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Kanheri: The archaeology of an early

Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western India
a
Himanshu Prabha Ray
a
Centre for Historical Studies , Jawaharlal Nehru University , New Delhi
Published online: 15 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Himanshu Prabha Ray (1994) Kanheri: The archaeology of an early Buddhist pilgrimage
centre in western India, World Archaeology, 26:1, 35-46, DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1994.9980259

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1994.9980259

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 Kanheri: the archaeology of an
early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in
western India

Himanshu Prabha Ray

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There is a large corpus of secondary literature on the varied dimensions of pilgrimage in

the Indian subcontinent especially those associated with the Brahmanical and Jaina
traditions. Buddhism remains neglected, perhaps on account of its decline in India from
about the twelfth century onwards. As a result few anthropological studies are available,
and research on early Buddhist monuments has largely been restricted to descriptions of

Figure 1 Map showing Early Historical sites in the Deccan.

World Archaeology Volume 26 No. 1 Archaeology of Pilgrimage

© Routledge 1994 0043-8243
 36 Himanshu Prabha Ray
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P/aíe / General view of Kanheri from the south-west.

architectural or sculptural details, with little attempt at integrating these within the larger
context of ideological changes in society.
A case in point are the rock-cut caves at Kanheri on the west coast (Fig. 1). Three
hundred and four caves were excavated in the hill ranges 10 km south-east of Borivili, a
suburb of the present city of Bombay, between the first and the tenth centuries AD (Plate
1). In AD 1015, the stupas at Kanheri figured prominently in an illustrated Nepalese
manuscript (Cambridge, University Library, Add. 1643). The available studies neverthe-
less focus on either the architectural developments at the site (Dehejia 1972; Nagaraju
1981; Leese 1983) or the inscriptional evidence (Gokhale 1991). Archaeological exca-
vations were carried out at the site in the nineteenth century, first by Bird (1841) and then
by West (1856-61). Subsequent excavations were undertaken in 1969-70 (Indian-
Archaeology - a Review 1969-70: 21-2). Yet they have gone largely unnoticed.
The questions that need to be probed are : the position of Kanheri within the hierarchy of
the Buddhist monastic sites of the Deccan; and the reasons for its continued occupation in
contrast to the other centres in the region. These questions need to be answered within the
framework of the development of Buddhist thought in the subcontinent, though the data
cited are primarily archaeological.
Perhaps the first issue that should be taken up concerns the antiquity of the tradition of
pilgrimage in Buddhism and the nature of objects venerated or worshipped. A recurrent
theme in early Buddhist canonical literature is the need to provide ideological justification
 An early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western India 37
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Pillar capital
in Kanheri cave 3,
showing worship of
the stupa.

for several popular customs and observances prevalent among the monks and lay
devotees. One of the issues that continued to be debated was the acceptability of the
stupa-cult or worship of the stupa by the monastic order. Other issues involved were the
inclusion of an elaborate ritual for worship and the sanction of magical practices.
The origins of stupa worship are obscure and it is not quite certain whether it was
assimilated from an earlier tradition of veneration of a tumulus or it was a practice initiated
by Buddhism. It was nevertheless one of the fundamental institutions of early Buddhism
(Plate 2). The Nigalisagara pillar inscription of the Mauryan ruler Asoka, dated to the
second century BC, refers to a stupa in the Nepalese terai dedicated to the Buddha's
mythical predecessors and enlarged and embellished by Asoka (Sircar 1975:61). Amongst
the reliefs at Sanchi in central India are several representations of congregational and
ceremonial stupa-worship by lay devotees with music and floral offerings (Marshall and
Foucher 1940, vol.11: pis 12, 15, 26, 32, 33, 36, 41, 43, 45, 47, 48, 60, 62 and 63). As
evidenced by references in the Mahavastu, stupa worship had developed its own elaborate
 38 Himanshu Prabha Ray

