a da (grow the millet seeds)
Hoyi howa-e ho (rhythmic melody)
Oh chütepa ti pali-a ho (when wild pear tree blossom)
Ho othe thelo-a da (sow paddy seeds)
Howa howa ho (rhythmic melody)
Hoyi howa ho (rhythmic melody)
Oh livopa ti pali-e da (when bohemia tree blossom)
Ho Othe thelo-a da (sow paddy seeds)
Howa howa ho (rhythmic melody)6
5 Inolden days, every Naga village, a republic of its own in nature, had gate(s). Each clan had a
gate to the village. Some big villages had 5–7 gates, and were well fortified with thorn plants on the
top arch and its surroundings, crossed woods inside the gate and huge boulders placed behind the
closed gate. The gate, approximately 7 feet in length, 4 feet in breadth and ½ feet in thickness, was
carved out of a single huge log. In the present day, the village gate is more of a symbolic display
though its antiquity remains with carved motif of a man, spear, shield, human heads and buffalo
head, conveying meanings to their life.
6 The story lullaby was narrated by Matia A. Saprüna—my mother—76 years of age. She learnt it
from her parents when she was young. It is to be mentioned that there are many narrators of the
story and there can be slight variations in the narration depending on the narrator. The story is in
the collective memory of the community. In this case, I only learnt from my mother who also learnt
This story articulated in the form of lullaby is just one among many which are
impregnated in folk songs, folklores and folktales found in Naga communities. These
represent community’s worldview through telling and retelling of the stories along
with lyrical rhymes to their members. The young ones not only listen to such stories
from parents besides other heroic tales but nourish longings for them from the elders
and sometimes as bedtime stories.7 Often stories are told in family, among peer
groups and clan members. When a person develops inclination to learn more folklores
and folk songs even at adulthood, one cultivates the right knowledge in narrative
discourse. Skilling oneself in narration distinguishes a person as knowledgeable
from the rest of the common folks.
In early Vedic period, knowledge was disseminated orally and so knowledge
remained in oral tradition for thousands of years. The search for knowledge is of
intensely spiritual and has always emphasised the need for practical realisation of
truth. In this search for realisation of the ‘Truth’ or ‘Supreme Happiness’, shravana
(hearing the truth,) manana (intellectual conviction after critical analysis) and nidid-
hyasana (practical realisation) are the means. And the methodology, the ways and
means are explicitly described for the seeker after truth (Sharma 2000: 13). Certainly,
the quest is a journey to the inner self of highly skilled spiritual person dwelling deep
into meditation and contemplation. The role of ‘orality’ in a way plays crucial role
for such realisation, even in tribal communities.
Contextualising in tribal society, a learned person is characterised with three
qualities. Firstly, the ability to articulate the known—folktales, folklores, folk songs,
myths, etc.—in a language is important. These are ‘a form of life’, extending Ludwig
Wittgenstein philosophy, ‘language is a form of life’ (Wittgenstein 1953: 226). The
articulation is centred in terms of clarity of words, thoughts, tone and accent. Sec-
ondly, the ability to conceptualise the meanings of the uttered words in folk songs
and story in totality marks a distinguishable feature. For example, when a folk song
is sung, the singer is able to explain the meanings and significance of the song. The
listeners understand and show satisfaction in the asked queries as the singer relates
the lived experience and co-relates with its aesthetic sense of beauty and melody.
Thirdly, the maturity in such narration is displayed in communication skills and
expression. The narrator clothes oneself in style and expression which gives some
forms of social acceptance to the members. This may be perceptual in approach,
but the knowledge is instilled in the minds of the listeners. It is in this context a
person skilled in stories, folklores and folk songs outstand from the others. These
aspects of telling stories also have other social functions which are basically latent in
nature, but forge solidarity and commonness among the community. The narrations
from her parents. Among many lullabies, this lullaby is popular in Shüpfomei Naga tribe (Memei,
Paomata, Lepaona and Chüluve), and often narrated in story form accompanied with singing.
7 The elders are always considered the source of knowledge. The youth who knows the story do
narrate to peers group. However, for doubts and confusion, the wisdom and knowledge of the elders
are taken for authentication.
356 H. F. Ariina
are digressed when the community members are not commonly of the same origin
or if any members are adopted into the clan/society.8
One may consider such narration as primitive and traditional in nature, simple
way of communicative process which is displayed in folk society. The others may
dismiss such traditional forms of learning as merely based on assumption and imagi-
nation. The sceptic attitude nonetheless can be valid while asserting the tribal method
of acquiring knowledge. The tribal society for that matter has no formally trained
teachers to educate young minds. There are no selected learned persons trained to
become formal teacher; nor there exists a privileged group of people in the society to
impart knowledge to the young. By and large, tribal people do not have written record
of their own to transmit knowledge in coded scrolls or books. The belief system and
values are practised with intense solidarity, and any deviance behaviour is not toler-
ated easily by the society. What differentiate tribal community from the advanced the
knowledge-based society, complex society or industrialised society is their own way
of learning and taking judgement from lived experiences and traditional institutions.
The villages are like ‘little republic’, which is basically self-sustained and engaged
in primary sectors for their living. Such descriptions are related to traditional forms
of life. The articulation of subtle ideas, metaphysics and conceptualisation of the
‘real’ are oral in nature. And ‘this oral’ embodies the sustaining power for a living
community. The meanings of ‘oral philosophy’ found in tribal community cannot
better be understood without footing oneself into their perspective view.9
Oral Philosophy
What then is oral philosophy? It is difficult to exactly define what oral philosophy
can be. In some ways the meaning is implicit in the above discussions. The term
‘philosophy’ consists of two words ‘Philos (love)’ and ‘Sophia (wisdom)’. The ety-
mological meaning of the term is ‘love of wisdom’ (Masih 2002: xvii). In Plato’s
book, The Republic wisdom is considered as one of the four essential qualities,
others being justice, self-control and courage, for a philosopher king (Plato 2007:
8I had interviewed and discussed with elders (men and women) and youths in some villages con-
cerning tribal worldview. In the discourse, all the elders I interviewed were not found well versed
with stories, folk songs, folklores etc., though in their own capacity they know some of them. Some
elders are talented with melodious voices, knowledgeable in traditional beliefs and practices. They
narrated the meanings of folk songs and folklores which otherwise hardly make any sense to me.
For example, Lochu lo is one type of folk songs, descriptive in character, having deep meanings, but
when it is sung, it is difficult to grasp its meanings unless interpreted by the third listener (elder).
Similarly, some middle-aged persons who are inquisitive to learn traditional knowledge (stories,
legends, folk songs, folklore, beliefs and practices) have sound knowledge on them. But their knowl-
edge is limited in comparison to elders. The three categories of learned persons are derivative of
my experience I encountered with the elders and youths in Mao Naga tribe.
9 These descriptions are the characteristics of tribal community in Northeast India before the advent
of British and Christianity in the tribal region. Oral philosophy also refers to the process, being the
means of dissemination of knowledge and wisdom in tribal community.
227). One important trait in the philosopher’s character is ‘his love of any branch of
learning that reveals eternal reality…’ (Plato 2007: 205). The passion for ‘wisdom
is of every kind without distinction’ (Plato 2007: 197). Wisdom enables a person to
distinguish knowledge (episteme) from opinion (doxa). Situating the study, oral phi-
losophy means dissemination of knowledge and wisdom without written scripts from
forefathers to their offsprings practised in traditional tribal society.10 The knowledge
and wisdom are embedded in oral tradition of the tribal community with intensity
that such forms should also be passed down to the future generations which the elders
considered as good for the living community. Centuries perhaps millenniums have
traversed down the lane and communicated orally to the folks. Orality embodies the
knowledge and is the process of transmission of knowledge. The legacies are revered
and the future generations lives with oral knowledge through cultural practices. Dis-
obeying elders’ words are considered taboo11 —‘chüno’—and any act of disobedient
is considered undesirable and has self-inflicting pains which are detrimental to one’s
own life—e.g., it is a taboo to beat a pregnant woman (Okhapfü no ona hrüpfü kowo
chü da chünoe). Disobeying to such taboo, chüno can have serious consequences
compromising the sanctity of the well-being aspects. The members of the commu-
nity actively follow the observance of ‘chüno.’ Therefore, the people ought to abide
and keep the knowledge as sacred. N. Saleo,12 mentioned around three hundreds of
10 Tribal communities do not have written scripts and never have records of the past. The way of
understanding things in life was oral and learning through participation. In this sense, when one talks
of tribal epistemology, the word ‘oral’ becomes imperative in grasping the concepts, metaphysics
and aesthetics of the tribal worldview. Growth of tribal literature in Northeast India is perhaps begun
during the colonial era. Dr. William Carey of the Serampore Baptist Mission at Calcutta translated
New Testament Bible into Khasi using Bengali script, taking the help of few persons who were
conversant with Bengali and Khasi languages in 1817 on the gospel of St. Mathew (Dkhar 1993: 25)
Later, in 1842 Welsh missionary Rev. Thomas Jones wrote Khasi in Roman scripts entitled—‘Ca
Citap Nyngcong ban hicai pule ci din Cassi Hills’ (Dkhar 1993: 25).
In the case of Mao Naga, the first published Mao language in 1903 was written in Roman script
in the year 1899 by G.A. Grierson I.C.S and Babu Bisharup Singh. Then in 1935 by Rev. Kholi
Puni (evangelist) and Mr. Losü Kashüprü (first Matriculate from Shüpfomei Naga tribe, in late 20s)
wrote Mao Language in Roman script (N. Saleo, Pfosena pamphlet, ‘Who’s Who,’ 1977, typed
sheets available at his residence).
11 The word tabu came to English through the narrative of Captain Cook who first encountered in
its Tongam form in 1777. And Cognate forms exist in various languages of Polynesia, Micronesia
and Melenesia. The term taboo generally refers to prohibitions on conduct which if enacted would
endanger the social relationships and relationship with other entities. And breaking the taboo is
disruptive of the moral system and of one’s position in it (Duncan 1970: 227). Often anthropologists
present negative connotation of a taboo, but at the same time admit its role in regulating social
behaviour. Despite negative connotation of the manifested form of a taboo, it constitutes a moral base
without any formal mediating mechanism to enforce its strict adherence. In Mao Naga, community
taboo chüno plays a crucial role in character building of an individual and guiding him/her for leading
a good life. People are expected to obey taboo because it promotes values in the community.
12 N. Saleo, Pfosena (Kakrü), has written collection of books, articles consisting of published and
unpublished in Mao Naga Language (Maola). He was one of the prominent writers in Mao language
and Ura Academy. His writings span from 1960s till his death in 2012 at the age of 90. He was
Former Field Director, Manipur North Naga Baptist Association, Rtd., Government School Teacher,
Pastor and Author. He is not the same person as Saleo (2008), and the other N. Saleo, Pfosena.
358 H. F. Ariina
taboos, found in Mao Naga cultural beliefs and practices. He writes that taboo is
considered as the strongest of words/terms as ‘chüno’ and is pleasing to God. And
so the questions of ‘why’, ‘how’, ‘what’ and ‘when’ do not arise on the matter of
following given taboos. When the word ‘chüno’ (taboo) is uttered, there is nothing
which cannot be said more nor is anything can be said less (Saleo 2008: 147). In cul-
tural practice, ‘belief’ becomes important in considering knowledge as sacred, and
therefore, the sense of respect, awe and reverence forms an integrated philosophical