ritual by the early centuries of the Christian era involving circumambulation, obeisance,
offerings of flowers, incense, cotton and silk clothes, placing of lights and striking up of
instrumental music (II: 362-4). Referring to the reign of Asoka, the Mahavamsa (p. 19)
mentions festivals associated with the worship of the stupa. To the lay worshipper, the
boons expected were not so much spiritual benefit as advancement in worldly life, riches
and prosperity (Mahavastu, II: 362-4).
Another far-reaching development in early Buddhism was the worship of relics. In the
beginning, the relics involved were corporeal relics of the Buddha himself. Gradually the
scope was enlarged and, by the beginning of the Christian era, not only the bone relics of
monks were included, but also precious objects such as gold, silver, pearls, crystal, lapis
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lazuli and so on. Descriptions provided by the Chinese monk Fa-Hien, who travelled
through India in the fifth century, indicate that festivals were regularly organized for the
worship of these relics and cult objects. For example, at Pataliputra he refers to a
procession of images celebrated every year on the eighth day of the second month. The
images were placed in a wooden chariot and monks and lay devotees 'from within the
borders' assembled to pay homage (Legge 1965:79). In addition to these annual festivals,
monasteries also regularly displayed the relics possessed by them such as, for example, the
alms-bowl of the Buddha (ibid.:35). The importance of the relics that a monastery
possessed determined the following that it commanded (Gunawardana 1979:227). On the
analogies of present practices in Thailand a regular feature is the distribution of charms
and medals by monasteries to lay worshippers as a protection against evil influences. This
practice would seem to have earlier antecedents. References in the Jatakas, for example,
mention the use of charmed sand and thread as a protection against demons (Vol. 1:39).
In the context of Kanheri, these changes and transformations are indicated by the
inscriptions either engraved in the caves themselves or on stone slabs and copper plates
which were recovered during excavations, as also by architectural developments. One of
the earliest caves at Kanheri is a flat-roofed rectangular caitya or hall of worship with a
stupa placed inside at the far end (Nagaraju 1981: pi. 93). During the first to the third
century AD, caves were excavated extensively over the hillside and the natural caverns or
hillocks which could be easily widened were used. One of the characteristic features of this
first phase of rock-cut excavation was the overwhelming use of wooden prototypes. Not
only were the caves modelled on the basis of earlier wooden constructions, but, wherever
necessary, wooden parts were incorporated and, even when stone was used, it was treated
as if it were wood (Leese 1983:80). There is a variety of excavated units at Kanheri and in
addition to the prerequisite of the vihara, or residence of monks, and caitya, or hall of
worship, the monastic establishment included separate cisterns for water (cave 5),
separate benches (cave 7), baths with steps leading down into them (in front of cave 75)
and what seems to be a toilet consisting of two chambers (cave 89).
Within the caves, the donative inscriptions were often placed on the side wall of the
courtyard. These provide a record of visitors to the site in the early centuries of the
Christian era. An issue that cannot be taken up for discussion here is the close interaction
between Buddhism and trading groups in the Early Historical period (Ray, forthcoming:
chap. V), it should nevertheless be reiterated that monastic establishments at this time
were located along trade routes and merchants and traders were the major category of
donors. Kanheri was the largest religious centre along the west coast located in the fertile
 An early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western India 39

basin of the Ulhas river. Thus its hinterland included the agrarian tracts of the region and
the inscriptions refer to several villages (Lueders 1912: no. 1000; Gokhale 1975:21-5), as
well as the urban centres in the neighbourhood.
Donees from port sites in the vicinity find frequent mention, for example those from
Sopara, Kalyan and Chaul (Burgess 1970: Kanheri inscriptions nos 12 and 20; Gokhale
1975:23), as also from sites further inland such as Nasik (Burgess 1970:74). The references
are mainly to gifts of land and money (Lueders 1912: nos 1000 and 1024; Gokhale
1975:21—5). The records from Kanheri are significant on account of the large numbers of
money donations as compared to other sites of the period (Ray 1986:62; also appendix
IV). There are no indications of the occasion when these donations were made.
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References in Buddhist literature indicate that the uposatha days of the month were
traditionally set apart for alms-giving and ritual. Cave no. 11 at Kanheri seems to have
been well suited for congregational purposes. It has ten cells on the three sides and two
rows of benches in the centre of the hall (Gokhale 1991:28). This fortnightly celebration
was held at the time of the new moon and the full moon. On these occasions, the monks
recited the rules of conduct, while the laity reaffirmed their vows through dana or gifts to
the Buddhist monks. The earliest lists included only four categories of objects suitable as
gifts: robe; food given as alms; place for rest; and medicine (Dighanikaya, 1.61;
Majjhimanikaya, 11.62; Vinaya Pitaka, III.89). By the time of the Cullaniddesa (523), i.e.
third century BC, however, the list had already expanded to include fourteen items, some
of the additions being clothing; vehicles; garlands; perfume; paste; dwellings; and material
for lighting lamps. A much debated matter within the Buddhist monastic order was the
acceptance of donations of land and money.
Unlike the other Buddhist settlements of the Deccan, most of which were abandoned
around the third-fourth centuries AD, Kanheri continued to be occupied. Nevertheless
there was a break in rock-cutting activity and new caves were added only in the fifth-sixth
centuries AD. Fa-Hien writes that in the south country was a five-storeyed monastery
'hewn out from a large hill of rock' where monks resided. 'The country about is [a tract of]
uncultivated hillocks, without inhabitants. At a very long distance from the hill there are
villages where the people all have bad and erroneous views.' On account of the
inaccessibility of the monastery, Fa-Hien was unable to visit the site and so narrated the
information that he gathered from other travellers (Legge 1965:96-8).
The same practice of engraving inscriptions on the side walls was continued in the
second phase of rock-cutting. As compared to the earlier phase, there are fewer donatory
inscriptions, patronage now being provided by the elite rather than by society at large. In
the fifth century, a resident of a village in the Sindhu country, located perhaps in modern
Pakistan, paid for the construction of a caitya at the site (Gokhale 1991:17). An inscription
in cave 11, dated AD 854, records a permanent endowment of one hundred drammas for
the construction of the meditation room and clothing for monks by a resident of Gauda,
identified with the region of Bengal (ibid. : 70).
In the second phase of rock-cutting, the concern was more for order and symmetry of
plan and the sculptural component was conceived as a part of the whole. In addition
Buddhist images were added to the walls of many first phase caves, e.g. caves 2,3,4,5,19
and so on. While most of the images were carved within panels, in cave 36 the images were
painted (Leese 1983:121). It should perhaps be mentioned here that worship of the
 40 Himanshu Prabha Ray