insight into knowing things in life.
The knowledge, which is considered as good, shaped the worldview in understand-
ing the genna (thini/mani), taboo (chüno), cosmos and moral life.13 Such knowledge
often becomes indistinguishable aspects of the belief system for the community. The
binary entities are crystallised with religious injunction of ‘sacredness’ constantly
fostering knowledge with belief. The relations between knowledge and belief are
intertwined, dextrously protected by chüno—taboos—and remain sacrosanct for the
community. The transmission of knowledge and wisdom embedded in oral tradition
is also different from what the anthropology and the sociology tend to engage the
tribal society in terms of field study and its changing phenomenon. In conceptual-
ising the philosophical view, the tribal society depends largely on the knowledge
of the elders and traditional practices. The elders are either advanced in age to
tell the known folktales, folklores, legends with precision and clarity or there are
possibility that middle-age persons are exceptionally gifted with elders’ knowledge
and wisdom. This brings to the domain of understanding the tribal way of knowing
things in life. The approach and its epistemic difficulty also emerge in the discourse.
In a recently published book on Ao Naga World-view, the authors Professor
Sujata Miri and Karilemla (2015) have engaged the tribal society with an inter-
active approach. Sujata Miri had earlier engaged on tribal cultural philosophy in her
study of Khasi of Meghalaya (1988), Liangmei Nagas of Nagaland (2006) and Adis
(2001) of Arunachal Pradesh (formerly known as North East Frontier Agency).14
Her approach in understanding the tribal philosophical nuances is situated on a dia-
logic discourse. The discourse is based on face-to-face interaction by retaining the
conversed talks with the person. The philosophical enterprise of such engagement
brings out the transcendental notion of the very constitutive elements in tribal society.
Such studies are not only records of tribal culture but approaches to bring out layers
of philosophical ethos of the tribal worldview.
13 Broadly, genna has three generic types: (1) Ora thini (general holiday—observed by whole vil-
lage or tribe); for example, ora mani, pfureshü mani, tokho mani; (2) Mopfu lei thini (yearly
holiday—observed by whole village); for example, Dzükho mani, Okheshü mani, Ojü kathi mani;
and (3) Ohelei thini (casual holiday/restricted holiday)—observed by a family or village, e.g. birth
of a child). Genna—thini—is a generic term for holiday during which observance of particular type
is called mani.
14 Professor Sujata Miri works on tribal range from writing cultural philosophy, collections of
folktales and exotic paintings. Her visualisation on tribal of the Northeast India presents a pictorial
enigmatic insight of the tribal people. Through paintings, Sujata Miri paints the ethos and worldview
of the tribal people taking to the realm of aesthetic delight.
The way tribal understands a form of knowledge is deeply ingrained in the social
psychic of the people. There is no one pattern of transmitting knowledge. Unlike the
formal system of schooling and learning, the tribes have traditional forms of learning.
But the approach is based more on learning with participation. Each one is expected
to know the social functions, values, beliefs and practices which forefathers cherish
and hold them to be good. The fulfilment of the community spirit and commonality
comes fully alive when each individual, family, clans and villagers demonstrate
in the collective activities. The uniformity and solidarity in partaking the common
values and beliefs are strongly felt as a sustaining source for holding the members
of the community together. Nonetheless, the validation of the source in imparting
knowledge does spring from socially accepted authority. Who are these concerned
authorities? Let us examine some of the sources of knowledge in tribal worldview.
Sources of Knowledge
Learning comes from different sources, but predominantly learning is seen in a linear
line of thought.15 The claimed sources of knowledge are invariably found across the
community as individuals tend to promote their lived experiences. The questions
that are required to elaborate discussion are the validity of the claimed source and its
justification. Do the tribals accept those individual claims as valid source of knowl-
edge? And what are the possibilities of justifying the claimed knowledge? In fact,
these questions are hard facts in understanding the tribal worldview as their views
are neither scientific nor unscientific, or assumed as less valuable to be discarded as
obsolete in knowledge-based global world. Keeping in suspense of the knowledge
till justified/proven with science and technology would be an extreme form of agnos-
ticism. In the past, people had learnt from the given experiences, from nature and
their ‘space and time’. The tribal society based their knowledge largely on what is
called ‘traditions’. Therefore, it is essential to look into the tradition itself as a way
of conceptualising of its epistemic enterprise.
i. Voice of elders (kostümei la)
The elder(s) voice is very authoritative and powerful. Substantial amount of influence
prevails in norms and practices through elders’ words. To disobey/contradict, elders’
word is almost impossible for the young for fear of being cursed; for the fear that any
misfortune may befall on them in future. Elders’ words as source of knowledge hold
power and provide protection and well-being to the community. The elders exercise
their authority derived from the traditional and cultural practices. Socially accepted
15 The knowledge is consolidated into collective memory of the elders. The past experiences of the
community form knowledge for the living community. And the processes are retrospectively from
the earliest stages which shaped the tribal traditional beliefs and practices over the years. In their
given space and location, the community has the knowledge and names for animals, mountains,
rivers, trees, plants, locations, sun, moon, stars, etc. Their knowledge is not haphazard but fashioned
with lived experiences. It comes down the line from elder generations to younger ones.
360 H. F. Ariina
values and norms navigate the way of elders’ pronouncement of different kinds of
knowledge which are passed down to the present and for the future generations.
The knowledge dwells within the paradigm of the cultural practices and accepted
traditional values. Any deviation from such practices is disapproved by the people
and considered as a challenge to the tradition.
The idea of the ‘good’ is deeply engrained in the psychic of elders in exercising
authority. Before speaking in public forum, gathering or conversation, the attitude is
pre-postured such that the ‘other’ person feels good at himself and others. The notion
of ‘good’ is not transient in social relations but inversely related to the good of the
whole community. The sense of ‘good’ invokes humility. The prelude of the speech
in public discussion begins in this way—‘Let god be worshipped. Am not an orator,
am not a public figure, but want to say some words from the mind. Will I be able to say
the right words…’.16 Another form of initiating the speech in public demonstrates
virtue of ignorance—‘I am ignorant of knowledge, am dusted in ashes, am weak
man, am not familiar in speech. But uncomfortable to refuse the speech, let me say
few words…’.17 In this context, the elders utter words of knowledge and wisdom
in order to promote the well-being of the members. The ‘elders’ words’ (kostümei
chü) are articulated in poetic diction. They contain wisdom and knowledge. And
the young are expected to understand the meanings of elders’ utterances. Extracted
elder’s utterances of wisdom and knowledge are mentioned:
Ae-e, Ramei ratho
Pray to the God of gods.
kostümei chüe
It is the word of the elders.
kostümei la-e
It is the story of the elders.
Kostümei sü Ora thishue-e
The elders are next to God.
Kostümei no süwe,
For the elders know and they have seen.
Kostümei chü kozümei no sülole
Those who obey the words of the elders will understand.
Kostümei chü kozümei no ne lo le,
Those who follow the ways of the elders will find.
Okhro chüghi kapra kolo tsü
Every rise and descent of the Moon and the Sun.
Ora pfüpfo yi tholo.
Pray to the Mother and Father God (Ashukho 2005: 2).18
16 Ae, Ramei oratho, ochü kapemei moe, omei hruli kapramei-e moe. Ana ole kali mocho kochu ttoko
pemanele. Machi pewo pelemosa. (These are the words recorded during public address by elders.)
17 Ei, chogho sükomomei, pivodo makhemei, ale kohomei, ochü ola pekhru chomoe. Ana, mali kashü
kono ochü kali pemanele. (These are the words recorded during public address by elders.)
18 These are just few lines of the long verses of legendary words of wisdom in narrative form uttered
by elders.
These few lines demonstrate the authority vested on elders by the tradition
practised by forefathers. Each word is diligently uttered by elders recollecting
words, diction and lines as told by their forefathers. The elders treasure the wisdoms.
They will not dare destroy nor distort the wisdom spoken by the ancient wise
elders (Ede kostümei). It was told that Ede kostümei lived their life knowing God’s
words—God’s language. (Ede kostümei sü Ora chü Ora la süo hrü sü). The prelude
to the narration itself mentions the relationships between man, world and God.
These lines are significant as they consist of lived experiences in antiquity.
The questions that arise are what do the elders know? And what have they seen?
The legend speaks about the Makhrü pfü (Makhel) myths about the origins of three
species born of the same mother called Dzülimosüa. Three species are Tiger (Okhe)
God/Spirit (Ora) and Man (Omei). Elders have the knowledge of the grand migration
story of Makhrü Hrü forefathers from big wild pear tree (chütebu kajü).19
The forefathers lived in custodians of the flat wondrous stone, believed as mysterious fortune
stone. It is said that when a basket of paddy is poured on flat stone, by evening they would
collect two baskets of paddy rice. The forefathers had the knowledge of gun weapon. They
practiced terrace cultivation and lived in plenty and richness. And their land came to be
called Tonifü (the land of wealth) and the people were called Tonimei (wealthy people.) It
is said that the story of the parting of the Tiger, Spirit and Man cannot be fully told, even in
seven nights and seven day lights.20
The voice of the elders is genuine source of knowledge for the members of the
community in knowing things of life because the utterances invoke command and
reverence from experiences which act as guiding norms for social moral behaviour.
Voice of the elders constitutes the centrifuge of clarifying one’s doubt to obtaining
knowledge.
ii. Voice of mother (Opfü la)
The social set-up in Naga society is basically patriarchal, but the role of women and
their contribution is multi-layered in building the family and society. The voice of
the mother tutoring her children in social set-up is worth considering as a source of
imparting knowledge to the young. Mother plays crucial role as a tutor while nurturing
children, teaching good manners, performing household rituals and contributing to
family economy. Drawing on traditions practised in the society, mother gives lesson
to her daughters in etiquettes, moral values and other cultural norms. The children
and particularly the girls learn much of their behavioural norms of life from their
mothers. It is often said ‘Daughter’s character is the index of Mother.’ The rules are
rhymed in the taboo ‘chüno’. The mother explains the rationale behind the practice
19 The story of Dzülimosüa and three children Okhe (Tiger), Ora (God/Spirit) and Omei (Man) has
very long narration and requires another chapter for a presentation. So also the historical departure
of the Naga forefathers and children at Big Wild Pear Tree (Chütebu Kajü), situated at present in
Charaghomei village requires deeper studies and analysis. Presently, such discussions are left out
except passing references.
20 Ashukho (2005: 8–9). The narration of the myth is very long. And this article will not be able to
handle substantially. The whole narration is based on historical side as well as mythological aspects
of the origins of three species—Tiger (Okhe) and Spirit (Ora) and Man (Omei).
362 H. F. Ariina
of taboos to which male elders think as prerogative of the mother. For example, it
is taboo for girls/woman to walk over the legs of boys (Netomei no pfotomei phi
komutu chünoe). Perhaps, if the girl asks reasons for the taboo, the role of the mother
to educate her daughter becomes important. In traditional community, such taboo
makes sense. But such taboo can still be valuable in contemporary time. Not to
walk over someone’s legs can be a sign of respect for the other person. The taboos
are embedded with values conceived as good for the female members. Some of the
selected taboos practised in Mao Naga society are as follows.
Onamei amonno chü nobulie chühe lei mei kathiso ye opraso to chünoe
It is taboo for family members to eat dead and distributed funeral meat.
Netomei no pfotomei phi komutu chünoe
It is taboo for girls/woman to walk over the legs of boys.
Netomei no ghimo pishu moshupfü chünoe
It is taboo for unmarried woman to keep long hairs.
Netomei no pishu moshupfü kolothi sipfü chünoe
It is taboo for girls to shave head after keeping long hairs.
Netomei no ghi kata chü onako chani (7) pfüwo ghita chünoe
It is taboo for woman to carry things more than seven baskets at the time of
marriage.
Netomei no ochüpheva no pra ochü khe chünoe
It is taboo for woman to climb on house roof and work in fielding/knitting thatch.
Okhapfüno ona hrüpfü kowo chüi igho datha chünoe
It is taboo for a pregnant woman to kill snake.
Onamei amonochü nobulie kathimazhi chünoe (Saleo 2008: 148–154)
It is taboo to mourn someone’s death at child’s birthplace.
Mother’s role in educating the young is clearly visible from teaching and explain-
ing the young about the traditions and cultural practices. In the context of explaining
a difficult form of cultural taboo, there could not be better person to carry out the job
of imparting knowledge to daughters than the mother herself. Therefore, the duty
and responsibility of the mother are very wide and most part of it is invisible as
compared to visible social role.
iii. Voice of king (Movuo la)
The king’s voice is embedded in the voice of the elders. Elders advise and speak of
knowledge and wisdom on every matter of individual and social life. But the king
has more responsibility and duty besides being part of the elders who constitute a
backbone of social structure. For that matter, the king’s voice becomes a binding
code for the general folk to accept the pronouncement, and the king’s voice is the
collective voice of elders, which is legitimised and practised through traditions. It
is a taboo to intrude into the functioning of the king and challenge its traditional
knowledge and wisdom. The power and functions of the king are ascribed, and no
replacement of its position is permissible other than from the same clan that the king
belongs to or share bloodline. Every village being a small republic has a king as
the head. The king makes announcement of various types of genna for maintaining
uniformity of rites and rituals in the community. From being privileged in terms of
status and position, the king would be the first to sow paddy seeds. This signals to
the people the right time to sow seeds. And it is taboo for anyone else to sow seeds
before the king.
At the larger Makhrü Hrü (Makhelian race) community, genna is observed when-
ever a branch of big Wild Pear tree—Chütbu Kajü—breaks naturally by itself or
fell by wind, storm and rain. As it is taboo, no one can fell the branch or stem of
the big Wild Pear Tree or use any branches for firewood. The fallen parts of the
tree are left to be decomposed through natural process. In case any passerby notices
the fall of a branch, firstly he should report immediately to the king of Charagomei
village. The king would then announce a genna (thini sha pile). If he did not find
the king’s presence, any man can announce genna (thini sha pile). The message of
broken/fallen branch of big Wild Pear Tree is announced to the next village and then
that village passes the information to next village(s) till it reaches the last village.
Aphoristically speaking, the announcement of genna on broken branch of big Wild
Pear Tree should go till the ‘deep hair area’ (pishu katie kozhü li kotu). It means such
message should be communicated to the last village of Makhrü Hrü. The far-off
Naga villages observe genna on hearing the fallen branch of the big Wild Pear tree,
be it after two days, three days or even a week.
The rituals that distinguish the king from elders and common folks are many in
types. But some of the taboos the king observes are mentioned.
Movumei hi meizhü vechünoe.
It is taboo for a king to steal.
Movumei hi meiyi da chünoe,
It is taboo for a king to beat others.
Movumei hi oso orumei chü zhüchünoe,
It is taboo for a king to obey voice of intruder warriors.
Movumei hi ivavu marivu to chünoe,
It is taboo for a king to eat ivavu and marivu (kind of herb plants).
Movumei hi ochüpa to chünoe,
It is taboo for a king to eat things grown out of soil, e.g. mushroom.
Movumei hi mei icha chünoe,
It is taboo for a king to curse people.
Movumei hi vokrü ye osi sini makei chünoe,
It is a taboo for king to domesticate female pig and female dog.
Movumei hi meichü so chünnoe,
It is taboo for a king to be a witness to a dispute.
Movumei hi mazhano ochükhu chütata chünoe. (Saleo 2008: 152)
It is taboo for a king house to put lock on the door crossed with two woods on
door.
364 H. F. Ariina
iv. Folklores and folktales (Pfope lo ye Kostümei ko)
In telling stories about the origin, migration and dispersal which consists of historical
facts and myths, the meanings rhymed in folklores and folk songs are understood
by the people in orderly manner. The dispersal of Naga from Makhel is a fact as it
is proved with monoliths, stones, trees, etc., as told in oral tradition. The folk songs
and folklores mention of Makhel as a place of Naga dispersal. At the same time,
Makhrü Hrü tradition speaks of origination of human life at Makhel.21 Traditionally,
it is believed that human life originated from Makhel. Perhaps, such worldview on
origin of human life (which is mythical in nature) may not be wrong for the people
as every other civilisation also has a story about origination of the universe, creation
of man and woman, life on earth, etc. Makhrü Hrü civilisation also has a story of
origin of human life. The narrations even when look inconsistent or ‘illogical’ get
rationale in the folklores. A symbiotic relation exists between folklores and people’s
perceptions. Such narratives convey history, wisdom and knowledge embedded in
the worldview. Evidently, folklores express in different types such as tales, songs,
legends and riddles. The songs are presented in a variety of tunes, each having its
own unique characteristic. There are at least 6–7 types of folk songs in Mao Naga.22
Mapping Types of Learning
The patterns of learning in tribal society can be broadly viewed from two dimen-
sions—active learning and passive learning. The distinctions are further analysed
taking into consideration the traditions and cultural practice as a process of learn-
ing. Active learning implies traditional institution (Morung) as a mode of imparting
knowledge through gathering of peer group. There is a conscious effort to partic-
ipate in social activities—singing folk song, narration of story, learning of social
etiquette and inculcating the spirit of solidarity. Morung is a learning institution in
the sense young male and female members of the society gather in the evening to
learn manners and right views of life from each other through folklores, folk songs.
The interaction and coming together are important for them to grow in knowledge
and wisdom. Passive learning occurs in a normative dimension. There are numerous
taboos found in the traditional community. On the one hand, taboo indicates for-
bidden actions through traditional practices. But on the other hand, taboo is seen as
rule to be followed to shape one’s moral outlook. These are compounded with the
periodical gennas observed by the community in a lunar calendar year.
21 The legendary story of the origin of three different species—Tiger (Okhe,) God (Ora) and Man
(Omei)—from a mother called Dzüliamozüa is not narrated here. The story is very descriptive in
nature. It is said that the story of the parting of Tiger (Okhe,) God (Ora) and Man (Omei) cannot
be told in seven nights of darkness and seven days of lights.
22 The different kinds of folk songs are not dealt because this requires another section. Each one has
different scale, pitch and symphony with various specific characters in them.
(i) Active learning is characterised in the practices of morung system. In active learn-
ing, an individual is formally initiated into socialising process. The male between
the age of 13 and 15 years, and a female between 13 and 14 years of age start to
sleep at morung. The male dormitory is called khruchozü, and the female dormitory
is called chülozü. At morung, both males and females learn folk songs, folklores,
good social etiquettes, spirit of solidarity and manner of speech and understanding of
others and so on. If any person has no morung life, such a person does not understand
others—their needs, sufferings, pains, etc.
To maintain female peer group (chülomei) means to train in discipline, austerity
while abiding taboos. Female members of morung (chülomei) normally come from
properly married/disciplined families (kochu kojüna), and not bastard (chakrana) and
children of eloped couples are admitted. To keep in good spirit of such female group
is very precious lest any unscrupulous male can intrude and spoil the relationship as
with cheap friendship. The parents (especially mother) impart proper knowledge on
morung, the nature of morung system and importance of maintaining the peer group.
Such advised instructions of the mothers help their daughters to attain maturity and
discipline through socialisation. Females that come from disciplined family (kochu
kojüna) are only allowed to participate in female dormitory (chülozü) and associate
in the peer group (Saleo 2008: 28–29).
When males go to visit female dormitory (chülozü), two long horizontal pieces
of wood are kept inside for sitting. Two long woods are placed at the length of the
female morung facing opposite to each other, one for the females and the other for
the males. On one wood, the female peer group sits, and on the other wood, the male
peer group sits. There is sharing of stories, folk songs, and at times, girls are courted
with tease and songs from the male members. The tease is prominent when a boy
begins to eye on the girl of his heart’s desire. It is interesting how the male could
see the beauty in female when every unmarried female are with shaved heads? The
question how the perceiver sees beauty without long hairs in unmarried girls is the
sense of beauty in cultural standard.
At morung, the young engages in folklores and folk songs with peer groups
displaying their knowledge of stories and songs. As every khel/clan has morung, there
are sharing of stories and folk songs. During such visit, there are visible instances
of critical analysis on folklores in terms of accuracy in narrations and pronunciation
of words.23 In case of doubts, the young refrain from further narration and then ask
elders. This prevents digression of folklores and folk stories. However, over the years
of cultural practices variations of such discourse began to emerge in the narrations
and such things are visible in villages.
(ii) Passive learning: The passive form of learning occurs through participation of
normative activities in tradition and culture. As tribal society is compact and confined
in a rather loose sense of the term, the ways of learning are also derivative of mundane
23 InMao Naga tribe (Shüpfomei), there are different kinds of folk songs: odolo (love song), lochu
lo (poetic song), lorülo (wise man song), Shünalo (feast of merit song), Shügholo (classical song),
etc.
366 H. F. Ariina
life. The activities are guided by the elders in their ‘doings and being’.24 Though
the voice of elders command authority and respect in the society, at the individual
and family domain, role of parents plays major part in moulding the children. The
parenting roles are equally important to sons and daughters, but roles become priori-
tised in shouldering such responsibilities on gender basis. The mother educates her
daughters in manners, outlook, taboos, which have been discussed in aforementioned
paragraphs. The mother could directly communicate to her daughter(s) of which the
father may not quite well understand her needs. On the other hand, father trains
his sons in the art of hunting, cultivation, warfare, public speech besides teaching
disciplines, masculinity and other forms of knowledge.
The parents normally do not tell children ‘I am going to teach you the art of
hunting’ nor ‘I am going to teach you how to do gardening.’ Children are told to
observe the things that parents do and learn from them through experience. In the
case of narrating the stories or elders discussion on matters of importance, the young
are asked to listen attentively. In the village, elders would take their rice beer (Zechu)
filled in bamboo cup or in the horn of Mithun (for wealthy people), sit on the mound
and relax in the evening or warm themselves in the sun. At times, young boys sneak
in the gathering of elders at mound and listen to their conversations. Elders are
conversant on topical issues, stories, folk songs, etc., and indirectly the boys benefit
from such informal sit together. This does not in any sense violate the rule of taboos,
and the young sometimes listen to undesirable discussions which otherwise are not
supposed to be shared with them.
Further Analysis
The sustainability of traditional knowledge in tribal community is possible because of