Buddha was first conceived in aniconic form and the symbols used most frequently were
the stupa, the Bodhi tree, etc. The image of the Buddha was certainly sculpted by the
beginning of the Christian era in the northern and north-western regions of the Indian
subcontinent, but in the caves of the Deccan it was the stupa that continued to be the object
of worship till the third-fourth centuries AD. Kanheri generally conforms to this norm,
though two small Buddha figures were carved in relatively unobtrusive positions on a pillar
in the caitya cave no. 3. Leese (1979:83-93) has convincingly argued that these belong to
the first phase of rock cutting at the site and stylistically they may be traced to portable
icons familiar in the north. The limited archaeological excavations at Kanheri, however,
have not provided any evidence of portable objects of worship.
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Another feature of the second phase at Kanheri was the erection of votive stupas of
brick. Votive stupas of stone had earlier been recorded at the Buddhist site of Bhaja in the
Deccan, those of brick being known mainly from Kanheri. The donation of small votive
stupas was a major component of the ritual of pilgrimage. These were either monolithic or
of brick, terracotta or metal. The stone and brick stupas often contained tablets or plates
inscribed with the Buddhist creed, images or protective magical charms.
In cave 87 on the south-western corner of the Kanheri hill, more than a hundred bases of
brick stupas were found in a rock shelter. Archaeological excavations by West (1861:118)
uncovered several sculptural elements from the cave and subsequent explorations by
Gokhale in the area led to the recovery of a large number of well-cut stone slabs, with the
names of Buddhist monks in whose memory the votive stupas had been donated (Gokhale
1991:111-36).
On the evidence of the earlier archaeological excavations by Bird (1841:94-7), it is
evident that these brick stupas were erected by pilgrims to Kanheri in memory of Buddhist
monks. On excavating the largest brick stupa in front of cave no. 3, Bird found a hollow in
the centre covered by a piece of gypsum. Placed in the hollow were two small copper urns,
in one of which were some ashes mixed with a ruby, a pearl, small pieces of gold and a small
box containing a piece of cloth; in the other a silver box and some ashes were found. Two
copper plates accompanied the urns. The smaller of the copper plates had an inscription,
the last part of which contained the Buddhist creed ye dhartna hetu prabhava. . . . The
larger copper plate recorded the erection of a caitya of dressed stones and brick by a
resident of the region of Sindhu, during the reign of the Traikutakas, for a venerable
Buddhist monk (Gokhale 1991:61).
The same creed is also inscribed beneath a stupa carved in relief in cave 3. The rock-cut
cave no. 3 dates to the second-third century AD, but the relief was added later in the fifth
century AD at the behest of the visitor to the site (ibid. : 56). From the vicinity of the caves,
a square stone slab with the Buddhist creed was found reused in a large Brahmanical
temple (West 1861:13). Two issues need to be resolved at this stage: one is the reason for
the continued importance of Kanheri as a major centre; and the second is the
archaeological data that supports its wide network. Kanheri rose to prominence around
the beginning of the Christian era, largely on account of its proximity to the ports of the
west coast, especially Kalyan and Sopara, and its importance for seafarers continued in the
later periods.
In-coming ships also provided a regular source of revenue for the emerging political
elite. Prominent among these were the Satavahanas in the Early Historical period and
 An early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western India 41

later the Traikutakas and the Silaharas. The Traikutakas established themselves along the
Konkan coast in the fifth century AD and continued to rule for more than a century. Chaul
was a major port at this time and a sixth-century inscription from Kanheri refers to a rich
merchant from Chaul 'whose fame has bathed in the three seas' (Dikshit 1942:429). The
Silaharas ruled somewhat later, from the eighth to the twelfth centuries, with Thana near
modern Bombay as their capital. Chaul and Sopara continued as major ports and revenue
in the form of duty collected from incoming ships formed a significant source of income.
Inscriptional evidence shows that there was a difference between the duties levied on ships
from 'foreign lands' as opposed to those from neighbouring regions (Paranjape 1989:87).
It is interesting to see how these fluctuations in the maritime networks are reflected in
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the donations available for rock-cutting activity at Kanheri. Excavation of caityas and
viharas at Kanheri was interrupted in the third century AD, but began again in the
fifth-sixth centuries and some further additions were made in the ninth century. The site
continued to retain its position as late as the eleventh century (Leese 1983:2).
At this point it is necessary to highlight the Buddhist approach to seafaring which was
unlike that of its contemporary religions. Brahmanical texts like the Dharmasutra forbade
travel by sea, while the Manusmrti (III. 158) takes a less rigid stand. It is, however, in
Buddhism that the notion of a protector who could be called upon in distress, either by
seafarers or by merchants travelling in caravans, developed into the concept of a
Bodhisattva. The cult was already prevalent at the time that Fa-Hien came to India,
though standing and seated images of the Boddhisattva Avalokiteswara from Mathura are
dated to an earlier period (Mitterwallner 1986:115-24). At Kanheri, the Avalokiteswara
image is prominently carved in three caves (nos 2, 41 and 90), the most elaborate
representation being found in cave 90 (Plate 3). Here the Bodhisattva is depicted with his
consorts and the eight dangers, including ship-wreck, are carved around the figure.
The central position of Kanheri in the transoceanic, as also the long-distance overland,
network is evident, but were these channels also used by pilgrims visiting the site and what
is the nature of the archaeological evidence that supports this premise? Archaeological
excavations at Kanheri have yielded the shoulder of a fine red-ware pot with the inscription
'ArhadissalAnhadissa ghata1, i.e. the pitcher of Arhata or Anhada (Rao 1971:45).
Inscribed sherds with legends in the Brahmi script, generally on bowls or pitchers, have
been found at several monastic sites in the Deccan dated between the third-second
centuries BC and the eighth century AD (Ray 1987:8). Kasrawad on the river Narmada in
central India is one of the earliest monastic sites to yield inscribed sherds and also the most
productive. That several of the names inscribed on pots were of pilgrims is corroborated by
their mention in the inscriptions of the second-century BC Buddhist stupa at Bharhut in
central India (Diskalkar 1949:6). Some indication of the contents of the pots is provided
by a sherd which reads 'for lamps in the vihara built by Nigata' (ibid. : 8). Thus at least some
of the pitchers would have contained oil for lighting lamps at the monastery. On the
analogies from Salihundam, a monastic site on the Andhra coast, other inscribed sherds
belonged either to bowls or to dishes. The bowl was a venerated item owing to the sanctity
ascribed to the worship of the Buddha's bowl ; and the dish or platter was perhaps used for
offerings of items like incense, garlands, etc., used in Buddhist ritual.
The excavations at Kanheri may not have been very productive as far as inscribed sherds
are concerned, but they have yielded large numbers of sealings in various stages of baking.
 42 Himanshu Prabha Ray
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Plate3 Litany of Avalokiteswara in Kanheri cave 90; in the bottom right-hand corner, seafarers are
depicted praying to the Avalokiteswara.