the existence of strong taboos either to prohibit or allow individual or group members
to think, act and adjudicate right and justice in the society. As traditional Nagas do
not have systematised established institutions of education, the idea on taboos plays
a vital roles in moulding the moral beliefs of the society. Linus Neli observed,
The beliefs and values are compounded in what one ‘should not do’ (prohibition or taboos)
and one ‘should do’ (mandatory authorization.) It is the observance of the taboos – ‘should
do’ or ‘not to do is forbidden’ and ‘should not do’ or ‘to do is forbidden’ that one can
understand the Naga dharma. (Neli 2012: 3)
Taboos are Naga dharma.25 They evoke sense of fear and reverence in the mind of
the people. To the external observer of the Naga tribes, there exists very little tangible
24 The term ‘doing and being’ is used by Amartya Sen in measuring the quality of life. His books
Inequality Reexamined (Sen 1982) and The Quality of Life co-edited with Martha Nussbaum resound
in the understanding the well-being aspects of life (Nussbaum and Sen 1993).
25 The word dharma comes from the Sanskrit word ‘dhr’ which means to sustain, to uphold, to
support and by implication which sustains man and the universe. It is related to the essential
foundation of something accepted and recognised as truth. The Naga dharma has its own unique
and unwritten code of rules and conduct with reference to the subject matter and context.
evidence to show that their ancestors/forefathers engaged in such strict adherence

to taboo as important to their life. Often performance of rituals and observance of
taboos are seen as animism without giving much due to the values it holds for the
community. The fear of undesirable consequences that may befall provides religious
injection a moral force for the individuals to remain faithful to the orthodox traditions.
For example, in the taboo of ‘do’ one must mourn the dead and observe genna-mani
as a sign of respect; newly married couple must set up new hearth, etc. In the taboo
of ‘don’t do’, boys must not touch women’s implements; a hunted deer taking shelter
in a house must not be killed, etc. It is not the fear of transgressing the taboo, but
reverence for it is shown in its observance. One knows that observing taboos brings
good and social well-being. The rhythmic social life is guided by different gennas
and taboos.26
Obtaining knowledge in tribal society comes mostly from within the traditional
social practices. In case of doubts, problems, compelling need of averting calamities
that may arise in future, gennas are observed as pronounced by king to seek wisdom
and enlightenment from God. On the day of genna strict abstinence from feast,
physical labour, indulgence and other form of entertainment is strictly followed.
Apart from the common folk, the king performs many rites and rituals so that the
decision he takes on behalf of the people may abide in God’s will/abide by fruits
of God’s house (Ora chüthobo). Examining conscience and reading the signs from
rituals, the king makes announcement discreetly to the people. There are no higher
bodies for consultation nor are the king’s decisions influenced by other external
institutions. Reference to history books, encyclopaedia or other texts are far removed
from their stand point of worldview. In this sense, knowledge in tribal society is sui
generis.27 The ideas which come through self-reflection are checked in the paradigm
of traditional beliefs and practices. Such views had sustained the well-being of the
society.
26 Genna—thini—and taboo—chüno—are different though they are similar in nature. Both the terms
denote ‘forbidden’ and ‘restriction’ in application. On the day, a genna is observed, for example on
tokho mani, prayers and God’s blessings are implored for plentiful food and drinks for the people.
On this day, people are forbidden to go to paddy field for work or do laborious work other than
household activities. But this genna (tokho mani) is observed only once in a lunar calendar year
which is categorised under generic genna, called Ora thini. And most of the gennas are meant for
all members of the community except in Ohelei thini which is confined to a particular family to be
observed, e.g. birth of a child (Nepuni 2010: 160). For Makhrü Hrü people, taboos are code of rules
and conduct which ought to be followed by the people through the year and in one’s life along with
fellow members of the community. Besides general taboos, there are certain taboos applicable only
to age group of the community. For example, chiefs are prohibited from eating what grows out of
the earth—mushroom. Young people are prohibited from eating brains of animals (cow). There are
around 300 taboos and Linus Neli (2012) called them as Naga dharma.
27 Emile Durkheim used the term sui generis to illustrate his theories on social existence—society
as a ‘conscious being’ different from its constituent members. Sui generis has a ‘being with its
own special nature, distinct from that of its members, and a personality of its own, different from
individual personalities’ (Durkheim, quoted in Lukes 1973: 11). In this context, the reference of
sui generis to tribal society implies a community that sustains its existence, has its own worldview
and establishes harmonious relations with world and god. The sustainability with such independent
worldview also promotes the well-being of the community.
368 H. F. Ariina
There are epistemic difficulties in the justification of traditional knowledge and the
problem of addressing such issues is in itself the question. The question of traditional
knowledge remains unchallenged. But the bitter fact continues to remain as hardly
any systematised knowledge and wisdom are found in written record. A logical
argument may not surface in the whole discourse of understanding the epistemology
of ‘tribal philosophy’. The reasons are that the manner of explaining asked questions
is instantaneous reflection of one’s mind from learnt experience or the reasons are
constrained with the traditions and beliefs in taboos. Can people living within the
society challenge their own beliefs’ system? The answers are not simple; they cannot
perhaps attempt to challenge the authority of knowledge given to them by forefathers.
The taboo forbids anyone to transgress the beliefs and social practice. But certainly
one cannot just remove traditional wisdom and knowledge for lack of systematised
approach.
Examining the beliefs and practices of the tribal society may not be fully in
coherence with modern scientific worldview and understanding, explaining questions
on phenomenology and epistemology with logical arguments. For that matter, many
of the tribal traditional knowledge could not find its expression flourishing with major
traditions in its conceptions of metaphysic, epistemology and ethics. The issue of
coherency and its propositions to state in establishing knowledge would not be based
on foundational analysis since the stands could be seen in contrary to foundational
theory. The oral traditions did not have written theory growing and developing into
complex formulation of theories with abstractness. What could possibly place such
traditions is oral in nature but to arrive at conclusive formulations of oral philosophy
are never exhaustive. And this article is a humble attempt with a possibility to engage
the tribal worldview in the study of ‘tribal philosophy’.
Conclusion
The Naga community (Makhrü Hrü tradition) has rapidly undergone transformation
with the coming of British rule, modern education, Christian religion and the impact
of the First World War (1914–1918) and Second World War (1939–1944).28 The
study is by no means exhaustive, but rather a pointer to further research and studies
on tribal epistemology. The scarcity of written texts and non-existence of scripts
28 The advent of Christianity and along with it western education brought about changes in every
aspects of Makhrü Hrü tradition. The other two major factors were the First World War and Second
World War. During the First World War, in 1917, around 3500 Naga men went to France as Labour
Corps—2000 (two thousands) men from Naga Hills and around 2000 (two thousands) men from
Manipur Hills (Reid 1942: 79 and 162). Out of 2000 men from Hills Areas of Manipur, around 1500
were Labour Corps of Naga men making a total of 3500 Naga men from both Naga and Manipur
Hills. The rest 500 from Manipur comprised Kuki (mostly non-Thadou) as reported by Reid (1942:
80). WW-II had major impact as both the allied force and axis force had their battle in the Hills
of Manipur and Nagaland—particularly at Maram, Tadubi–Charaghomei and the major battle took
place at Kohima.
of their own are shortcomings as most of the traditional ideas exist in oral forms,
and some of the terms do not have unequivocal meaning in English translation.
There are non-believers who still practise intensely their forefathers’ worldview
and hardly/never travel outside of their own community villages. There are some
knowledgeable elderly persons who are well versed in traditions and practices. To
the present generation, they are library and encyclopaedia. However, with the younger
generation hardly following the taboos (chüno,) genna (thini) or hosting a feast of
merit (zhoso mozü), but only wearing a shawl called zhoso sa and Khepi kadesa,
the traditional practices are disappearing from the community life.29 The challenges
are to contain forefather beliefs and practices which are nonetheless valuable in this
modern period. Without scripting with a relook into tribal worldview and values, oral
tradition will only be a matter of time to completely loss its relevance from the fast
globalised world.
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Glossary
Aaran An agricultural festival of the Adis of Arunachal Pradesh