These oval sealings depict the figure of the Buddha in the centre, seated on a low stool, and
in the upper register is shown the temple at Bodh Gaya, well known as the place of the
Buddha's enlightenment. In the lower half of the sealings are three lines in the
eighth/ninth-century script enshrining part of the Buddhist creed ye dharma hetu
prabhava . . . (Tathagata, i.e. the Buddha has revealed the cause of those phenomena
which spring from a cause and also the means of its cessation. So says the Great Monk).
Similar sealings were found in the excavations at the contemporary Buddhist monastic site
of Nalanda in eastern India (Rao 1971:46; West 1861:13). These unbaked clay sealings
were an integral part of the Buddhist ritual of pilgrimage in the eighth-ninth centuries AD
and have been found extensively at the Buddhist monastic sites of north and east India.
Thus the pilgrims to the site over the centuries have left a prolific record of their piety
and devotion. Many of these were from centres in the Deccan, as also from elsewhere in
the subcontinent. There is, however, no evidence of pilgrims from across the Bay of
Bengal, in spite of the fact that Kanheri was located in the vicinity of the major ports of the
Konkan. Indeed, the debate on the 'Indianization' of Southeast Asia has been bogged
down by the two issues: Van Leur's (1967) argument that most traders who travelled
between South and Southeast Asia were peddlers and the most unlikely agents for the
 An early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western India 43