Adi A tribe in Arunachal Pradesh
Amhur mubin First time weeding in the paddy field
Ammo Paddy
Babaji Recluse
Bad bhog Grand offering
Bahari garh Outside the fort
Bairakh Emblem
Barik Sacrificer of the animal before the goddess
Bathudi A Scheduled Tribe community in India
Bedi Altar
Beht Meeting
Bel barni puja Invitation to Goddess Durga by worshiping bel tree , sometimes
also referred to as sashti puja
Bhoji Feast
Bhuiyan Literally meaning ‘earth people’
Bhumij A Scheduled Tribe community in India
Bidi A type of cigarette made of unprocessed tobacco wrapped in leaves
Biradri Relatives, also used to refer to lineage members
Biridal Pigeon pea

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8090-7
372 Glossary
Birsarjan Immersion
Buka Uncastrated he-goat
Chakrana Children born of couple whose marriage is not socially approved
Chakuli A round cake made of rice paste
Chandi Aggressive, destructive
Chatra/chhattar Umbrella
Chaul Rice
Chhind A tree from which juice is extracted for drinking and preparing molasses
Chülomei Female peer group
Chülozü Female dormitory
Chüno Taboo, forbidden
Dakhina Gift/remuneration to priests
Darshan To see
Dasturi A customary payment or remuneration for a customary service rendered
Datoon Tooth brush prepared from twigs
Devata God
Devi/debi Goddess
Dhenki A long wooden grinder
Dhumkuria Youth dormitory among the Oraons
Digi puja Ritual of direction
Diku Outsider
Ehing Engin Tapioca
Engge Colocasia, yam
Engin Tare Sweet potato
Gaddi Seat
Gairmazrua khas Common land in Jharkhand
Garh Fort
Ghotul Youth dormitory among the Muria Gonds,
Hapa Maize
Glossary 373
Harra Hindi name: haritaki, common name: chebulic myrobalan; botanical: ter-
minalia chebula
Hiir Tree stumps
Hindutva Hindu ideology propounded by RSS
Hodzü kajü Healthy full grown roaster
Ishta debi Tutelary deity
Jamun Black plum/Java plum
Janan Prayer
Jhum Shifting cultivation
Kali yug Dark age
Kankana Bracelet
Kathas A measure of land area. (one katha is equivalent to 0.1652506 acre of l and,
but the measure varies from state to state)
Kelumki House of worship
Kendu A tree variety in India, scientific name: diospyros melanoxylon
Khanda dhua Sword washing
Khanda Sword
Khatiyan The record of land rights
Khel Clan
Khruchozü Male dormitory
Kochu kojüna Disciplined/respected family
Kostümei la Advice, instructions, words of the elders
Kumar Puni The full moon day after Durgapuja
Kusum A tree variety in India, scientific name: schleichra oleosa
Lingkar Edge of terrace fields
Lochu lo Lyrics
Lorülo Song of the wise men
Mahua A tree variety in India, scientific name: madhuca longifolia
Makhrü hrü A group of Naga who trace Makrü fü/Makhel village as their earlier
homeland
Manana Intellectual conviction after critical analysis
374 Glossary
Mani A specific genna/restriction

Marula Fruit from marual tree ( scientific name of marual tree: sclerocarya birrea)
Matiswar Lord of the Soil
Mekor Ashes
Mirung Ayak, millet
Mithun A semi domesticated animal believed to be the cross breed of bison and
yak (scientific name-Bos frontalis)
Morung Dormitory (in generic sense among Nagaq)
Movuo la Order/words of the chief
Mulraiyat An original settler of the village in Santhal Pargana
Munda A Scheduled Tribe community in India
Murti Idol
Namaste Hindu ways of greetings with folded hands
Nididhyasana Self realisation
Odolo Love song
Ohelei thini Rest day for a family or lineage but not for the whole village
Okhe Tiger
Omei Human
Opfü la Mother’s advice/voice
Ora chüthobo God’s Will
Ora thini Rest day for the village as a whole, it is a restriction on movement
Ora Spiritual/supernatural being
Osütho mati Millet seeds
Osütho Millet
Ota orimei Relatives
Otho mati Paddy seeds
Palash/palesh A tree known as flame of the forest; scientific name: butea
monosperma
Panpeng/Pan-eng Horizontally placed partially burnt logs across the slopes of the
jhum field to check flow of water and soil erosion
Pao Common bean
Glossary 375
Patkhanda Main sword

Patta A title deed to a property; also in some local language it means leaf
Paum A variety of soya bean
Peron Bean
Piasal A tree variety in India, scientific name: pterocarpus marsupium
Pidu piva Head hunting
Pitha Seat of a deity famous for pilgrimage or religious performance
Puja Ritual
Raja King
Rajbansaboli Royal family chronicles
Rajpurohit Royal priest
Rakta handi The pot with blood inside
Rigbu Second time weeding in the paddy field
Rontung A variety of soya bean
Sahi Ward/hamlet
Sal A tree variety in India, scientific name: shorea robusta
Salagram Amonite fossils which are found in the river Gandaki and believed to be
aniconic representations of Lord Vishnu
Salwa Judum Peace march in Gondi language; but it is a militia mobilised to fight
against insurgency in Chhattisgarh
Santal A Scheduled Tribe community in India
Sarai Other name of sal—shorea robusta
Sashti sixth day following the New Moon
Savar A Scheduled Tribe community in India
Shanti Peace, peaceful
Shravana hearing the truth
Shügholo/Shanghailo Classical song
Shünalo Song sung at the time of feat of merit
Singha dwar Main entrance
Sipit/Hipit Wooden poles
Sisu A tree variety in India, scientific name: dalbergia sissoo
376 Glossary
Sresta Supreme
Suti Cotton thread
Takeng Ginger
Tamarimei Village of relatives
Thini/genna Restriction (especially movement)
Thomovü Paddy
Til Gingelly/sesamum
Tola Hamlet
Tonifü Land of the wealth
Tonimei Rich/wealthy people
Tuka/Tuhing Mustard seed
Zhechu Local wine made from rice
Zhoso mozü Hosting feast of merit
Zhoso sa Honoured shawl