transmission of the cultural baggage; and the subsequent corollary to this that it was at the
initiative of local rulers that the brahmanas were invited to the courts and initiated the
adaptation of brahmanical ritual by the local elite. In this debate no attention has been
paid to the role of Buddhism or to that of the monks and nuns.
Through what channels did Buddhism spread, and by whom? The Buddha from the
outset conceived the Sangha as a missionary organization and monks and nuns were
exhorted to go out and preach - no two going the same way nor being allowed to turn down
any invitation to preach (Vinaya, 1.21). Indeed, while monks were not normally allowed to
travel during the rainy season, an exception is made for the monk who is with a caravan or
on a ship (Vinaya, 1.52).
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At the present stage of research, there is very little information on the religious beliefs of
early Southeast Asian communities or the nature of transformation and change after the
introduction of Buddhism. It is nevertheless evident that there was a shift in the nature of
settlement in mainland Southeast Asia in the early centuries of the Christian era. There
was an increase in the number of sites and one or two major centres emerged in the
settlement hierarchy. The new centres of power were located in the fertile river basins of
mainland Southeast Asia such as the Irrawaddy, Chao Phraya and Mekong valleys. These
are also associated with the early political elite and surface finds indicate the presence of
statuary and religious monuments increasingly adopting the use of brick.
A number of wooden images of the Buddha dug out from places in the Mekong delta
have been radiocarbon dated between the second and seventh centuries AD (Smith and
Watson 1979:259). U Thong and Nakorn Pathom have yielded large quantities of gold
jewellery similar to that from Taxila and Oc Eo together with votive and Buddhist images
embossed on heavy gold foil (Lyons 1979:355). The problem is that, as the bulk of the
jewellery is in private collections and of dubious provenance, documentation and study
becomes difficult.
Similarly, very little attention has been paid to the large numbers of unbaked clay
sealings of Buddhist affiliation in the museum collections of centres in mainland Southeast
Asia or the clay stupas found at Buddhist sites. The numbers involved from eighth/ninth-
century Buddhist sites in Indonesia alone indicate the dimensions of the database that has
been untapped so far:
Hundreds of these [tiny clay stupas] were found in 1924 at Pejeng on the island of Bali
and in 1935 at Jongke in Java 7 km north of Jogjakarta while two have been reported
from the neighbourhood of Palembang in Sumatra and over 1,200 were discovered
during the restoration activities at Barabadur in 1974.
(Lohuizen-de-Leeuw 1980:278)
Bronze moulds for making these have also been recovered during archaeological
excavations.
Somewhat different is the nature of evidence available from peninsular Southeast Asia.
Several inscribed stone and clay tablets have been reported from Kedah in Malaysia, but
detailed accounts of these are lacking (Allen 1986-7:50). A stone inscription from Bukit
Choras in Malaysia has the Buddhist creed ye dharma hetu prabhava inscribed on its three
faces (Shuhaimi and Yatim 1990:63), while from Sungai Mas comes a clay sealing with a
seated Buddha figure (ibid.: 54). Found in the vicinity are three inscriptions engraved on
 44 Himanshu Prabha Ray

local stone identified as shale. These have been dated to the fifth century AD and depict a
stupa carved in relief together with the Buddhist creed. The Bukit Meriam tablet contains
both the ye dharma and karma verses, whereas the Buddhagupta and the Kampung Sungai
Mas tablets have only the karma verse. The Buddhagupta record contains additional
information and states that it was set up by the mariner Buddhagupta from Raktamrttika,
or lower Bengal, on the successful completion of his sea voyage (Allen 1986-7: tables 1-6).
It is nevertheless significant that the shape of the stupa depicted on the three tablets shows
close similarities with that from cave 3 at Kanheri, but the contacts need to be probed
further.
The data is certainly indicative of the adoption of the Buddhist ritual of pilgrimage by
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centres in Southeast Asia. It is also likely that, as one of the major monastic centres on the
west coast, Kanheri would have been the destination of much of this pilgrim traffic by sea.
Conclusive evidence is nevertheless lacking. It is hoped that once the varied dimensions of
Buddhism and its interaction with society are accepted as research strategies in South and
Southeast Asian studies, it would be possible to study the cultural borrowings between
Kanheri and sites in the region.

Acknowledgement

The photographs for Plates 1-3 were provided by courtesy of the American Institute of
Indian Studies, Varanasi, with whose kind permission they are reproduced here.
16.ix.93 Centre for Historical Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi

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Abstract

Ray, H. P.
Kanheri: the archaeology of an early Buddhist pilgrimage centre in western
India
The Buddhist site of Kanheri on the west coast of India continued to receive patronage from the first
to the tenth centuries AD. This was in the form of money and land donations in the early centuries of
the Christian era, whereas, in the early medieval period, the pilgrims built votive stupas of brick.
 46 Himanshu Prabha Ray

Enshrined within these stupas were relic caskets and copper plates or stone tablets bearing the
Buddhist creed. Many of these stone tablets have been found at early centres in Southeast Asia,
together with sealings of unbaked clay and small votive stupas, and no doubt provide archaeological
evidence of the pilgrim traffic by sea between South and Southeast Asia.
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