Shifting Perspectives in Tribal Studies: Maguni Charan Behera Editor

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Maguni Charan Behera Editor

ISBN 978-981-13-8089-1 ISBN 978-981-13-8090-7 (eBook)

Academic pursuit for the sake of academics is a very challenging enterprise. It is

Maguni Charan Behera, M.A., Ph.D (Economics)

1 Rethinking Perspectives in Tribal Studies: Anthropology

Part I Indigenous Dilemma

Part II Inter-Community Space

Part III Contextual Analysis (Case-based Studies)

8 Environmental Illness at Klity Creek (Thailand): A Karen

Part IV Space of Convergence

Part V Embryonic Synthesis

Part VI Borderline Interdisciplinarity

18 Tribal Philosophy: An Epistemological Understanding on Tribal

About the Editor

Maguni Charan Behera, M.A., Ph.D (Economics) from Utkal University,

K. Anuradha SPREAD, Koraput, Odisha, India

Radhika Borde Department of Social Geography and Regional Development,

Kanhu Charan Satapathy P.G. Department of Anthropology, Centre of

AnSI Anthropological Survey of India

EMRS Eklavya Model Residential School

SPQEM Scheme for Providing a Quality Education in Madrasas

Fig. 6.1 Galtung’s model of violence in South Odisha context

Table 6.1 Life journey of the naxal activists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

Table 11.4 Effective literacy rate in EAG and non-EAG states

Table 11.22 Releases of funds and number of ashram schools sanctioned

Table 15.11 Mean pulse rate of Bhumij, Bathudi and Savar

Maguni Charan Behera

would identify the shift from specialisation to synthesis. Though anthropological

It is now a commonplace understanding that anthropological investigation of

Jharkhand, Ranchi, where later I joined as Professor, had anthropological fervour

as is the proximity of ethnomusicology to the science of music’ (Srivastava 1999: 546).

Organisation of the Study

Part I Indigenous Dilemma

In contemporary academics, indigenous issues have drawn the attention of scholars

as ‘First Nations’ in Canada, as ‘Indigenous’ in the USA.

in an interdisciplinary plane of historical, political, economic and cultural elements;

ian political ideology loses its community-specific cultural essentiality. Moreover,

Interface between Communities

Part III Contextual Analysis (Case-Based Studies)

Resistance is a form of social mobilisation. But social mobilisation is not always a

politics of indigenous mobilisation and in its approach to a holistic understanding. In

Part IV Space of Convergence

It is a commonplace understanding that Western system of knowledge expresses

S. N. Tripathy in his paper entitled Non-timber Forest Products (NTFPs) and

Part V Embryonic Synthesis

As we have discussed, interdisciplinarity reflects from synthesis of two disciplines

assuming their dependence on modernisation which is independent variable in the

Part VI Borderline Interdisciplinarity

Keywords Apartheid · Culture and cultural traditions · Anthropological

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 37

political environments but also conflicting anthropological traditions through much

Culture and Indigenousness

• Culture as symbolic culture, that which distinguishes modern from pre-modern

Indigenousness and Collective Representations

Indigenousness, Apartheid and Cultural Tradition

rule, much less that it would be studied by ethnographers or debated in theoretical

Full Circle: The Return of Culture and Indigenousness

Abstract The paper attempts to articulate construction of indigenous identity in the

Keywords Hindutva · Indigenous identity · Religious movement · Conversion ·

In contemporary scholarship, nationalism and post-colonial projects of nation build-

© Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 53

The Hindutva and the Tribe

The arguments enunciated by Ghurye (1963/1959, 2004/1932) and Majumdar (1939,